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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Dante. An essay., by R. W. Church
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Dante. An essay.
+       To which is added a translation of De Monarchia.
+
+Author: R. W. Church
+
+Translator: F. J. Church
+
+Release Date: October 30, 2010 [EBook #33896]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DANTE. AN ESSAY. ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Emanuela Piasentini, Linda Cantoni, and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+(This file was produced from images generously made
+available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries at
+http://www.archive.org/details/danteessaytowhic00chur.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+[Transcriber's Note: Spelling and punctuation have been retained as
+they appear in the original, but obvious printer errors have been
+corrected without note. Printer errors in Italian passages from _The
+Divine Comedy_ have been corrected using the Italian-English Princeton
+University Press edition (trans. Charles S. Singleton, 1973).
+
+A Table of Contents has been added for the reader's convenience. The
+original contains a separate Contents of De Monarchia at the end of De
+Monarchia.]
+
+
+
+
+DANTE
+
+AND
+
+DE MONARCHIA.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+
+
+
+DANTE.
+
+_An Essay._
+
+
+BY
+
+R. W. CHURCH, M.A., D.C.L.
+
+DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S, AND HONORARY FELLOW OF ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD.
+
+
+_To which is added_
+
+A TRANSLATION OF
+
+DE MONARCHIA.
+
+
+BY F. J. CHURCH.
+
+
+_London:_
+MACMILLAN AND CO.
+1879.
+
+
+CHARLES DICKENS AND EVANS,
+CRYSTAL PALACE PRESS.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+NOTICE
+DANTE
+DE MONARCHIA
+CONTENTS OF DE MONARCHIA
+PUBLISHER'S CATALOGUE
+
+
+
+
+NOTICE.
+
+
+The following Essay first appeared in the "Christian Remembrancer" of
+January, 1850, and it was reprinted in a volume of "Essays and
+Reviews," published in 1854.
+
+It was written before the appearance in Germany and England of the
+abundant recent literature on the subject. With the exception of a few
+trifling corrections, it is republished without change.
+
+By the desire of Mr. Macmillan, a translation of the _De Monarchia_ is
+subjoined. I am indebted for it to my son, Mr. F.J. Church, late
+Scholar of New College. It is made from the text of Witte's second
+edition of the _De Monarchia_, 1874. The _De Monarchia_ has been more
+than once translated into Italian and German, in earlier or later
+times. But I do not know that any English translation has yet
+appeared. It is analysed in the fifteenth chapter of Mr. Bryce's "Holy
+Roman Empire."
+
+Witte, with much probability, I think, places the composition of the
+work in the first part of Dante's life, before his exile in 1301,
+while the pretensions and arguments of Boniface VIII. (1294-1303) were
+being discussed by Guelf and Ghibelline partisans, but before they
+were formally embodied in the famous Bull _Unam Sanctam_, 1302. The
+character of the composition, for the most part, formal, general, and
+scholastic, sanguine in tone and with little personal allusion, is in
+strong contrast with the passionate and despairing language of
+resentment and disappointment which marks his later writings. As an
+example of the political speculation of the time, it should be
+compared with the "_De Regimine Principum_," ascribed to Thomas
+Aquinas. The whole subject of the mediæval idea of the Empire is
+admirably discussed in Mr. Bryce's book referred to above.
+
+R.W.C.
+
+ST. PAUL'S,
+  _November_, 1878.
+
+
+
+
+DANTE.[1]
+
+[JAN. 1850.]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Dante's Divine Comedy, the Inferno; a literal Prose
+Translation, with the Text of the Original._ By J.A. CARLYLE, M.D.,
+London: 1849. I have never quite forgiven myself for not having said
+more of the unpretending but honest and most useful volume which stood
+at the head of this essay when it first appeared as an article. It was
+placed there, according to what was then a custom of article writers,
+as a peg to hang remarks upon which might or might not be criticisms
+of the particular book so noticed. It did not offer itself specially
+to my use, and my attention was busy with my own work. But this was no
+excuse for availing myself of a good book, and not giving it the
+notice which it deserved. To an English student beginning Dante, and
+wishing to study him in a scholarly manner, it is really more useful
+than a verse translation can be; and I have always greatly regretted
+that the plan of translating the whole work was dropped for want of
+the appreciation which the first instalment ought to have had.
+(1878.)]
+
+
+The _Divina Commedia_ is one of the landmarks of history. More than a
+magnificent poem, more than the beginning of a language and the
+opening of a national literature, more than the inspirer of art, and
+the glory of a great people, it is one of those rare and solemn
+monuments of the mind's power, which measure and test what it can
+reach to, which rise up ineffaceably and for ever as time goes on,
+marking out its advance by grander divisions than its centuries, and
+adopted as epochs by the consent of all who come after. It stands with
+the _Iliad_ and Shakspere's Plays, with the writings of Aristotle and
+Plato, with the _Novum Organon_ and the _Principia_, with Justinian's
+_Code_, with the Parthenon and S. Peter's. It is the first Christian
+poem; and it opens European literature, as the _Iliad_ did that of
+Greece and Rome. And, like the _Iliad_, it has never become out of
+date; it accompanies in undiminished freshness the literature which it
+began.
+
+We approach the history of such works, in which genius seems to have
+pushed its achievements to a new limit, with a kind of awe. The
+beginnings of all things, their bursting out from nothing, and gradual
+evolution into substance and shape, cast on the mind a solemn
+influence. They come too near the fount of being to be followed up
+without our feeling the shadows which surround it. We cannot but fear,
+cannot but feel ourselves cut off from this visible and familiar
+world--as we enter into the cloud. And as with the processes of
+nature, so it is with those offsprings of man's mind, by which he has
+added permanently one more great feature to the world, and created a
+new power which is to act on mankind to the end. The mystery of the
+inventive and creative faculty, the subtle and incalculable
+combinations by which it was led to its work, and carried through it,
+are out of the reach of investigating thought. Often the idea recurs
+of the precariousness of the result; by how little the world might
+have lost one of its ornaments--by one sharp pang, or one chance
+meeting, or any other among the countless accidents among which man
+runs his course. And then the solemn recollection supervenes, that
+powers were formed, and life preserved, and circumstances arranged,
+and actions controlled, that thus it should be: and the work which man
+has brooded over, and at last created, is the foster-child too of that
+"Wisdom which reaches from end to end, strongly and sweetly disposing
+all things."
+
+It does not abate these feelings, that we can follow in some cases and
+to a certain extent, the progress of a work. Indeed, the sight of the
+particular accidents among which it was developed--which belong
+perhaps to a heterogeneous and widely discordant order of things,
+which are out of proportion and out of harmony with it, which do not
+explain it, which have, as it may seem to us, no natural right to be
+connected with it, to bear on its character, or contribute to its
+accomplishment, to which we feel, as it were, ashamed to owe what we
+can least spare, yet on which its forming mind and purpose were
+dependent, and with which they had to conspire--affects the
+imagination even more than cases where we see nothing. We are tempted
+less to musing and wonder by the _Iliad_, a work without a history,
+cut off from its past, the sole relic and vestige of its age,
+unexplained in its origin and perfection, than by the _Divina
+Commedia_, destined for the highest ends and most universal sympathy,
+yet the reflection of a personal history, and issuing seemingly from
+its chance incidents.
+
+The _Divina Commedia_ is singular among the great works with which it
+ranks, for its strong stamp of personal character and history. In
+general we associate little more than the name--not the life--of a
+great poet with his works; personal interest belongs more usually to
+greatness in its active than its creative forms. But the whole idea
+and purpose of the _Commedia_, as well as its filling up and
+colouring, are determined by Dante's peculiar history. The loftiest,
+perhaps, in its aim and flight of all poems, it is also the most
+individual; the writer's own life is chronicled in it, as well as the
+issues and upshot of all things. It is at once the mirror to all time
+of the sins and perfections of men, of the judgments and grace of God,
+and the record, often the only one, of the transient names, and local
+factions, and obscure ambitions, and forgotten crimes, of the poet's
+own day; and in that awful company to which he leads us, in the most
+unearthly of his scenes, we never lose sight of himself. And when this
+peculiarity sends us to history, it seems as if the poem which was to
+hold such a place in Christian literature hung upon and grew out of
+chance events, rather than the deliberate design of its author.
+History indeed here, as generally, is but a feeble exponent of the
+course of growth in a great mind and great ideas. It shows us early a
+bent and purpose--the man conscious of power and intending to use
+it--and then the accidents among which he worked: but how that current
+of purpose threaded its way among them, how it was thrown back,
+deflected, deepened, by them, we cannot learn from history. It
+presents but a broken and mysterious picture. A boy of quick and
+enthusiastic temper grows up into youth in a dream of love. The lady
+of his mystic passion dies early. He dreams of her still, not as a
+wonder of earth, but as a Saint in Paradise, and relieves his heart in
+an autobiography, a strange and perplexing work of fiction--quaint and
+subtle enough for a metaphysical conceit; but, on the other hand, with
+far too much of genuine and deep feeling. It is a first essay; he
+closes it abruptly as if dissatisfied with his work, but with the
+resolution of raising at a future day a worthy monument to the memory
+of her whom he has lost. It is the promise and purpose of a great
+work. But a prosaic change seems to come over this half-ideal
+character. The lover becomes the student--the student of the 13th
+century--struggling painfully against difficulties, eager and hot
+after knowledge, wasting eyesight and stinting sleep, subtle,
+inquisitive, active-minded and sanguine, but omnivorous, overflowing
+with dialectical forms, loose in premiss and ostentatiously rigid in
+syllogism, fettered by the refinements of half-awakened taste, and the
+mannerisms of the Provençals. Boethius and Cicero, and the mass of
+mixed learning within his reach, are accepted as the consolation of
+his human griefs: he is filled with the passion of universal
+knowledge, and the desire to communicate it. Philosophy has become the
+lady of his soul--to write allegorical poems in her honour, and to
+comment on them with all the apparatus of his learning in prose, his
+mode of celebrating her. Further, he marries; it is said, not happily.
+The antiquaries, too, have disturbed romance by discovering that
+Beatrice also was married some years before her death. He appears, as
+time goes on, as a burgher of Florence, the father of a family, a
+politician, an envoy, a magistrate, a partisan, taking his full share
+in the quarrels of the day. At length we see him, at once an exile,
+and the poet of the _Commedia_. Beatrice reappears--shadowy, melting
+at times into symbol and figure--but far too living and real,
+addressed with too intense and natural feeling to be the mere
+personification of anything. The lady of the philosophical Canzoni
+has vanished. The student's dream has been broken, as the boy's had
+been; and the earnestness of the man, enlightened by sorrow,
+overleaping the student's formalities and abstractions, reverted in
+sympathy to the earnestness of the boy, and brooded once more on that
+Saint in Paradise, whose presence and memory had once been so
+soothing, and who now seemed a real link between him and that stable
+country, "where the angels are in peace." Round her image, the
+reflection of purity, and truth, and forbearing love, was grouped that
+confused scene of trouble and effort, of failure and success, which
+the poet saw round him; round her image it arranged itself in awful
+order--and that image, not a metaphysical abstraction, but the living
+memory, freshened by sorrow, and seen through the softening and
+hallowing vista of years, of Beatrice Portinari--no figment of
+imagination, but God's creature and servant. A childish love,
+dissipated by study and business, and revived in memory by heavy
+sorrow--a boyish resolution, made in a moment of feeling, interrupted,
+though it would be hazardous to say in Dante's case, laid aside, for
+apparently more manly studies, gave the idea and suggested the form of
+the "Sacred poem of earth and heaven."
+
+And the occasion of this startling unfolding of the poetic gift, of
+this passage of a soft and dreamy boy, into the keenest, boldest,
+sternest of poets, the free and mighty leader of European song, was,
+what is not ordinarily held to be a source of poetical inspiration,--the
+political life. The boy had sensibility, high aspirations, and a
+versatile and passionate nature; the student added to this energy,
+various learning, gifts of language, and noble ideas on the capacities
+and ends of man. But it was the factions of Florence which made Dante
+a great poet. But for them, he might have been a modern critic and
+essayist born before his time, and have held a high place among the
+writers of fugitive verses; in Italy, a graceful but trifling and idle
+tribe, often casting a deep and beautiful thought into a mould of
+expressive diction, but oftener toying with a foolish and glittering
+conceit, and whose languid genius was exhausted by a sonnet. He might
+have thrown into the shade the Guidos and Cinos of his day, to be
+eclipsed by Petrarch. But he learned in the bitter feuds of Italy not
+to trifle; they opened to his view, and he had an eye to see, the true
+springs and abysses of this mortal life--motives and passions stronger
+than lovers' sentiments, evils beyond the consolations of Boethius and
+Cicero; and from that fiery trial which without searing his heart,
+annealed his strength and purpose, he drew that great gift and power,
+by which he stands pre-eminent even among his high compeers, the gift
+of being real. And the idea of the _Commedia_ took shape, and expanded
+into its endless forms of terror and beauty, not under the roof-tree
+of the literary citizen, but when the exile had been driven out to the
+highways of the world, to study nature on the sea or by the river or
+on the mountain track, and to study men in the courts of Verona and
+Ravenna, and in the schools of Bologna and Paris--perhaps of Oxford.
+
+The connexion of these feuds with Dante's poem has given to the middle
+age history of Italy an interest of which it is not undeserving in
+itself, full as it is of curious exhibitions of character and
+contrivance, but to which politically it cannot lay claim, amid the
+social phenomena, so far grander in scale and purpose and more
+felicitous in issue, of the other western nations. It is remarkable
+for keeping up an antique phase, which, in spite of modern
+arrangements, it has not yet lost. It is a history of cities. In
+ancient history all that is most memorable and instructive gathers
+round cities; civilisation and empire were concentrated within walls;
+and it baffled the ancient mind to conceive how power should be
+possessed and wielded, by numbers larger than might be collected in a
+single market-place. The Roman Empire indeed aimed at being one in its
+administration and law; but it was not a nation, nor were its
+provinces nations. Yet everywhere but in Italy, it prepared them for
+becoming nations. And while everywhere else parts were uniting and
+union was becoming organisation--and neither geographical remoteness,
+nor unwieldiness of numbers, nor local interests and differences, were
+untractable obstacles to that spirit of fusion which was at once the
+ambition of the few and the instinct of the many; and cities, even
+where most powerful, had become the centres of the attracting and
+joining forces, knots in the political network--while this was going
+on more or less happily throughout the rest of Europe, in Italy the
+ancient classic idea lingered in its simplicity, its narrowness and
+jealousy, wherever there was any political activity. The history of
+Southern Italy indeed is mainly a foreign one, the history of modern
+Rome merges in that of the Papacy; but Northern Italy has a history of
+its own, and that is a history of separate and independent
+cities--points of reciprocal and indestructible repulsion, and within,
+theatres of action where the blind tendencies and traditions of
+classes and parties weighed little on the freedom of individual
+character, and citizens could watch and measure and study one another
+with the minuteness of private life.
+
+Two cities were the centres of ancient history in its most interesting
+time. And two cities of modern Italy represent, with entirely
+undesigned but curiously exact coincidence, the parts of Athens and
+Rome. Venice, superficially so unlike, is yet in many of its
+accidental features, and still more in its spirit, the counterpart of
+Rome, in its obscure and mixed origin, in its steady growth, in its
+quick sense of order and early settlement of its polity, in its grand
+and serious public spirit, in its subordination of the individual to
+the family, and the family to the state, in its combination of remote
+dominion with the liberty of a solitary and sovereign city. And though
+the associations and the scale of the two were so different--though
+Rome had its hills and its legions, and Venice its lagunes and
+galleys--the long empire of Venice, the heir of Carthage and
+predecessor of England on the seas, the great aristocratic republic of
+1000 years, is the only empire that has yet matched Rome in length and
+steadiness of tenure. Brennus and Hannibal were not resisted with
+greater constancy than Doria and Louis XII.; and that great
+aristocracy, long so proud, so high-spirited, so intelligent, so
+practical, who combined the enterprise and wealth of merchants, the
+self-devotion of soldiers and gravity of senators, with the uniformity
+and obedience of a religious order, may compare without shame its
+Giustiniani, and Zenos, and Morosini, with Roman Fabii and Claudii.
+And Rome could not be more contrasted with Athens than Venice with
+Italian and contemporary Florence--stability with fitfulness,
+independence impregnable and secure, with a short-lived and troubled
+liberty, empire meditated and achieved, with a course of barren
+intrigues and quarrels. Florence, gay, capricious, turbulent, the city
+of party, the head and busy patroness of democracy in the cities round
+her--Florence, where popular government was inaugurated with its
+utmost exclusiveness and most pompous ceremonial; waging her little
+summer wars against Ghibelline tyrants, revolted democracies, and her
+own exiles; and further, so rich in intellectual gifts, in variety of
+individual character, in poets, artists, wits, historians--Florence in
+its brilliant days recalled the image of ancient Athens, and did not
+depart from its prototype in the beauty of its natural site, in its
+noble public buildings, in the size and nature of its territory. And
+the course of its history is similar and the result of similar
+causes--a traditional spirit of freedom, with its accesses of fitful
+energy, its periods of grand display and moments of glorious
+achievement, but producing nothing politically great or durable, and
+sinking at length into a resigned servitude. It had its Peisistratidæ
+more successful than those of Athens; it had, too, its Harmodius and
+Aristogeiton; it had its great orator of liberty, as potent and as
+unfortunate as the antagonist of Philip. And finally, like Athens, it
+became content with the remembrance of its former glory, with being
+the fashionable and acknowledged seat of refinement and taste, with
+being a favoured dependency on the modern heir of the Cæsars. But if
+to Venice belongs a grander public history, Florentine names and
+works, like Athenian, will be living among men, when the Brenta shall
+have been left unchecked to turn the Lagunes into ploughland, and when
+Rome herself may no longer be the seat of the Popes.
+
+The year of Dante's birth was a memorable one in the annals of
+Florence, of Italy, and of Christendom.[2] The year 1265 was the year
+of that great victory of Benevento, where Charles of Anjou overthrew
+Manfred of Naples, and destroyed at one blow the power of the house of
+Swabia. From that time till the time of Charles V., the emperors had
+no footing in Italy. Further, that victory set up the French influence
+in Italy, which, transient in itself, produced such strange and
+momentous consequences, by the intimate connexion to which it led
+between the French kings and the Popes. The protection of France was
+dearly bought by the captivity of Avignon, the great western schism,
+and the consequent secularisation of the Papacy, which lasted on
+uninterrupted till the Council of Trent. Nearly three centuries of
+degradation and scandal, unrelieved by one heroic effort among the
+successors of Gregory VII., connected the Reformation with the triumph
+of Charles and the Pope at Benevento. Finally, by it the Guelf party
+was restored for good in Florence; the Guelf democracy, which had been
+trampled down by the Uberti and Manfred's chivalry at Monteaperti,
+once more raised its head; and fortune, which had long wavered between
+the rival lilies, finally turned against the white one, till the name
+of Ghibelline became a proscribed one in Florence, as Jacobite was
+once in Scotland, or Papist in England, or Royalist in France.
+
+[Footnote 2: May, 1265. (Pelli.) Benevento: Feb. 26, 1265/6. The
+Florentine year began March 25.]
+
+The names of Guelf and Ghibelline were the inheritance of a contest
+which, in its original meaning, had been long over. The old struggle
+between the priesthood and the empire was still kept up traditionally,
+but its ideas and interests were changed: they were still great and
+important ones, but not those of Gregory VII. It had passed over from
+the mixed region of the spiritual and temporal into the purely
+political. The cause of the popes was that of the independence of
+Italy--the freedom and alliance of the great cities of the north, and
+the dependence of the centre and south on the Roman See. To keep the
+Emperor out of Italy--to create a barrier of powerful cities against
+him south of the Alps--to form behind themselves a compact territory,
+rich, removed from the first burst of invasion, and maintaining a
+strong body of interested feudatories, had now become the great object
+of the popes. It may have been a wise policy on their part, for the
+maintenance of their spiritual influence, to attempt to connect their
+own independence with the political freedom of the Italian
+communities; but certain it is that the ideas and the characters which
+gave a religious interest and grandeur to the earlier part of the
+contest, appear but sparingly, if at all, in its later forms.
+
+The two parties did not care to keep in view principles which their
+chiefs had lost sight of. The Emperor and the Pope were both real
+powers, able to protect and assist; and they divided between them
+those who required protection and assistance. Geographical position,
+the rivalry of neighbourhood, family tradition, private feuds, and
+above all private interest, were the main causes which assigned
+cities, families, and individuals to the Ghibelline or Guelf party.
+One party called themselves the Emperor's liegemen, and their
+watchword was authority and law; the other side were the liegemen of
+Holy Church, and their cry was liberty; and the distinction as a broad
+one is true. But a democracy would become Ghibelline, without scruple,
+if its neighbour town was Guelf; and among the Guelf liegemen of the
+Church and liberty the pride of blood and love of power were not a
+whit inferior to that of their opponents. Yet, though the original
+principle of the contest was lost, and the political distinctions of
+parties were often interfered with by interest or accident, it is not
+impossible to trace in the two factions differences of temper, of
+moral and political inclinations, which though visible only on a large
+scale and in the mass, were quite sufficient to give meaning and
+reality to their mutual opposition. These differences had come down,
+greatly altered of course, from the quarrel in which the parties took
+their rise. The Ghibellines as a body reflected the worldliness, the
+licence, the irreligion, the reckless selfishness, the daring
+insolence, and at the same time the gaiety and pomp, the princely
+magnificence and generosity and largeness of mind of the house of
+Swabia; they were the men of the court and camp, imperious and haughty
+from ancient lineage or the Imperial cause, yet not wanting in the
+frankness and courtesy of nobility; careless of public opinion and
+public rights, but not dead to the grandeur of public objects and
+public services. Among them were found, or to them inclined, all who,
+whether from a base or a lofty ambition, desired to place their will
+above law[3]--the lord of the feudal castle, the robber-knight of the
+Apennine pass, the magnificent but terrible tyrants of the cities, the
+pride and shame of Italy, the Visconti and Scaligers. That renowned
+Ghibelline chief, whom the poet finds in the fiery sepulchres of the
+unbelievers with the great Ghibelline emperor and the princely
+Ghibelline cardinal--the disdainful and bitter but lofty spirit of
+Farinata degli Uberti, the conqueror, and then singly and at his own
+risk, the saviour of his country which had wronged him, represents the
+good as well as the bad side of his party.
+
+[Footnote 3: "Maghinardo da Susinana (_il Demonio_, Purg. 14) fu uno
+grande e savio tiranno ... gran castellano, e con molti fedeli: savio
+fu di guerra e bene avventuroso in più battaglie, e al suo tempo fece
+gran cose. Ghibellino era di sua nazione e in sue opere; ma co'
+Fiorentini era Guelfo e nimico di tutti i loro nimici, o Guelfi o
+Ghibellini che fossono."--G. Vill. vii. 149. A Ghibelline by birth and
+disposition; yet, from circumstances, a close ally of the Guelfs of
+Florence.]
+
+The Guelfs, on the other hand, were the party of the middle classes;
+they rose out of and held to the people; they were strong by their
+compactness, their organisation in cities, their commercial relations
+and interests, their command of money. Further, they were professedly
+the party of strictness and religion, a profession which fettered them
+as little as their opponents were fettered by the respect they claimed
+for imperial law. But though by personal unscrupulousness and
+selfishness, and in instances of public vengeance, they sinned as
+deeply as the Ghibellines, they stood far more committed as a party to
+a public meaning and purpose--to improvement in law and the condition
+of the poor, to a protest against the insolence of the strong, to the
+encouragement of industry. The genuine Guelf spirit was austere,
+frugal, independent, earnest, religious, fond of its home and Church,
+and of those celebrations which bound together Church and home; but
+withal very proud, very intolerant; in its higher form intolerant of
+evil, but intolerant always to whatever displeased it. Yet there was a
+grave and noble manliness about it which long kept it alive in
+Florence. It had not as yet turned itself against the practical
+corruptions of the Church, which was its ally; but this also it was to
+do, when the popes had forsaken the cause of liberty, and leagued
+themselves with the brilliant tyranny of the Medici. Then Savonarola
+invoked, and not in vain, the stern old Guelf spirit of resistance, of
+domestic purity and severity, and of domestic religion, against
+unbelief and licentiousness even in the Church; and the Guelf
+"_Piagnoni_" presented, in a more simple and generous shape, a
+resemblance to our own Puritans, as the Ghibellines often recall the
+coarser and worse features of our own Cavaliers.
+
+In Florence, these distinctions had become mere nominal ones, confined
+to the great families who carried on their private feuds under the old
+party names, when Frederick II. once more gave them their meaning.
+"Although the accursed Guelf and Ghibelline factions lasted amongst
+the nobles of Florence, and they often waged war among themselves out
+of private grudges, and took sides for the said factions, and held one
+with another, and those who called themselves Guelfs desired the
+establishment of the Pope and Holy Church, and those who called
+themselves Ghibellines favoured the Emperor and his adherents, yet
+withal the people and commonalty of Florence maintained itself in
+unity, to the well-being and honour and establishment of the
+commonwealth."[4] But the appearance on the scene of an emperor of
+such talent and bold designs revived the languid contest, and gave to
+party a cause, and to individual passions and ambition an impulse and
+pretext. The division between Guelf and Ghibelline again became
+serious, involved all Florence, armed house against house, and
+neighbourhood against neighbourhood, issued in merciless and
+vindictive warfare, grew on into a hopeless and deadly breach, and
+finally lost to Florence, without remedy or repair, half her noble
+houses and the love of the greatest of her sons. The old badge of
+their common country became to the two factions the sign of their
+implacable hatred; the white lily of Florence, borne by the
+Ghibellines, was turned to red by the Guelfs, and the flower of two
+colours marked a civil strife as cruel and as fatal, if on a smaller
+scale, as that of the English roses.[5]
+
+[Footnote 4: G. Villani, vi. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 5: G. Villani, vi. 33, 43; _Parad._ 19.]
+
+It was waged with the peculiar characteristics of Italian civil war.
+There the city itself was the scene of battle. A thirteenth century
+city in Italy bore on its face the evidence that it was built and
+arranged for such emergencies. Its crowded and narrow streets were a
+collection of rival castles, whose tall towers, rising thick and close
+over its roofs, or hanging perilously over its close courts, attested
+the emulous pride and the insecurity of Italian civic life. There,
+within a separate precinct, flanked and faced by jealous friends or
+deadly enemies, were clustered together the dwellings of the various
+members of each great house--their common home and the monument of
+their magnificence and pride, and capable of being, as was so often
+necessary, their common refuge. In these fortresses of the leading
+families, scattered about the city, were the various points of onset
+and recovery in civic battle; in the streets barricades were raised,
+mangonels and crossbows were plied from the towers, a series of
+separate combats raged through the city, till chance at length
+connected the attacks of one side, or some panic paralysed the
+resistance of the other, or a conflagration interposed itself between
+the combatants, burning out at once Guelf and Ghibelline, and laying
+half Florence in ashes. Each party had their turn of victory; each,
+when vanquished, went into exile, and carried on the war outside the
+walls; each had their opportunity of remodelling the orders and
+framework of government, and each did so relentlessly at the cost of
+their opponents. They excluded classes, they proscribed families, they
+confiscated property, they sacked and burned warehouses, they levelled
+the palaces, and outraged the pride of their antagonists. To destroy
+was not enough, without adding to it the keenest and newest refinement
+of insult. Two buildings in Florence were peculiarly dear--among their
+"_cari luoghi_"--to the popular feeling and the Guelf party: the
+Baptistery of St. John, "il mio bel S. Giovanni," "to which all the
+good people resorted on Sundays,"[6] where they had all received
+baptism, where they had been married, where families were solemnly
+reconciled; and a tall and beautiful tower close by it, called the
+"Torre del Guardamorto," where the bodies of the "good people," who of
+old were all buried at S. Giovanni, rested on their way to the grave.
+The victorious Ghibellines, when they levelled the Guelf towers,
+overthrew this one, and endeavoured to make it crush in its fall the
+sacred church, "which," says the old chronicler, "was prevented by a
+miracle." The Guelfs, when their day came, built the walls of Florence
+with the stones of Ghibelline palaces.[7] One great family stands out
+pre-eminent in this fierce conflict as the victim and monument of
+party war. The head of the Ghibellines was the proud and powerful
+house of the Uberti, who shared with another great Ghibelline family,
+the Pazzi, the valley of the upper Arno. They lighted up the war in
+the Emperor's cause. They supported its weight and guided it. In time
+of peace they were foremost and unrestrained in defiance of law and in
+scorn of the people--in war, the people's fiercest and most active
+enemies. Heavy sufferers, in their property, and by the sword and axe,
+yet untamed and incorrigible, they led the van in that battle, so long
+remembered to their cost by the Guelfs, the battle of Monteaperti
+(1260)--
+
+     Lo strazio, e 'l gran scempio
+     Che fece l'Arbia colorata in rossa.--_Inf._ 10.
+
+[Footnote 6: G. Villani, vi. 33, iv. 10; _Inf._ 19; _Parad._ 25.]
+
+[Footnote 7: G. Villani, vi. 39, 65.]
+
+That the head of their house, Farinata, saved Florence from the
+vengeance of his meaner associates, was not enough to atone for the
+unpardonable wrongs which they had done to the Guelfs and the
+democracy. When the red lily of the Guelfs finally supplanted the
+white one as the arms of Florence, and the badge of Guelph triumph,
+they were proscribed for ever, like the Peisistratidæ and the
+Tarquins. In every amnesty their names were excepted. The site on
+which their houses had stood was never again to be built upon, and
+remains the Great Square of Florence; the architect of the Palace of
+the People was obliged to sacrifice its symmetry, and to place it
+awry, that its walls might not encroach on the accursed ground.[8]
+"They had been," says a writer, contemporary with Dante, speaking of
+the time when he also became an exile; "they had been for more than
+forty years outlaws from their country, nor ever found mercy nor pity,
+remaining always abroad in great state, nor ever abased their honour,
+seeing that they ever abode with kings and lords, and to great things
+applied themselves."[9] They were loved as they were hated. When under
+the protection of a cardinal one of them visited the city, and the
+chequered blue and gold blazon of their house was, after an interval
+of half a century, again seen in the streets of Florence; "many
+ancient Ghibelline men and women pressed to kiss the arms,"[10] and
+even the common people did him honour.
+
+[Footnote 8: G. Villani, vi. 33, viii. 26; Vasari, _Arnolfo di Lapo_,
+i. 255 (Fir. 1846).]
+
+[Footnote 9: _Dino Compagni_, p. 88.]
+
+[Footnote 10: _Dino Compagni_, p. 107.]
+
+But the fortunes of Florentine factions depended on other causes than
+merely the address or vigour of their leaders. From the year of
+Dante's birth and Charles's victory, Florence, as far as we shall have
+to do with it, became irrevocably Guelf. Not that the whole commonalty
+of Florence formally called itself Guelf, or that the Guelf party was
+co-extensive with it; but the city was controlled by Guelf councils,
+devoted to the objects of the great Guelf party, and received in
+return the support of that party in curbing the pride of the nobles,
+and maintaining democratic forms. The Guelf party of Florence, though
+it was the life and soul of the republic, and irresistible in its
+disposal of the influence and arms of Florence, and though it embraced
+a large number of the most powerful families, is always spoken of as
+something distinct from, and external to, the governing powers, and
+the whole body of the people. It was a body with a separate and
+self-constituted existence;--in the state and allied to it, but an
+independent element, holding on to a large and comprehensive union
+without the state. Its organisation in Florence is one of the most
+curious among the many curious combinations which meet us in Italian
+history. After the final expulsion of the Ghibellines, the Guelf party
+took form as an institution, with definite powers, and a local
+existence. It appears with as distinct a shape as the Jacobin Club or
+the Orange Lodges, side by side with the government. It was a
+corporate body with a common seal, common property, not only in funds
+but lands--officers, archives, a common palace,[11] a great council, a
+secret committee, and last of all, a public accuser of the
+Ghibellines; of the confiscated Ghibelline estates one-third went to
+the republic, another third to compensate individual Guelfs, the rest
+was assigned to the Guelf party.[12] A pope, (Clement IV., 1265-68)
+had granted them his own arms[13]; and their device, a red eagle
+clutching a serpent, may be yet seen, with the red lily, and the
+party-coloured banner of the commonalty, on the battlements of the
+Palazzo Vecchio.
+
+[Footnote 11: Giotto painted in it: Vasari, _Vit. di Giotto_, p. 314.]
+
+[Footnote 12: G. Villani, vii. 2, 17.]
+
+[Footnote 13: _Ibid._ vii. 2.]
+
+But the expulsion of the Ghibellines did but little to restore peace.
+The great Guelf families, as old as many of the Ghibellines, had as
+little reverence as they for law or civic rights. Below these, the
+acknowledged nobility of Florence, were the leading families of the
+"people," houses created by successful industry or commerce, and
+pushing up into that privileged order, which, however ignored and
+even discredited by the laws, was fully recognised by feeling and
+opinion in the most democratic times of the republic. Rivalries and
+feuds, street broils and conspiracies, high-handed insolence from the
+great men, rough vengeance from the populace, still continued to vex
+jealous and changeful Florence. The popes sought in vain to keep in
+order their quarrelsome liegemen; to reconcile Guelf with Guelf, and
+even Guelf with Ghibelline. Embassies went and came, to ask for
+mediation and to proffer it; to apply the healing paternal hand; to
+present an obsequious and ostentatious submission. Cardinal legates
+came in state, and were received with reverential pomp; they formed
+private committees, and held assemblies, and made marriages; they
+harangued in honeyed words, and gained the largest promises; on one
+occasion the Great Square was turned into a vast theatre, and on this
+stage one hundred and fifty dissidents on each side came forward, and
+in the presence and with the benediction of the cardinal kissed each
+other on the mouth.[14] And if persuasion failed, the pope's
+representative hesitated not to excommunicate and interdict the
+faithful but obdurate city. But whether excommunicated or blessed,
+Florence could not be at peace; however wise and subtle had been the
+peace-maker's arrangements, his departing _cortège_ was hardly out of
+sight of the city before they were blown to the winds. Not more
+successful were the efforts of the sensible and moderate citizens who
+sighed for tranquillity within its walls. Dino Compagni's interesting
+though not very orderly narrative describes with great frankness, and
+with the perplexity of a simple-hearted man puzzled by the continual
+triumph of clever wickedness, the variety and the fruitlessness of the
+expedients devised by him and other good citizens against the resolute
+and incorrigible selfishness of the great Guelfs--ever, when checked
+in one form, breaking out in another; proof against all persuasion,
+all benefits; not to be bound by law, or compact, or oath; eluding or
+turning to its own account the deepest and sagest contrivances of
+constitutional wisdom.
+
+[Footnote 14: G. Villani, vii. 56.]
+
+A great battle won against Ghibelline Arezzo[15] raised the renown and
+the military spirit of the Guelf party, for the fame of the battle was
+very great; the hosts contained the choicest chivalry of either side,
+armed and appointed with emulous splendour. The fighting was hard,
+there was brilliant and conspicuous gallantry, and the victory was
+complete. It sealed Guelf ascendancy. The Ghibelline warrior-bishop
+of Arezzo fell, with three of the Uberti, and other Ghibelline chiefs.
+It was a day of trial. "Many that day who had been thought of great
+prowess were found dastards, and many who had never been spoken of
+were held in high esteem." It repaired the honour of Florence, and the
+citizens showed their feeling of its importance by mixing up the
+marvellous with its story. Its tidings came to Florence--so runs the
+tale in Villani, who declares what he "heard and saw" himself--at the
+very hour in which it was won. The Priors of the republic were resting
+in their palace during the noonday heat; suddenly the chamber door was
+shaken, and the cry heard: "Rise up! the Aretini are defeated." The
+door was opened, but there was no one; their servants had seen no one
+enter the palace, and no one came from the army till the hour of
+vespers, on a long summer's day. In this battle the Guelf leaders had
+won great glory. The hero of the day was the proudest, handsomest,
+craftiest, most winning, most ambitious, most unscrupulous Guelf noble
+in Florence--one of a family who inherited the spirit and recklessness
+of the proscribed Uberti, and did not refuse the popular epithet of
+"_Malefami_"--Corso Donati. He did not come back from the field of
+Campaldino, where he had won the battle by disobeying orders with any
+increased disposition to yield to rivals, or court the populace, or
+respect other men's rights. Those rivals, too--and they also had
+fought gallantly in the post of honour at Campaldino--were such as he
+hated from his soul--rivals whom he despised, and who yet were too
+strong for him. His blood was ancient, they were upstarts; he was a
+soldier, they were traders; he was poor, they the richest men in
+Florence. They had come to live close to the Donati, they had bought
+the palace of an old Ghibelline family, they had enlarged, adorned,
+and fortified it, and kept great state there. They had crossed him in
+marriages, bargains, inheritances. They had won popularity, honour,
+influence; and yet they were but men of business, while he had a part
+in all the political movements of the day. He was the friend and
+intimate of lords and noblemen, with great connexions and famous
+through all Italy; they were the favourites of the common people for
+their kindness and good nature; they even showed consideration for
+Ghibellines. He was an accomplished man of the world, keen and subtle,
+"full of malicious thoughts, mischievous and crafty;" they were
+inexperienced in intrigue, and had the reputation of being clumsy and
+stupid. He was the most graceful and engaging of courtiers; they were
+not even gentlemen. Lastly, in the debates of that excitable republic
+he was the most eloquent speaker, and they were tongue-tied.[16]
+
+[Footnote 15: _Campaldino_, in 1289. G. Vill. vii. 131; _Dino Comp._
+p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 16: _Dino Comp._ pp. 32, 75, 94, 133.]
+
+"There was a family," writes Dino Compagni, "who called themselves the
+Cerchi, men of low estate, but good merchants and very rich; and they
+dressed richly, and maintained many servants and horses, and made a
+brave show; and some of them bought the palace of the Conti Guidi,
+which was near the houses of the Pazzi and Donati, who were more
+ancient of blood but not so rich; therefore, seeing the Cerchi rise to
+great dignity, and that they had walled and enlarged the palace, and
+kept great state, the Donati began to have a great hatred against
+them." Villani gives the same account of the feud.[17] "It began in
+that quarter of scandal the Sesta of Porta S. Piero, between the
+Cerchi and Donati, on the one side through jealousy, on the other
+through churlish rudeness. Of the house of the Cerchi was head Messer
+Vieri de' Cerchi, and he and those of his house were people of great
+business, and powerful, and of great relationships, and most wealthy
+traders, so that their company was one of the greatest in the world;
+men they were of soft life, and who meant no harm; boorish and
+ill-mannered, like people who had come in a short time to great state
+and power. The Donati were gentlemen and warriors, and of no
+excessive wealth.... They were neighbours in Florence and in the
+country, and by the conversation of their jealousy with the peevish
+boorishness of the others, arose the proud scorn that there was
+between them." The glories of Campaldino were not as oil on these
+troubled waters. The conquerors flouted each other all the more
+fiercely in the streets on their return, and ill-treated the lower
+people with less scruple. No gathering for festive or serious purposes
+could be held without tempting strife. A marriage, a funeral, a ball,
+a gay procession of cavaliers and ladies--any meeting where one stood
+while another sat, where horse or man might jostle another, where
+pride might be nettled or temper shown, was in danger of ending in
+blood. The lesser quarrels meanwhile ranged themselves under the
+greater ones; and these, especially that between the Cerchi and
+Donati, took more and more a political character. The Cerchi inclined
+more and more to the trading classes and the lower people; they threw
+themselves on their popularity, and began to hold aloof from the
+meetings of the "Parte Guelfa," while this organised body became an
+instrument in the hands of their opponents, a club of the nobles.
+Corso Donati, besides mischief of a more substantial kind, turned his
+ridicule on their solemn dulness and awkward speech, and his friends
+the jesters, one Scampolino in particular, carried his gibes and
+nicknames all over Florence. The Cerchi received all in sullen and
+clogged indifference. They were satisfied with repelling attacks, and
+nursed their hatred.[18]
+
+[Footnote 17: G. Vill. viii. 39.]
+
+[Footnote 18: _Dino Compagni_, pp. 32, 34, 38.]
+
+Thus the city was divided, and the attempts to check the factions only
+exasperated them. It was in vain that, when at times the government
+and the populace lost patience, severe measures were taken. It was in
+vain that the reformer, Gian della Bella, carried for a time his harsh
+"orders of justice" against the nobles, and invested popular vengeance
+with the solemnity of law and with the pomp and ceremony of a public
+act--that when a noble had been convicted of killing a citizen, the
+great officer, "Standard-bearer," as he was called, "of justice,"
+issued forth in state and procession, with the banner of justice borne
+before him, with all his train, and at the head of the armed citizens,
+to the house of the criminal, and razed it to the ground. An
+eyewitness describes the effect of such chastisement:--"I, Dino
+Compagni, being Gonfalonier of Justice in 1293, went to their houses,
+and to those of their relations, and these I caused to be pulled down
+according to the laws. This beginning in the case of the other
+Gonfaloniers came to an evil effect; because, if they demolished the
+houses according to the laws, the people said that they were cruel;
+and if they did not demolish them completely, they said that they were
+cowards; and many distorted justice for fear of the people." Gian
+della Bella was overthrown with few regrets even on the part of the
+people. Equally vain was the attempt to keep the peace by separating
+the leaders of the disturbances. They were banished by a kind of
+ostracism; they departed in ostentatious meekness, Corso Donato to
+plot at Rome, Vieri de' Cerchi to return immediately to Florence.
+Anarchy had got too fast a hold on the city, and it required a
+stronger hand than that of the pope, or the signory of the republic,
+to keep it down.
+
+Yet Florence prospered. Every year it grew richer, more intellectual,
+more refined, more beautiful, more gay. With its anarchy there was no
+stagnation. Torn and divided as it was, its energy did not slacken,
+its busy and creative spirit was not deadened, its hopefulness not
+abated. The factions, fierce and personal as they were, did not hinder
+that interest in political ideas, that active and subtle study of the
+questions of civil government, that passion and ingenuity displayed in
+political contrivance, which now pervaded Northern Italy, everywhere
+marvellously patient and hopeful, though far from being equally
+successful. In Venice at the close of the thirteenth century, that
+polity was finally settled and consolidated, by which she was great as
+long as cities could be imperial, and which even in its decay survived
+the monarchy of Louis XIV. and existed within the memory of living
+men. In Florence, the constructive spirit of law and order only
+resisted, but never triumphed. Yet it was at this time resolute and
+sanguine, ready with experiment and change, and not yet dispirited by
+continual failure. Political interest, however, and party contests
+were not sufficient to absorb and employ the citizens of Florence.
+Their genial and versatile spirit, so keen, so inventive, so elastic,
+which made them such hot and impetuous partisans, kept them from being
+only this. The time was one of growth; new knowledge, new powers, new
+tastes were opening to men--new pursuits attracted them. There was
+commerce, there was the school philosophy, there was the science of
+nature, there was ancient learning, there was the civil law, there
+were the arts, there was poetry, all rude as yet, and unformed, but
+full of hope--the living parents of mightier offspring. Frederick II.
+had once more opened Aristotle to the Latin world; he had given an
+impulse to the study of the great monuments of Roman legislation which
+was responded to through Italy; himself a poet, his example and his
+splendid court had made poetry fashionable. In the end of the
+thirteenth century a great stride was made at Florence. While her
+great poet was growing up to manhood, as rapid a change went on in her
+streets, her social customs, the wealth of her citizens, their ideas
+of magnificence and beauty, their appreciation of literature. It was
+the age of growing commerce and travel; Franciscan missionaries had
+reached China, and settled there;[19] in 1294, Marco Polo returned to
+Venice, the first successful explorer of the East. The merchants of
+Florence lagged not; their field of operation was Italy and the West;
+they had their correspondents in London, Paris, and Bruges; they were
+the bankers of popes and kings.[20] And their city shows to this day
+the wealth and magnificence of the last years of the thirteenth
+century. The ancient buildings, consecrated in the memory of the
+Florentine people, were repaired, enlarged, adorned with marble and
+bronze--Or San Michele, the Badia, the Baptistery; and new buildings
+rose on a grander scale. In 1294 was begun the Mausoleum of the great
+Florentine dead, the Church of S. Croce. In the same year, a few
+months later, Arnolfo laid the deep foundations which were afterwards
+to bear up Brunelleschi's dome, and traced the plan of the magnificent
+cathedral. In 1298 he began to raise a Town-hall worthy of the
+Republic, and of being the habitation of its magistrates, the frowning
+mass of the Palazzo Vecchio. In 1299, the third circle of the walls
+was commenced, with the benediction of bishops, and the concourse of
+all the "lords and orders" of Florence. And Giotto was now beginning
+to throw Cimabue into the shade--Giotto, the shepherd's boy, painter,
+sculptor, architect, and engineer at once, who a few years later was
+to complete and crown the architectural glories of Florence by that
+masterpiece of grace, his marble Campanile.
+
+[Footnote 19: See the curious letters of _John de Monte Corvino_,
+about his mission in Cathay, 1289-1305, in Wadding, vi. 69.]
+
+[Footnote 20: _E.g._ the _Mozzi_, of Greg. X.; _Peruzzi_, of Philip le
+Bel; _Spini_, of Boniface VIII.; _Cerchi del Garbo_, of Benedict XI.
+(G. Vill. vii. 42, viii. 63, 71; _Dino Comp._ p. 35).]
+
+Fifty years made then all that striking difference in domestic habits,
+in the materials of dress, in the value of money, which they have
+usually made in later centuries. The poet of the fourteenth century
+describes the proudest nobleman of a hundred years before "with his
+leathern girdle and clasp of bone;" and in one of the most beautiful
+of all poetic celebrations of the good old time, draws the domestic
+life of ancient Florence in the household where his ancestor was born:
+
+     A così riposato, a così bello
+     Viver di cittadini, a così fida
+     Cittadinanza, a così dolce ostello
+     Maria mi diè, chiamata in alte grida.--_Par._ c. 15.[21]
+
+[Footnote 21:
+
+     Florence, confined within that ancient wall,
+       Whence still the chimes at noon and evening sound,
+     Was sober, modest, and at peace with all.
+     Myself have seen Bellincion Berti pace
+       The street in leathern belt; his lady come
+     Forth from her toilet with unpainted face.
+           *      *      *      *
+     Oh happy wives! each soon to lay her head
+       In her own tomb; and no one yet compelled
+     To weep deserted in a lonely bed.
+           *      *      *      *
+     To such pure life of beauty and repose--
+       Such faithful citizens--such happy men--
+     The virgin gave me, when my mother's throes
+       Forced her with cries to call on Mary's name.--WRIGHT.]
+
+There high-born dames, he says, still plied the distaff and the loom;
+still rocked the cradle with the words which their own mothers had
+used; or working with their maidens, told them old tales of the
+forefathers of the city, "of the Trojans, of Fiesole, and of Rome."
+Villani still finds this rudeness within forty years of the end of the
+century, almost within the limits of his own and Dante's life; and
+speaks of that "old first people," _il primo Popolo Vecchio_, with
+their coarse food and expenditure, their leather jerkins, and plain
+close gowns, their small dowries and late marriages, as if they were
+the first founders of the city, and not a generation which had lasted
+on into his own.[22] Twenty years later, his story is of the gaiety,
+the riches, the profuse munificence, the brilliant festivities, the
+careless and joyous life, which attracted foreigners to Florence as
+the city of pleasure; of companies of a thousand or more, all clad in
+white robes, under a lord, styled "of Love," passing their time in
+sports and dances; of ladies and knights, "going through the city with
+trumpets and other instruments, with joy and gladness," and meeting
+together in banquets evening and morning; entertaining illustrious
+strangers, and honourably escorting them on horseback in their passage
+through the city; tempting by their liberality, courtiers, and wits,
+and minstrels, and jesters, to add to the amusements of Florence.[23]
+Nor were these the boisterous triumphs of unrefined and coarse
+merriment. How variety of character was drawn out, how its more
+delicate elements were elicited and tempered, how nicely it was
+observed, and how finely drawn, let the racy and open-eyed
+story-tellers of Florence testify.
+
+[Footnote 22: G. Vill. vi. 69 (1259).]
+
+[Footnote 23: G. Vill. vii. 89 (1283).]
+
+Not perhaps in these troops of revellers, but amid music and song, and
+in the pleasant places of social and private life, belonging to the
+Florence of arts and poetry, not to the Florence of factions and
+strife, should we expect to find the friend of the sweet singer,
+Casella, and of the reserved and bold speculator, Guido Cavalcanti;
+the mystic poet of the _Vita Nuova_, so sensitive and delicate,
+trembling at a gaze or a touch, recording visions, painting angels,
+composing Canzoni and commenting on them; finally devoting himself to
+the austere consolations of deep study. To superadd to such a
+character that of a democratic politician of the middle ages, seems an
+incongruous and harsh combination. Yet it was a real one in this
+instance. The scholar's life is, in our idea of it, far separated from
+the practical and the political; we have been taught by our experience
+to disjoin enthusiasm in love, in art, in what is abstract or
+imaginative, from keen interest and successful interference in the
+affairs and conflicts of life. The practical man may sometimes be also
+a _dilettante_; but the dreamer or the thinker, wisely or indolently,
+keeps out of the rough ways where real passions and characters meet
+and jostle, or if he ventures, seldom gains honour there. The
+separation, though a natural one, grows wider as society becomes more
+vast and manifold, as its ends, functions, and pursuits are
+disentangled, while they multiply. But in Dante's time, and in an
+Italian city, it was not such a strange thing that the most refined
+and tender interpreter of feeling, the popular poet, whose verses
+touched all hearts, and were in every mouth, should be also at once
+the ardent follower of all abstruse and difficult learning, and a
+prominent character among those who administered the State. In that
+narrow sphere of action, in that period of dawning powers and
+circumscribed knowledge, it seemed no unreasonable hope or unwise
+ambition to attempt the compassing of all science, and to make it
+subserve and illustrate the praise of active citizenship.[24] Dante,
+like other literary celebrities of the time, was not less from the
+custom of the day, than from his own purpose, a public man. He took
+his place among his fellow-citizens; he went out to war with them; he
+fought, it is said, among the skirmishers at the great Guelf victory
+of Campaldino; to qualify himself for office in the democracy, he
+enrolled himself in one of the Guilds of the people, and was
+matriculated in the "Art" of the Apothecaries; he served the State as
+its agent abroad; he went on important missions to the cities and
+courts of Italy--according to a Florentine tradition, which enumerates
+fourteen distinct embassies, even to Hungary and France. In the
+memorable year of Jubilee, 1300, he was one of the Priors of the
+Republic. There is no shrinking from fellowship and co-operation and
+conflict with the keen or bold men of the market-place and
+council-hall, in that mind of exquisite and, as drawn by itself,
+exaggerated sensibility. The doings and characters of men, the
+workings of society, the fortunes of Italy, were watched and thought
+of with as deep an interest as the courses of the stars, and read in
+the real spectacle of life with as profound emotion as in the
+miraculous page of Virgil; and no scholar ever read Virgil with such
+feeling--no astronomer ever watched the stars with more eager
+inquisitiveness. The whole man opens to the world around him; all
+affections and powers, soul and sense, diligently and thoughtfully
+directed and trained, with free and concurrent and equal energy, with
+distinct yet harmonious purposes, seek out their respective and
+appropriate objects, moral, intellectual, natural, spiritual, in that
+admirable scene and hard field where man is placed to labour and love,
+to be exercised, proved, and judged.
+
+[Footnote 24: _Vide_ the opening of the _De Monarchia_.]
+
+In a fresco in the chapel of the old palace of the Podestà[25] at
+Florence is a portrait of Dante, said to be by the hand of his
+contemporary Giotto. It was discovered in 1841 under the whitewash,
+and a tracing made by Mr. Seymour Kirkup has been reproduced in
+fac-simile by the Arundel Society. The fresco was afterwards restored
+or repainted with no happy success. He is represented as he might have
+been in the year of Campaldino (1289). The countenance is youthful yet
+manly, more manly than it appears in the engravings of the picture;
+but it only suggests the strong deep features of the well-known
+traditional face. He is drawn with much of the softness, and
+melancholy pensive sweetness, and with something also of the quaint
+stiffness of the _Vita Nuova_--with his flower and his book. With him
+is drawn his master, Brunetto Latini,[26] and Corso Donati. We do not
+know what occasion led Giotto thus to associate him with the great
+"Baron." Dante was, indeed, closely connected with the Donati. The
+dwelling of his family was near theirs, in the "Quarter of Scandal,"
+the Ward of the Porta S. Piero. He married a daughter of their house,
+Madonna Gemma. None of his friends are commemorated with more
+affection than the companion of his light and wayward days, remembered
+not without a shade of anxious sadness, yet with love and hope,
+Corso's brother, Forese.[27] No sweeter spirit sings and smiles in the
+illumined spheres of Paradise, than she whom Forese remembers as on
+earth one,
+
+     Che tra bella e buona
+     Non so qual fosse più--[28]
+
+and who, from the depth of her heavenly joy, teaches the poet that in
+the lowest place among the blessed there can be no envy[29]--the
+sister of Forese and Corso, Piccarda. The _Commedia_, though it
+speaks, as if in prophecy, of Corso's miserable death, avoids the
+mention of his name.[30] Its silence is so remarkable as to seem
+significant. But though history does not group together Corso and
+Dante, the picture represents the truth--their fortunes were linked
+together. They were actors in the same scene--at this distance of time
+two of the most prominent; though a scene very different from that
+calm and grave assembly, which Giotto's placid pencil has drawn on the
+old chapel wall.
+
+[Footnote 25: The Bargello, a prison (1850); a museum (1878). _V._
+Vasari, p. 311.]
+
+[Footnote 26: He died in 1294. G. Vill. viii. 10.]
+
+[Footnote 27: _Purgat._ c. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 28: _Ibid._ c. 24.
+
+     My sister, good and beautiful--which most I know not.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 29: _Parad._ c. 3.]
+
+[Footnote 30: _Purg._ c. 24, 82-87.]
+
+The outlines of this part of Dante's history are so well known that it
+is not necessary to dwell on them; and more than the outlines we know
+not. The family quarrels came to a head, issued in parties, and the
+parties took names; they borrowed them from two rival factions in a
+neighbouring town, Pistoia, whose feud was imported into Florence; and
+the Guelfs became divided into the Black Guelfs who were led by the
+Donati, and the White Guelfs who sided with the Cerchi.[31] It still
+professed to be but a family feud, confined to the great houses; but
+they were too powerful and Florence too small for it not to affect the
+whole Republic. The middle classes and the artisans looked on, and
+for a time not without satisfaction, at the strife of the great men;
+but it grew evident that one party must crush the other, and become
+dominant in Florence; and of the two, the Cerchi and their White
+adherents were less formidable to the democracy than the unscrupulous
+and overbearing Donati, with their military renown and lordly tastes;
+proud not merely of being nobles, but Guelf nobles; always loyal
+champions, once the martyrs, and now the hereditary assertors, of the
+great Guelf cause. The Cerchi with less character and less zeal, but
+rich, liberal, and showy, and with more of rough kindness and vulgar
+good-nature for the common people, were more popular in Guelf Florence
+than the "Parte Guelfa;" and, of course, the Ghibellines wished them
+well. Both the contemporary historians of Florence lead us to think
+that they might have been the governors and guides of the Republic--if
+they had chosen, and had known how; and both, though condemning the
+two parties equally, seemed to have thought that this would have been
+the best result for the State. But the accounts of both, though they
+are very different writers, agree in their scorn of the leaders of the
+White Guelfs. They were upstarts, purse-proud, vain, and
+coarse-minded; and they dared to aspire to an ambition which they were
+too dull and too cowardly to pursue, when the game was in their
+hands. They wished to rule; but when they might, they were afraid. The
+commons were on their side, the moderate men, the party of law, the
+lovers of republican government, and for the most part the
+magistrates; but they shrank from their fortune, "more from cowardice
+than from goodness, because they exceedingly feared their
+adversaries."[32] Boniface VIII. had no prepossessions in Florence,
+except for energy and an open hand; the side which was most popular he
+would have accepted and backed; but "he would not lose," he said, "the
+men for the women." "_Io non voglio perdere gli uomini per le
+femminelle._"[33] If the Black party furnished types for the grosser
+or fiercer forms of wickedness in the poet's Hell, the White party
+surely were the originals of that picture of stupid and cowardly
+selfishness, in the miserable crowd who moan and are buffeted in the
+vestibule of the Pit, mingled with the angels who dared neither to
+rebel nor be faithful, but "_were for themselves_;" and whoever it may
+be who is singled out in the "setta dei cattivi," for deeper and
+special scorn--he,
+
+     Che fece per viltà il gran rifiuto--[34]
+
+the idea was derived from the Cerchi in Florence.
+
+[Footnote 31: In 1300. G. Villani, viii. 38, 39.]
+
+[Footnote 32: _Dino Comp._ p. 45.]
+
+[Footnote 33: _Ibid._ p. 62.]
+
+[Footnote 34: _Inf._ c. 3, 60.]
+
+A French prince was sent by the Pope to mediate and make peace in
+Florence. The Black Guelfs and Corso Donati came with him. The
+magistrates were overawed and perplexed. The White party were, step by
+step, amused, entrapped, led blindly into false plots, entangled in
+the elaborate subtleties, and exposed with all the zest and mockery,
+of Italian intrigue--finally chased out of their houses and from the
+city, condemned unheard, outlawed, ruined in name and property, by the
+Pope's French mediator. With them fell many citizens who had tried to
+hold the balance between the two parties: for the leaders of the Black
+Guelfs were guilty of no errors of weakness. In two extant lists of
+the proscribed--condemned by default, for corruption and various
+crimes, especially for hindering the entrance into Florence of Charles
+de Valois, to a heavy fine and banishment--then, two months after, for
+contumacy, to be burned alive if he ever fell into the hands of the
+Republic--appears the name of Dante Alighieri; and more than this,
+concerning the history of his expulsion, we know not.[35]
+
+[Footnote 35: Pelli, _Memorie per servire alla vita di Dante._ Fir.
+1823, pp. 105, 106.]
+
+Of his subsequent life, history tells us little more than the general
+character. He acted for a time in concert with the expelled party,
+when they attempted to force their way back to Florence; he gave them
+up at last in scorn and despair: but he never returned to Florence.
+And he found no new home for the rest of his days. Nineteen years,
+from his exile to his death, he was a wanderer. The character is
+stamped on his writings. History, tradition, documents, all scanty or
+dim, do but disclose him to us at different points, appearing here and
+there, we are not told how or why. One old record, discovered by
+antiquarian industry, shows him in a village church near Florence,
+planning, with the Cerchi and the White party, an attack on the Black
+Guelfs. In another, he appears in the Val di Magra, making peace
+between its small potentates: in another, as the inhabitant of a
+certain street in Padua. The traditions of some remote spots about
+Italy still connect his name with a ruined tower, a mountain glen, a
+cell in a convent. In the recollections of the following generation,
+his solemn and melancholy form mingled reluctantly, and for awhile, in
+the brilliant court of the Scaligers; and scared the women, as a
+visitant of the other world, as he passed by their doors in the
+streets of Verona. Rumour brings him to the West--with probability to
+Paris, more doubtfully to Oxford. But little certain can be made out
+about the places where he was an honoured and admired, but it may be,
+not always a welcome guest, till we find him sheltered, cherished,
+and then laid at last to rest, by the Lords of Ravenna. There he still
+rests, in a small, solitary chapel, built, not by a Florentine, but a
+Venetian. Florence, "that mother of little love," asked for his bones;
+but rightly asked in vain.[36] His place of repose is better in those
+remote and forsaken streets "by the shore of the Adrian Sea," hard by
+the last relics of the Roman Empire--the mausoleum of the children of
+Theodosius, and the mosaics of Justinian--than among the assembled
+dead of S. Croce, or amid the magnificence of S. Maria del Fiore.[37]
+
+[Footnote 36: See Dr. Barlow's _Sixth Centenary Festivals of Dante_.
+(1866.)]
+
+[Footnote 37: These notices have been carefully collected by _Pelli_,
+who seems to have left little to glean (_Memorie_, &c. Ed. 2da,
+1823). A few additions have been made by _Gerini_ (_Mem. Stor. della
+Lunigiana_), and _Troya_ (_Veltro Allegorico_), but they are not of
+much importance. _Arrivabene_ (_Secolo di Dante_) has brought together
+a mass of illustration which is very useful, and would be more so, if
+he were more careful, and quoted his authorities. _Balbo_ arranges
+these materials with sense and good feeling; though, as a writer, he
+is below his subject. A few traits and anecdotes may be found in the
+novelists--as Sacchetti.]
+
+The _Commedia_, at the first glance, shows the traces of its author's
+life. It is the work of a wanderer. The very form in which it is cast
+is that of a journey, difficult, toilsome, perilous, and full of
+change. It is more than a working out of that touching phraseology of
+the middle ages, in which "the way" was the technical theological
+expression for this mortal life; and "_viator_" meant man in his
+state of trial, as "_comprehensor_" meant man made perfect, having
+attained to his heavenly country. It is more than merely this. The
+writer's mind is full of the recollections and definite images of his
+various journeys. The permanent scenery of the _Inferno_ and
+_Purgatorio_, very variously and distinctly marked, is that of travel.
+The descent down the sides of the Pit, and the ascent of the Sacred
+Mountain, show one familiar with such scenes--one who had climbed
+painfully in perilous passes, and grown dizzy on the brink of narrow
+ledges over sea or torrent. It is scenery from the gorges of the Alps
+and Apennines, or the terraces and precipices of the Riviera. Local
+reminiscences abound:--the severed rocks of the Adige Valley--the
+waterfall of S. Benedetto--the crags of Pietra-pana and S. Leo, which
+overlook the plains of Lucca and Ravenna--the "fair river" that flows
+among the poplars between Chiaveri and Sestri--the marble quarries of
+Carrara--the "rough and desert ways between Lerici and Turbia," and
+those towery cliffs, going sheer into the deep sea at Noli, which
+travellers on the Corniche road some thirty years ago may yet remember
+with fear. Mountain experience furnished that picture of the traveller
+caught in an Alpine mist and gradually climbing above it; seeing the
+vapours grow thin, and the sun's orb appear faintly through them; and
+issuing at last into sunshine on the mountain top, while the light of
+sunset was lost already on the shores below:
+
+     Ai raggi, morti già nei bassi lidi:--_Purg._ 17.
+
+or that image of the cold dull shadow over the torrent, beneath the
+Alpine fir--
+
+                   Un'ombra smorta
+     Qual sotto foglie verdi e rami nigri
+     Sovra suoi freddi rivi, l'Alpe porta:--_Purg._ 33.[38]
+
+or of the large snow-flakes falling without wind, among the
+mountains--
+
+             d'un cader lento
+     Piovean di fuoco dilatate falde
+     Come di neve in Alpe senza vento.--_Inferno_, 14.[39]
+
+[Footnote 38:
+
+                       A death-like shade--
+     Like that beneath black boughs and foliage green
+     O'er the cool streams in Alpine glens display'd.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 39:
+
+     O'er all the sandy desert falling slow,
+       Were shower'd dilated flakes of fire, like snow
+       On Alpine summits, when the wind is low.--IBID.]
+
+He delights in a local name and local image--the boiling pitch, and
+the clang of the shipwrights in the arsenal of Venice--the sepulchral
+fields of Arles and Pola--the hot-spring of Viterbo--the hooded monks
+of Cologne--the dykes of Flanders and Padua--the Maremma, with its
+rough brushwood, its wild boars, its snakes, and fevers. He had
+listened to the south wind among the pine tops, in the forest by the
+sea, at Ravenna. He had watched under the Carisenda tower at Bologna,
+and seen the driving clouds "give away their motion" to it, and make
+it seem to be falling; and had noticed how at Rome the October sun
+sets between Corsica and Sardinia.[40] His images of the sea are
+numerous and definite--the ship backing out of the tier in harbour,
+the diver plunging after the fouled anchor, the mast rising, the ship
+going fast before the wind, the water closing in its wake, the arched
+backs of the porpoises the forerunners of a gale, the admiral watching
+everything from poop to prow, the oars stopping altogether at the
+sound of the whistle, the swelling sails becoming slack when the mast
+snaps and falls.[41] Nowhere could we find so many of the most
+characteristic and strange sensations of the traveller touched with
+such truth. Everyone knows the lines which speak of the voyager's
+sinking of heart on the first evening at sea, and of the longings
+wakened in the traveller at the beginning of his journey by the
+distant evening bell[42]; the traveller's _morning_ feelings are not
+less delicately noted--the strangeness on first waking in the open air
+with the sun high; morning thoughts, as day by day he wakes nearer
+home; the morning sight of the sea-beach quivering in the early light;
+the tarrying and lingering, before setting out in the morning[43]--
+
+     Noi eravam lunghesso 'l mare ancora,
+     Come gente che pensa al suo cammino,
+     Che va col cuore, e col corpo dimora.[44]
+
+[Footnote 40: _Inf._ 31, 18.]
+
+[Footnote 41: _Ibid._ 17, 16, 31; _Purg._ 24; _Par._ 2; _Inf._ 22;
+_Purg._ 30; _Par._ 25; _Inf._ 7.]
+
+[Footnote 42: _Purg._ 8. "Era già l'ora," &c.]
+
+[Footnote 43: _Purg._ 19, 27, 1, 2.]
+
+[Footnote 44:
+
+     By ocean's shore we still prolonged our stay
+     Like men, who, thinking of a journey near,
+     Advance in thought, while yet their limbs delay.--WRIGHT.]
+
+He has recorded equally the anxiety, the curiosity, the suspicion with
+which, in those times, stranger met and eyed stranger on the road; and
+a still more characteristic trait is to be found in those lines where
+he describes the pilgrim gazing around in the church of his vow, and
+thinking how he shall tell of it:
+
+       E quasi peregrin che si ricrea
+     Nel tempio del suo voto riguardando,
+     E spera già ridir com'ello stea:--_Parad._ 31.[45]
+
+or again, in that description, so simple and touching, of his thoughts
+while waiting to see the relic for which he left his home:
+
+       Quale è colui che forse di Croazia
+     Viene a veder la Veronica nostra,
+     Che per l'antica fama non si sazia,
+       Ma dice nel pensier, fin che si mostra;
+     Signor mio Gesù Cristo, Dio verace,
+     Or fu sì fatta la sembianza vostra?--_Parad._ 31.[46]
+
+[Footnote 45:
+
+     And like a pilgrim who with fond delight
+       Surveys the temple he has vow'd to see,
+       And hopes one day its wonders to recite.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 46:
+
+     Like one who, from Croatia come to see
+       Our Veronica (image long adored),
+       Gazes, as though content he ne'er could be--
+     Thus musing, while the relic is pourtray'd--
+       "Jesus my God, my Saviour and my Lord,
+       O were thy features these I see display'd?"--WRIGHT.
+
+     Quella imagine benedetta la quale Gesù Cristo lasciò a noi
+     per esempio della sua bellissima figura.--_Vita Nuova_, p.
+     353.
+
+He speaks of the pilgrims going to Rome to see it; compare also the
+sonnet to the pilgrims, p. 355:
+
+     Deh peregrini, che pensosi andate
+     Forse di cosa, che non v'è presente,
+     Venite voi di sì lontana gente,
+     Com'alla vista voi ne dimostrate.]
+
+Of these years then of disappointment and exile the _Divina Commedia_
+was the labour and fruit. A story in Boccaccio's life of Dante, told
+with some detail, implies indeed that it was begun, and some progress
+made in it, while Dante was yet in Florence--begun in Latin, and he
+quotes three lines of it--continued afterwards in Italian. This is not
+impossible; indeed the germ and presage of it may be traced in the
+_Vita Nuova_. The idealised saint is there, in all the grace of her
+pure and noble humbleness, the guide and safeguard of the poet's
+soul. She is already in glory with Mary the queen of angels. She
+already beholds the face of the Everblessed. And the _envoye_ of the
+_Vita Nuova_ is the promise of the _Commedia_. "After this sonnet,"
+(in which he describes how beyond the widest sphere of heaven his love
+had beheld a lady receiving honour, and dazzling by her glory the
+unaccustomed spirit)--"After this sonnet there appeared to me a
+marvellous vision, in which I saw things which made me resolve not to
+speak more of this blessed one, until such time as I should be able to
+indite more worthily of her. And to attain to this, I study to the
+utmost of my power, as she truly knows. So that, if it shall be the
+pleasure of Him, by whom all things live, that my life continue for
+some years, I hope to say of her that which never hath been said of
+any woman. And afterwards, may it please Him, who is the Lord of
+kindness, that my soul may go to behold the glory of her lady, that
+is, of that blessed Beatrice, who gloriously gazes on the countenance
+of Him, _qui est per omnia secula benedictus_."[47] It would be
+wantonly violating probability and the unity of a great life, to
+suppose that this purpose, though transformed, was ever forgotten or
+laid aside. The poet knew not indeed what he was promising, what he
+was pledging himself to--through what years of toil and anguish he
+would have to seek the light and the power he had asked; in what form
+his high venture should be realised. But the _Commedia_ is the work of
+no light resolve, and we need not be surprised at finding the resolve
+and the purpose at the outset of the poet's life. We may freely accept
+the key supplied by the words of the _Vita Nuova_. The spell of
+boyhood is never broken, through the ups and downs of life. His course
+of thought advances, alters, deepens, but is continuous. From youth to
+age, from the first glimpse to the perfect work, the same idea abides
+with him, "even from the flower till the grape was ripe." It may
+assume various changes--an image of beauty, a figure of philosophy, a
+voice from the other world, a type of heavenly wisdom and joy--but
+still it holds, in self-imposed and willing thraldom, that creative
+and versatile and tenacious spirit. It was the dream and hope of too
+deep and strong a mind to fade and come to naught--to be other than
+the seed of the achievement and crown of life. But with all faith in
+the star and the freedom of genius, we may doubt whether the
+prosperous citizen would have done that which was done by the man
+without a home. Beatrice's glory might have been sung in grand though
+barbarous Latin to the literati of the fourteenth century; or a poem
+of new beauty might have fixed the language and opened the literature
+of modern Italy; but it could hardly have been the _Commedia_. That
+belongs, in its date and its greatness, to the time when sorrow had
+become the poet's daily portion, and the condition of his life.
+
+[Footnote 47: _Vita Nuova_, last paragraph. See _Purg._ 30; _Parad._
+30, 6, 28-33.]
+
+The _Commedia_ is a novel and startling apparition in literature.
+Probably it has been felt by some, who have approached it with the
+reverence due to a work of such renown, that the world has been
+generous in placing it so high. It seems so abnormal, so lawless, so
+reckless of all ordinary proprieties and canons of feeling, taste, and
+composition. It is rough and abrupt; obscure in phrase and allusion,
+doubly obscure in purpose. It is a medley of all subjects usually kept
+distinct: scandal of the day and transcendental science, politics and
+confessions, coarse satire and angelic joy, private wrongs, with the
+mysteries of the faith, local names and habitations of earth, with
+visions of hell and heaven. It is hard to keep up with the
+ever-changing current of feeling, to pass as the poet passes, without
+effort or scruple, from tenderness to ridicule, from hope to bitter
+scorn or querulous complaint, from high-raised devotion to the
+calmness of prosaic subtleties or grotesque detail. Each separate
+element and vein of thought has its precedent, but not their
+amalgamation. Many had written visions of the unseen world, but they
+had not blended with them their personal fortunes. S. Augustine had
+taught the soul to contemplate its own history, and had traced its
+progress from darkness to light;[48] but he had not interwoven with it
+the history of Italy, and the consummation of all earthly destinies.
+Satire was no new thing; Juvenal had given it a moral, some of the
+Provençal poets a political turn; S. Jerome had kindled into it
+fiercely and bitterly even while expounding the Prophets; but here it
+streams forth in all its violence, within the precincts of the eternal
+world, and alternates with the hymns of the blessed. Lucretius had
+drawn forth the poetry of nature and its laws; Virgil and Livy had
+unfolded the poetry of the Roman empire; S. Augustine, the still
+grander poetry of the history of the City of God; but none had yet
+ventured to weave into one the three wonderful threads. And yet the
+scope of the Italian poet, vast and comprehensive as the issue of all
+things, universal as the government which directs nature and
+intelligence, forbids him not to stoop to the lowest caitiff he has
+ever despised, the minutest fact in nature that has ever struck his
+eye, the merest personal association which hangs pleasantly in his
+memory. Writing for all time, he scruples not to mix with all that is
+august and permanent in history and prophecy, incidents the most
+transient, and names the most obscure; to waste an immortality of
+shame or praise on those about whom his own generation were to inquire
+in vain. Scripture history runs into profane; Pagan legends teach
+their lesson side by side with Scripture scenes and miracles; heroes
+and poets of heathenism, separated from their old classic world, have
+their place in the world of faith, discourse with Christians of
+Christian dogmas, and even mingle with the Saints; Virgil guides the
+poet through his fear and his penitence to the gates of Paradise.
+
+[Footnote 48: See _Convito_, 1, 2.]
+
+This feeling of harsh and extravagant incongruity, of causeless and
+unpardonable darkness, is perhaps the first impression of many readers
+of the _Commedia_. But probably as they read on, there will mingle
+with this a sense of strange and unusual grandeur, arising not alone
+from the hardihood of the attempt, and the mystery of the subject, but
+from the power and the character of the poet. It will strike them that
+words cut deeper than is their wont; that from that wild uncongenial
+imagery, thoughts emerge of singular truth and beauty. Their
+dissatisfaction will be chequered, even disturbed--for we can often
+bring ourselves to sacrifice much for the sake of a clear and
+consistent view--by the appearance, amid much that repels them, of
+proofs undeniable and accumulating of genius as mighty as it is
+strange. Their perplexity and disappointment may grow into distinct
+condemnation, or it may pass into admiration and delight; but no one
+has ever come to the end of the _Commedia_ without feeling that if it
+has given him a new view and specimen of the wildness and
+unaccountable waywardness of the human mind, it has also added, as few
+other books have, to his knowledge of its feelings, its capabilities,
+and its grasp, and suggested larger and more serious thoughts, for
+which he may be grateful, concerning that unseen world of which he is
+even here a member.
+
+Dante would not have thanked his admirers for becoming apologists.
+Those in whom the sense of imperfection and strangeness overpowers
+sympathy for grandeur, and enthusiasm for nobleness, and joy in
+beauty, he certainly would have left to themselves. But neither would
+he teach any that he was leading them along a smooth and easy road.
+The _Commedia_ will always be a hard and trying book; nor did the
+writer much care that it should be otherwise. Much of this is no doubt
+to be set down to its age; much of its roughness and extravagance, as
+well as of its beauty--its allegorical spirit, its frame and scenery.
+The idea of a visionary voyage through the worlds of pain and bliss is
+no invention of the poet--it was one of the commonest and most
+familiar medieval vehicles of censure or warning; and those who love
+to trace the growth and often strange fortunes of popular ideas, or
+whose taste leads them to disbelieve in genius, and track the
+parentage of great inventions to the foolish and obscure, may find
+abundant materials in the literature of legends.[49] But his own
+age--the age which received the _Commedia_ with mingled enthusiasm and
+wonder, and called it the Divine, was as much perplexed as we are,
+though probably rather pleased thereby than offended. That within a
+century after its composition, in the more famous cities and
+universities of Italy, Florence, Venice, Bologna, and Pisa, chairs
+should have been founded, and illustrious men engaged to lecture on
+it, is a strange homage to its power, even in that time of quick
+feeling; but as strange and great a proof of its obscurity. What is
+dark and forbidding in it was scarcely more clear to the poet's
+contemporaries. And he, whose last object was amusement, invites no
+audience but a patient and confiding one.
+
+       O voi che siete in piccioletta barca,
+     Desiderosi di ascoltar, seguiti
+     Dietro al mio legno che cantando varca,
+
+       Tornate a riveder li vostri liti:
+     Non vi mettete in pelago, chè forse
+     Perdendo me rimarreste smarriti.
+
+       L'acqua ch'io prendo giammai non si corse:
+     Minerva spira, e conducemi Apollo,
+     E nuove muse mi dimostran l'Orse.
+
+       Voi altri pochi, che drizzaste 'l collo
+     Per tempo al pan degli angeli, del quale
+     Vivesi qui, ma non si vien satollo,
+
+       Metter potete ben per l'alto sale
+     Vostro navigio, servando mio solco
+     Dinanzi all'acqua che ritorna eguale.
+
+       Que gloriosi che passaro a Colco,
+     Non s'ammiraron, come voi farete,
+     Quando Jason vider fatto bifolco.--_Parad._ 2.[50]
+
+[Footnote 49: _Vide_ Ozanam, _Dante_, pp. 535, _sqq._ Ed.]
+
+[Footnote 50:
+
+     O ye who fain would listen to my song,
+       Following in little bark full eagerly
+       My venturous ship, that chanting hies along,
+
+     Turn back unto your native shores again;
+       Tempt not the deep, lest haply losing me,
+       In unknown paths bewildered ye remain.
+
+     I am the first this voyage to essay;
+       Minerva breathes--Apollo is my guide;
+       And new-born muses do the Bears display.
+
+     Ye other few, who have look'd up on high
+       For angels' food betimes, e'en here supplied
+       Largely, but not enough to satisfy,--
+
+     Mid the deep ocean ye your course may take,
+       My track pursuing the pure waters through,
+       Ere reunites the quickly-closing wake.
+
+     Those glorious ones, who drove of yore their prow
+       To Colchos, wonder'd not as ye will do,
+       When they saw Jason working at the plough.
+
+     WRIGHT'S _Dante_.]
+
+The character of the _Commedia_ belongs much more, in its excellence
+and its imperfections, to the poet himself and the nature of his
+work, than to his age. That cannot screen his faults; nor can it
+arrogate to itself, it must be content to share, his glory. His
+leading idea and line of thought was much more novel then than it is
+now, and belongs much more to the modern than the medieval world. The
+_Story of a Life_, the poetry of man's journey through the wilderness
+to his true country, is now in various and very different shapes as
+hackneyed a form of imagination, as an allegory, an epic, a legend of
+chivalry were in former times. Not, of course, that any time has been
+without its poetical feelings and ideas on the subject; and never were
+they deeper and more diversified, more touching and solemn, than in
+the ages that passed from S. Augustine and S. Gregory to S. Thomas and
+S. Bonaventura. But a philosophical poem, where they were not merely
+the colouring, but the subject, an _epos_ of the soul, placed for its
+trial in a fearful and wonderful world, with relations to time and
+matter, history and nature, good and evil, the beautiful, the
+intelligible, and the mysterious, sin and grace, the infinite and the
+eternal--and having in the company and under the influences of other
+intelligences, to make its choice, to struggle, to succeed or fail, to
+gain the light, or be lost--this was a new and unattempted theme. It
+has been often tried since, in faith or doubt, in egotism, in sorrow,
+in murmuring, in affectation, sometimes in joy--in various forms, in
+prose and verse, completed or fragmentary, in reality or fiction, in
+the direct or the shadowed story, in the _Pilgrim's Progress_, in
+Rousseau's _Confessions_, in _Wilhelm Meister_ and _Faust_, in the
+_Excursion_. It is common enough now for the poet, in the faith of
+human sympathy, and in the sense of the unexhausted vastness of his
+mysterious subject, to believe that his fellows will not see without
+interest and profit, glimpses of his own path and fortunes--hear from
+his lips the disclosure of his chief delights, his warnings, his
+fears--follow the many-coloured changes, the impressions and workings,
+of a character, at once the contrast and the counterpart to their own.
+But it was a new path then; and he needed to be, and was, a bold man,
+who first opened it--a path never trod without peril, usually with
+loss or failure.
+
+And certainly no great man ever made less secret to himself of his own
+genius. He is at no pains to rein in or to dissemble his consciousness
+of power, which he has measured without partiality, and feels sure
+will not fail him. "Fidandomi di me più che di un altro"[51]--is a
+reason which he assigns without reserve. We look with the distrust and
+hesitation of modern days, yet, in spite of ourselves, not without
+admiration and regret, at such frank hardihood. It was more common
+once than now. When the world was young, it was more natural and
+allowable--it was often seemly and noble. Men knew not their
+difficulties as we know them--we, to whom time, which has taught so
+much wisdom, has brought so many disappointments--we who have seen how
+often the powerful have fallen short, and the noble gone astray, and
+the most admirable missed their perfection. It is becoming in us to
+distrust ourselves--to be shy if we cannot be modest; it is but a
+respectful tribute to human weakness and our brethren's failures. But
+there was a time when great men dared to claim their greatness--not in
+foolish self-complacency, but in unembarrassed and majestic
+simplicity, in magnanimity and truth, in the consciousness of a
+serious and noble purpose, and of strength to fulfil it. Without
+passion, without elation as without shrinking, the poet surveys his
+superiority and his high position, as something external to him; he
+has no doubts about it, and affects none. He would be a coward, if he
+shut his eyes to what he could do; as much a trifler in displaying
+reserve as ostentation. Nothing is more striking in the _Commedia_
+than the serene and unhesitating confidence with which he announces
+himself the heir and reviver of the poetic power so long lost to the
+world--the heir and reviver of it in all its fulness. He doubts not
+of the judgment of posterity. One has arisen who shall throw into the
+shade all modern reputations, who shall bequeath to Christendom the
+glory of that name of Poet, "che più dura e più onora," hitherto the
+exclusive boast of heathenism, and claim the rare honours of the
+laurel:
+
+     Sì rade volte, padre, se ne coglie
+     Per trionfare o Cesare o poeta,
+     (Colpa e vergogna dell'umane voglie),
+       Che partorir letizia in su la lieta
+     Delfica deità dovrìa la fronda
+     Peneia quando alcun di sè asseta.--_Parad._ 1.[52]
+
+[Footnote 51: _Convito_, 1, 10.]
+
+[Footnote 52:
+
+     For now so rarely Poet gathers these,
+       Or Cæsar, winning an immortal praise
+       (Shame unto man's degraded energies),
+     That joy should to the Delphic God arise
+       When haply any one aspires to gain
+       The high reward of the Peneian prize.--WRIGHT.]
+
+He has but to follow his star to be sure of the glorious port:[53] he
+is the master of language: he can give fame to the dead--no task or
+enterprise appals him, for whom spirits keep watch in heaven, and
+angels have visited the shades--"tal si partì dal cantar
+alleluia:"--who is Virgil's foster child and familiar friend. Virgil
+bids him lay aside the last vestige of fear. Virgil is to "crown him
+king and priest over himself,"[54] for a higher venture than heathen
+poetry had dared; in Virgil's company he takes his place without
+diffidence, and without vain-glory, among the great poets of old--a
+sister soul.[55]
+
+[Footnote 53: Brunetto Latini's Prophecy, _Inf._ 15.]
+
+[Footnote 54: See the grand ending of _Purg._ 27.
+
+       Tratto t'ho qui con ingegno e con arte;
+     Lo tuo piacere omai prendi per duce:
+     Fuor se' dell'erte vie, fuor se' dell'arte.
+       Vedi il sole che 'n fronte ti riluce.
+     Vede l'erbetta, i fiori, e gli arboscelli
+     Che questa terra sol da sè produce.
+       Mentre che vegnon lieti gli occhi belli
+     Che lagrimando a te venir mi fenno,
+     Seder ti puoi e puoi andar tra elli.
+       Non aspettar mio dir più nè mio cenno;
+     Libero, dritto, sano è tuo arbitrio,
+     E fallo fora non fare a suo senno:
+       Perch'io te sopra te corono e mitrio.]
+
+[Footnote 55: _Purg._ c. 21.]
+
+     Poichè la voce fu restata e queta,
+     Vidi quattro grand'ombre a noi venire:
+     Sembianza avean nè trista nè lieta:
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+       Così vidi adunar la bella scuola
+     Di quel signor dell'altissimo canto
+     Che sovra gli altri come aquila vola.
+       Da ch'ebber ragionato insieme alquanto
+     Volsersi a me con salutevol cenno
+     E 'l mio maestro sorrise di tanto.
+       E più d'onore ancora assai mi fenno:
+     Ch'essi mi fecer della loro schiera,
+     Sì ch'io fui sesto tra cotanto senno.--_Inf._ 4.[56]
+
+[Footnote 56:
+
+     Ceased had the voice--when in composed array
+       Four mighty shades approaching I survey'd;--
+       Nor joy, nor sorrow did their looks betray.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     Assembled thus, was offered to my sight
+       The school of him, the Prince of poetry,
+       Who, eagle-like, o'er others takes his flight.
+     When they together had conversed awhile,
+       They turned to me with salutation bland,
+       Which from my master drew a friendly smile:
+     And greater glory still they bade me share,
+       Making me join their honourable band--
+       The sixth united to such genius rare.--WRIGHT.]
+
+This sustained magnanimity and lofty self-reliance, which never
+betrays itself, is one of the main elements in the grandeur of the
+_Commedia_. It is an imposing spectacle to see such fearlessness, such
+freedom, and such success in an untried path, amid unprepared
+materials and rude instruments, models scanty and only half
+understood, powers of language still doubtful and suspected, the
+deepest and strongest thought still confined to unbending forms and
+the harshest phrase; exact and extensive knowledge, as yet far out of
+reach; with no help from time, which familiarises all things, and of
+which, manner, elaboration, judgment, and taste are the gifts and
+inheritance;--to see the poet, trusting to his eye "which saw
+everything"[57] and his searching and creative spirit, venture
+undauntedly into all regions of thought and feeling, to draw thence a
+picture of the government of the universe.
+
+[Footnote 57: "Dante che tutto vedea."--_Sacchetti_, Nov. 114.]
+
+But such greatness had to endure its price and its counterpoise. Dante
+was alone:--except in his visionary world, solitary and companionless.
+The blind Greek had his throng of listeners; the blind Englishman his
+home and the voices of his daughters; Shakspere had his free
+associates of the stage; Goethe, his correspondents, a court, and all
+Germany to applaud. Not so Dante. The friends of his youth are already
+in the region of spirits, and meet him there--Casella, Forese;--Guido
+Cavalcanti will soon be with them. In this upper world he thinks and
+writes as a friendless man--to whom all that he had held dearest was
+either lost or embittered; he thinks and writes for himself.
+
+And so he is his own law; he owns no tribunal of opinion or standard
+of taste, except among the great dead. He hears them exhort him to
+"let the world talk on--to stand like a tower unshaken by the
+winds."[58] He fears to be "a timid friend to truth," "--to lose life
+among those who shall call this present time antiquity."[59] He
+belongs to no party. He is his own arbiter of the beautiful and the
+becoming; his own judge over right and injustice, innocence and guilt.
+He has no followers to secure, no school to humour, no public to
+satisfy; nothing to guide him, and nothing to consult, nothing to bind
+him, nothing to fear, out of himself. In full trust in heart and will,
+in his sense of truth, in his teeming brain, he gives himself free
+course. If men have idolised the worthless, and canonised the base, he
+reverses their award without mercy, and without apology; if they have
+forgotten the just because he was obscure, he remembers him: if "Monna
+Berta and Ser Martino,"[60] the wimpled and hooded gossips of the
+day, with their sage company, have settled it to their own
+satisfaction that Providence cannot swerve from their general rules,
+cannot save where they have doomed, or reject where they have
+approved--he both fears more and hopes more. Deeply reverent to the
+judgment of the ages past, reverent to the persons whom they have
+immortalised for good and even for evil, in his own day he cares for
+no man's person and no man's judgment. And he shrinks not from the
+auguries and forecastings of his mind about their career and fate. Men
+reasoned rapidly in those days on such subjects, and without much
+scruple; but not with such deliberate and discriminating sternness.
+The most popular and honoured names in Florence,
+
+       Farinata e 'l Tegghiaio, che fur sì degni,
+     Jacopo Rusticucci, Arrigo, e 'l Mosca
+     E gli altri, ch'a ben far poser gl'ingegni;
+
+have yet the damning brand: no reader of the _Inferno_ can have
+forgotten the shock of that terrible reply to the poet's questionings
+about their fate:
+
+     Ei son tra le anime più nere.[61]
+
+[Footnote 58: _Purg._ 5.]
+
+[Footnote 59:
+
+       La luce in che rideva il mio tesoro
+     Ch'io trovai lì, si fe' prima corrusca,
+     Quale a raggio di sole specchio d'oro;
+       Indi rispose: coscienza fusca
+     O della propria o dell'altrui vergogna
+     Pur sentirà la tua parola brusca;
+       Ma nondimen, rimossa ogni menzogna,
+     Tutta tua vision fa manifesta,
+     E lascia pur grattar dov'è la rogna:
+       Che se la voce tua sarà molesta
+     Nel primo gusto, vital nutrimento
+     Lascerà poi quando sarà digesta.
+       Questo tuo grido farà come vento
+     Che le più alte cime più percuote:
+     E ciò non fia d'onor poco argomento.
+       Però ti son mostrate, in queste ruote,
+     Nel monte, e nella valle dolorosa,
+     Pur l'anime che son di fama note.
+       Che l'animo di quel ch'ode non posa,
+     Nè ferma fede, per esemplo ch'aja
+     La sua radice incognito e nascosa,
+       Nè per altro argumento che non paja.--_Parad._ 17.]
+
+[Footnote 60:
+
+     Non creda Monna Berta e Ser Martino
+     Per vedere un furare, altro offerere,
+     Vederli dentro al consiglio divino:
+     Chè quel può surger, e quel può cadere.--_Ibid._ 13.]
+
+[Footnote 61: _Inf._ 6.]
+
+If he is partial, it is no vulgar partiality: friendship and old
+affection do not venture to exempt from its fatal doom the sin of his
+famous master, Brunetto Latini;[62] nobleness and great deeds, a
+kindred character and common wrongs, are not enough to redeem
+Farinata; and he who could tell her story bowed to the eternal law,
+and dared not save Francesca. If he condemns by a severer rule than
+that of the world, he absolves with fuller faith in the possibilities
+of grace. Many names of whom history has recorded no good, are marked
+by him for bliss; yet not without full respect for justice. The
+penitent of the last hour is saved, but he suffers loss. Manfred's
+soul is rescued; mercy had accepted his tears, and forgiven his great
+sins; and the excommunication of his enemy did not bar his salvation:
+
+       Per lor maladizion sì non si perde
+     Che non possa tornar l'eterno amore
+     Mentre che la speranza ha fior del verde.--_Purg._ 3.
+
+[Footnote 62:
+
+     Che in la mente m'è fitta, ed or m'accuora,
+       _La cara buona imagine paterna._--_Inf._ 15.]
+
+Yet his sin, though pardoned, was to keep him for long years from the
+perfection of heaven.[63] And with the same independence with which he
+assigns their fate, he selects his instances--instances which are to
+be the types of character and its issues. No man ever owned more
+unreservedly the fascination of greatness, its sway over the
+imagination and the heart; no one prized more the grand harmony and
+sense of fitness which there is, when the great man and the great
+office are joined in one, and reflect each other's greatness. The
+famous and great of all ages are gathered in the poet's vision; the
+great names even of fable--Geryon and the giants, the Minotaur and
+Centaurs, and the heroes of Thebes and Troy. But not the great and
+famous only: this is too narrow, too conventional a sphere; it is not
+real enough. He felt, what the modern world feels so keenly, that
+wonderful histories are latent in the inconspicuous paths of life, in
+the fugitive incidents of the hour, among the persons whose faces we
+have seen. The Church had from the first been witness to the deep
+interest of individual life. The rising taste for novels showed that
+society at large was beginning to be alive to it. And it is this
+feeling--that behind the veil there may be grades of greatness but
+nothing insignificant--that led Dante to refuse to restrict himself to
+the characters of fame. He will associate with them the living men who
+have stood round him; they are part of the same company with the
+greatest. That they have interested him, touched him, moved his
+indignation or pity, struck him as examples of great vicissitude or
+of a perfect life, have pleased him, loved him--this is enough why
+they should live in his poem as they have lived to him. He chooses at
+will; history, if it has been negligent at the time about those whom
+he thought worthy of renown, must be content with its loss. He tells
+their story, or touches them with a word like the most familiar names,
+according as he pleases. The obscure highway robber, the obscure
+betrayer of his sister's honour--Rinier da Corneto and Rinier Pazzo,
+and Caccianimico--are ranked, not according to their obscurity, but
+according to the greatness of their crimes, with the famous
+conquerors, and "scourges of God," and seducers of the heroic age,
+Pyrrhus and Attila, and the great Jason of "royal port, who sheds no
+tear in his torments."[64] He earns as high praise from Virgil, for
+his curse on the furious wrath of the old frantic Florentine burgher,
+as if he had cursed the disturber of the world's peace.[65] And so in
+the realms of joy, among the faithful accomplishers of the highest
+trusts, kings and teachers of the nations, founders of orders, sainted
+empresses, appear those whom, though the world had forgotten or
+misread them, the poet had enshrined in his familiar thoughts, for
+their sweetness, their gentle goodness, their nobility of soul; the
+penitent, the nun, the old crusading ancestor, the pilgrim who had
+deserted the greatness which he had created, the brave logician, who
+"syllogised unpalatable truths" in the Quartier Latin of Paris.[66]
+
+[Footnote 63: Charles of Anjou, his Guelf conqueror, is placed above
+him, in the valley of the kings (_Purg._ 7), "Colui dal maschio
+naso"--notwithstanding the charges afterwards made against him
+(_Purg._ 20).]
+
+[Footnote 64: See the magnificent picture, _Inf._ 18.]
+
+[Footnote 65: _Ibid._ 8.]
+
+[Footnote 66: Cunizza, Piccarda, Cacciaguida, Roméo. (_Parad._ 9, 3,
+15, 6, 10.)
+
+     ----La luce eterna di Sigieri
+     Che leggendo nel vico degli Strami
+     Sillogizzò invidiosi veri----
+
+in company with S. Thomas Aquinas, in the sphere of the Sun. Ozanam
+gives a few particulars of this forgotten professor of the "Rue du
+Fouarre," pp. 320-23.]
+
+There is small resemblance in all this--this arbitrary and imperious
+tone, this range of ideas, feelings, and images, this unshackled
+freedom, this harsh reality--to the dreamy gentleness of the _Vita
+Nuova_, or even the staid argumentation of the more mature _Convito_.
+The _Vita Nuova_ is all self-concentration--a brooding, not unpleased,
+over the varying tides of feeling, which are little influenced by the
+world without; where every fancy, every sensation, every superstition
+of the lover is detailed with the most whimsical subtlety. The
+_Commedia_, too, has its tenderness--and that more deep, more natural,
+more true, than the poet had before adapted to the traditionary
+formulæ of the "Courts of Love,"--the eyes of Beatrice are as bright,
+and the "conquering light of her smile;"[67] they still culminate,
+but they are not alone, in the poet's heaven. And the professed
+subject of the _Commedia_ is still Dante's own story and life; he
+still makes himself the central point. And steeled as he is by that
+high and hard experience of which his poem is the projection and
+type--"Ben tetragono ai colpi di ventura"--a stern and brief-spoken
+man, set on objects, and occupied with a theme, lofty and vast as can
+occupy man's thoughts, he still lets escape ever and anon some passing
+avowal of delicate sensitiveness,[68] lingers for a moment on some
+indulged self-consciousness, some recollection of his once quick and
+changeful mood--"io che son trasmutabil per tutte guise"[69]--or half
+playfully alludes to the whispered name of a lady,[70] whose pleasant
+courtesy has beguiled a few days of exile. But he is no longer
+spell-bound and entangled in fancies of his own weaving--absorbed in
+the unprofitable contemplation of his own internal sensations. The man
+is indeed the same, still a Florentine, still metaphysical, still a
+lover. He returns to the haunts and images of youth, to take among
+them his poet's crown; but "with other voice and other garb,"[71] a
+penitent and a prophet--with larger thoughts, wider sympathies, freer
+utterance; sterner and fiercer, yet nobler and more genuine in his
+tenderness--as one whom trial has made serious, and keen, and
+intolerant of evil, but not sceptical or callous; yet with the
+impressions and memories of a very different scene from his old
+day-dreams.
+
+[Footnote 67: Vincendo me col lume d'un sorriso.--_Parad._ 18.]
+
+[Footnote 68: For instance, his feeling of distress at gazing at the
+blind, who were not aware of his presence--
+
+     A me pareva andando fare oltraggio
+     Vedendo altrui, non essendo veduto:--_Purg._ 13.
+
+and of shame, at being tempted to listen to a quarrel between two lost
+spirits:
+
+       Ad ascoltarli er'io del tutto fisso,
+     Quando 'l Maestro mi disse: or pur mira,
+     Che per poco è, che teco non mi risso.
+       Quando io 'l senti' a me parlar con ira
+     Volsimi verso lui con tal vergogna,
+     Ch'ancor per la memoria mi si gira, &c.--_Inf._ 30.
+
+and the burst,
+
+       O dignitosa coscienza e netta,
+     Come t'è picciol fallo amaro morso.--_Purg._ 3.]
+
+[Footnote 69: _Parad._ 5.]
+
+[Footnote 70: _Purg._ 24.]
+
+[Footnote 71: _Parad._ 25.]
+
+     After that it was the pleasure of the citizens of that
+     fairest and most famous daughter of Rome, Florence, to cast
+     me forth from her most sweet bosom (wherein I had been
+     nourished up to the maturity of my life, and in which, with
+     all peace to her, I long with all my heart to rest my weary
+     soul, and finish the time which is given me), I have passed
+     through almost all the regions to which this language
+     reaches, a wanderer, almost a beggar, displaying, against my
+     will, the stroke of fortune, which is ofttimes unjustly wont
+     to be imputed to the person stricken. Truly, I have been a
+     ship without a sail or helm, carried to divers harbours, and
+     gulfs, and shores, by that parching wind which sad poverty
+     breathes; and I have seemed vile in the eyes of many, who
+     perchance, from some fame, had imagined of me in another
+     form; in the sight of whom not only did my presence become
+     nought, but every work of mine less prized, both what had
+     been and what was to be wrought.--_Convito_, Tr. i. c. 3.
+
+Thus proved, and thus furnished--thus independent and confident,
+daring to trust his instinct and genius in what was entirely untried
+and unusual, he entered on his great poem, to shadow forth, under the
+figure of his own conversion and purification, not merely how a single
+soul rises to its perfection, but how this visible world, in all its
+phases of nature, life, and society, is one with the invisible, which
+borders on it, actuates, accomplishes, and explains it. It is this
+vast plan--to take into his scope, not the soul only in its struggles
+and triumph, but all that the soul finds itself engaged with in its
+course; the accidents of the hour, and of ages past; the real persons,
+great and small, apart from and without whom it cannot think or act;
+the material world, its theatre and home--it is this which gives so
+many various sides to the _Commedia_, which makes it so novel and
+strange. It is not a mere personal history, or a pouring forth of
+feeling, like the _Vita Nuova_, though he is himself the mysterious
+voyager, and he opens without reserve his actual life and his heart;
+he speaks, indeed, in the first person, yet he is but a character of
+the drama, and in great part of it with not more of distinct
+personality than in that paraphrase of the penitential Psalms, in
+which he has preluded so much of the _Commedia_. Yet the _Commedia_ is
+not a pure allegory; it admits, and makes use of the allegorical, but
+the laws of allegory are too narrow for it; the real in it is too
+impatient of the veil, and breaks through in all its hardness and
+detail, into what is most shadowy. History is indeed viewed not in its
+ephemeral look, but under the light of God's final judgments; in its
+completion, not in its provisional and fragmentary character; viewed
+therefore but in faith;--but its issues, which in this confused scene
+we ordinarily contemplate in the gross, the poet brings down to detail
+and individuals; he faces and grasps the tremendous thought that the
+very men and women whom we see and speak to, are now the real
+representatives of sin and goodness, the true actors in that scene
+which is so familiar to us as a picture--unflinching and terrible
+heart, he endures to face it in its most harrowing forms. But he wrote
+not for sport, nor to give poetic pleasure; he wrote to warn; the seed
+of the _Commedia_ was sown in tears, and reaped in misery: and the
+consolations which it offers are awful as they are real.
+
+Thus, though he throws into symbol and image, what can only be
+expressed by symbol and image, we can as little forget in reading him
+this real world in which we live, as we can in one of Shakspere's
+plays. It is not merely that the poem is crowded with real personages,
+most of them having the single interest to us of being real. But all
+that is associated with man's history and existence is interwoven with
+the main course of thought--all that gives character to life, all that
+gives it form and feature, even to quaintness, all that occupies the
+mind, or employs the hand--speculation, science, arts, manufactures,
+monuments, scenes, customs, proverbs, ceremonies, games, punishments,
+attitudes of men, habits of living creatures. The wildest and most
+unearthly imaginations, the most abstruse thoughts take up into, and
+incorporate with themselves the forcible and familiar impressions of
+our mother earth, and do not refuse the company and aid even of the
+homeliest.
+
+This is not mere poetic ornament, peculiarly, profusely, or
+extravagantly employed. It is one of the ways in which his dominant
+feeling expresses itself--spontaneous and instinctive in each several
+instance of it, but the kindling and effluence of deliberate thought,
+and attending on a clear purpose--the feeling of the real and intimate
+connexion between the objects of sight and faith. It is not that he
+sees in one the simple counterpart and reverse of the other, or sets
+himself to trace out universally their mutual correspondences; he has
+too strong a sense of the reality of this familiar life to reduce it
+merely to a shadow and type of the unseen. What he struggles to
+express in countless ways, with all the resources of his strange and
+gigantic power, is that this world and the next are both equally real,
+and both one--parts, however different, of one whole. The world to
+come we know but in "a glass darkly;" man can only think and imagine
+of it in images, which he knows to be but broken and faint
+reflections: but this world we know, not in outline, and featureless
+idea, but by name, and face, and shape, by place and person, by the
+colours and forms which crowd over its surface, the men who people its
+habitations, the events which mark its moments. Detail fills the sense
+here, and is the mark of reality. And thus he seeks to keep alive the
+feeling of what that world is which he connects with heaven and hell;
+not by abstractions, not much by elaborate and highly-finished
+pictures, but by names, persons, local features, definite images.
+Widely and keenly has he ranged over and searched into the world--with
+a largeness of mind which disdained not to mark and treasure up, along
+with much unheeded beauty, many a characteristic feature of nature,
+unnoticed because so common. All his pursuits and interests contribute
+to the impression, which, often instinctively it may be, he strives to
+produce, of the manifold variety of our life. As a man of society, his
+memory is full of its usages, formalities, graces, follies,
+fashions--of expressive motions, postures, gestures, looks--of music,
+of handicrafts, of the conversation of friends or associates--of all
+that passes, so transient, yet so keenly pleasant or distasteful,
+between man and man. As a traveller, he recalls continually the names
+and scenes of the world;--as a man of speculation, the secrets of
+nature--the phenomena of light, the theory of the planets' motions,
+the idea and laws of physiology. As a man of learning, he is filled
+with the thoughts and recollections of ancient fable and history; as a
+politician, with the thoughts, prognostications, and hopes, of the
+history of the day; as a moral philosopher he has watched himself, his
+external sensations and changes, his inward passions, his mental
+powers, his ideas, his conscience; he has far and wide noted
+character, discriminated motives, classed good and evil deeds. All
+that the man of society, of travel, of science, of learning, the
+politician, the moralist, could gather, is used at will in the great
+poetic structure; but all converges to the purpose, and is directed by
+the intense feeling of the theologian, who sees this wonderful and
+familiar scene melting into, and ending in another yet more wonderful,
+but which will one day be as familiar--who sees the difficult but sure
+progress of the manifold remedies of the Divine government to their
+predestined issue; and, over all, God and His saints.
+
+So comprehensive in interest is the _Commedia_. Any attempt to explain
+it, by narrowing that interest to politics, philosophy, the moral
+life, or theology itself, must prove inadequate. Theology strikes the
+key-note; but history, natural and metaphysical science, poetry, and
+art, each in their turn join in the harmony, independent, yet
+ministering to the whole. If from the poem itself we could be for a
+single moment in doubt of the reality and dominant place of religion
+in it, the plain-spoken prose of the _Convito_ would show how he
+placed "the Divine Science, full of all peace, and allowing no strife
+of opinions and sophisms, for the excellent certainty of its subject,
+which is God," in single perfection above all other sciences, "which
+are, as Solomon speaks, but queens, or concubines, or maidens; but she
+is the 'Dove,' and the 'perfect one'--'Dove,' because without stain of
+strife--'perfect,' because perfectly she makes us behold the truth, in
+which our soul stills itself and is at rest." But the same passage[72]
+shows likewise how he viewed all human knowledge and human interests,
+as holding their due place in the hierarchy of wisdom, and among the
+steps of man's perfection. No account of the _Commedia_ will prove
+sufficient, which does not keep in view, first of all, the high moral
+purpose and deep spirit of faith with which it was written, and then
+the wide liberty of materials and means which the poet allowed himself
+in working out his design.
+
+[Footnote 72: _Convito_, Tr. 2, c. 14, 15.]
+
+Doubtless, his writings have a political aspect. The "great Ghibelline
+poet" is one of Dante's received synonymes; of his strong political
+opinions, and the importance he attached to them, there can be no
+doubt. And he meant his poem to be the vehicle of them, and the record
+to all ages of the folly and selfishness with which he saw men
+governed. That he should take the deepest interest in the goings on of
+his time, is part of his greatness; to suppose that he stopped at
+them, or that he subordinated to political objects or feelings all the
+other elements of his poem, is to shrink up that greatness into very
+narrow limits. Yet this has been done by men of mark and ability, by
+Italians, by men who read the _Commedia_ in their own mother-tongue.
+It has been maintained as a satisfactory account of it--maintained
+with great labour and pertinacious ingenuity--that Dante meant nothing
+more by his poem than the conflicts and ideal triumph of a political
+party. The hundred cantos of that vision of the universe are but a
+manifesto of the Ghibelline propaganda, designed, under the veil of
+historic images and scenes, to insinuate what it was dangerous to
+announce; and Beatrice, in all her glory and sweetness, is but a
+specimen of the jargon, cant, and slang of Ghibelline freemasonry.
+When Italians write thus, they degrade the greatest name of their
+country to a depth of laborious imbecility, to which the trifling of
+schoolmen and academicians is as nothing. It is to solve the enigma of
+Dante's works, by imagining for him a character in which it is hard to
+say which predominates, the pedant, mountebank, or infidel. After that
+we may read Voltaire's sneers with patience, and even enter with
+gravity on the examination of Father Hardouin's Historic Doubts. The
+fanaticism of an outraged liberalism, produced by centuries of
+injustice and despotism, is but a poor excuse for such perverse
+blindness.[73]
+
+[Footnote 73: In the _Remains of Arthur Henry Hallam_ is a paper, in
+which he examines and disposes of this theory with a courteous and
+forbearing irony, which would have deepened probably into something
+more, on thinking over it a second time.]
+
+Dante was not a Ghibelline, though he longed for the interposition of
+an Imperial power. Historically he did not belong to the Ghibelline
+party. It is true that he forsook the Guelfs, with whom he had been
+brought up, and that the White Guelfs, with whom he was expelled from
+Florence, were at length merged and lost in the Ghibelline party[74];
+and he acted with them for a time.[75] But no words can be stronger
+than those in which he disjoins himself from that "evil and foolish
+company," and claims his independence--
+
+                          A te fia bello
+     _Averti fatto parte per te stesso_.[76]
+
+[Footnote 74: _Dino Comp._ pp. 89-91.]
+
+[Footnote 75: His name appears among the White delegates in 1307.
+Pelli, p. 117.]
+
+[Footnote 76: _Parad._ 17.]
+
+And it is not easy to conceive a Ghibelline partisan putting into the
+mouth of Justinian, the type of law and empire, a general condemnation
+of his party as heavy as that of their antagonists;--the crime of
+having betrayed, as the Guelfs had resisted, the great symbol of
+public right--
+
+       Omai puoi giudicar di que' cotali
+     Ch'io accusai di sopra, e de' lor falli
+     Che son cagion di tutti i vostri mali.
+       L'uno al pubblico segno i gigli gialli
+     Oppone, e _quel s'appropria l'altro a parte_,
+     Sì ch'è forte a veder qual più si falli.
+       _Faccian li Ghibellin, faccian lor arte
+     Sott'altro segno; chè mal segue quello
+     Sempre chi la giustizia e lui diparte._[77]
+
+[Footnote 77: _Ibid._ 6.]
+
+And though, as the victim of the Guelfs of Florence, he found refuge
+among Ghibelline princes, he had friends among Guelfs also. His steps
+and his tongue were free to the end. And in character and feeling, in
+his austerity, his sturdiness and roughness, his intolerance of
+corruption and pride, his strongly-marked devotional temper, he was
+much less a Ghibelline than like one of those stern Guelfs who hailed
+Savonarola.
+
+But he had a very decided and complete political theory, which
+certainly was not Guelf; and, as parties then were, it was not much
+more Ghibelline. Most assuredly no set of men would have more
+vigorously resisted the attempt to realise his theory, would have
+joined more heartily with all immediate opponents--Guelfs, Black,
+White, and Green, or even Boniface VIII.,--to keep out such an emperor
+as Dante imagined, than the Ghibelline nobles and potentates.
+
+Dante's political views were a dream; though a dream based on what had
+been, and an anticipation of what was, in part at least, to come. It
+was a dream in the middle ages, in divided and republican Italy, the
+Italy of cities--of a real and national government, based on justice
+and law. It was the dream of a real _state_. He imagined that the
+Roman empire had been one great state; he persuaded himself that
+Christendom might be such. He was wrong in both instances; but in this
+case, as in so many others, he had already caught the spirit and ideas
+of a far-distant future; and the political organisation of modern
+times, so familiar to us that we cease to think of its exceeding
+wonder, is the practical confirmation, though in a form very different
+from what he imagined, of the depth and farsightedness of those
+expectations which are in outward form so chimerical--"_i miei non
+falsi errori_."
+
+He had studied the "infinite disorders of the world" in one of their
+most unrestrained scenes, the streets of an Italian republic. Law was
+powerless, good men were powerless, good intentions came to naught;
+neither social habits nor public power could resist, when selfishness
+chose to have its way. The Church was indeed still the salt of the
+nations; but it had once dared and achieved more; it had once been the
+only power which ruled them. And this it could do no longer. If
+strength and energy had been enough to make the Church's influence
+felt on government, there was a Pope who could have done it--a man who
+was undoubtedly the most wondered at and admired of his age, whom
+friend or foe never characterised, without adding the invariable
+epithet of his greatness of soul--the "_magnanimus peccator_,"[78]
+whose Roman grandeur in meeting his unworthy fate fascinated into
+momentary sympathy even Dante.[79] But among the things which
+Boniface VIII. could not do, even if he cared about it, was the
+maintaining peace and law in Italian towns. And while this great
+political power was failing, its correlative and antagonist was
+paralysed also. "Since the death of Frederic II.," says Dante's
+contemporary, "the fame and recollections of the empire were well-nigh
+extinguished."[80] Italy was left without government--"come nave senza
+nocchiero in gran tempesta"--to the mercies of her tyrants:
+
+         Che le terre d'Italia tutte piene
+     Son di tiranni, e un Marcel diventa
+     Ogni villan, che parteggiando viene.--_Purg._ 6.
+
+[Footnote 78: Benvenuto da Imola.]
+
+[Footnote 79:
+
+     Veggio in Alagna entrar lo fiordaliso,
+     E nel vicario suo Cristo esser catto;
+       Veggiolo un'altra volta esser deriso;
+     Veggio rinnovellar l'aceto e 'l fele,
+     E tra vivi ladroni essere anciso.--_Purg._ 20.
+
+G. Villani, viii. 63. Come magnanimo e valente, disse, _Dacchè per
+tradimento, come Gesù Cristo, voglio esser preso e mi conviene morire,
+almeno voglio morire come Papa_; e di presente si fece parare
+dell'ammanto di S. Piero, e colla corona di Constantino in capo, e
+colle chiavi e croce in mano, e in su la sedia papale si pose a
+sedere, e giunto a lui Sciarra e gli altri suoi nimici; con villane
+parole lo scherniro.]
+
+[Footnote 80: _Dino Compagni_, p. 135.]
+
+In this scene of violence and disorder, with the Papacy gone astray,
+the empire debased and impotent, the religious orders corrupted, power
+meaning lawlessness, the well-disposed become weak and cowardly,
+religion neither guide nor check to society, but only the consolation
+of its victims--Dante was bold and hopeful enough to believe in the
+Divine appointment, and in the possibility, of law and government--of
+a state. In his philosophy, the institutions which provide for man's
+peace and liberty in this life are part of God's great order for
+raising men to perfection;--not indispensable, yet ordinary parts;
+having their important place, though but for the present time; and
+though imperfect, real instruments of His moral government. He could
+not believe it to be the intention of Providence, that on the
+introduction of higher hopes and the foundation of a higher society,
+civil society should collapse and be left to ruin, as henceforth
+useless or prejudicial in man's trial and training; that the
+significant intimations of nature, that law and its results, justice,
+peace, and stability, ought to be and might be realised among men, had
+lost their meaning and faded away before the announcement of a kingdom
+not of this world. And if the perfection of civil society had not been
+superseded by the Church, it had become clear, if events were to be
+read as signs, that she was not intended to supply its political
+offices and functions. She had taught, elevated, solaced, blessed, not
+only individual souls, but society; she had for a time even governed
+it: but though her other powers remained, she could govern it no
+longer. Failure had made it certain that, in his strong and quaint
+language, "_Virtus authorizandi regnum nostræ mortalitatis est contra
+naturam ecclesiæ; ergo non est de numero virtutum suarum_."[81]
+Another and distinct organisation was required for this, unless the
+temporal order was no longer worthy the attention of Christians.
+
+[Footnote 81: _De Monarch._ lib. iii. p. 188, Ed. Fraticelli.]
+
+This is the idea of the _De Monarchia_; and though it holds but a
+place in the great scheme of the _Commedia_, it is prominent there
+also--an idea seen but in a fantastic shape, encumbered and confused
+with most grotesque imagery, but the real idea of polity and law,
+which the experience of modern Europe has attained to.
+
+He found in clear outline in the Greek philosophy, the theory of
+merely human society; and raising its end and purpose, "_finem totius
+humanæ civilitatis_," to a height and dignity which Heathens could not
+forecast, he adopted it in its more abstract and ideal form. He
+imagined a single authority, unselfish, inflexible, irresistible,
+which could make all smaller tyrannies to cease, and enable every man
+to live in peace and liberty, so that he lived in justice. It is
+simply what each separate state of Christendom has by this time more
+or less perfectly achieved. The theoriser of the middle ages could
+conceive of its accomplishment only in one form, as grand as it was
+impossible--a universal monarchy.
+
+But he did not start from an abstraction. He believed that history
+attested the existence of such a monarchy. The prestige of the Roman
+empire was then strong. Europe still lingers on the idea, and cannot
+even yet bring itself to give up its part in that great monument of
+human power. But in the middle ages the Empire was still believed to
+exist. It was the last greatness which had been seen in the world, and
+the world would not believe that it was over. Above all, in Italy, a
+continuity of lineage, of language, of local names, and in part of
+civilisation and law, forbad the thought that the great Roman people
+had ceased to be. Florentines and Venetians boasted that they were
+Romans: the legends which the Florentine ladies told to their maidens
+at the loom were tales of their mother city, Rome. The Roman element,
+little understood, but profoundly reverenced and dearly cherished, was
+dominant; the conductor of civilisation, and enfolding the inheritance
+of all the wisdom, experience, feeling, art, of the past, it elevated,
+even while it overawed, oppressed, and enslaved. A deep belief in
+Providence added to the intrinsic grandeur of the empire a sacred
+character. The flight of the eagle has been often told and often sung;
+but neither in Livy or Virgil, Gibbon or Bossuet, with intenser
+sympathy or more kindred power, than in those rushing and unflagging
+verses in which the middle-age poet hears the imperial legislator
+relate the fated course of the "sacred sign," from the day when Pallas
+died for it, till it accomplished the vengeance of heaven in Judæa,
+and afterwards, under Charlemagne, smote down the enemies of the
+Church.[82]
+
+[Footnote 82: _Parad._ c. 6.]
+
+The following passage, from the _De Monarchia_, will show the poet's
+view of the Roman empire, and its office in the world:
+
+     To the reasons above alleged, a memorable experience brings
+     confirmation: I mean that state of mankind which the Son of
+     God, when He would for man's salvation take man upon Him,
+     either waited for, or ordered when so He willed. For if from
+     the fall of our first parents, which was the starting-point
+     of all our wanderings, we retrace the various dispositions
+     of men and their times, we shall not find at any time,
+     except under the divine monarch Augustus, when a perfect
+     monarchy existed, that the world was everywhere quiet. And
+     that then mankind was happy in the tranquillity of universal
+     peace, this all writers of history, this famous poets, this
+     even the Scribe of the meekness of Christ has deigned to
+     attest. And lastly, Paul has called that most blessed
+     condition, the fulness of time. Truly time, and the things
+     of time, were full, for no mystery of our felicity then
+     lacked its minister. But how the world has gone on from the
+     time when that seamless robe was first torn by the claws of
+     covetousness, we may read, and would that we might not also
+     see. O race of men, by how great storms and losses, by how
+     great shipwrecks hast thou of necessity been vexed since,
+     transformed into a beast of many heads, thou hast been
+     struggling different ways, sick in understanding, equally
+     sick in heart. The higher intellect, with its invincible
+     reasons, thou reckest not of; nor of the inferior, with its
+     eye of experience; nor of affection, with the sweetness of
+     divine suasion, when the trumpet of the Holy Ghost sounds to
+     thee--"Behold, how good is it, and how pleasant, brethren,
+     to dwell together in unity."--_De Monarch._ lib. i. p. 54.
+
+Yet this great Roman empire existed still unimpaired in name--not
+unimposing even in what really remained of it. Dante, to supply a
+want, turned it into a theory--a theory easy to smile at now, but
+which contained and was a beginning of unknown or unheeded truth. What
+he yearns after is the predominance of the principle of justice in
+civil society. That, if it is still imperfect, is no longer a dream in
+our day; but experience had never realised it to him, and he takes
+refuge in tentative and groping theory. The divinations of the
+greatest men have been vague and strange, and none have been stranger
+than those of the author of the _De Monarchia_. The second book, in
+which he establishes the title of the Roman people to Universal
+Empire, is as startling a piece of mediæval argument as it would be
+easy to find.
+
+     As when we cannot attain to look upon a cause, we commonly
+     wonder at a new effect, so when we know the cause, we look
+     down with a certain derision on those who remain in wonder.
+     And I indeed wondered once how the Roman people had, without
+     any resistance, been set over the world; and looking at it
+     superficially, I thought that they had obtained this by no
+     right, but by mere force of arms. But when I fixed deeply
+     the eyes of my mind on it, and by most effectual signs knew
+     that Divine Providence had wrought this, wonder departed,
+     and a certain scornful contempt came in its stead, when I
+     perceived the nations raging against the pre-eminence of the
+     Roman people:--when I see the people imagining a vain thing,
+     as I once used to do; when, moreover, I grieve over kings
+     and princes agreeing in this only, to be against their Lord
+     and his anointed Roman Emperor. Wherefore in derision, not
+     without a certain grief, I can cry out, for that glorious
+     people and for Cæsar, with him who cried in behalf of the
+     Prince of Heaven, "Why did the nations rage, and the people
+     imagine vain things; the kings of the earth stood up, and
+     the rulers were joined in one against the Lord and his
+     anointed." But (because natural love suffers not derision to
+     be of long duration, but, like the summer sun, which,
+     scattering the morning mists, irradiates the east with
+     light, so prefers to pour forth the light of correction)
+     therefore to break the bonds of the ignorance of such kings
+     and rulers, to show that the human race is free from _their_
+     yoke, I will exhort myself, in company with the most holy
+     Prophet, taking up his following words, "Let us break their
+     bonds, and cast away from us their yoke."--_De Monarch._
+     lib. ii. p. 58.
+
+And to prove this pre-eminence of right in the Roman people, and their
+heirs, the Emperors of Christendom, he appeals not merely to the
+course of Providence, to their high and noble ancestry, to the
+blessings of their just and considerate laws, to their unselfish
+guardianship of the world--"_Romanum imperium de fonte nascitur
+pietatis_;"--not merely to their noble examples of private virtue,
+self-devotion, and public spirit--"those most sacred victims of the
+Decian house, who laid down their lives for the public weal, as
+Livy--not as _they_ deserved, but as _he_ was able--tells to their
+glory; and that unspeakable sacrifice of freedom's sternest guardians,
+the Catos;" not merely to the "judgment of God" in that great duel and
+wager of battle for empire, in which heaven declared against all other
+champions and "co-athletes"--Alexander, Pyrrhus, Hannibal, and by all
+the formalities of judicial combat awarded the great prize to those
+who fought, not for love or hatred, but justice--"_Quis igitur nunc
+adeo obtusæ mentis est, qui non videat, sub jure duelli gloriosum
+populum coronam totius orbis esse lucratum?_"--not merely to arguments
+derived "from the principles of the Christian faith"--but to
+_miracles_. "The Roman empire," he says, "was, in order to its
+perfections, aided by the help of miracles; therefore it was willed by
+God; and, by consequence, both was, and is, of right." And these
+miracles, "proved by the testimony of illustrious authorities," are
+the prodigies of Livy--the ancile of Numa, the geese of the Capitol,
+the escape of Clelia, the hail-storm which checked Hannibal.[83]
+
+[Footnote 83: _De Monarch._ lib. ii. pp. 62, 66, 78, 82, 84, 108-114,
+116, 72-76.]
+
+The intellectual phenomenon is a strange one. It would be less strange
+if Dante were arguing in the schools, or pleading for a party. But
+even Henry of Luxemburg cared little for such a throne as the poet
+wanted him to fill, much less Can Grande and the Visconti. The idea,
+the theory, and the argument, are of the writer's own solitary
+meditation. We may wonder. But there are few things more strange than
+the history of argument. How often has a cause or an idea turned out,
+in the eyes of posterity, so much better than its arguments. How
+often have we seen argument getting as it were into a groove, and
+unable to extricate itself, so as to do itself justice. The everyday
+cases of private experience, of men defending right conclusions on
+wrong or conventional grounds, or in a confused form, entangled with
+conclusions of a like yet different nature;--of arguments, theories,
+solutions, which once satisfied, satisfying us no longer on a question
+about which we hold the same belief--of one party unable to comprehend
+the arguments of another--of one section of the same side smiling at
+the defence of their common cause by another--are all reproduced on a
+grander scale in the history of society. There too, one age cannot
+comprehend another; there too it takes time to disengage, subordinate,
+eliminate. Truth of this sort is not the elaboration of one keen or
+strong mind, but of the secret experience of many; "_nihil sine ætate
+est, omnia tempus expectant_." But a counterpart to the _De Monarchia_
+is not wanting in our own day; theory has not ceased to be mighty. In
+warmth and earnestness, in sense of historic grandeur, in its support
+of a great cause and a great idea, not less than in the thought of its
+motto, [Greek: heis koiranos estô], De Maistre's volume _Du Pape_,
+recalls the antagonist _De Monarchia_; but it recalls it not less in
+its bold dealing with facts, and its bold assumption of principles,
+though the knowledge and debates of five more busy centuries, and the
+experience of modern courts and revolutions, might have guarded the
+Piedmontese nobleman from the mistakes of the old Florentine.
+
+But the idea of the _De Monarchia_ is no key to the _Commedia_. The
+direct and primary purpose of the _Commedia_ is surely its obvious
+one. It is to stamp a deep impression on the mind, of the issues of
+good and ill doing here--of the real worlds of pain and joy. To do
+this forcibly, it is done in detail--of course it can only be done in
+figure. Punishment, purification, or the fulness of consolation are,
+as he would think, at this very moment, the lot of all the numberless
+spirits who have ever lived here--spirits still living and sentient as
+himself: parallel with our life, they too are suffering or are at
+rest. Without pause or interval, in all its parts simultaneously, this
+awful scene is going on--the judgments of God are being
+fulfilled--could we but see it. It exists, it might be seen, at each
+instant of time, by a soul whose eyes were opened, which was carried
+through it. And this he imagines. It had been imagined before; it is
+the working out, which is peculiar to him. It is not a barren vision.
+His subject is, besides the eternal world, the soul which contemplates
+it; by sight, according to his figures--in reality, by faith. As he is
+led on from woe to deeper woe, then through the tempered
+chastisements and resignation of Purgatory to the beatific vision, he
+is tracing the course of the soul on earth, realising sin and weaning
+itself from it--of its purification and preparation for its high lot,
+by converse with the good and wise, by the remedies of grace, by
+efforts of will and love, perhaps by the dominant guidance of some
+single pure and holy influence, whether of person, or institution, or
+thought. Nor will we say but that beyond this earthly probation, he is
+not also striving to grasp and imagine to himself something of that
+awful process and training, by which, whether in or out of the flesh,
+the spirit is made fit to meet its Maker, its Judge, and its Chief
+Good.
+
+Thus it seems that even in its main design, the poem has more than one
+aspect; it is a picture, a figure, partially a history, perhaps an
+anticipation. And this is confirmed, by what the poet has himself
+distinctly stated, of his ideas of poetic composition. His view is
+expressed generally in his philosophical treatise, the _Convito_; but
+it is applied directly to the _Commedia_, in a letter, which, if in
+its present form, of doubtful authenticity, without any question
+represents his sentiments, and the substance of which is incorporated
+in one of the earliest writings on the poem, Boccaccio's commentary.
+The following is his account of the subject of the poem:
+
+     For the evidence of what is to be said, it is to be noted,
+     that this work is not of one single meaning only, but may be
+     said to have many meanings ("_polysensuum_"). For the first
+     meaning is that of the letter--another is that of things
+     signified by the letter; the first of these is called the
+     literal sense, the second, the allegorical or moral. This
+     mode of treating a subject may for clearness' sake be
+     considered in those verses of the Psalm, "_In exitu
+     Israel_." "When Israel came out of Egypt, and the house of
+     Jacob from the strange people, Judah was his sanctuary, and
+     Israel his dominion." For if we look at the _letter_ only,
+     there is here signified, the going out of the children of
+     Israel in the time of Moses--if at the _allegory_ there is
+     signified our redemption through Christ--if at the _moral_
+     sense there is signified to us the conversion of the soul
+     from the mourning and misery of sin to the state of
+     grace--if at the _anagogic_ sense,[84] there is signified
+     the passing out of the holy soul from the bondage of this
+     corruption to the liberty of everlasting glory. And these
+     mystical meanings, though called by different names, may all
+     be called _allegorical_ as distinguished from the literal or
+     historical sense.... This being considered, it is plain that
+     there ought to be a twofold subject, concerning which the
+     two corresponding meanings may proceed. Therefore we must
+     consider first concerning the subject of this work as it is
+     to be understood literally, then as it is to be considered
+     allegorically. The subject then of the whole work, taken
+     literally only, is the state of souls after death considered
+     in itself. For about this, and on this, the whole work
+     turns. But if the work be taken allegorically, its subject
+     is man, as, by his freedom of choice deserving well or ill,
+     he is subject to the justice which rewards and punishes.[85]
+
+[Footnote 84:
+
+     _Litera_ gesta refert, quid credas _allegoria_,
+     _Moralis_ quid agas, quid speres _anagogia_.
+
+     De Witte's note from _Buti_.]
+
+[Footnote 85: Ep. ad _Kan Grand._ § 6, 7.]
+
+The passage in the _Convito_ is to the same effect; but his remarks on
+the _moral_ and _anagogic_ meaning may be quoted:
+
+     The third sense is called _moral_; that it is which readers
+     ought to go on noting carefully in writings, for their own
+     profit and that of their disciples: as in the Gospel it may
+     be noted, when Christ went up to the mountain to be
+     transfigured, that of the twelve Apostles, he took with him
+     only three; in which morally we may understand, that in the
+     most secret things we ought to have but few companions. The
+     fourth sort of meaning is called _anagogic_, that is, above
+     our sense; and this is when we spiritually interpret a
+     passage, which even in its literal meaning, by means of the
+     things signified, expresses the heavenly things of
+     everlasting glory: as may be seen in that song of the
+     Prophet, which says, that in the coming out of the people of
+     Israel from Egypt, Judah was made holy and free; which
+     although it is manifestly true according to the letter, is
+     not less true as spiritually understood; that is, that when
+     the soul comes out of sin, it is made holy and free, in its
+     own power.[86]
+
+[Footnote 86: _Convito_, Tr. 2, c. 1.]
+
+With this passage before us there can be no doubt of the meaning,
+however veiled, of those beautiful lines, already referred to, in
+which Virgil, after having conducted the poet up the steeps of
+Purgatory, where his sins have been one by one cancelled by the
+ministering angels, finally takes leave of him, and bids him wait for
+Beatrice, on the skirts of the earthly Paradise:
+
+       Come la scala tutta sotto noi
+     Fu corsa e fummo in su 'l grado superno,
+     In me ficcò Virgilio gli occhi suoi,
+       E disse: "Il temporal fuoco, e l'eterno
+     Veduto hai, figlio, e se' venuto in parte
+     Ov'io per me più oltre non discerno.
+       Tratto t'ho qui con ingegno e con arte:
+     Lo tuo piacere omai prendi per duce;
+     Fuor se' dell'erte vie, fuor se' dell'arte.
+       Vedi il sole che 'n fronte ti riluce:
+     Vedi l'erbetta, i fiori, e gli arboscelli
+     Che quella terra sol da sè produce.
+       Mentre che vegnon lieti gli occhi belli
+     Che lagrimando a te venir mi fenno,
+     Seder ti puoi e puoi andar tra elli.
+       Non aspettar mio dir più nè mio cenno:
+     Libero, dritto, sano è tuo arbitrio,
+     E fallo fora non fare a suo senno:--
+       Perch'io te sopra te corono e mitrio."[87]
+
+[Footnote 87:
+
+                    When we had run
+     O'er all the ladder to its topmost round,
+     As there we stood, on me the Mantuan fix'd
+     His eyes, and thus he spake: "Both fires, my son,
+     The temporal and the eternal, thou hast seen:
+     And art arrived, where of itself my ken
+     No further reaches. I with skill and art,
+     Thus far have drawn thee. Now thy pleasure take
+     For guide. Thou hast o'ercome the steeper way,
+     O'ercome the straiter. Lo! the sun, that darts
+     His beam upon thy forehead: lo! the herb,
+     The arborets and flowers, which of itself
+     This land pours forth profuse. Till those bright eyes
+     With gladness come, which, weeping, made me haste
+     To succour thee, thou mayest or seat thee down,
+     Or wander where thou wilt. Expect no more
+     Sanction of warning voice or sign from me,
+     Free of thine own arbitrement to choose,
+     Discreet, judicious. To distrust thy sense
+     Were henceforth error. I invest thee then
+     With crown and mitre, sovereign o'er thyself."
+
+     _Purg._ c. 27--CARY.]
+
+The general meaning of the _Commedia_ is clear enough. But it
+certainly does appear to refuse to be fitted into a connected formal
+scheme of interpretation. It is not a homogeneous, consistent
+allegory, like the _Pilgrim's Progress_ and the _Fairy Queen_. The
+allegory continually breaks off, shifts its ground, gives place to
+other elements, or mingles with them--like a stream which suddenly
+sinks into the earth, and after passing under plains and mountains,
+reappears in a distant point, and in different scenery. We can,
+indeed, imagine its strange author commenting on it, and finding or
+marking out its prosaic substratum, with the cold-blooded precision
+and scholastic distinctions of the _Convito_. However, he has not done
+so. And of the many enigmas which present themselves, either in its
+structure or separate parts, the key seems hopelessly lost. The early
+commentators are very ingenious, but very unsatisfactory; they see
+where we can see, but beyond that they are as full of uncertainty as
+ourselves. It is in character with that solitary and haughty spirit,
+while touching universal sympathies, appalling and charming all
+hearts, to have delighted in his own dark sayings, which had meaning
+only to himself. It is true that, whether in irony, or from that
+quaint studious care for the appearance of literal truth, which makes
+him apologise for the wonders which he relates, and confirm them by an
+oath, "on the words of his poem,"[88] he provokes and challenges us;
+bids us admire "doctrine hidden under strange verses;"[89] bids us
+strain our eyes, for the veil is thin:
+
+     Aguzza, qui, lettor, ben l'occhi al vero:
+     Chè il velo è ora ben tanto sottile,
+     Certo, che il trapassar dentro è leggiero.--_Purg._ c. 8.
+
+But eyes are still strained in conjecture and doubt.
+
+[Footnote 88:
+
+       Sempre a quel ver, ch'ha faccia di menzogna,
+     De' l'uom chiuder le labbra, quanto puote,
+     Però che senza colpa fa vergogna.
+       Ma qui tacer nol posso; e per le note
+     Di questa _Commedia_, lettor, ti giuro
+     S'elle non sien di lunga grazia vote, &c.--_Inf._ 16.]
+
+[Footnote 89: _Inf._ 9.]
+
+Yet the most certain and detailed commentary, one which assigned the
+exact reason for every image or allegory, and its place and connexion
+in a general scheme, would add but little to the charm or to the use
+of the poem. It is not so obscure but that every man's experience who
+has thought over and felt the mystery of our present life, may supply
+the commentary--the more ample, the wider and more various has been
+his experience, the deeper and keener his feeling. Details and links
+of connexion may be matter of controversy. Whether the three beasts of
+the forest mean definitely the vices of the time, or of Florence
+specially, or of the poet himself--"the wickedness of his heels,
+compassing him round about"--may still exercise critics and
+antiquaries; but that they carry with them distinct and special
+impressions of evil, and that they are the hindrances of man's
+salvation, is not doubtful. And our knowledge of the key of the
+allegory, where we possess it, contributes but little to the effect.
+We may infer from the _Convito_[90] that the eyes of Beatrice stand
+definitely for the _demonstrations_, and her smiles for the
+_persuasions_ of wisdom; but the poetry of the Paradiso is not about
+demonstrations and persuasions, but about looks and smiles; and the
+ineffable and holy calm--"_serenitatis et æternitatis afflatus_"--which
+pervades it, comes from the sacred truths, and holy persons, and that
+deep spirit of high-raised yet composed devotion, which it requires no
+interpreter to show us.
+
+[Footnote 90: _Convito_, Tr. 3, c. 15.]
+
+Figure and symbol, then, are doubtless the law of composition in the
+_Commedia_; but this law discloses itself very variously, and with
+different degrees of strictness. In its primary and most general form,
+it is palpable, consistent, pervading. There can be no doubt that the
+poem is meant to be understood figuratively--no doubt of what in
+general it is meant to shadow forth--no doubt as to the general
+meaning of its parts, their connexion with each other. But in its
+secondary and subordinate applications, the law works--to our eye at
+least--irregularly, unequally, and fitfully. There can be no question
+that Virgil, the poet's guide, represents the purely human element in
+the training of the soul and of society, as Beatrice does the divine.
+But neither represent the whole; he does not sum up all appliances of
+wisdom in Virgil, nor all teachings and influences of grace in
+Beatrice; these have their separate figures. And both represent
+successively several distinct forms of their general antitypes. They
+have various degrees of abstractness, and narrow down, according to
+that order of things to which they refer and correspond, into the
+special and the personal. In the general economy of the poem, Virgil
+stands for human wisdom in its widest sense; but he also stands for it
+in its various shapes, in the different parts. He is the type of human
+philosophy and science.[91] He is, again, more definitely, that spirit
+of imagination and poetry, which opens men's eyes to the glory of the
+visible, and the truth of the invisible; and to Italians, he is a
+definite embodiment of it, their own great poet, "_vates, poeta
+noster_."[92] In the Christian order, he is human wisdom, dimly
+mindful of its heavenly origin--presaging dimly its return to
+God--sheltering in heathen times that "vague and unconnected family
+of religious truths, originally from God, but sojourning without the
+sanction of miracle or visible home, as pilgrims up and down the
+world."[93] In the political order, he is the guide of law-givers,
+wisdom fashioning the impulses and instincts of men into the harmony
+of society, contriving stability and peace, guarding justice; fit part
+for the poet to fill, who had sung the origin of Rome, and the justice
+and peace of Augustus. In the order of individual life, and the
+progress of the individual soul, he is the human conscience witnessing
+to duty, its discipline and its hopes, and with yet more certain and
+fearful presage, to its vindication; the human conscience seeing and
+acknowledging the law, but unable to confer power to fulfil
+it--wakened by grace from among the dead, leading the living man up to
+it, and waiting for its light and strength. But he is more than a
+figure. To the poet himself, who blends with his high argument his
+whole life, Virgil had been the utmost that mind can be to
+mind--teacher, quickener and revealer of power, source of thought,
+exemplar and model, never disappointing, never attained to, observed
+with "long study and great love:"
+
+     Tu duca, tu signor, e tu maestro.--_Inf._ 2.
+
+[Footnote 91: "O tu ch'onori ogni scienza ed arte."--_Inf._ 4. "Quel
+savio gentil che tutto seppe."--_Inf._ 7. "Il mar di tutto 'l
+senno."--_Inf._ 8.]
+
+[Footnote 92: _De Monarchia._]
+
+[Footnote 93: Newman's _Arians_.]
+
+And towards this great master, the poet's whole soul is poured forth
+in reverence and affection. To Dante he is no figure, but a
+person--with feelings and weaknesses--overcome by the vexation,
+kindling into the wrath, carried away by the tenderness, of the
+moment. He reads his scholar's heart, takes him by the hand in danger,
+carries him in his arms and in his bosom, "like a son more than a
+companion," rebukes his unworthy curiosity, kisses him when he shows a
+noble spirit, asks pardon for his own mistakes. Never were the kind,
+yet severe ways of a master, or the disciple's diffidence and
+open-heartedness, drawn with greater force, or less effort; and he
+seems to have been reflecting on his own affection to Virgil, when he
+makes Statius forget that they were both but shades:
+
+     Or puoi la quantitate
+     Comprender dell'amor ch'a te mi scalda,
+     Quando _dismento la nostra vanitate
+     Trattando l'ombre come cosa salda_.--_Purg._ 21.
+
+And so with the poet's second guide. The great idea which Beatrice
+figures, though always present, is seldom rendered artificially
+prominent, and is often entirely hidden beneath the rush of real
+recollections, and the creations of dramatic power. Abstractions
+venture and trust themselves among realities, and for the time are
+forgotten. A name, a real person, a historic passage, a lament or
+denunciation, a tragedy of actual life, a legend of classic times, the
+fortunes of friends--the story of Francesca or Ugolino, the fate of
+Buonconte's corpse, the apology of Pier delle Vigne, the epitaph of
+Madonna Pia, Ulysses' western voyage, the march of Roman
+history--appear and absorb for themselves all interest: or else it is
+a philosophical speculation, or a theory of morality, or a case of
+conscience--not indeed alien from the main subject, yet independent of
+the allegory, and not translateable into any new meaning--standing on
+their own ground, worked out each according to its own law; but they
+do not disturb the main course of the poet's thought, who grasps and
+paints each detail of human life in its own peculiarity, while he sees
+in each a significance and interest beyond itself. He does not stop in
+each case to tell us so, but he makes it felt. The tale ends, the
+individual disappears, and the great allegory resumes its course. It
+is like one of those great musical compositions which alone seem
+capable of adequately expressing, in a limited time, a course of
+unfolding and change, in an idea, a career, a life, a society--where
+one great thought predominates, recurs, gives colour and meaning, and
+forms the unity of the whole, yet passes through many shades and
+transitions; is at one time definite, at another suggestive and
+mysterious; incorporating and giving free place and play to airs and
+melodies even of an alien cast; striking off abruptly from its
+expected road, but without ever losing itself, without breaking its
+true continuity, or failing of its completeness.
+
+This then seems to us the end and purpose of the _Commedia_;--to
+produce on the mind a sense of the judgments of God, analogous to that
+produced by Scripture itself. They are presented to us in the Bible in
+shapes which address themselves primarily to the heart and conscience,
+and seek not carefully to explain themselves. They are likened to the
+"great deep," to the "strong mountains"--vast and awful, but abrupt
+and incomplete, as the huge, broken, rugged piles and chains of
+mountains. And we see them through cloud and mist, in shapes only
+approximating to the true ones. Still they impress us deeply and
+truly, often the more deeply because unconsciously. A character, an
+event, a word, isolated and unexplained, stamps its meaning
+ineffaceably, though ever a matter of question and wonder; it may be
+dark to the intellect, yet the conscience understands it, often but
+too well. In such suggestive ways is the Divine government for the
+most part put before us in the Bible--ways which do not satisfy the
+understanding, but which fill us with a sense of reality. And it seems
+to have been by meditating on them, which he certainly did, much and
+thoughtfully--and on the infinite variety of similar ways in which
+the strongest impressions are conveyed to us in ordinary life, by
+means short of clear and distinct explanation--by looks, by images, by
+sounds, by motions, by remote allusion and broken words, that Dante
+was led to choose so new and remarkable a mode of conveying to his
+countrymen his thoughts and feelings and presentiments about the
+mystery of God's counsel. The Bible teaches us by means of real
+history, traced so far as is necessary along its real course. The poet
+expresses his view of the world also in real history, but carried on
+into figure.
+
+The poetry with which the Christian Church had been instinct from the
+beginning, converges and is gathered up in the _Commedia_. The faith
+had early shown its poetical aspect. It is superfluous to dwell on
+this, for it is the charge against ancient teaching that it was too
+large and imaginative. It soon began to try rude essays in sculpture
+and mosaic: expressed its feeling of nature in verse and prose, rudely
+also, but often with originality and force; and opened a new vein of
+poetry in the thoughts, hopes, and aspirations of regenerate man.
+Modern poetry must go back, for many of its deepest and most powerful
+sources, to the writings of the Fathers, and their followers of the
+School. The Church further had a poetry of its own, besides the poetry
+of literature; it had the poetry of devotion--the Psalter chanted
+daily, in a new language and a new meaning; and that wonderful body of
+hymns, to which age after age had contributed its offering, from the
+Ambrosian hymns to the _Veni, Sancte Spiritus_ of a king of France,
+the _Pange lingua_ of Thomas Aquinas, the _Dies iræ_, and _Stabat
+Mater_, of the two Franciscan brethren, Thomas of Celano, and
+Jacopone.[94] The elements and fragments of poetry were everywhere in
+the Church--in her ideas of life, in her rules and institutions for
+passing through it, in her preparation for death, in her offices,
+ceremonial, celebrations, usages, her consecration of domestic,
+literary, commercial, civic, military, political life, the meanings
+and ends she had given them, the religious seriousness with which the
+forms of each were dignified--in her doctrine, and her dogmatic
+system--her dependence on the unseen world--her Bible. From each and
+all of these, and from that public feeling, which, if it expressed
+itself but abruptly and incoherently, was quite alive to the poetry
+which surrounded it, the poet received due impressions of greatness
+and beauty, of joy and dread. Then the poetry of Christian religion
+and Christian temper, hitherto dispersed, or manifested in act only,
+found its full and distinct utterance, not unworthy to rank in
+grandeur, in music, in sustained strength, with the last noble voices
+from expiring Heathenism.
+
+[Footnote 94: Trench, Sacred Latin Poetry, 1849.]
+
+But a long interval had passed since then. The _Commedia_ first
+disclosed to Christian and modern Europe that it was to have a
+literature of its own, great and admirable, though in its own language
+and embodying its own ideas. "It was as if, at some of the ancient
+games, a stranger had appeared upon the plain, and thrown his quoit
+among the marks of former casts, which tradition had ascribed to the
+demi-gods."[95] We are so accustomed to the excellent and varied
+literature of modern times, so original, so perfect in form and rich
+in thought, so expressive of all our sentiments, meeting so completely
+our wants, fulfilling our ideas, that we can scarcely imagine the time
+when this condition was new--when society was beholden to a foreign
+language for the exponents of its highest thoughts and feelings. But
+so it was when Dante wrote. The great poets, historians, philosophers
+of his day, the last great works of intellect, belonged to old Rome,
+and the Latin language. So wonderful and prolonged was the fascination
+of Rome. Men still lived under its influence; believed that the Latin
+language was the perfect and permanent instrument of thought in its
+highest forms, the only expression of refinement and civilisation; and
+had not conceived the hope that their own dialects could ever rise to
+such heights of dignity and power. Latin, which had enchased and
+preserved such precious remains of ancient wisdom, was now shackling
+the living mind in its efforts. Men imagined that they were still
+using it naturally on all high themes and solemn business; but though
+they used it with facility, it was no longer natural; it had lost the
+elasticity of life, and had become in their hands a stiffened and
+distorted, though still powerful, instrument. The very use of the word
+_latino_ in the writers of this period, to express what is clear and
+philosophical in language,[96] while it shows their deep reverence for
+it, shows how Latin civilisation was no longer their own, how it had
+insensibly become an external and foreign element. But they found it
+very hard to resign their claim to a share in its glories; with
+nothing of their own to match against it, they still delighted to
+speak of it as "our language," or its writers as "our poets," "our
+historians."[97]
+
+[Footnote 95: Hallam's _Middle Ages_, c. ix. vol. iii. p. 563.]
+
+[Footnote 96: _Parad._ 3, 12, 17. _Convit._ p. 108. "A più
+_Latinamente_ vedere la sentenza letterale."]
+
+[Footnote 97: _Vid._ the _De Monarchia_.]
+
+The spell was indeed beginning to break. Guido Cavalcanti, Dante's
+strange, stern, speculative friend, who is one of the fathers of the
+Italian language, is characterised in the _Commedia_[98] by his
+scornful dislike of Latin, even in the mouth of Virgil. Yet Dante
+himself, the great assertor, by argument and example, of the powers of
+the Vulgar tongue, once dared not to think that the Vulgar tongue
+could be other to the Latin, than as a subject to his sovereign. He
+was bolder when he wrote _De Vulgari Eloquio_: but in the earlier
+_Convito_, while pleading earnestly for the beauty of the Italian, he
+yields with reverence the first place to the Latin--for nobleness,
+because the Latin is permanent, and the Vulgar subject to fluctuation
+and corruption; for power, because the Latin can express conceptions
+to which the Vulgar is unequal; for beauty, because the structure of
+the Latin is a masterly arrangement of scientific art, and the beauty
+of the Vulgar depends on mere use.[99] The very title of his poem, the
+_Commedia_, contains in it a homage to the lofty claims of the Latin.
+It is called a Comedy, and not Tragedy, he says, after a marvellous
+account of the essence and etymology of the two, first, because it
+begins sadly, and ends joyfully; and next, because of its language,
+that humble speech of ordinary life, "in which even women
+converse."[100]
+
+[Footnote 98: _Inf._ 10, and compare the _Vit. N._ p. 334, ed.
+Fraticelli.]
+
+[Footnote 99: _Convito_, i. 5.]
+
+[Footnote 100: Ep. ad Kan Grand. §9,--a curious specimen of the
+learning of the time: "Sciendum est, quod _Comoedia_ dicitur a
+[Greek: kômê], _villa_ et [Greek: ôdê], quod est _cantus_, unde
+_Comoedia_ quasi _villanus cantus_. Et est _Comoedia genus quoddam
+poeticæ narrationis_, ab omnibus aliis differens. Differt ergo a
+Tragoedia in materia per hoc, quod Tragoedia in principio est
+admirabilis et quieta, in fine foetida et horribilis; et dicitur
+propter hoc a [Greek: tragos], i.e. _hircus_, et [Greek: ôdê], quasi
+_cantus hircinus_, i.e. foetidus ad modum hirci, ut patet per
+Senecam in suis tragoediis. _Comoedia_ vero inchoat asperitatem
+alicujus rei, sed ejus materia prospere terminatur, ut patet per
+Terentium in suis _Comoediis_.... Similiter differunt in modo
+loquendi; elate et sublime Tragoedia, _Comoedia_ vero remisse et
+humiliter sicut vult Horat. in Poët.... Et per hoc patet, quod
+_Comoedia_ diciter præsens opus. Nam si ad materiam respiciamus, a
+principio horribilis et foetida est, quia _Infernus_: in fine
+prospera, desiderabilis et grata, quia _Paradisus_. Si ad modum
+loquendi, remissus est modus et humilis, quia locutio Vulgaris, in qua
+et mulierculæ communicant. Et sic patet quia _Comoedia_ dicitur."
+Cf. de Vulg. Eloq. 2, 4, _Parad._ 30. He calls the Æneid, "_l'alta
+Tragedia_," _Inf._ 20, 113. Compare also Boccaccio's explanation of
+his mother's dream of the _peacock_. Dante, he says, is like the
+Peacock, among other reasons, "because the peacock has coarse feet,
+and a quiet gait;" and "the vulgar language, on which the _Commedia_
+supports itself, is coarse in comparison with the high and masterly
+literary style which every other poet uses, though it be more
+beautiful than others, being in conformity with modern minds. The
+quiet gait signifies the humility of the style, which is necessarily
+required in _Commedia_, as those know who understand what is meant by
+_Commedia_."]
+
+He honoured the Latin, but his love was for the Italian. He was its
+champion, and indignant defender against the depreciation of ignorance
+and fashion. Confident of its power and jealous of its beauty, he
+pours forth his fierce scorn on the blind stupidity, the affectation,
+the vain glory, the envy, and above all, the cowardice of Italians who
+held lightly their mother tongue. "Many," he says, after enumerating
+the other offenders, "from this pusillanimity and cowardice disparage
+their own language, and exalt that of others; and of this sort are
+those hateful dastards of Italy--_abbominevoli cattivi d'Italia_--who
+think vilely of that precious language; which, if it is vile in
+anything, is vile only so far as it sounds in the prostituted mouth of
+these adulterers."[101] He noted and compared its various dialects; he
+asserted its capabilities not only in verse, but in expressive,
+flexible, and majestic prose. And to the deliberate admiration of the
+critic and the man, were added the homely but dear associations, which
+no language can share with that of early days. Italian had been the
+language of his parents--"_Questo mio Volgare fu il congiugnitore
+delli miei generanti, che con esso parlavano_"--and further, it was
+this modern language, "_questo mio Volgare_," which opened to him the
+way of knowledge, which had introduced him to Latin, and the sciences
+which it contained. It was his benefactor and guide--he personifies
+it--and his boyish friendship had grown stronger and more intimate by
+mutual good offices. "There has also been between us the goodwill of
+intercourse; for from the beginning of my life I have had with it
+kindness and conversation, and have used it, deliberating,
+interpreting, and questioning; so that, if friendship grows with use,
+it is evident how it must have grown in me."[102]
+
+[Footnote 101: _Convito_, i. 11.]
+
+[Footnote 102: _Convito_, i. 13.]
+
+From this language he exacted a hard trial;--a work which should rank
+with the ancient works. None such had appeared; none had even advanced
+such a pretension. Not that it was a time dead to literature or
+literary ambition. Poets and historians had written, and were writing
+in Italian. The same year of jubilee which fixed itself so deeply in
+Dante's mind, and became the epoch of his vision--the same scene of
+Roman greatness in its decay, which afterwards suggested to Gibbon the
+_Decline and Fall_, prompted, in the father of Italian history, the
+desire to follow in the steps of Sallust and Livy, and prepare the way
+for Machiavelli and Guicciardini, Davila, and Fra Paolo.[103] Poetry
+had been cultivated in the Roman languages of the West--in Aquitaine
+and Provence, especially--for more than two centuries; and lately,
+with spirit and success, in Italian. Names had become popular,
+reputations had risen and waned, verses circulated and were
+criticised, and even descended from the high and refined circles to
+the workshop. A story is told of Dante's indignation, when he heard
+the canzoni which had charmed the Florentine ladies mangled by the
+rude enthusiasm of a blacksmith at his forge.[104] Literature was a
+growing fashion; but it was humble in its aspirations and efforts. Men
+wrote like children, surprised and pleased with their success; yet
+allowing themselves in mere amusement, because conscious of weakness
+which they could not cure.
+
+[Footnote 103: G. Villani was at Rome in the year of jubilee 1300, and
+describes the great concourse and order of the pilgrims, whom he
+reckons at 200,000, in the course of the year. "And I," he proceeds,
+"finding myself in that blessed pilgrimage in the holy city of Rome,
+seeing the great and ancient things of the same, and reading the
+histories of the great deeds of the Romans, written by Virgil, and by
+Sallust, and Lucan, and Titus Livius, and Valerius, and Paulus
+Orosius, and other masters of histories, who wrote as well of the
+smaller matters as of the greater, concerning the exploits and deeds
+of the Romans; and further, of the strange things of the whole world,
+for memory and example's sake to those who should come after--I, too,
+took their style and fashion, albeit that, as their scholar, I be not
+worthy to execute such a work. But, considering that our city of
+Florence, the daughter and creation of Rome, was in its rising, and on
+the eve of achieving great things, as Rome was in its decline, it
+seemed to me convenient to bring into this volume and new chronicle
+all the deeds and beginnings of the city of Florence, so far as I have
+been able to gather and recover them; and for the future, to follow at
+large the doings of the Florentines, and the other notable things of
+the world briefly, as long as it may be God's pleasure; under which
+hope, rather by his grace than by my poor science, I entered on this
+enterprise: and so, in the year 1300, being returned from Rome, I
+began to compile this book, in reverence towards God and St. John, and
+commendation of our city of Florence."--_G. Vill._ viii. 36.]
+
+[Footnote 104: _Sacchetti_, Nov. 114.]
+
+Dante, by the _Divina Commedia_, was the restorer of seriousness in
+literature. He was so, by the magnitude and pretensions of his work,
+and by the earnestness of its spirit. He first broke through the
+prescription which had confined great works to the Latin, and the
+faithless prejudices which, in the language of society, could see
+powers fitted for no higher task than that of expressing, in curiously
+diversified forms, its most ordinary feelings. But he did much more.
+Literature was going astray in its tone, while growing in importance;
+the _Commedia_ checked it. The Provençal and Italian poetry was, with
+the exception of some pieces of political satire, almost exclusively
+amatory, in the most fantastic and affected fashion. In expression, it
+had not even the merit of being natural; in purpose it was trifling;
+in the spirit which it encouraged, it was something worse. Doubtless
+it brought a degree of refinement with it, but it was refinement
+purchased at a high price, by intellectual distortion, and moral
+insensibility. But this was not all. The brilliant age of Frederick
+II., for such it was, was deeply mined by religious unbelief. However
+strange this charge first sounds against the thirteenth century, no
+one can look at all closely into its history, at least in Italy,
+without seeing that the idea of infidelity--not heresy, but
+infidelity--was quite a familiar one; and that side by side with the
+theology of Aquinas and Bonaventura, there was working among those who
+influenced fashion and opinion, among the great men, and the men to
+whom learning was a profession, a spirit of scepticism and irreligion
+almost monstrous for its time, which found its countenance in
+Frederick's refined and enlightened court. The genius of the great
+doctors might have kept in safety the Latin Schools, but not the free
+and home thoughts which found utterance in the language of the people,
+if the solemn beauty of the Italian _Commedia_ had not seized on all
+minds. It would have been an evil thing for Italian, perhaps for
+European literature, if the siren tales of the _Decameron_ had been
+the first to occupy the ear with the charms of a new language.
+
+Dante has had hard measure, and from some who are most beholden to
+him. No one in his day served the Church more highly, than he whose
+faith and genius secured on her side the first great burst of
+imagination and feeling, the first perfect accents of modern speech.
+The first-fruits of the new literature were consecrated, and offered
+up. There was no necessity, or even probability in Italy in the
+fourteenth century that it should be so, as there might perhaps have
+been earlier. It was the poet's free act--free in one, for whom nature
+and heathen learning had strong temptations--that religion was the
+lesson and influence of the great popular work of the time. That
+which he held up before men's awakened and captivated minds, was the
+verity of God's moral government. To rouse them to a sense of the
+mystery of their state; to startle their commonplace notions of sin
+into an imagination of its variety, its magnitude, and its infinite
+shapes and degrees; to open their eyes to the beauty of the Christian
+temper, both as suffering and as consummated; to teach them at once
+the faithfulness and awful freeness of God's grace; to help the dull
+and lagging soul to conceive the possibility, in its own case, of
+rising step by step in joy without an end--of a felicity not
+unimaginable by man, though of another order from the highest
+perfection of earth;--this is the poet's end. Nor was it only vague
+religious feelings which he wished to excite. He brought within the
+circle of common thought, and translated into the language of the
+multitude, what the Schools had done to throw light on the deep
+questions of human existence, which all are fain to muse upon, though
+none can solve. He who had opened so much of men's hearts to
+themselves, opened to them also that secret sympathy which exists
+between them and the great mysteries of the Christian doctrine.[105]
+He did the work, in his day, of a great preacher. Yet he has been
+both claimed and condemned, as a disturber of the Church's faith.
+
+[Footnote 105: _Vide_ Ozanam.]
+
+He certainly did not spare the Church's rulers. He thought they were
+betraying the most sacred of all trusts; and if history is at all to
+be relied on, he had some grounds for thinking so. But it is confusing
+the feelings of the middle ages with our own, to convert every fierce
+attack on the Popes into an anticipation of Luther. Strong language of
+this sort was far too commonplace to be so significant. No age is
+blind to practical abuses, or silent on them; and when the middle ages
+complained, they did so with a full-voiced and clamorous rhetoric,
+which greedily seized on every topic of vilification within its reach.
+It was far less singular, and far less bold, to criticise
+ecclesiastical authorities, than is often supposed; but it by no means
+implied unsettled faith, or a revolutionary design. In Dante's case,
+if words have any meaning--not words of deliberate qualification, but
+his unpremeditated and incidental expressions--his faith in the Divine
+mission and spiritual powers of the Popes was as strong as his
+abhorrence of their degeneracy, and desire to see it corrected by a
+power which they would respect--that of the temporal sword. It would
+be to mistake altogether his character, to imagine of him, either as a
+fault or as an excellence, that he was a doubter. It might as well be
+supposed of Aquinas.
+
+No one ever acknowledged with greater seriousness, as a fact in his
+position in the world, the agreement in faith among those with whom he
+was born. No one ever inclined with more simplicity and reverence
+before that long communion and consent in feeling and purpose, the
+"_publicus_ sensus" of the Christian Church. He did feel difficulties;
+but the excitement of lingering on them was not among his enjoyments.
+That was the lot of the heathen; Virgil, made wise by death, counsels
+him not to desire it:
+
+       "Matto è chi spera, che nostra ragione
+     Possa trascorrer la 'nfinita via
+     Che tiene una sustanzia in tre Persone.
+       State contenti, umana gente, al _quia_;
+     Chè se potuto aveste veder tutto,
+     Mestier non era partorir Maria:
+       E disiar vedeste senza frutto
+     Tai, che sarebbe lor disio quetato,
+     Ch'eternamente è dato lor per lutto;
+       I' dico d'Aristotile e di Plato,
+     E di molti altri:"--e qui chinò la fronte,
+     E più non disse, e rimase turbato.--_Purg._ c. 3.[106]
+
+[Footnote 106:
+
+     "Insensate he, who thinks with mortal ken
+       To pierce Infinitude, which doth enfold
+       Three Persons in one Substance. Seek not then,
+     O mortal race, for reasons--but believe,
+       And be contented; for had all been seen,
+       No need there was for Mary to conceive.
+     Men have ye known, who thus desired in vain;
+       And whose desires, that might at rest have been,
+       Now constitute a source of endless pain;
+     Plato, the Stagirite; and many more,
+       I here allude to;"--then his head he bent,
+       Was silent, and a troubled aspect wore.--WRIGHT.]
+
+The Christian poet felt that it was greater to believe and to act. In
+the darkness of the world one bright light appeared, and he followed
+it. Providence had assigned him his portion of truth, his portion of
+daily bread; if to us it appears blended with human elements, it is
+perfectly clear that he was in no position to sift them. To choose was
+no trial of his. To examine and seek, where it was impossible to find,
+would have been folly. The authority from which he started had not yet
+been seriously questioned; there were no palpable signs of
+doubtfulness on the system which was to him the representative of
+God's will; and he sought for none. It came to him claiming his
+allegiance by custom, by universality, by its completeness as a whole,
+and satisfying his intellect and his sympathies in detail. And he gave
+his allegiance--reasonably, because there was nothing to hope for in
+doubting--wisely, because he gave it loyally and from his heart.
+
+And he had his reward--the reward of him who throws himself with
+frankness and earnestness into a system; who is not afraid or
+suspicious of it; who is not unfaithful to it. He gained not merely
+power--he gained that freedom and largeness of mind which the
+suspicious or the unfaithful miss. His loyalty to the Church was no
+cramping or blinding service; it left to its full play that fresh and
+original mind, left it to range at will in all history and all nature
+for the traces of Eternal wisdom, left it to please itself with all
+beauty, and pay its homage to all excellence. For upon all wisdom,
+beauty, and excellence, the Church had taught him to see, in various
+and duly distinguished degrees, the seal of the one Creator. She
+imparts to the poem, to its form and progressive development, her own
+solemnity, her awe, her calm, her serenity and joy; it follows her
+sacred seasons and hours; repeats her appointed words of benediction
+and praise; moulds itself on her belief, her expectations, and
+forecastings.[107] Her intimations, more or less distinct, dogma or
+tradition or vague hint, guide the poet's imagination through the land
+where all eyes are open. The journey begins under the Easter moon of
+the year of jubilee, on the evening of Good Friday; the days of her
+mourning he spends in the regions of woe, where none dares to
+pronounce the name of the Redeemer, and he issues forth to "behold
+again the stars," to learn how to die to sin and rise to
+righteousness, very early in the morning, as it begins to dawn, on the
+day of the Resurrection. The whole arrangement of the _Purgatorio_ is
+drawn from Church usages. It is a picture of men suffering in calm and
+holy hope the sharp discipline of repentance, amid the prayers, the
+melodies, the consoling images and thoughts, the orderly ritual, the
+hours of devotion, the sacraments of the Church militant. When he
+ascends in his hardiest flight, and imagines the joys of the perfect
+and the vision of God, his abundant fancy confines itself strictly to
+the limits sanctioned by her famous teachers--ventures into no new
+sphere, hazards no anticipations in which they have not preceded it,
+and is content with adding to the poetry which it elicits from their
+ideas, a beauty which it is able to conceive apart altogether from
+bodily form--the beauty, infinite in its variety, of the expression of
+the human eye and smile--the beauty of light, of sound, of motion. And
+when his song mounts to its last strain of triumph, and the poet's
+thought, imagination, and feeling of beauty, tasked to the utmost, nor
+failing under the weight of glory which they have to express, breathe
+themselves forth in words, higher than which no poetry has ever risen,
+and represent, in images transcending sense, and baffling it, yet
+missing not one of those deep and transporting sympathies which they
+were to touch, the sight, eye to eye, of the Creator by the
+creature--he beholds the gathering together, in the presence of God,
+of "all that from our earth has to the skies returned," and of the
+countless orders of their thrones mirrored in His light--
+
+                                       Mira
+     Quanto è 'l convento delle bianche stole--
+
+under a figure already taken into the ceremonial of the Church--the
+mystic Rose, whose expanding leaves image forth the joy of the
+heavenly Jerusalem, both triumphant and militant.[108]
+
+[Footnote 107: See an article in the _Brit. Critic_, No. 65, p. 120.]
+
+[Footnote 108: See the form of benediction of the "Rosa d'oro."
+_Rituum Ecclesiæ Rom. Libri Tres._ fol. xxxv. Venet. 1516. Form of
+giving: "Accipe rosam de manibus nostris ... per quam designatus
+gaudium utriusque Hierusalem triumphantis scilicet et militantis
+ecclesiæ per quam omnibus Christi fidelibus manifestatur flos ipse
+pretiosissimus qui est gaudium et corona sanctorum omnium." He alludes
+to it in the _Convito_, iv. 29.
+
+     O isplendor di Dio, per cu' io vidi
+       L'alto trionfo del regno verace,
+       Dammi virtù a dir com'io lo vidi.
+     Lume è lassù, che visibile face
+       Lo creatore a quella creatura,
+       Che solo in lui vedere ha la sua pace:
+     E si distende in circular figura
+       In tanto, che la sua circonferenza
+       Sarebbe al Sol troppo larga cintura.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     E come clivo in acqua di suo imo
+       Si specchia quasi per vedersi adorno,
+       Quanto è nel verde e ne' fioretti opimo;
+     Sì soprastando al lume intorno intorno
+       Vidi specchiarsi in più di mille soglie,
+       Quanto di noi lassù fatto ha ritorno.
+     E se l'infimo grado in sè raccoglie
+       Sì grande lume, quant'è la larghezza
+       Di questa rosa nell'estreme foglie?
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     Nel giallo della rosa sempiterna,
+       Che si dilata, rigrada, e redole
+       Odor di lode al Sol, che sempre verna,
+     Qual'è colui, che tace e dicer vuole,
+       Mi trasse Beatrice, e disse; mira
+       Quanto è 'l convento delle bianche stole!
+     Vedi nostra Città quanto ella gira!
+       Vedi li nostri scanni sì ripieni,
+       Che poca gente omai ci si disira.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     In forma dunque di candida rosa
+       Mi si mostrava la milizia santa,
+       Che nel suo sangue Cristo fece sposa.--_Parad._ 30, 31.]
+
+But this universal reference to the religious ideas of the Church is
+so natural, so unaffected, that it leaves him at full liberty in other
+orders of thought. He can afford not to be conventional--he can afford
+to be comprehensive and genuine. It has been remarked how, in a poem
+where there would seem to be a fitting place for them, the
+ecclesiastical legends of the middle ages are almost entirely absent.
+The sainted spirits of the _Paradiso_ are not exclusively or chiefly
+the Saints of popular devotion. After the Saints of the Bible, the
+holy women, the three great Apostles, the Virgin mother, they are
+either names personally dear to the poet himself, friends whom he had
+loved, and teachers to whom he owed wisdom--or great men of masculine
+energy in thought or action, in their various lines "compensations and
+antagonists of the world's evils"--Justinian and Constantine, and
+Charlemagne--the founders of the Orders, Augustine, Benedict, and
+Bernard, Francis and Dominic--the great doctors of the Schools, Thomas
+Aquinas, and Bonaventura, whom the Church had not yet canonized. And
+with them are joined--and that with a full consciousness of the line
+which theology draws between the dispensations of nature and
+grace--some rare types of virtue among the heathen. Cato is admitted
+to the outskirts of Purgatory; Trajan, and the righteous king of
+Virgil's poem, to the heaven of the just.[109]
+
+[Footnote 109:
+
+     Chi crederebbe giù nel mondo errante,
+     Che Rifèo Trojano[A] in questo tondo
+     Fosse la quinta delle luci sante?
+       Ora conosce assai di quel, che 'l mondo
+     Veder non può della divina grazia;
+     Benchè sua vista non discerna il fondo.--_Parad._ c. 20.]
+
+[Footnote A:
+
+                   Rhipeus justissimus unus
+     Qui fuit in Teucris, et servantissimus æqui.--_Æn._ ii.]
+
+Without confusion or disturbance to the religious character of his
+train of thought, he is able freely to subordinate to it the lessons
+and the great recollections of the Gentile times. He contemplates them
+with the veil drawn off from them; as now known to form but one whole
+with the history of the Bible and the Church, in the design of
+Providence. He presents them in their own colours, as drawn by their
+own writers--he only adds what Christianity seems to show to be their
+event. Under the conviction, that the light of the Heathen was a real
+guide from above, calling for vengeance in proportion to
+unfaithfulness, or outrage done to it--"He that nurtureth the heathen,
+it is He that teacheth man knowledge--shall not He punish?"--the great
+criminals of profane history are mingled with sinners against God's
+revealed will--and that, with equal dramatic power, with equal feeling
+of the greatness of their loss. The story of the voyage of Ulysses is
+told with as much vivid power and pathetic interest as the tales of
+the day.[110] He honours unfeignedly the old heathen's brave disdain
+of ease; that spirit, even to old age, eager, fresh, adventurous, and
+inquisitive. His faith allowed him to admire all that was beautiful
+and excellent among the heathen, without forgetting that it fell short
+of what the new gift of the Gospel can alone impart. He saw in it
+proof that God had never left His will and law without their witness
+among men. Virtue was virtue still, though imperfect, and
+unconsecrated--generosity, largeness of soul, truth, condescension,
+justice, were never unworthy of the reverence of Christians. Hence he
+uses without fear or scruple the classic element. The examples which
+recall to the minds of the penitents, by sounds and sights, in the
+different terraces of Purgatory, their sin and the grace they have to
+attain to, come indiscriminately from poetry and Scripture. The
+sculptured pavement, to which the proud are obliged ever to bow down
+their eyes, shows at once the humility of S. Mary and of the Psalmist,
+and the condescension of Trajan; and elsewhere the pride of Nimrod and
+Sennacherib, of Niobe, and Cyrus. The envious hear the passing voices
+of courtesy from saints and heroes, and the bursting cry, like
+crashing thunder, of repentant jealousy from Cain and Aglaurus; the
+avaricious, to keep up the memory of their fault, celebrate by day the
+poverty of Fabricius and the liberality of S. Nicolas, and execrate by
+night the greediness of Pygmalion and Midas, of Achan, Heliodorus, and
+Crassus.
+
+[Footnote 110: _Inf._ c. 26.]
+
+Dante's all-surveying, all-embracing mind, was worthy to open the
+grand procession of modern poets. He had chosen his subject in a
+region remote from popular thought--too awful for it, too abstruse. He
+had accepted frankly the dogmatic limits of the Church, and thrown
+himself with even enthusiastic faith into her reasonings, at once so
+bold and so undoubting--her spirit of certainty, and her deep
+contemplations on the unseen and infinite. And in literature, he had
+taken as guides and models, above all criticism and all appeal, the
+classical writers. Yet with his mind full of the deep and intricate
+questions of metaphysics and theology, and his poetical taste always
+owning allegiance to Virgil, Ovid, and Statius--keen and subtle as a
+Schoolman--as much an idolator of old heathen art and grandeur as the
+men of the _Renaissance_--his eye is as open to the delicacies of
+character, to the variety of external nature, to the wonders of the
+physical world--his interest in them as diversified and fresh, his
+impressions as sharp and distinct, his rendering of them as free and
+true and forcible, as little weakened or confused by imitation or by
+conventional words, his language as elastic, and as completely under
+his command, his choice of poetic materials as unrestricted and
+original, as if he had been born in days which claim as their own such
+freedom, and such keen discriminative sense of what is real, in
+feeling and image;--as if he had never felt the attractions of a
+crabbed problem of scholastic logic, or bowed before the mellow grace
+of the Latins. It may be said, indeed, that the time was not yet come
+when the classics could be really understood and appreciated; and this
+is true, perhaps fortunate. But admiring them with a kind of devotion,
+and showing not seldom that he had caught their spirit, he never
+_attempts_ to copy them. His poetry in form and material is all his
+own. He asserted the poet's claim to borrow from all science, and from
+every phase of nature, the associations and images which he wants; and
+he showed that those images and associations did not lose their poetry
+by being expressed with the most literal reality.
+
+But let no reader of fastidious taste disturb his temper by the study
+of Dante. Dante certainly opened that path of freedom and poetic
+conquest, in which the greatest efforts of modern poetry have followed
+him--opened it with a magnificence and power which have never been
+surpassed. But the greatest are but pioneers; they must be content to
+leave to a posterity, which knows more, if it cannot do as much, a
+keen and even growing sense of their defects. The _Commedia_ is open
+to all the attacks that can be made on grotesqueness and extravagance.
+This is partly owing, doubtless, to the time, in itself quaint,
+quainter to us, by being remote and ill-understood; but even then,
+weaker and less daring writers than Dante do not equally offend or
+astonish us. So that an image or an expression will render forcibly a
+thought, there is no strangeness which checks him. Barbarous words are
+introduced, to express the cries of the demon or the confusion of
+Babel--even to represent the incomprehensible song of the
+blessed;[111] inarticulate syllables, to convey the impression of some
+natural sound--the cry of sorrowful surprise:
+
+     Alto sospir, che duolo strinse in _hui_;--_Purg._ 16.
+
+or the noise of the cracking ice:
+
+     Se Tabernicch
+     Vi fosse sù caduto, o Pietra-pana
+     Non avria pur da l'orlo fatto _cricch_;--_Inf._ 32.
+
+even separate letters--to express an image, to spell a name, or as
+used in some popular proverb.[112] He employs without scruple, and
+often with marvellous force of description, any recollection that
+occurs to him, however homely, of everyday life;--the old tailor
+threading his needle with trouble (_Inf._ 15);--the cook's assistant
+watching over the boiling broth (_Inf._ 21);--the hurried or impatient
+horse-groom using his curry-comb (_Inf._ 29);--or the common sights
+of the street or the chamber--the wet wood sputtering on the hearth:
+
+     Come d'un stizzo verde che arso sia
+     Dall'un de' capi, che dall'altro geme
+     E cigola per vento che va via;--_Inf._ 13.[113]
+
+the paper changing colour when about to catch fire:
+
+     Come procede innanzi dall'ardore
+       Per lo papiro suso un color bruno
+     Che non è nero ancora, e 'l bianco muore:--_Inf._ 25.[114]
+
+the steaming of the hand when bathed, in winter:
+
+     Fuman come man bagnata il verno:--
+
+or the ways and appearances of animals--ants meeting on their path:
+
+     Lì veggio d'ogni parte farsi presta
+     Ciascun'ombra, e baciarsi una con una
+     Senza restar, contente a breve festa:
+       Così per entro loro schiera bruna
+     _S'ammusa l'una con l'altra formica_,
+     Forse a spiar lor via e lor fortuna;--_Purg._ 26.[115]
+
+the snail drawing in its horns (_Inf._ 25);--the hog shut out of its
+sty, and trying to gore with its tusks (_Inf._ 30);--the dogs' misery
+in summer (_Inf._ 17);--the frogs jumping on to the bank before the
+water-snake (_Inf._ 9);--or showing their heads above water:
+
+     Come al orlo dell'acqua d'un fosso
+     Stan gli ranocchi _pur col muso fuori_,
+     Sì che celano i piedi, e l'altro grosso.--_Inf._ 22.[116]
+
+[Footnote 111: _Parad._ 7, 1-3.]
+
+[Footnote 112: To describe the pinched face of famine;--
+
+     Parean l'occhiaje annella senza gemme.
+     Chi nel viso degli uomini legge OMO
+     Ben avria quivi conosciuto l'_emme_ (M).--_Purg._ 23.
+
+Again,
+
+     Quella reverenza che s'indonna
+     Di tutto me, pur per B e per ICE.--_Parad._ 7.
+
+     Nè O sì tosto mai, nè I si scrisse,
+     Com'ei s'accese ed arse.--_Inf._ 24.]
+
+[Footnote 113:
+
+     Like to a sapling, lighted at one end,
+       Which at the other hisses with the wind,
+       And drops of sap doth from the outlet send:
+     So from the broken twig, both words and blood flow'd forth.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 114:
+
+     Like burning paper, when there glides before
+       The advancing flame a brown and dingy shade,
+       Which is not black, and yet is white no more.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 115:
+
+     On either hand I saw them haste their meeting,
+       And kiss each one the other--pausing not--
+       Contented to enjoy so short a greeting.
+     Thus do the ants among their dingy band,
+       Face one another--each their neighbour's lot
+       Haply to scan, and how their fortunes stand.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 116:
+
+     As in a trench, frogs at the water side
+       Sit squatting, with their noses raised on high,
+       The while their feet, and all their bulk they hide--
+     Thus upon either hand the sinners stood.
+       But Barbariccia now approaching nigh,
+       Quick they withdrew beneath the boiling flood.
+     I saw--and still my heart is thrill'd with fear--
+       One spirit linger; as beside a ditch,
+       One frog remains, the others disappear.--IBID.]
+
+It must be said, that most of these images, though by no means all,
+occur in the _Inferno_; and that the poet means to paint sin not
+merely in the greatness of its ruin and misery, but in characters
+which all understand, of strangeness, of vileness, of despicableness,
+blended with diversified and monstrous horror. Even he seems to
+despair of his power at times:
+
+     S'io avessi le rime e aspre, e chiocce,
+       Come si converrebbe al tristo buco,
+       Sovra 'l qual pontan tutte l'altre rocce;
+     Io premerrei di mio concetto il suco
+       Più pienamente; ma perch'io non l'abbo,
+       Non senza tema a dicer mi conduco:
+     Che non è 'mpresa da pigliare a gabbo
+       Descriver fondo a tutto l'universo,
+       Nè da lingua, che chiami mamma, o babbo.--_Inf._ 32.[117]
+
+[Footnote 117:
+
+     Had I a rhyme so rugged, rough, and hoarse
+       As would become the sorrowful abyss,
+       O'er which the rocky circles wind their course,
+     Then with a more appropriate form I might
+       Endow my vast conceptions; wanting this,
+       Not without fear I bring myself to write.
+     For no light enterprise it is, I deem,
+       To represent the lowest depth of all;
+       Nor should a childish tongue attempt the theme.--WRIGHT.]
+
+Feeling the difference between sins, in their elements and, as far as
+we see them, their baseness, he treats them variously. His ridicule is
+apportioned with a purpose. He passes on from the doom of the sins of
+incontinence--the storm, the frost and hail, the crushing
+weights--from the flaming minarets of the city of Dis, of the Furies
+and Proserpine, "Donna dell'eterno pianto," where the unbelievers lie,
+each in his burning tomb--from the river of boiling blood--the wood
+with the Harpies--the waste of barren sand with fiery snow, where the
+violent are punished--to the Malebolge, the manifold circles of
+Falsehood. And here scorn and ridicule in various degrees, according
+to the vileness of the fraud, begin to predominate, till they
+culminate in that grim comedy, with its _dramatis personæ_ and battle
+of devils, Draghignazzo, and Graffiacane, and Malacoda, where the
+peculators and sellers of justice are fished up by the demons from the
+boiling pitch, but even there overreach and cheat their tormentors,
+and make them turn their fangs on each other. The diversified forms of
+falsehood seem to tempt the poet's imagination to cope with its
+changefulness and inventions, as well as its audacity. The
+transformations of the wildest dream do not daunt him. His power over
+language is nowhere more forcibly displayed than in those cantos,
+which describe the punishments of theft--men passing gradually into
+serpents, and serpents into men:
+
+     Due e nessun l'imagine perversa
+     Parea.--_Inf._ 25.
+
+And when the traitor, who murdered his own kinsman, was still alive,
+and seemed safe from the infamy which it was the poet's rule to bestow
+only on the dead, Dante found a way to inflict his vengeance without
+an anachronism:--Branca D'Oria's body, though on earth, is only
+animated by a fiend, and his spirit has long since fled to the icy
+prison.[118]
+
+[Footnote 118:
+
+     Ed egli a me: Come 'l mio corpo stea
+       Nel mondo sù, nulla scienzia porto.
+     Cotal vantaggio ha questa Tolommea,
+       Che spesse volte l'anima ci cade
+       Innanzi, ch'Atropòs mossa le dea.
+     E perchè tu più volontier mi rade
+       Le 'nvetriate lagrime dal volto,
+       Sappi, che tosto che l'anima trade,
+     Come fec'io, il corpo suo l'è tolto
+       Da un Dimonio, che poscia il governa,
+       Mentre che 'l tempo suo tutto sia volto.
+     Ella ruina in sì fatta cisterna;
+       E forse pare ancor lo corpo suso
+       Dell'ombra, che di qua dietro mi verna.
+     Tu 'l dei saper, se tu vien pur mo giuso:
+       Egli è ser Branca d'Oria, e son più anni
+       Poscia passati, ch'ei fu sì racchiuso.
+     Io credo, diss'io lui, che tu m'inganni,
+       Che Branca d'Oria non morì unquanche,
+       E mangia, e bee, e dorme, e veste panni.
+     Nel fosso sù, diss'ei, di Malebranche,
+       Là dove bolle la tenace pece,
+       Non era giunto ancora Michel Zanche;
+     Che questi lasciò 'l diavolo in sua vece
+       Nel corpo suo, e d'un suo prossimano,
+       Che 'l tradimento insieme con lui fece.--_Inf._ 33.]
+
+These are strange experiments in poetry; their strangeness is
+exaggerated as detached passages; but they are strange enough when
+they meet us in their place in the context, as parts of a scene, where
+the mind is strung and overawed by the sustained power, with which
+dreariness, horror, hideous absence of every form of good, is kept
+before the imagination and feelings, in the fearful picture of human
+sin. But they belong to the poet's system of direct and forcible
+representation. What his inward eye sees, what he feels, that he means
+us to see and feel as he does; to make us see and feel is his art.
+Afterwards we may reflect and meditate; but first we must see--must
+see what he saw. Evil and deformity are in the world, as well as good
+and beauty; the eye cannot escape them, they are about our path, in
+our heart and memory. He has faced them without shrinking or
+dissembling, and extorted from them a voice of warning. In all poetry
+that is written for mere delight, in all poetry which regards but a
+part or an aspect of nature, they have no place--they disturb and mar;
+but he had conceived a poetry of the whole, which would be weak or
+false without them. Yet they stand in his poem as they stand in
+nature--subordinate and relieved. If the grotesque is allowed to
+intrude itself--if the horrible and the foul, undisguised and
+unsoftened, make us shudder and shrink, they are kept in strong check
+and in due subjection by other poetical influences; and the same power
+which exhibits them in their naked strength, renders its full grace
+and glory to beauty; its full force and delicacy to the most
+evanescent feeling.
+
+Dante's eye was free and open to external nature in a degree new among
+poets; certainly in a far greater degree than among the Latins, even
+including Lucretius, whom he probably had never read. We have already
+spoken of his minute notice of the appearance of living creatures; but
+his eye was caught by the beautiful as well as by the grotesque.
+
+Take the following beautiful picture of the bird looking out for dawn:
+
+     Come l'augello intra l'amate fronde,
+       Posato al nido de' suoi dolci nati,
+       La notte, che le cose ci nasconde,
+     Che per veder gli aspetti desiati,
+       E per trovar lo cibo, onde li pasca,
+       In che i gravi labor gli sono aggrati,
+     Previene 'l tempo in su l'aperta frasca,
+       E con ardente affetto il sole aspetta,
+       Fiso guardando, pur che l'alba nasca.--_Parad._ 23.[119]
+
+[Footnote 119:
+
+     E'en as the bird that resting in the nest
+       Of her sweet brood, the shelt'ring boughs among
+       While all things are enwrapt in night's dark vest--
+     Now eager to behold the looks she loves,
+       And to find food for her impatient young
+       (Whence labour grateful to a mother proves),
+     Forestalls the time, high perch'd upon the spray,
+       And with impassion'd zeal the sun expecting,
+       Anxiously waiteth the first break of day.--WRIGHT.]
+
+Nothing indeed can be more true and original than his images of birds;
+they are varied and very numerous. We have the water-birds rising in
+clamorous and changing flocks:
+
+       Come augelli surti di riviera
+     _Quasi congratulando a lor pasture_,
+     Fanno di sè or tonda or lunga schiera;--_Parad._ 18.[120]
+
+the rooks, beginning to move about at daybreak:
+
+       E come per lo natural costume,
+     Le pole insieme, al cominciar del giorno
+     Si muovono a scaldar le fredde piume,
+       Poi altre vanno via senza ritorno,
+     Altre rivolgon sè onde son mosse
+     Ed altre roteando fan soggiorno;--_Parad._ 21.[121]
+
+the morning sounds of the swallow:
+
+       Nell'ora che comincia i tristi lai
+     La rondinella presso alla mattina,
+     Forse a memoria de' suoi primi guai;--_Purg._ 9.[122]
+
+the joy and delight of the nightingale's song (_Purg._ 17); the lark,
+silent at last, filled with its own sweetness:
+
+       Qual lodoletta, che 'n aere si spazia,
+     Prima cantando, e _poi tace contenta
+     Dell'ultima dolcezza che la sazia_;--_Parad._ 20.[123]
+
+the flight of the starlings and storks (_Inf._ 5, _Purg._ 24); the
+mournful cry and long line of the cranes (_Inf._ 5, _Purg._ 26); the
+young birds trying to escape from the nest (_Purg._ 25); the eagle
+hanging in the sky:
+
+     Con l'ale aperte, e a calare intesa;--
+
+the dove, standing close to its mate, or wheeling round it:
+
+       Sì come quando 'l _colombo si pone
+     Presso al compagno_, l'uno e l'altro pande
+     _Girando e mormorando_ l'affezione;--_Parad._ 25.[124]
+
+or the flock of pigeons, feeding:
+
+                   Adunati alla pastura,
+     Queti, _senza mostrar l'usato orgoglio_.--_Purg._ 2.
+
+[Footnote 120:
+
+     And as birds rising from a stream, whence they
+       Their pastures view, as though their joy confessing,
+       Now form a round, and now a long array.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 121:
+
+     And as with one accord, at break of day,
+       The rooks bestir themselves, by nature taught
+       To chase the dew-drops from their wings away;
+     Some flying off, to reappear no more--
+       Others repairing to their nests again--
+       Some whirling round--then settling as before.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 122:
+
+     What time the swallow pours her plaintive strain,
+       Saluting the approach of morning gray,
+       Thus haply mindful of her former pain.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 123:
+
+     E'en as the lark high soaring pours its throat
+       Awhile, then rests in silence, as though still
+       It dwelt enamour'd of its last sweet note.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 124:
+
+     As when unto his partner's side, the dove
+       Approaches near--both fondly circling round,
+       And cooing, show the fervour of their love;
+     So these great heirs of immortality
+       Receive each other; while they joyful sound
+       The praises of the food they share on high.--WRIGHT.]
+
+Hawking supplies its images: the falcon coming for its food:
+
+       Il falcon che prima a piè si mira,
+     Indi si volge al grido, e si protende,
+     Per lo disio del pasto, che là il tira;--_Purg._ 19.[125]
+
+or just unhooded, pluming itself for its flight:
+
+       Quasi falcon, ch'esce del cappello,
+     Muove la testa, e con l'ale s'applaude,
+     _Voglia mostrando, e facendosi bello_;--_Parad._ 19.[126]
+
+or returning without success, sullen and loath:
+
+       Come 'l falcon ch'è stato assai su l'ali,
+     Che senza veder logoro, o uccello,
+     Fa dire al falconiere: Oimè tu cali!
+     Discende lasso onde si muove snello
+     Per cento ruote, _e da lungi si pone_
+     Dal suo maestro, _disdegnoso e fello_.--_Inf._ 17.[127]
+
+[Footnote 125:
+
+     And, as a falcon, which first scans its feet,
+       Then turns him to the call, and forward flies,
+       In eagerness to catch the tempting meat.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 126:
+
+     Lo, as a falcon, from the hood released,
+       Uplifts his head, and joyous flaps his wings,
+       His beauty and his eagerness increased.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 127:
+
+     E'en as a falcon, long upheld in air,
+       Not seeing lure or bird upon the wing,
+       So that the falconer utters in despair
+     "Alas, thou stoop'st!" fatigued descends from high;
+       And whirling quickly round in many a ring,
+       Far from his master sits--disdainfully.--IBID.]
+
+It is curious to observe him taking Virgil's similes, and altering
+them. When Virgil describes the throng of souls, he compares them to
+falling leaves, or gathering birds in autumn:
+
+       Quam multa in silvis auctumni frigore primo
+     Lapsa cadunt folia, aut ad terram gurgite ab alto
+     Quam multæ glomerantur aves, ubi frigidus annus
+     Trans pontum fugat, et terris immittit apricis--
+
+Dante uses the same images, but without copying:
+
+       Come d'Autunno si levan le foglie,
+     L'una appresso dell'altra, infin che 'l ramo
+     Rende alla terra tutte le sue spoglie;
+       Similemente il mal seme d'Adamo:
+     Gittansi di quel lito ad una ad una
+     Per cenni, com'augel per suo richiamo.
+       Così sen vanno su per l'onda bruna,
+     Ed avanti che sien di là discese,
+     Anche di qua nuova schiera s'aduna.--_Inf._ 3.[128]
+
+[Footnote 128:
+
+     As leaves in autumn, borne before the wind,
+       Drop one by one, until the branch laid bare,
+       Sees all its honours to the earth consign'd:
+     So cast them downward at his summons all
+       The guilty race of Adam from that strand--
+       Each as a falcon answering to the call.--WRIGHT.]
+
+Again--compared with one of Virgil's most highly-finished and perfect
+pictures, the flight of the pigeon, disturbed at first, and then
+becoming swift and smooth:
+
+     Qualis spelunca subito commota columba,
+     Cui domus et dulces latebroso in pumice nidi,
+     Fertur in arva volans, plausumque exterrita pennis
+     Dat tecto ingentem, mox aere lapsa quieto
+     Radit iter liquidum, celeres neque commovet alas--
+
+the Italian's simplicity and strength may balance the "ornata parola"
+of Virgil:
+
+     Quali colombe dal disio chiamate,
+     Con _l'ali aperte e ferme_ al dolce nido
+     Volan per l'aer dal voler portate.--_Inf._ 5.[129]
+
+[Footnote 129:
+
+     As doves, by strong affection urged, repair
+       With firm expanded wings to their sweet nest,
+       Borne by the impulse of their will through air.--IBID.
+
+It is impossible not to be reminded at every step, in spite of the
+knowledge and taste which Mr. Cary and Mr. Wright have brought to
+their most difficult task, of the truth which Dante has expressed with
+his ordinary positiveness.
+
+He is saying that he does not wish his Canzoni to be explained in
+Latin to those who could not read them in Italian: "Che sarebbe sposta
+la loro sentenzia colà dove elle _non la potessono colla loro bellezza
+portare_. E però sappia ciascuno che nulla cosa per legame musaico
+(_i.e._ poetico) armonizzata, si può della sua loquela in altra
+trasmutare senza rompere tutta la sua dolcezza e armonia. E questa è
+la ragione per che Omero non si mutò mai di Greco in Latino, come
+l'altre scritture che avemo da loro."--_Convito_, i. c. 8, p. 49.
+
+Dr. Carlyle has given up the idea of attempting to represent Dante's
+verse by English verse, and has confined himself to assisting
+Englishmen to read him in his own language. His prose translation is
+accurate and forcible. And he has added sensible and useful notes.]
+
+Take, again, the _times of the day_, with what is characteristic of
+them--appearances, lights, feelings--seldom dwelt on at length, but
+carried at once to the mind, and stamped upon it sometimes by a single
+word. The sense of _morning_, its inspiring and cheering strength,
+softens the opening of the _Inferno_; breathes its refreshing calm, in
+the interval of repose after the last horrors of hell, in the first
+canto of the _Purgatorio_; and prepares for the entrance into the
+earthly Paradise at its close. In the waning light of _evening_, and
+its chilling sense of loneliness, he prepared himself for his dread
+pilgrimage:
+
+       Lo giorno se n'andava, e l'aer bruno
+     Toglieva gli animai che sono 'n terra
+     Dalle fatiche loro; ed io sol uno
+       M'apparechiava a sostener la guerra
+     Sì del cammino, e sì della pietate.--_Inf._ 2.
+
+Indeed there is scarcely an hour of day or night, which has not left
+its own recollection with him;--of which we cannot find some memorial
+in his poem. Evening and night have many. Evening, with its softness
+and melancholy--its exhaustion and languor, after the work, perhaps
+unfulfilled, of day--its regrets and yearnings--its sounds and
+doubtful lights--the distant bell, the closing chants of Compline, the
+_Salve Regina_, the _Te lucis ante terminum_--with its insecurity, and
+its sense of protection from above--broods over the poet's first
+resting-place on his heavenly road--that still, solemn, dreamy
+scene--the Valley of Flowers in the mountain side, where those who
+have been negligent about their salvation, but not altogether
+faithless and fruitless, the assembled shades of great kings and of
+poets, wait, looking upwards, "pale and humble," for the hour when
+they may begin in earnest their penance. (_Purg._ 7 and 8.) The level,
+blinding evening beams (_Purg._ 15); the contrast of gathering
+darkness in the valley or on the shore with the lingering lights on
+the mountain (_Purg._ 17); the rapid sinking of the sun, and approach
+of night in the south (_Purg._ 27); the flaming sunset clouds of
+August; the sheet-lightning of summer (_Purg._ 5); have left pictures
+in his mind, which an incidental touch reawakens, and a few strong
+words are sufficient to express. Other appearances he describes with
+more fulness. The stars coming out one by one, baffling at first the
+eye:
+
+       Ed ecco intorno di chiarezza pari
+     Nascer un lustro sopra quel che v'era,
+     A guisa d'orizzonte, che rischiari.
+       _E sì come al salir di prima sera
+     Comincian per lo Ciel nuove parvenze,
+     Sì che la cosa pare e non par vera_;--_Parad._ 14.[130]
+
+or else, bursting out suddenly over the heavens:
+
+       Quando colui che tutto il mondo alluma,
+     De l'emisperio nostro si discende,
+     E 'l giorno d'ogni parte si consuma;
+       Lo ciel che sol di lui prima s'accende,
+     Subitamente si rifà parvente
+     Per molte luci in che una risplende;--_Parad._ 20.[131]
+
+or the effect of shooting-stars:
+
+       Quale per li seren tranquilli e puri
+     Discorre ad ora ad or subito fuoco
+     Movendo gli occhi che stavan sicuri,
+       E pare stella che tramuti loco,
+     Se non che dalla parte onde s'accende
+     Nulla sen perde, ed esso dura poco;--_Parad._ 15.[132]
+
+or, again, that characteristic sight of the Italian summer night--the
+fire-flies:
+
+       Quante il villan che al poggio si riposa,
+     Nel tempo che colui che 'l mondo schiara
+     La faccia sua a noi tien men ascosa,
+       Come la mosca cede alla zenzara,
+     Vede lucciole giù per la vallea
+     Forse colà dove vendemmia ed ara.--_Inf._ 26.[133]
+
+[Footnote 130:
+
+     And lo, on high, and lurid as the one
+       Now there, encircling it, a light arose,
+       Like heaven when re-illumined by the sun:
+     And as at the first lighting up of eve
+       The sky doth new appearances disclose,
+       That now seem real, now the sight deceive.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 131:
+
+     When he, who with his universal ray
+       The world illumines, quits our hemisphere,
+       And, from each quarter, daylight wears away;
+     The heaven, erst kindled by his beam alone,
+       Sudden its lost effulgence doth repair
+       By many lights illumined but by one.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 132:
+
+     As oft along the pure and tranquil sky
+       A sudden fire by night is seen to dart,
+       Attracting forcibly the heedless eye;
+     And seems to be a star that changes place,
+       Save that no star is lost from out the part
+       It quits, and that it lasts a moment's space.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 133:
+
+     As in that season when the sun least veils
+     His face that lightens all, what time the fly
+     Gives place to the shrill gnat, the peasant then,
+     Upon some cliff reclined, beneath him sees
+     Fire-flies innumerous spangling o'er the vale,
+     Vineyard or tilth, where his day-labour lies.--CARY.]
+
+Noon, too, does not want its characteristic touches--the
+lightning-like glancing of the lizard's rapid motion:
+
+       Come il ramarro sotto la gran fersa
+     Ne' dì canicular cangiando siepe
+     Folgore par, se la via attraversa;--_Inf._ 25.[134]
+
+the motes in the sunbeam at noontide (_Par._ 14); its clear,
+diffused, insupportable brightness, filling all things:
+
+     E tutti eran già pieni
+     Dell'alto dì i giron del sacro monte.--_Purg._ 19.
+
+and veiling the sun in his own light:
+
+       Io veggio ben sì come _tu t'annidi
+     Nel proprio lume_.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+       Sì come 'l sol che si cela egli stessi
+     Per troppa luce, quando 'l caldo ha rose
+     Le temperanze de' vapori spessi.--_Parad._ 5.
+
+[Footnote 134:
+
+     As underneath the dog-star's scorching ray
+       The lizard, darting swift from fence to fence,
+       Appears like lightning, if he cross the way.--WRIGHT.]
+
+But the sights and feelings of morning are what he touches on most
+frequently; and he does so with the precision of one who had watched
+them with often-repeated delight: the scented freshness of the breeze
+that stirs before daybreak:
+
+       E quale annunziatrice degli albori
+     Aura di maggio muovesi ed olezza
+     Tutta impregnata dall'erba e da' fiori;
+       Tal mi senti' un vento dar per mezza
+     La fronte;--_Purg._ 24.[135]
+
+the chill of early morning (_Purg._ 19); the dawn stealing on, and the
+stars, one by one, fading "infino alla più bella" (_Parad._ 30); the
+brightness of the "trembling morning star"--
+
+     Par tremolando mattutina stella;--
+
+the serenity of the dawn, the blue gradually gathering in the east,
+spreading over the brightening sky (_Parad._ 1); then succeeded by the
+orange tints--and Mars setting red, through the mist over the sea:
+
+       Ed ecco, qual sul presso del mattino
+     Per li grossi vapor Marte rosseggia
+     Giù nel ponente, sopra 'l suol marino,
+       Cotal m'apparve, s'io ancor lo veggia,
+     Un lume per lo mar venir sì ratto
+     Che 'l muover suo nessun volar pareggia;--_Purg._ 2.[136]
+
+the distant sea-beach quivering in the early light:
+
+       L'alba vinceva l'ora mattutina
+     Che fuggia innanzi, sì che di lontano
+     Conobbi _il tremolar della marina_;--_Purg._ 1.[137]
+
+the contrast of east and west at the moment of sunrise, and the sun
+appearing, clothed in mist:
+
+       Io vidi già nel cominciar del giorno
+     La parte oriental tutta rosata
+     E l'altro ciel di bel sereno adorno;
+       E la faccia del sol nascere ombrata
+     Sì che per temperanza di vapori
+     L'occhio lo sostenea lunga fiata;--_Purg._ 3.[138]
+
+or breaking through it, and shooting his beams over the sky:
+
+       Di tutte parti saettava il giorno
+     Lo sol ch'avea con le saette conte
+     Di mezzo 'l ciel cacciato 'l Capricorno.--_Purg._ 2.[139]
+
+[Footnote 135:
+
+     As when, announcing the approach of day,
+       Impregnated with herbs and flowers of Spring,
+       Breathes fresh and redolent the air of May--
+     Such was the breeze that gently fann'd my head;
+       And I perceived the waving of a wing
+       Which all around ambrosial odours shed.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 136:
+
+     When lo! like Mars, in aspect fiery red
+       Seen through the vapour, when the morn is nigh
+       Far in the west above the briny bed,
+     So (might I once more see it) o'er the sea
+       A light approach'd with such rapidity,
+       Flies not the bird that might its equal be.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 137:
+
+     Now 'gan the vanquish'd matin hour to flee;
+       And seen from far, as onward came the day,
+       I recognised the trembling of the sea.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 138:
+
+     Erewhile the eastern regions have I seen
+       At daybreak glow with roseate colours, and
+       The expanse beside all beauteous and serene:
+     And the sun's face so shrouded at its rise,
+       And temper'd by the mists which overhung,
+       That I could gaze on it with stedfast eyes.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 139:
+
+     On every side the sun shot forth the day,
+       And had already with his arrows bright
+       From the mid-heaven chased Capricorn away.--IBID.]
+
+But _light_ in general is his special and chosen source of poetic
+beauty. No poet that we know has shown such singular sensibility to
+its varied appearances--has shown that he felt it in itself the cause
+of a distinct and peculiar pleasure, delighting the eye apart from
+form, as music delights the ear apart from words, and capable, like
+music, of definite character, of endless variety, and infinite
+meanings. He must have studied and dwelt upon it like music. His mind
+is charged with its effects and combinations, and they are rendered
+with a force, a brevity, a precision, a heedlessness and
+unconsciousness of ornament, an indifference to circumstance and
+detail; they flash out with a spontaneous readiness, a suitableness
+and felicity, which show the familiarity and grasp given only by daily
+observation, daily thought, daily pleasure. Light everywhere--in the
+sky and earth and sea--in the star, the flame, the lamp, the
+gem--broken in the water, reflected from the mirror, transmitted pure
+through the glass, or coloured through the edge of the fractured
+emerald--dimmed in the mist, the halo, the deep water--streaming
+through the rent cloud, glowing in the coal, quivering in the
+lightning, flashing in the topaz and the ruby, veiled behind the pure
+alabaster, mellowed and clouding itself in the pearl--light contrasted
+with shadow--shading off and copying itself in the double rainbow,
+like voice and echo--light seen within light, as voice discerned
+within voice, "_quando una è ferma, e l'altra va e riede_"--the
+brighter "nestling" itself in the fainter--the purer set off on the
+less clear, "_come perla in bianca fronte_"--light in the human eye
+and face, displaying, figuring, and confounded with its
+expressions--light blended with joy in the eye:
+
+                         luce
+     Come letizia in pupilla viva;
+
+and in the smile:
+
+     Vincendo me col lume d'un sorriso;
+
+joy lending its expression to light:
+
+     Quivi la donna mia vid'io sì lieta--
+     Che più lucente se ne fè il pianeta.
+       E se la _stella si cambiò, e rise_,
+     Qual mi fec'io;--_Parad._ 5.
+
+light from every source, and in all its shapes, illuminates,
+irradiates, gives its glory to the _Commedia_. The remembrance of our
+"serene life" beneath the "fair stars" keeps up continually the gloom
+of the _Inferno_. Light, such as we see it and recognise it, the light
+of morning and evening growing and fading, takes off from the
+unearthliness of the _Purgatorio_; peopled, as it is, by the undying,
+who, though suffering for sin, can sin no more, it is thus made like
+our familiar world, made to touch our sympathies as an image of our
+own purification in the flesh. And when he rises beyond the regions of
+earthly day, light, simple, unalloyed, unshadowed, eternal, lifts the
+creations of his thought above all affinity to time and matter; light
+never fails him, as the expression of the gradations of bliss; never
+reappears the same, never refuses the new shapes of his invention,
+never becomes confused or dim, though it is seldom thrown into
+distinct figure, and still more seldom _coloured_. Only once, that we
+remember, is the thought of colour forced on us; when the bright joy
+of heaven suffers change and eclipse, and deepens into red at the
+sacrilege of men.[140]
+
+[Footnote 140: _Parad._ 27.]
+
+Yet his eye is everywhere, not confined to the beauty or character of
+the sky and its lights. His range of observation and largeness of
+interest prevent that line of imagery, which is his peculiar
+instrument and predilection, from becoming, in spite of its brightness
+and variety, dreamy and monotonous; prevent it from arming against
+itself sympathies which it does not touch. He has watched with equal
+attention, and draws with not less power, the occurrences and sights
+of Italian country life; the summer whirlwind sweeping over the
+plain--"_dinanzi polveroso va superbo_" (_Inf._ 9); the rain-storm of
+the Apennines (_Purg._ 5); the peasant's alternations of feeling in
+spring:
+
+       In quella parte del giovinetto anno
+     Che 'l sole i crin sotto l'Aquario tempra,
+     E già le notti al mezzo dì sen vanno;
+       Quando la brina in su la terra assempra
+     L'imagine di sua sorella bianca,
+     Ma poco dura alla sua penna tempra,
+       Lo villanello a cui la roba manca
+     Si leva e guarda, e vede la campagna
+     Biancheggiar tutta; ond'ei si batte l'anca;
+       Ritorna a casa, e qua e là si lagna
+     Come 'l tapin che non sa che si faccia:
+     Poi riede e la speranza ringavagna
+       Veggendo 'l mondo aver cangiata faccia
+     In poco d'ora, e prende il suo vincastro
+     E fuor le pecorelle a pascer caccia:--_Inf._ 24.[141]
+
+the manner in which sheep come out from the fold:
+
+       Come le pecorelle escon del chiuso
+     _A una a due a tre, e l'altre stanno,
+     Timidette atterrando l'occhio e' l muso;
+       E ciò che fa la prima, e l'altre fanno,
+     Addossandosi a lei s'ella s'arresta_
+     Semplici e quete, e lo 'mperchè non sanno:
+       Sì vid'io muover a venir la testa
+     Di quella mandria fortunata allotta,
+     Pudica in faccia e nell'andare onesta.
+       Come color dinanzi vider rotta
+     La luce....
+       Ristaro, e trasser sè indietro alquanto,
+     E tutti gli altri che veniano appresso,
+     Non sappiendo il perchè, fero altrettanto.--_Purg._ 3.
+
+[Footnote 141:
+
+     In the new year, when Sol his tresses gay
+       Dips in Aquarius, and the tardy night
+       Divides her empire with the lengthening day--
+     When o'er the earth the hoar-frost pure and bright
+       Assumes the image of her sister white,
+       Then quickly melts before the genial light--
+     The rustic, now exhausted his supply,
+       Rises betimes--looks out--and sees the land
+       All white around, whereat he strikes his thigh--
+     Turns back--and grieving--wanders here and there,
+       Like one disconsolate and at a stand;
+       Then issues forth, forgetting his despair,
+     For lo! the face of nature he beholds
+       Changed on a sudden--takes his crook again,
+       And drives his flock to pasture from the folds.--WRIGHT.]
+
+So with the beautiful picture of the goats upon the mountain, chewing
+the cud in the noontide heat and stillness, and the goatherd, resting
+on his staff and watching them--a picture which no traveller among the
+mountains of Italy or Greece can have missed, or have forgotten:
+
+       Quali si fanno ruminando manse
+     Le capre, _state rapide e proterve
+     Sopra le cime_ avanti che sien pranse,
+       _Tacite al ombra mentre che 'l sol ferve,
+     Guardate dal pastor_ che 'n su la verga
+     Poggiato s'è, e lor poggiato serve.--_Purg._ 27.[142]
+
+[Footnote 142:
+
+     Like goats that having over the crags pursued
+       Their wanton sports, now, quiet pass the time
+       In ruminating--sated with their food,
+     Beneath the shade, while glows the sun on high--
+       Watched by the goatherd with unceasing care,
+       As on his staff he leans, with watchful eye.--_Ibid._]
+
+So again, with his recollections of cities: the crowd, running
+together to hear news (_Purg._ 2), or pressing after the winner of the
+game (_Purg._ 6); the blind men at the church doors, or following
+their guide through the throng (_Purg._ 13, 16); the friars walking
+along in silence, one behind another:
+
+       Taciti, soli, e senza compagnia
+     N'andavam, _l'un dinanzi, e l'altro dopo
+     Come i frati minor vanno per via_.--_Inf._ 23.
+
+He turns to account in his poem, the pomp and clamour of the host
+taking the field (_Inf._ 22); the devices of heraldry; the answering
+chimes of morning bells over the city;[143] the inventions and
+appliances of art, the wheels within wheels of clocks (_Par._ 24), the
+many-coloured carpets of the East (_Inf._ 17); music and dancing--the
+organ and voice in church:
+
+     --Voce mista al dolce suono
+     Che or sì or no s'intendon le parole,--_Purg._ 9.
+
+the lute and voice in the chamber (_Par._ 20); the dancers preparing
+to begin,[144] or waiting to catch a new strain.[145] Or, again, the
+images of domestic life, the mother's ways to her child, reserved and
+reproving--"che al figlio par superba"--or cheering him with her
+voice, or watching him compassionately in the wandering of fever:
+
+       Ond'ella, appresso d'un pio sospiro
+     Gli occhi drizzò ver me, con quel sembiante
+     Che madre fa sopra figliuol deliro.--_Parad._ 1.
+
+[Footnote 143:
+
+       Indi come orologio che ne chiami
+     Nell'ora che la sposa di Dio surge
+     A mattinar lo sposo perchè l'ami,
+       Che l'una parte e l'altra tira ed urge
+     Tin tin sonando con sì dolce nota
+     Che 'l ben disposto spirto d'amor turge;
+       Così vid'io la gloriosa ruota
+     Muoversi e render voce a voce, in tempra
+     Ed in dolcezza ch'esser non può nota
+       Se non colà dove 'l gioir s'insempra.--_Parad._ 10.]
+
+[Footnote 144:
+
+       E come surge, e va, ed entra in ballo
+     Vergine lieta, sol per farne onore
+     Alla novizia, e non per alcun fallo.--_Ibid._ 25.]
+
+[Footnote 145:
+
+       Donne mi parver, non da ballo sciolte,
+     Ma che s'arrestin tacite ascoltando
+     Fin che le nuove note hanno ricolte.--_Ibid._ 10.]
+
+Nor is he less observant of the more delicate phenomena of mind, in
+its inward workings, and its connexion with the body. The play of
+features, the involuntary gestures and attitudes of the passions, the
+power of eye over eye, of hand upon hand, the charm of voice and
+expression, of musical sounds even when not understood--feelings,
+sensations, and states of mind which have a name, and others, equally
+numerous and equally common, which have none--these, often so
+fugitive, so shifting, so baffling and intangible, are expressed with
+a directness, a simplicity, a sense of truth at once broad and
+refined, which seized at once on the congenial mind of his countrymen,
+and pointed out to them the road which they have followed in art,
+unapproached as yet by any competitors.[146]
+
+[Footnote 146: For instance:--_thoughts upon thoughts, ending in sleep
+and dreams_:
+
+     Nuovo pensier dentro de me si mise,
+       Dal qual più altri nacquero e diversi:
+     _E tanto d'uno in altro vaneggiai
+     Che gli occhi per vaghezza ricopersi,
+       E 'l pensamento in sogno trasmutai_.--_Purg._ 18.
+
+_sleep stealing off when broken by light_:
+
+       Come si frange il sonno, ove di butto
+     Nuova luce percuote 'l viso chiuso,
+     _Che fratto guizza pria che muoja tutto_.--_Ibid._ 17.
+
+_the shock of sudden awakening_:
+
+       Come al lume acuto si disonna,
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+       _E lo svegliato ciò che vede abborre,_
+     Sì nescia è la subita vigilia,
+     Finchè la stimativa nol soccorre.--_Parad._ 26.
+
+_uneasy feelings produced by sight or representation of something
+unnatural_:
+
+       Come per sostentar solajo o tetto
+     Per mensola talvolta una figura
+     Si vede giunger le ginocchia al petto,
+       _La qual fa del non ver vera rancura
+     Nascer a chi la vede_; così fatti
+     Vid'io color.--_Purg._ 10.
+
+_blushing in innocent sympathy for others_:
+
+       E come donna onesta che permane
+     Di sè sicura, e _per l'altrui fallanza
+     Pure ascoltando timida si fane_:
+       Così Beatrice trasmutò sembianza.--_Par._ 27.
+
+_asking and answering by looks only_:
+
+       Volsi gli occhi agli occhi al signor mio;
+     Ond'elli m'assentì con lieto cenno
+     Ciò che chiedea la vista del disio.--_Purg._ 19.
+
+_watching the effect of words_:
+
+       Posto avea fine al suo ragionamento
+     L'alto dottore, ad attento guardava
+     Nella mia vista s'io parea contento.
+       Ed io, cui nuova sete ancor frugava,
+     Di fuor taceva e dentro dicea: forse
+     Lo troppo dimandar ch'io fo, li grava.
+       Ma quel padre verace, che s'accorse
+     Del timido voler che non s'apriva,
+     Parlando, di parlare ardir mi porse.--_Ibid._ 18.
+
+_Dante betraying Virgil's presence to Statius, by his involuntary
+smile_:
+
+       Volser Virgilio a me queste parole
+     Con viso che tacendo dicea: "taci;"
+     Ma non può tutto la virtù che vuole;
+       Che riso e pianto son tanto seguaci
+     Alla passion da che ciascun si spicca,
+     _Che men segnon voler ne' più veraci.
+       Io pur sorrisi, come l'uom ch'ammicca:
+     Perchè l'ombra si tacque, e riguardommi
+     Negli occhi ove 'l sembiante più si ficca._
+       E se tanto lavoro in bene assommi,
+     Disse, perchè la faccia tua testeso
+     _Un lampeggiar a' un riso_ dimostrommi?--_Purg._ 21.
+
+_smiles and words together_:
+
+     Per le _sorrise parolette brevi_.--_Parad._ 1.
+
+_eye meeting eye_:
+
+               Gli occhi ritorsi avanti
+     Dritti nel lume della dolce guida
+     Che sorridendo ardea negli occhi santi.--_Ibid._ 3.
+
+       Come si vede qui alcuna volta
+     L'affetto nella vista, s'ello è tanto
+     Che da lui sia tutta l'anima tolta:
+       Così nel fiammeggiar del fulgor santo
+     A cui mi volsi, conobbi la voglia
+     In lui di ragionarmi ancora alquanto.--_Ibid._ 18.
+
+_gentleness of voice_:
+
+     E cominciommi a dir soave e piana
+     Con angelica voce in sua favella.--_Inf._ 2.
+
+       E come agli occhi miei si fe' più bella,
+     Così con voce più dolce e soave,
+     Ma non con questa moderna favella,
+       Dissemi;--_Parad._ 16.
+
+_chanting_:
+
+       _Te lucis ante_ sì divotamente
+     Le uscì di bocca e con sì dolce note,
+     Che fece me a me uscir di mente.
+       E l'altre poi dolcemente e divote
+     Seguitar lei per tutto l'inno intero,
+     Avendo gli occhi alle superne ruote.--_Purg._ 8.
+
+_chanting blended with the sound of the organ_:
+
+       Io mi rivolsi attento al primo tuono,
+     E _Te Deum laudamus_ mi parea
+     Udire in voce mista al dolce suono.
+       Tale imagine appunto mi rendea
+     Ciò ch'io udiva, qual prender si suole
+     _Quando a cantar con organi si stea;
+       Ch'or sì, or no, s'intendon le parole_.--_Purg._ 9.
+
+_voices in concert_:
+
+       E come in voce voce si discerne
+     _Quando una è ferma, e' l altra va e riede_.--_Parad._ 8.
+
+_attitudes and gestures: e.g. Beatrice addressing him_,
+
+     Con atto e voce di spedito duce.--_Ibid._ 30.
+
+_Sordello eyeing the travellers_:
+
+       Venimmo a lei: o anima Lombarda,
+     Come ti stavi altera e disdegnosa,
+     E nel muover degli occhi onesta e tarda.
+       Ella non ci diceva alcuna cosa,
+     Ma lasciavane gir, solo guardando,
+     A guisa di leon quando si posa.--_Purg._ 6.
+
+_the angel moving "dry-shod" over the Stygian pool_:
+
+       _Dal volto rimovea quell'aer grasso
+     Menando la sinistra innanzi spesso_,
+     E sol di quell'angoscia parea lasso.
+       Ben m'accorsi ch'egli era del ciel messo,
+     E volsimi al maestro; e quei fe' segno
+     Ch'io stessi cheto ed inchinassi ed esso.
+       Ahi quanto mi parea pien di disdegno.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+       Poi si rivolse per la strada lorda,
+     E non fe' motto a noi, ma fe' sembiante
+     D'uomo cui altra cura stringa e morda
+       Che quella di colui che gli è davante.--_Inf._ 9.]
+
+And he has anticipated the latest schools of modern poetry, by making
+not merely nature, but science tributary to a poetry with whose
+general aim and spirit it has little in common--tributary in its
+exact forms, even in its technicalities. He speaks of the
+Mediterranean Sea, not merely as a historian, or an observer of its
+storms or its smiles, but as a geologist;[147] of light, not merely in
+its beautiful appearances, but in its natural laws.[148] There is a
+charm, an imaginative charm to him, not merely in the sensible
+magnificence of the heavens, "in their silence, and light, and
+watchfulness," but in the system of Ptolemy and the theories of
+astrology; and he delights to interweave the poetry of feeling and of
+the outward sense with the grandeur--so far as he knew it--of order,
+proportion, measured magnitudes, the relations of abstract forces,
+displayed on such a scene as the material universe, as if he wished to
+show that imagination in its boldest flight was not afraid of the
+company of the clear and subtle intellect.
+
+[Footnote 147: _La maggior valle_, in che l'acqua si spandi.--_Parad._
+9.]
+
+[Footnote 148: _E.g._ _Purg._ 15.]
+
+Indeed the real never daunts him. It is his leading principle of
+poetic composition, to draw out of things the poetry which is latent
+in them, either essentially, or as they are portions, images, or
+reflexes of something greater--not to invest them with a poetical
+semblance, by means of words which bring with them poetical
+associations, and have received a general poetical stamp. Dante has
+few of those indirect charms which flow from the subtle structure and
+refined graces of language--none of that exquisitely-fitted and
+self-sustained mechanism of choice words of the Greeks--none of that
+tempered and majestic amplitude of diction, which clothes, like the
+folds of a royal robe, the thoughts of the Latins--none of that
+abundant play of fancy and sentiment, soft or grand, in which the
+later Italian poets delighted. Words with him are used sparingly,
+never in play--never because they carry with them poetical
+recollections--never for their own sake; but because they are
+instruments which will give the deepest, clearest, sharpest stamp of
+that image which the poet's mind, piercing to the very heart of his
+subject, or seizing the characteristic feature which to other men's
+eyes is confused and lost among others accidental and common, draws
+forth in severe and living truth. Words will not always bend
+themselves to his demands on them; they make him often uncouth,
+abrupt, obscure. But he is too much in earnest to heed uncouthness;
+and his power over language is too great to allow uncertainty as to
+what he means, to be other than occasional. Nor is he a stranger to
+the utmost sweetness and melody of language. But it appears, unsought
+for and unlaboured, the spontaneous and inevitable obedience of the
+tongue and pen to the impressions of the mind; as grace and beauty, of
+themselves, "command and guide the eye" of the painter, who thinks not
+of his hand but of them. All is in character with the absorbed and
+serious earnestness which pervades the poem; there is no toying, no
+ornament, that a man in earnest might not throw into his
+words;--whether in single images, or in pictures, like that of the
+Meadow of the Heroes (_Inf._ 4), or the angel appearing in hell to
+guide the poet through the burning city (_Inf._ 9)--or in histories,
+like those of Count Ugolino, or the life of S. Francis (_Parad._
+11)--or in the dramatic scenes like the meeting of the poets Sordello
+and Virgil (_Purgat._ 6), or that one, unequalled in beauty, where
+Dante himself, after years of forgetfulness and sin, sees Beatrice in
+glory, and hears his name, never but once pronounced during the
+vision, from her lips.[149]
+
+[Footnote 149:
+
+     Io vidi già nel cominciar del giorno
+       La parte oriental tutta rosata,
+       E l'altro ciel di bel sereno adorno,
+     E la faccia del sol nascere ombrata,
+       Sì che per temperanza di vapori
+       L'occhio lo sostenea lunga fiata;
+     Così dentro una nuvola di fiori,
+       Che dalle mani angeliche saliva,
+       E ricadeva giù dentro e di fuori,
+     Sovra candido vel cinta d'oliva
+       Donna m'apparve sotto verde manto
+       Vestita di color di fiamma viva.
+     E lo spirito mio, che già cotanto
+       Tempo era stato che alla sua presenza
+       Non era di stupor, tremando, affranto.
+     Senza degli occhi aver più conoscenza,
+       Per occulta virtù, che da lei mosse,
+       D'antico amor senti' la gran potenza.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     Volsimi alla sinistra col rispitto,
+       Col quale il fantolin corre alla mamma,
+       Quando ha paura, o quando egli è afflitto,
+     Per dicere a Virgilio: Men che dramma
+       Di sangue m'è rimasa, che non tremi:
+       Conosco i segni dell'antica fiamma.
+     Ma Virgilio n'avea lasciati scemi
+       Di sè, Virgilio dolcissimo padre,
+       Virgilio, a cui per mia salute diemi:
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     Dante, perchè Virgilio se ne vada,
+       Non piangere anche, non piangere ancora
+       Chè pianger ti convien per altra spada.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     Regalmente nell'atto ancor proterva
+       Continuò, come colui che dice,
+       E il più caldo parlar dietro reserva,
+     Guardami ben: ben son, ben son Beatrice:
+       Come degnasti d'accedere al monte?
+       Non sapei tu, che qui è l'uom felice?--_Purg._ 30.
+
+But extracts can give but an imperfect notion of this grand and
+touching canto.]
+
+But this, or any other array of scenes and images, might be matched
+from poets of a far lower order than Dante: and to specimens which
+might be brought together of his audacity and extravagance, no
+parallel could be found except among the lowest. We cannot, honestly,
+plead the barbarism of the time as his excuse. That, doubtless,
+contributed largely to them; but they were the faults of the man. In
+another age, their form might have been different; yet we cannot
+believe so much of time, that it would have tamed Dante. Nor can we
+wish it. It might have made him less great: and his greatness can
+well bear its own blemishes, and will not less meet its due honour
+among men, because they can detect its kindred to themselves.
+
+The greatness of his work is not in its details--to be made or marred
+by them. It is the greatness of a comprehensive and vast conception,
+sustaining without failure the trial of its long and hazardous
+execution, and fulfilling at its close the hope and promise of its
+beginning; like the greatness--which we watch in its course with
+anxious suspense, and look back upon when it is secured by death, with
+deep admiration--of a perfect life. Many a surprise, many a
+difficulty, many a disappointment, many a strange reverse and
+alternation of feelings, attend the progress of the most patient and
+admiring reader of the _Commedia_; as many as attend on one who
+follows the unfolding of a strong character in life. We are often
+shocked when we were prepared to admire--repelled, when we came with
+sympathy; the accustomed key fails at a critical moment--depths are
+revealed which we cannot sound, mysteries which baffle and confound
+us. But the check is for a time--the gap and chasm does not dissever.
+Haste is even an evidence of life--the brief word, the obscure hint,
+the unexplained, the unfinished, or even the unachieved, are the marks
+of human feebleness, but are also among those of human truth. The
+unity of the whole is unimpaired. The strength which is working it
+out, though it may have at times disappointed us, shows no hollowness
+or exhaustion. The surprise of disappointment is balanced--there is
+the surprise of unimagined excellence. Powers do more than they
+promised; and that spontaneous and living energy, without which
+neither man nor poet can be trusted, and which showed its strength
+even in its failures, shows it more abundantly in the novelties of
+success--by touching sympathies which have never been touched before,
+by the unconstrained freshness with which it meets the proverbial and
+familiar, by the freedom with which it adjusts itself to a new
+position or an altered task--by the completeness, unstudied and
+instinctive, with which it holds together dissimilar and uncongenial
+materials, and forces the most intractable, the most unaccustomed to
+submission, to receive the colour of the whole--by its orderly and
+unmistakable onward march, and its progress, as in height, so in what
+corresponds to height. It was one and the same man, who rose from the
+despair, the agony, the vivid and vulgar horrors of the _Inferno_, to
+the sense and imagination of certainty, sinlessness, and joy
+ineffable--the same man whose power and whose sympathies failed him
+not, whether discriminating and enumerating, as if he had gone through
+them all, the various forms of human suffering, from the dull,
+gnawing sense of the loss of happiness, to the infinite woes of the
+wrecked and ruined spirit, and the coarser pangs of the material
+flesh; or dwelling on the changeful lights and shades of earnest
+repentance, in its hard, but not unaided or ungladdened struggle, and
+on that restoration to liberty and peace, which can change even this
+life into paradise, and reverse the doom which made sorrow our
+condition, and laughter and joy unnatural and dangerous--the penalty
+of that first fault, which
+
+               In pianto ed in affanno
+     Cambiò onesto riso e dolce giuoco:
+
+or rising finally above mortal experience, to imagine the freedom of
+the saints and the peace of eternity. In this consists the greatness
+of his power. It is not necessary to read through the _Commedia_ to
+see it--open it where we please, we see that he is on his way, and
+whither he is going; episode and digression share in the solemnity of
+the general order.
+
+And his greatness was more than that of power. That reach and play of
+sympathy ministered to a noble wisdom, which used it thoughtfully and
+consciously for a purpose to which great poetry had never yet been
+applied, except in the mouth of prophets. Dante was a stern man, and
+more than stern, among his fellows. But he has left to those who
+never saw his face an inheritance the most precious; he has left them
+that which, reflecting and interpreting their minds, does so, not to
+amuse, not to bewilder, not to warp, not to turn them in upon
+themselves in distress or gloom or selfishness; not merely to hold up
+a mirror to nature; but to make them true and make them hopeful. Dark
+as are his words of individuals, his thoughts are not dark or
+one-sided about mankind; his is no cherished and perverse
+severity--his faith is too large, too real, for such a fault. He did
+not write only the _Inferno_. And the _Purgatorio_ and the _Paradiso_
+are not an afterthought, a feebler appendix and compensation,
+conceived when too late, to a finished whole, which has taken up into
+itself the poet's real mind. Nowhere else in poetry of equal power is
+there the same balanced view of what man is, and may be; nowhere so
+wide a grasp shown of his various capacities, so strong a desire to
+find a due place and function for all his various dispositions. Where
+he stands contrasted in his idea of human life with other poets, who
+have been more powerful exponents of its separate sides, is in his
+large and truthful comprehensiveness. Fresh from the thought of man's
+condition as a whole, fresh from the thought of his goodness, his
+greatness, his power, as well as of his evil, his mind is equally in
+tune when rejoicing over his restoration, as when contemplating the
+ruins of his fall. He never lets go the recollection that human life,
+if it grovels at one end in corruption and sin, and has to pass
+through the sweat and dust and disfigurement of earthly toil, has
+throughout, compensations, remedies, functions, spheres innumerable of
+profitable activity, sources inexhaustible of delight and
+consolation--and at the other end a perfection which cannot be named.
+No one ever measured the greatness of man in all its forms with so
+true and yet with so admiring an eye, and with such glowing hope, as
+he who has also portrayed so awfully man's littleness and vileness.
+And he went farther--no one who could understand and do homage to
+greatness in man, ever drew the line so strongly between greatness and
+goodness, and so unhesitatingly placed the hero of this world
+only--placed him in all his magnificence, honoured with no timid or
+dissembling reverence--at the distance of worlds, below the place of
+the lowest saint.
+
+Those who know the _Divina Commedia_ best, will best know how hard it
+is to be the interpreter of such a mind; but they will sympathise with
+the wish to call attention to it. They know, and would wish others
+also to know, not by hearsay, but by experience, the power of that
+wonderful poem. They know its austere, yet subduing beauty; they know
+what force there is, in its free and earnest and solemn verse, to
+strengthen, to tranquillise, to console. It is a small thing that it
+has the secret of Nature and Man; that a few keen words have opened
+their eyes to new sights in earth, and sea, and sky; have taught them
+new mysteries of sound; have made them recognise, in distinct image or
+thought, fugitive feelings, or their unheeded expression, by look, or
+gesture, or motion; that it has enriched the public and collective
+memory of society with new instances, never to be lost, of human
+feeling and fortune; has charmed ear and mind by the music of its
+stately march, and the variety and completeness of its plan. But,
+besides this, they know how often its seriousness has put to shame
+their trifling, its magnanimity their faintheartedness, its living
+energy their indolence, its stern and sad grandeur rebuked low
+thoughts, its thrilling tenderness overcome sullenness and assuaged
+distress, its strong faith quelled despair and soothed perplexity, its
+vast grasp imparted the sense of harmony to the view of clashing
+truths. They know how often they have found, in times of trouble, if
+not light, at least that deep sense of reality, permanent, though
+unseen, which is more than light can always give--in the view which
+it has suggested to them of the judgments and the love of God.[150]
+
+[Footnote 150: It is necessary to state, that these remarks were
+written before we had seen the chapter on Dante in "Italy, past and
+present, by L. Mariotti." Had we become acquainted with it earlier, we
+should have had to refer to it often, in the way of acknowledgment,
+and as often in the way of strong protest.]
+
+
+
+
+DE MONARCHIA.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK I.
+
+
+I.--It very greatly concerns all men on whom a higher nature has
+impressed[151] the love of truth, that, as they have been enriched by
+the labour of those before them, so they also should labour for those
+that are to come after them, to the end that posterity may receive
+from them an addition to its wealth. For he is far astray from his
+duty--let him not doubt it--who, having been trained in the lessons of
+public business, cares not himself to contribute aught to the public
+good. He is no "tree planted by the water-side, that bringeth forth
+his fruit in due season." He is rather the devouring whirlpool, ever
+engulfing, but restoring nothing. Pondering, therefore, often on these
+things, lest some day I should have to answer the charge of the
+talent buried in the earth, I desire not only to show the budding
+promise, but also to bear fruit for the general good, and to set forth
+truths by others unattempted. For what fruit can he be said to bear
+who should go about to demonstrate again some theorem of Euclid? or
+when Aristotle has shown us what happiness is, should show it to us
+once more? or when Cicero has been the apologist of old age, should a
+second time undertake its defence? Such squandering of labour would
+only engender weariness and not profit.
+
+[Footnote 151: "_In quos veritatis amorem natura superior impressit._"
+On the ancient idea (Aug. _De Trin._ iii. 4; Aquin. _Summ._ 1, 66, 3)
+of the influence or impression of higher natures on lower, cf.
+_Parad._ i. 103, x. 29.]
+
+But seeing that among other truths, ill-understood yet profitable, the
+knowledge touching temporal monarchy is at once most profitable and
+most obscure, and that because it has no immediate reference to
+worldly gain it is left unexplored by all, therefore it is my purpose
+to draw it forth from its hiding-places, as well that I may spend my
+toil for the benefit of the world, as that I may be the first to win
+the prize of so great an achievement to my own glory. The work indeed
+is difficult, and I am attempting what is beyond my strength; but I
+trust not in my own powers, but in the light of that Bountiful Giver,
+"Who giveth to all men liberally, and upbraideth not."
+
+
+II.--First, therefore, we must see what is it that is called Temporal
+Monarchy, in its idea, so to speak, and according to its purpose.
+Temporal Monarchy, then, or, as men call it, the Empire, is the
+government of one prince above all men in time, or in those things and
+over those things which are measured by time. Three great questions
+are asked concerning it. First, there is the doubt and the question,
+is it necessary for the welfare of the world? Secondly, did the Roman
+people take to itself by right the office of Monarchy? And thirdly,
+does the authority of Monarchy come from God directly, or only from
+some other minister or vicar of God?
+
+Now, since every truth, which is not itself a first principle, becomes
+manifest from the truth of some first principle, it is therefore
+necessary in every inquiry to have a knowledge of the first principle
+involved, to which by analysis we may go back for the certainty of all
+the propositions which are afterwards accepted. And since this
+treatise is an inquiry, we must begin by examining the first principle
+on the strength of which deductions are to rest. It must be understood
+then that there are certain things which, since they are not subject
+to our power, are matters of speculation, but not of action: such are
+Mathematics and Physics, and things divine. But there are some things
+which, since they are subject to our power, are matters of action as
+well as of speculation, and in them we do not act for the sake of
+speculation, but contrariwise: for in such things action is the end.
+Now, since the matter which we have in hand has to do with states,
+nay, with the very origin and principle of good forms of government,
+and since all that concerns states is subject to our power, it is
+manifest that our subject is not in the first place speculation, but
+action. And again, since in matters of action the end sought is the
+first principle and cause of all (for that it is which first moves the
+agent to act), it follows that all our method concerning the means
+which are set to gain the end must be taken from the end. For there
+will be one way of cutting wood to build a house, and another to build
+a ship. That therefore, if it exists, which is the ultimate end for
+the universal civil order of mankind, will be the first principle from
+which all the truth of our future deductions will be sufficiently
+manifest. But it is folly to think that there is an end for this and
+for that particular civil order, and yet not one end for all.
+
+
+III.--Now, therefore, we must see what is the end of the whole civil
+order of men; and when we have found this, then, as the
+Philosopher[152] says in his book to Nicomachus,[153] the half of our
+labour will have been accomplished. And to render the question
+clearer, we must observe that as there is a certain end for which
+nature makes the thumb, and another, different from this, for which
+she makes the whole hand, and again another for which she makes the
+arm, and another different from all for which she makes the whole man;
+so there is one end for which she orders the individual man, and
+another for which she orders the family, and another end for the city,
+and another for the kingdom, and finally an ultimate one for which the
+Everlasting God, by His art which is nature, brings into being the
+whole human race. And this is what we seek as a first principle to
+guide our whole inquiry.
+
+[Footnote 152: The common title for Aristotle from the first half of
+the thirteenth century. _Vide_ Jourdain, _Recherches sur les
+traductions d'Aristote_, p. 212, note.]
+
+[Footnote 153: Arist. _Ethics_, i. 7.]
+
+Let it then be understood that God and nature make nothing to be idle.
+Whatever comes into being, exists for some operation or working. For
+no created essence is an ultimate end in the creator's purpose, so far
+as he is a creator, but rather the proper operation of that essence.
+Therefore it follows that the operation does not exist for the sake of
+the essence, but the essence for the sake of the operation.
+
+There is therefore a certain proper operation of the whole body of
+human kind, for which this whole body of men in all its multitudes is
+ordered and constituted, but to which no one man, nor single family,
+nor single neighbourhood, nor single city, nor particular kingdom can
+attain. What this is will be manifest, if we can find what is the
+final and characteristic capacity of humanity as a whole. I say then
+that no quality which is shared by different species of things is the
+distinguishing capacity of any one of them. For were it so, since this
+capacity is that which makes each species what it is, it would follow
+that one essence would be specifically distributed to many species,
+which is impossible. Therefore the ultimate quality of men is not
+existence, taken simply; for the elements share therein. Nor is it
+existence under certain conditions;[154] for we find this in minerals
+too. Nor is it existence with life; for plants too have life. Nor is
+it percipient existence; for brutes share in this power. It is to be
+percipient[155] with the possibility of understanding, for this
+quality falls to the lot of none but man, either above or below him.
+For though there are other beings which with him have understanding,
+yet this understanding is not, as man's, capable of development. For
+such beings are only certain intellectual natures, and not anything
+besides, and their being is nothing other than to understand; which is
+without interruption, otherwise they would not be eternal. It is
+plain, therefore, that the distinguishing quality of humanity is the
+faculty or the power of understanding.
+
+[Footnote 154: "_Esse complexionatum._"]
+
+[Footnote 155: "_Apprehensivum per intellectum possibilem._" _V.
+Aquin._ I. 79, 1, 2, 10.]
+
+And because this faculty cannot be realised in act in its entirety at
+one time by a single man, nor by any of the individual societies which
+we have marked, therefore there must be multitude in the human race,
+in order to realise it: just as it is necessary that there should be a
+multitude of things which can be brought into being,[156] so that the
+capacity of the primal matter for being acted on may be ever open to
+what acts on it. For if this were not so, we could speak of a capacity
+apart from its substance, which is impossible. And with this opinion
+Averroes, in his comment on [Aristotle's] treatise on the Soul,
+agrees. For the capacity for understanding, of which I speak, is
+concerned not only with universal forms or species, but also, by a
+kind of extension, with particular ones. Therefore it is commonly said
+that the speculative understanding becomes practical by extension; and
+then its end is to do and to make. This I say in reference to things
+which may be _done_, which are regulated by political wisdom, and in
+reference to things which may be _made_, which are regulated by art;
+all which things wait as handmaidens on the speculative intellect, as
+on that best good, for which the Primal Goodness created the human
+race. Hence the saying of the Politics[157] that those who are strong
+in understanding are the natural rulers of others.
+
+[Footnote 156: "_Generabilium._"]
+
+[Footnote 157: Arist. _Polit._ i. 5, 6.--(W.)]
+
+
+IV.--It has thus been sufficiently set forth that the proper work of
+the human race, taken as a whole, is to set in action the whole
+capacity of that understanding which is capable of development: first
+in the way of speculation, and then, by its extension, in the way of
+action. And seeing that what is true of a part is true also of the
+whole, and that it is by rest and quiet that the individual man
+becomes perfect in wisdom and prudence; so the human race, by living
+in the calm and tranquillity of peace, applies itself most freely and
+easily to its proper work; a work which, according to the saying;
+"Thou hast made him a little lower than the angels," is almost divine.
+Whence it is manifest that of all things that are ordered to secure
+blessings to men, peace is the best. And hence the word which sounded
+to the shepherds from above was not riches, nor pleasure, nor honour,
+nor length of life, nor health, nor strength, nor beauty; but peace.
+For the heavenly host said: "Glory to God in the highest, and on
+earth, peace to men of goodwill." Therefore also, "Peace be with you,"
+was the salutation of the Saviour of mankind. For it behoved Him, who
+was the greatest of saviours, to utter in His greeting the greatest of
+saving blessings. And this custom His disciples too chose to preserve;
+and Paul also did the same in his greetings, as may appear manifest to
+all.
+
+Now that we have declared these matters, it is plain what is the
+better, nay the best, way in which mankind may attain to do its proper
+work. And consequently we have seen the readiest means by which to
+arrive at the point, for which all our works are ordered, as their
+ultimate end; namely, the universal peace, which is to be assumed as
+the first principle for our deductions. As we said, this assumption
+was necessary, for it is as a sign-post to us, that into it we may
+resolve all that has to be proved, as into a most manifest truth.
+
+
+V.--As therefore we have already said, there are three doubts, and
+these doubts suggest three questions, concerning Temporal Monarchy,
+which in more common speech is called the Empire; and our purpose is,
+as we explained, to inquire concerning these questions in their given
+order, and starting from the first principle which we have just laid
+down. The first question, then, is whether Temporal Monarchy is
+necessary for the welfare of the world; and that it is necessary can,
+I think, be shown by the strongest and most manifest arguments; for
+nothing, either of reason or of authority, opposes me. Let us first
+take the authority of the Philosopher in his Politics.[158] There, on
+his venerable authority, it is said that where a number of things are
+arranged to attain an end, it behoves one of them to regulate or
+govern the others, and the others to submit. And it is not only the
+authority of his illustrious name which makes this worthy of belief,
+but also reason, instancing particulars.
+
+[Footnote 158: Arist. _Polit._ i. 5.]
+
+If we take the case of a single man, we shall see the same rule
+manifested in him: all his powers are ordered to gain happiness; but
+his understanding is what regulates and governs all the others; and
+otherwise he would never attain to happiness. Again, take a single
+household: its end is to fit the members thereof to live well; but
+there must be one to regulate and rule it, who is called the father of
+the family, or, it may be, one who holds his office. As the
+Philosopher says: "Every house is ruled by the oldest."[159] And, as
+Homer says, it is his duty to make rules and laws for the rest. Hence
+the proverbial curse: "Mayst thou have an equal at home."[160] Take a
+single village: its end is suitable assistance as regards persons and
+goods, but one in it must be the ruler of the rest, either set over
+them by another, or with their consent, the head man amongst them. If
+it be not so, not only do its inhabitants fail of this mutual
+assistance, but the whole neighbourhood is sometimes wholly ruined by
+the ambition of many, who each of them wish to rule. If, again, we
+take a single city: its end is to secure a good and sufficient life to
+the citizens; but one man must be ruler in imperfect[161] as well as
+in good forms of the state. If it is otherwise, not only is the end of
+civil life lost, but the city too ceases to be what it was. Lastly, if
+we take any one kingdom, of which the end is the same as that of a
+city, only with greater security for its tranquillity, there must be
+one king to rule and govern. For if this is not so, not only do his
+subjects miss their end, but the kingdom itself falls to destruction,
+according to that word of the infallible truth: "Every kingdom divided
+against itself shall be brought to desolation." If then this holds
+good in these cases, and in each individual thing which is ordered to
+one certain end, what we have laid down is true.
+
+[Footnote 159: _Ibid._ i. 2, 6, quoting Hom. _Od._ ix. 114.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 160: Ficinus translates: "Uno proverbio che quasi
+bestemmiando dice, _Abbi pari in casa_."]
+
+[Footnote 161: "_Obliqua_" = [Greek: parekbaseis]. _V._ Arist. _Eth._
+viii. 10; _Pol._ iii. 7.--(W.)]
+
+Now it is plain that the whole human race is ordered to gain some end,
+as has been before shown. There must, therefore, be one to guide and
+govern, and the proper title for this office is Monarch or Emperor.
+And so it is plain that Monarchy or the Empire is necessary for the
+welfare of the world.
+
+
+VI.--And as the part is to the whole, so is the order of parts to the
+order of the whole. The part is to the whole, as to an end and highest
+good which is aimed at; and, therefore, the order in the parts is to
+the order in the whole, as it is to the end and highest good aimed at.
+Hence we have it that the goodness of the order of parts does not
+exceed the goodness of the order of the whole, but that the converse
+of this is true. Therefore we find a double order in the world,
+namely, the order of parts in relation to each other, and their order
+in relation to some one thing which is not a part (as there is in the
+order of the parts of an army in relation to each other, and then in
+relation to the general); and the order of the parts in relation to
+the one thing which is not a part is the higher, for it is the end of
+the other order, and the other exists for the sake of it. Therefore,
+if the form of this order is found in the units of the mass of
+mankind, much more may we argue by our syllogism that it is found in
+mankind considered as a whole; for this latter order, or its form, is
+better. But as was said in the preceding chapter, and it is
+sufficiently plain, this order is found in all the units of the mass
+of mankind. Therefore it is, or should be, found in the mass
+considered as a whole. And therefore all the parts that we have
+mentioned, which are comprised in kingdoms, and the kingdoms
+themselves ought to be ordered with reference to one Prince or
+Princedom, that is, with reference to a Monarch or Monarchy.
+
+
+VII.--Further, the whole human race is a whole with reference to
+certain parts, and, with reference to another whole, it is a part. For
+it is a whole with reference to particular kingdoms and nations, as we
+have shown; and it is a part with reference to the whole universe, as
+is manifest without argument. Therefore, as the lower portions of the
+whole system of humanity are well adapted to that whole, so that whole
+is said to be well adapted to the whole which is above it. It is only
+under the rule of one prince that the parts of humanity are well
+adapted to their whole, as may easily be collected from what we have
+said; therefore it is only by being under one Princedom, or the rule
+of a single Prince, that humanity as a whole is well adapted to the
+Universe, or its Prince, who is the One God. And it therefore follows
+that Monarchy is necessary for the welfare of the world.
+
+
+VIII.--And all is well and at its best which exists according to the
+will of the first agent, who is God. This is self-evident, except to
+those who deny that the divine goodness attains to absolute
+perfection. Now, it is the intention of God that all created things
+should represent the likeness of God, so far as their proper nature
+will admit. Therefore was it said: "Let us make man in our image,
+after our likeness." And though it could not be said that the lower
+part of creation was made in the image of God, yet all things may be
+said to be after His likeness, for what is the whole universe but the
+footprint of the divine goodness? The human race, therefore, is well,
+nay at its best state, when, so far as can be, it is made like unto
+God. But the human race is then most made like unto God when most it
+is one; for the true principle of oneness is in Him alone. Wherefore
+it is written: "Hear, O Israel; the Lord thy God is one God." But the
+race of man is most one when it is united wholly in one body, and it
+is evident that this cannot be, except when it is subject to one
+prince. Therefore in this subjection mankind is most made like unto
+God, and, in consequence, such a subjection is in accordance with the
+divine intention, and it is indeed well and best for man when this is
+so, as we showed at the beginning of this chapter.
+
+
+IX.--Again, things are well and at their best with every son when he
+follows, so far as by his proper nature he can, the footsteps of a
+perfect father. Mankind is the son of heaven, which is most perfect in
+all its works; for it is "man and the sun which produce man,"
+according to the second book on Natural Learning.[162] The human
+race, therefore, is at its best when it imitates the movements of
+heaven, so far as human nature allows. And since the whole heaven is
+regulated with one motion, to wit, that of the _primum mobile_, and by
+one mover, who is God, in all its parts, movements, and movers (and
+this human reason readily seizes from science); therefore, if our
+argument be correct, the human race is at its best state when, both in
+its movements, and in regard to those who move it, it is regulated by
+a single Prince, as by the single movement of heaven, and by one law,
+as by the single motion. Therefore it is evidently necessary for the
+welfare of the world for there to be a Monarchy, or single Princedom,
+which men call the Empire. And this thought did Boethius breathe when
+he said: "Oh happy race of men, if your hearts are ruled by the love
+which rules the heaven."[163]
+
+[Footnote 162: Arist. _Phys. Ausc._ ii. 2.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 163: _De Consol. Phil._ ii. met. 8.--(W.)]
+
+
+X.--Wherever there is controversy, there ought to be judgment,
+otherwise there would be imperfection without its proper remedy,[164]
+which is impossible; for God and Nature, in things necessary, do not
+fail in their provisions. But it is manifest that there may be
+controversy between any two princes, where the one is not subject to
+the other, either from the fault of themselves, or even of their
+subjects. Therefore between them there should be means of judgment.
+And since, when one is not subject to the other, he cannot be judged
+by the other (for there is no rule of equals over equals), there must
+be a third prince of wider jurisdiction, within the circle of whose
+laws both may come. Either he will or he will not be a Monarch. If he
+is, we have what we sought; if not, then this one again will have an
+equal, who is not subject to his jurisdiction, and then again we have
+need of a third. And so we must either go on to infinity, which is
+impossible, or we must come to that judge who is first and highest; by
+whose judgment all controversies shall be either directly or
+indirectly decided; and he will be Monarch or Emperor. Monarchy is
+therefore necessary to the world, and this the Philosopher saw when he
+said: "The world is not intended to be disposed in evil order; 'in a
+multitude of rulers there is evil, therefore let there be one
+prince.'"[165]
+
+[Footnote 164: "_Sine proprio perfectivo._"]
+
+[Footnote 165: Arist. _Metaphys._ xii. 10, who quotes from Hom. _Il._
+ii. 204.--(W.)]
+
+
+XI.--Further, the world is ordered best when justice is most paramount
+therein: whence Virgil, wishing to celebrate that age, which in his
+own time seemed to be arising, sang in his _Bucolics_:[166] "Now doth
+the Virgin return, and the kingdom of Saturn." For Justice was named
+"the Virgin," and also Astræa. The kingdom of Saturn was the good
+time, which they also called the Golden Age. But Justice is paramount
+only in a Monarchy, and therefore a Monarchy, that is, the Empire, is
+needed if the world is to be ordered for the best. For better proof of
+this assumption it must be recognised that Justice, considered in
+itself, and in its proper nature, is a certain rightness or rule of
+conduct, which rejects on either side all that deviates from it. It is
+like whiteness considered as an abstraction, not admitting of degrees.
+For there are certain forms of this sort which belong to things
+compounded, and exist themselves in a simple and unchanging essence,
+as[167] the Master of the Six Principles rightly says. Yet qualities
+of this sort admit of degrees on the part of their subjects with which
+they are connected, according as in their subjects more or less of
+their contraries is mingled. Justice, therefore, is strongest in man,
+both as a state of mind and in practice, where there is least
+admixture of its opposite; and then we may say of it, in the words of
+the Philosopher, that "neither the star of morning nor of evening is
+so admirable."[168] For then is it like Phoebe, when she looks
+across the heavens at her brother from the purple of the morning calm.
+
+[Footnote 166: _Ecl._ iv. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 167: Gilbert de la Porrée, [dagger symbol]1154. The "Six
+Principles" were the last six of the Ten Categories of Aristotle, and
+the book became one of the chief elementary logic-books of the Middle
+Ages. _Vide_ Hauréau, _Philosophie Scolastique_, 1e Partie, p.
+452.]
+
+[Footnote 168: From Arist. _Ethics_, v. 1.--(W.)]
+
+Now Justice, as a state of mind,[169] has a force which opposes it in
+the will; for where the will of a man is not pure from all desire,
+then, though there be Justice, yet there is not Justice in all its
+ideal brightness; for there is in that man, however little, yet in
+some degree, an opposing force; and therefore they, who would work on
+the feelings[170] of a judge, are rightly repelled. But, in
+practice,[171] Justice finds an opposing force in what men are able to
+do. For, seeing that it is a virtue regulating our conduct towards
+other men, how shall any act according to Justice if he has not the
+power of rendering to all their due? Therefore it is plain that the
+operation of Justice will be wide in proportion to the power of the
+just man.
+
+[Footnote 169: "_Quantum ad habitum._"]
+
+[Footnote 170: "_Passionare._"]
+
+[Footnote 171: "_Quantum ad operationem._"]
+
+From this let us argue: Justice is strongest in the world when it is
+in one who is most willing and most powerful; only the Monarch is
+this; therefore, only when Justice is in the Monarch is it strongest
+in the world. This pro-syllogism goes on through the second figure,
+with an involved negative, and is like this: All B is A; only C is A;
+therefore only C is B: or all B is A; nothing but C is A; therefore
+nothing but C is B.
+
+Our previous explanation makes the first proposition apparent: the
+second is proved thus, first in regard to will, and secondly in regard
+to power. First it must be observed that the strongest opponent of
+Justice is Appetite, as Aristotle intimates in the fifth book to
+Nicomachus.[172] Remove Appetite altogether, and there remains nothing
+adverse to Justice; and therefore it is the opinion of the Philosopher
+that nothing should be left to the judge, if it can be decided by
+law;[173] and this ought to be done for fear of Appetite, which easily
+perverts men's minds. Where, then, there is nothing to be wished for,
+there can be no Appetite, for the passions cannot exist if their
+objects are destroyed. But the Monarch has nothing to desire, for his
+jurisdiction is bounded only by the ocean; and this is not the case
+with other princes, whose kingdoms are bounded by those of their
+neighbours; as, for instance, the kingdom of Castile is bounded by the
+kingdom of Aragon. From which it follows that the Monarch is able to
+be the purest embodiment of Justice among men.
+
+[Footnote 172: _Eth._ v. 2.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 173: _Rhetoric_, i. 1.--(W.)]
+
+Further, as Appetite in some degree, however small, clouds the habit
+of Justice, so does Charity, or rightly-directed affection, sharpen
+and enlighten it. In whomsoever, therefore, rightly-directed affection
+may chiefly dwell, in him may Justice best have place: and of this
+sort is the Monarch. Therefore where a Monarch reigns Justice is, or
+at least may be, strongest. That rightly-directed affections work as
+we have said, we may see thus: Appetite, scorning[174] what in itself
+belongs to man, seeks for other things outside him; but Charity sets
+aside all else, and seeks God and man, and consequently the good of
+man. And since of all the good things that men can have the greatest
+is to live in peace (as we have already said), and as it is Justice
+which most chiefly brings peace, therefore Charity will chiefly make
+Justice strong, and the more so in proportion to its own strength.
+
+[Footnote 174: "_Perseitas hominum_" = "_facultas per se
+subsistendi_."--DUCANGE.]
+
+And it is clear that right affections ought to exist in a Monarch more
+than in any other man for this reason: the object of love is the more
+loved the nearer it is to him that loves; but men are nearer to a
+Monarch than they are to other princes; therefore it is by a Monarch
+that they are, or ought to be, most loved. The first proposition is
+manifest if the nature of activity and passivity are considered. The
+second is manifest because men are brought near to a Monarch in their
+totality,[175] but to other princes only partially; and it is only by
+means of the Monarch that men are brought near other princes at all.
+Thus the Monarch cares for all primarily and directly, whereas other
+princes only care for their subjects through the Monarch, and because
+their care for their subjects descends from the supreme care of the
+Monarch.
+
+[Footnote 175: "_Secundum totum._"]
+
+Again, a cause has the nature of a cause in proportion as it is more
+universal; for the lower cause is such only on account of the higher
+one, as appears from the Treatise on Causes.[176] And, in proportion
+as a cause is really a cause, it loves what it effects; for such love
+follows the cause by itself. Now Monarchy is the most universal cause
+of men living well, for other princes work only through the Monarch,
+as we have said; and it therefore follows that it is the Monarch who
+will most chiefly love the good of men. But that in practice the
+Monarch is most disposed to work Justice, who can doubt, except indeed
+a man who understands not the meaning of the word? for if he be
+really a Monarch he cannot have enemies.
+
+[Footnote 176: A compilation from the Arabians, or perhaps Aristotle
+or Proclus, which, under various names, passed for a work of
+Aristotle, and is ascribed by Albert the Great to a certain David the
+Jew. It is quoted in the twelfth century, and was commented on by
+Albert and Thomas Aquinas. _Vide_ Jourdain, _Recherches sur les
+traductions d'Aristote_ (1842), pp. 114, 184, 193, 195, 445;
+_Philosophie de S. Thomas_ (1858), i. 94.]
+
+The principle assumed being therefore sufficiently explained, the
+conclusion is certain, to wit, that a Monarch is necessary that the
+world may be ordered for the best.
+
+
+XII.--Again, the human race is ordered best when it is most free. This
+will be manifest if we see what is the principle of freedom. It must
+be understood that the first principle of our freedom is freedom of
+will, which many have in their mouth, but few indeed understand. For
+they come so far as to say that the freedom of the will means a free
+judgment concerning will. And this is true. But what is meant by the
+words is far from them: and they do just as our logicians do all day
+long with certain propositions which are set as examples in the books
+of logic, as that, "the three angles of a triangle are equal to two
+right angles."[177]
+
+[Footnote 177: Cf. Arist. _Magna Moral._ i. 1: "It would be absurd if
+a man, wishing to prove that the angles of a triangle were equal to
+two right angles, assumed as his principle that the soul is
+immortal."--WITTE.]
+
+Therefore I say that Judgment is between Apprehension and Appetite.
+First, a man apprehends a thing; then he judges it to be good or bad;
+then he pursues or avoids it accordingly. If therefore the Judgment
+guides the Appetite wholly, and in no way is forestalled by the
+Appetite, then is the Judgment free. But if the Appetite in any way at
+all forestalls the Judgment and guides it, then the Judgment cannot be
+free: it is not its own: it is captive to another power. Therefore the
+brute beasts cannot have freedom of Judgment; for in them the Appetite
+always forestalls the Judgment. Therefore, too, it is that
+intellectual beings whose wills are unchangeable, and souls which are
+separate from the body, which have gone hence in peace, do not lose
+the freedom of their wills, because their wishes cannot change; nay,
+it is in full strength and completeness that their wills are
+free.[178]
+
+[Footnote 178: Cf. _Purgatorio_, xviii. 22.--WITTE.]
+
+It is therefore again manifest that this liberty, or this principle of
+all our liberty, is the greatest gift bestowed by God on mankind: by
+it alone we gain happiness[179] as men: by it alone we gain happiness
+elsewhere as gods.[180] But if this is so, who will say that human
+kind is not in its best state, when it can most use this principle?
+But he who lives under a Monarchy is most free. Therefore let it be
+understood that he is free who exists not for another's sake but for
+his own, as the Philosopher, in his Treatise of simple Being,
+thought.[181] For everything which exists for the sake of some other
+thing, is necessitated by that other thing, as a road has to run to
+its ordained end. Men exist for themselves, and not at the pleasure of
+others, only if a Monarch rules; for then only are the perverted forms
+of government set right, while democracies, oligarchies, and
+tyrannies, drive mankind into slavery, as is obvious to any who goes
+about among them all; and public power[182] is in the hands of kings
+and aristocracies, which they call the rule of the best, and champions
+of popular liberty. And because the Monarch loves his subjects much,
+as we have seen, he wishes all men to be good, which cannot be the
+case in perverted forms of government:[183] therefore the Philosopher
+says, in his _Politics_:[184] "In the bad state the good man is a bad
+citizen, but in a good state the two coincide." Good states in this
+way aim at liberty, that in them men may live for themselves. The
+citizens exist not for the good of consuls, nor the nation for the
+good of its king; but the consuls for the good of the citizens, and
+the king for the good of his nation. For as the laws are made to suit
+the state, and not the state to suit the laws, so those who live under
+the laws are not ordered for the legislator, but he for them;[185] as
+also the Philosopher holds, in what he has left us on the present
+subject. Hence, too, it is clear that although the king or the consul
+rule over the other citizens in respect of the means[186] of
+government, yet in respect of the end of government they are the
+servants of the citizens, and especially the Monarch, who, without
+doubt, must be held the servant of all. Thus it becomes clear that the
+Monarch is bound by the end appointed to himself in making his laws.
+Therefore mankind is best off under a Monarchy, and hence it follows
+that Monarchy is necessary for the welfare of the world.
+
+[Footnote 179: "_Felicitamur._"]
+
+[Footnote 180: "_Ut Dii_;" cf. _Paradiso_, v. 19.--WITTE.]
+
+[Footnote 181: _I.e._ _Metaphys._ 1, 2.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 182: "_Politizant reges._"]
+
+[Footnote 183: "_Oblique politizantes._"]
+
+[Footnote 184: _Polit._ iii. 4.]
+
+[Footnote 185: _Ibid._ iii. 16, 17.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 186: "_Respectu viæ ... respectu termini._"]
+
+
+XIII.--Further, he who can be best fitted to rule can best fit others.
+For in every action the main end of the agent, whether acting by
+necessity of nature or voluntarily, is to unfold his own likeness; and
+therefore every agent, so far as he is of this sort, delights in
+action. For since all that is desires its own existence, and since the
+agent in acting enlarges his own existence in some way, delight
+follows action of necessity; for delight is inseparable from gaining
+what is desired. Nothing therefore acts unless it is of such sort as
+that which is acted on ought to be; therefore the Philosopher said in
+his _Metaphysics_,[187] "Everything which becomes actual from being
+potential, becomes so by means of something actual of the same kind,"
+and were anything to try to act in any other way it would fail. Hence
+we may overthrow the error of those who think to form the moral
+character of others by speaking well and doing ill; forgetting that
+the hands of Jacob were more persuasive with his father than his
+words, though his hands deceived and his voice spake truth. Hence the
+Philosopher, to Nicomachus: "In matters of feeling and action, words
+are less to be trusted than deeds."[188] And therefore God said to
+David in his sin, "What hast thou to do to declare my statutes?" as
+though He would say, "Thou speakest in vain, for thou art different
+from what thou speakest." Hence it may be gathered that he needs to be
+fitted for his work in the best way who wishes to fit others.
+
+[Footnote 187: _Metaphys._ ix. 8.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 188: Arist. _Eth._ x. 1.--(W.)]
+
+But the Monarch is the only one who can be fitted in the best possible
+way to govern. Which is thus proved: Each thing is the more easily and
+perfectly qualified for any habit, or actual work, the less there is
+in it of what is contrary to such a disposition. Therefore, they who
+have never even heard of philosophy, arrive at a habit of truth in
+philosophy more easily and completely than those who have listened to
+it at odd times, and are filled with false opinions. For which reason
+Galen well says: "Such as these require double time to acquire
+knowledge."[189] A Monarch then has nothing to tempt appetite, or, at
+least, less than any other man, as we have shown before; whereas other
+princes have much; and appetite is the only corrupter of
+righteousness, and the only impediment to justice. A Monarch therefore
+is wholly, or at least more than any other prince, disposed to govern
+well: for in him there may be judgment and justice more strongly than
+in any other. But these two things are the pre-eminent attributes of a
+maker of law, and of an executor of law, as that most holy king David
+testified when he asked of God the things which were befitting the
+king, and the king's son, saying: "Give the king thy judgment, O God,
+and thy righteousness unto the king's son."[190]
+
+[Footnote 189: _De cognosc. animi morbis_, c. 10.--WITTE.]
+
+[Footnote 190: Cf. _Parad._ xiii. 95.--(W.)]
+
+We were right then when we assumed that only the Monarch can be best
+fitted to rule. Therefore only the Monarch can in the best way fit
+other men. Therefore it follows that Monarchy is necessary for the
+best ordering of the world.
+
+
+XIV.--And where a thing can be done by one agent, it is better to do
+it by one than by several, for this reason: Let it be possible to do a
+certain thing by means of A, and also by means of A and B. If
+therefore what is done by A and B can be done by A alone, it is
+useless to add B; for nothing follows from the addition; for the same
+end which A and B produced is produced also by A. All additions of
+this kind are useless and superfluous: all that is superfluous is
+displeasing to God and Nature: and all that is displeasing to God and
+Nature is bad, as is manifest. It therefore follows not only that it
+is better that a thing should be done by one than by many agents, if
+it is possible to produce the effect by one; but also that to produce
+the effect by one is good, and to produce it by many is simply bad.
+Again, a thing is said to be better by being nearer to the best, and
+the end has the nature of the best. But for a thing to be done by one
+agent is better, for so it comes nearer to the end. And that so it
+comes nearer is manifest; for let C be the end which may be reached by
+A, or by A and B together: plainly it is longer to reach C by A and B
+together than by B alone. But mankind may be governed by one supreme
+prince, who is, the Monarch.
+
+But it must be carefully observed that when we say that mankind may be
+ruled by one supreme prince, we do not mean that the most trifling
+judgments for each particular town are to proceed immediately from
+him. For municipal laws sometimes fail, and need guidance, as the
+Philosopher shows in his fifth book to Nicomachus, when he praises
+equity.[191] For nations and kingdoms and states have, each of them,
+certain peculiarities which must be regulated by different laws. For
+law is the rule which directs life. Thus the Scythians need one rule,
+for they live beyond the seventh climate,[192] and suffer cold which
+is almost unbearable, from the great inequality of their days and
+nights. But the Garamantes need a different law, for their country is
+equinoctial, and they cannot wear many clothes, from the excessive
+heat of the air, because the day is as long as the darkness of the
+night. But our meaning is that it is in those matters which are common
+to all men, that men should be ruled by one Monarch, and be governed
+by a rule common to them all, with a view to their peace. And the
+individual princes must receive this rule of life or law from him,
+just as the practical intellect receives its major premiss from the
+speculative intellect, under which it places its own particular
+premiss, and then draws its particular conclusion, with a view to
+action. And it is not only possible for one man to act as we have
+described; it is necessary that it should proceed from one man only to
+avoid confusion in our first principles. Moses himself wrote in his
+law that he had acted thus. For he took the elders of the tribes of
+the children of Israel, and left to them the lesser judgments,
+reserving to himself such as were more important, and wider in their
+scope; and the elders carried these wider ones to their tribes,
+according as they were applicable to each separate tribe.
+
+[Footnote 191: _Eth._ v. 14.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 192: Ptolemy, the mediæval authority on geography, divided
+the known world into [Greek: klimata], zones of slope towards the
+pole, or belts of latitude, eight of which from the equinoctial to the
+mouths of the Tanais and the Riphæan mountains. The seventh "clima"
+passed over the mouths of the Borysthenes. See Mercator's map in
+Bertius' _Theatrum Geographiæ Veteris_ (1618), art. "Ptolemy" in
+Smith's _Dictionary of Biography_, p. 577. Dictionary of Antiquities,
+art. "Clima."]
+
+Therefore it is better for the human race to be ruled by one than by
+many, and therefore there should be a Monarch, who is a single prince;
+and if it is better, it is more acceptable to God, since God always
+wills what is best. And since of these two ways of government the one
+is not only the better, but the best of all, it follows not only that
+this one is more acceptable to God as between one and many, but that
+it is the most acceptable. Therefore it is best for the human race to
+be governed by one man; and Monarchy is necessary for the welfare of
+the world.
+
+
+XV.--I say also that Being, and Unity, and the Good come in order
+after the fifth mode of priority.[193] For Being comes by nature
+before Unity, and Unity before Good. Where Being is most, there Unity
+is greatest; and where Unity is greatest, there Good is also greatest;
+and in proportion as anything is far from Being in its highest form,
+is it far from Unity, and therefore from Good. Therefore in every kind
+of things, that which is most one is best, as the Philosopher holds in
+the treatise about simple Being. Therefore it appears that to be one
+is the root of Good, and to be many the root of Evil. Therefore,
+Pythagoras in his parallel tables placed the one, or Unity, under the
+line of good, and the many under the line of Evil; as appears from the
+first book of the _Metaphysics_.[194] Hence we may see that to sin is
+nothing else than to pass on from the one which we despise and to seek
+many things, as the Psalmist saw when he said: "By the fruit of their
+corn and wine and oil, are they multiplied."[195]
+
+[Footnote 193: Arist. _Categ._, _e.g._: Priority is said in five
+ways--1. First in _time_. 2. First in _pre-supposition_. 3. First in
+_order_. 4. First in _excellence_. 5. First in _logical sequence_.]
+
+[Footnote 194: _V._ Arist. _Metaph._ 1, 5; _Ethics_ i. 4; cf. Ritter
+and Preller, _Hist. Philos._ sec. 105.]
+
+[Footnote 195: Ps. iv. 8 (vulg.).]
+
+Hence it is plain that whatever is good, is good for this reason, that
+it consists in unity. And because concord is a good thing in so far as
+it is concord, it is manifest that it consists in a certain unity, as
+its proper root, the nature of which will appear if we find the real
+nature of concord. Concord then is the uniform motion of many wills;
+and hence it appears that a unity of wills, by which is meant their
+uniform motion, is the root of concord, nay, concord itself. For as we
+should say that many clods of earth are concordant, because that they
+all gravitate together towards the centre; and that many flames are
+concordant because that they all ascend together towards the
+circumference, if they did this of their own free will, so we say that
+many men are in concord because that they are all moved together, as
+regards their willing, to one thing, which one thing is formally in
+their wills just as there is one quality formally in the clods of
+earth, that is gravity, and one in the flame of fire, that is
+lightness. For the force of willing is a certain power; but the
+quality of good which it apprehends is its form; which form, like as
+others, being one is multiplied in itself, according to the
+multiplication of the matters which receive it, as the soul, and
+numbers, and other forms which belong to what is compound.[196]
+
+[Footnote 196: On the scholastic doctrine of forms, _v._ Thom. Aquin.
+_Summ._ I. 105, art. 4.]
+
+To explain our assumption as we proposed, let us argue thus: All
+concord depends on unity which is in wills; the human race, when it is
+at its best, is a kind of concord; for as one man at his best is a
+kind of concord, and as the like is true of the family, the city, and
+the kingdom; so is it of the whole human race. Therefore the human
+race at its best depends on the unity which is in will. But this
+cannot be unless there be one will to be the single mistress and
+regulating influence of all the rest. For the wills of men, on account
+of the blandishments of youth, require one to direct them, as
+Aristotle shows in the tenth book of his _Ethics_.[197] And this
+cannot be unless there is one prince over all, whose will shall be the
+mistress and regulating influence of all the others. But if all these
+conclusions be true, as they are, it is necessary for the highest
+welfare of the human race that there should be a Monarch in the world;
+and therefore Monarchy is necessary for the good of the world.
+
+[Footnote 197: Arist. _Eth._ x. 5.--(W.)]
+
+
+XVI.--To all these reasons alleged above a memorable experience adds
+its confirmation. I mean that condition of mankind which the Son of
+God, when, for the salvation of man, He was about to put on man,
+either waited for, or, at the moment when He willed, Himself so
+ordered. For if, from the fall of our first parents, which was the
+turning point at which all our going astray began, we carry our
+thoughts over the distribution of the human race and the order of its
+times, we shall find that never but under the divine Augustus, who was
+sole ruler, and under whom a perfect Monarchy existed, was the world
+everywhere quiet. And that then the human race was happy in the
+tranquillity of universal peace, this is the witness of all writers of
+history; this is the witness of famous poets; this, too, he who wrote
+the story of the "meekness and gentleness of Christ" has thought fit
+to attest. And last of all, Paul has called that most blessed
+condition "the fulness of the times." For then, indeed, time was full,
+and all the things of time; because no office belonging to our
+felicity wanted its minister. But how the world has fared since that
+"seamless robe" has suffered rending by the talons of ambition, we may
+read in books; would that we might not see it with our eyes. Oh, race
+of mankind! what storms must toss thee, what losses must thou endure,
+what shipwrecks must buffet thee, as long as thou, a beast of many
+heads, strivest after contrary things. Thou art sick in both thy
+faculties of understanding; thou art sick in thine affections.
+Unanswerable reasons fail to heal thy higher understanding; the very
+sight of experience convinces not thy lower understanding; not even
+the sweetness of divine persuasion charms thy affections, when it
+breathes into thee through the music of the Holy Ghost: "Behold, how
+good and how pleasant a thing it is, brethren, to dwell together in
+unity."[198]
+
+[Footnote 198: Ps. cxxxii. 1.--(W.)]
+
+
+
+
+BOOK II.
+
+
+I.--"Why do the heathen rage, and the people imagine a vain thing? The
+kings of the earth stand up, and the rulers take counsel together
+against the Lord and against His anointed, saying: 'Let us break their
+bonds asunder, and cast away their cords from us.'"[199] As we
+commonly wonder at a new effect, when we have never been face to face
+with its cause; so, as soon as we understand the cause, we look down
+with a kind of scorn on those who remain in wonder. I, myself, was
+once filled with wonder that the Roman people had become paramount
+throughout all the earth, without any to withstand them; for when I
+looked at the thing superficially I thought that this supremacy had
+been obtained, not by any right, but only by arms and violence. But
+after that I had carefully and thoroughly examined the matter, when I
+had recognised by the most effectual signs that it was divine
+providence that had wrought this, my wonder ceased, and a certain
+scornful contempt has taken its place, when I perceive the nations
+raging against the pre-eminence of the Roman people; when I see the
+people imagining a vain thing, as I of old imagined; when, above all,
+I grieve that kings and princes agree in this one matter only, in
+opposing their Lord, and His one only Roman Emperor. Wherefore in
+derision, yet not without a touch of sorrow, I can cry on behalf of
+the glorious people and for Cæsar, together with him who cried on
+behalf of the Prince of heaven: "Why do the heathen rage, and the
+people imagine a vain thing? The kings of the earth stand up, and the
+rulers take counsel together against the Lord and against His
+anointed." But the love which nature implants in us allows not scorn
+to last for long; but, like the summer sun that when it has dispersed
+the morning clouds shines with full brightness, this love prefers to
+put scorn aside, and to pour forth the light which shall set men
+right. So, then, to break the bonds of the ignorance of those kings
+and princes, and to show that mankind is free from _their_ yoke, I
+will comfort myself in company with that most holy prophet, whom I
+follow, taking the words which come after: "Let us break their bonds
+asunder, and cast away their yoke from us."
+
+[Footnote 199: Ps. ii. 1-3.--(W.)]
+
+These two things will be sufficiently performed, if I address myself
+to the second part of the argument, and manifest the truth of the
+question before us. For thus, if we show that the Roman Empire is _by
+right_, not only shall we disperse the clouds of ignorance from the
+eyes of those princes who have wrongly seized the helm of public
+government, falsely imputing this thing to the Roman people; but all
+men shall understand that they are free from the yoke of these
+usurpers. The truth of the question can be made clear not only by the
+light of human reason, but also by the ray of God's authority; and
+when these two coincide, then heaven and earth must agree together.
+Supported, therefore, by this conviction, and trusting in the
+testimony both of reason and of authority, I proceed to settle the
+second question.
+
+
+II.--Inquiry concerning the truth of the first doubt has been made as
+accurately as the nature of the subject permitted; we have now to
+inquire concerning the second, which is: Whether the Roman people
+assumed to itself _of right_ the dignity of the Empire? And the first
+thing in this question is to find the truth, to which the reasonings
+concerning it may be referred as to their proper first principle.
+
+It must be recognised, then, that as there are three degrees in every
+art, the mind of the artist, his instrument, and the material on which
+he works, so we may look upon nature in three degrees. For nature
+exists, first, in the mind of the First Agent, who is God; then in
+heaven; as in an instrument, by means of which the likeness of the
+Eternal Goodness unfolds itself on shapeless[200] matter. If an artist
+is perfect in his art, and his instrument is perfect, any fault in the
+form of his art must be laid to the badness of the material; and so,
+since God holds the summit of perfection, and since His instrument,
+which is heaven, admits of no failure of its due perfection (which is
+manifest from our philosophy touching heaven), it follows that
+whatever fault is to be found in the lower world is a fault on the
+part of the subject matter, and is contrary to the intention of God
+who makes nature,[201] and of heaven; and if in this lower world there
+is aught that is good, it must be ascribed first to the artist, who is
+God, and then to heaven, the instrument of God's art, which men call
+nature; for the material, being merely a possibility, can do nothing
+of itself.[202]
+
+[Footnote 200: "_Fluitantem._"]
+
+[Footnote 201: "_Dei naturantis._"]
+
+[Footnote 202: Witte refers to _Parad._ xiii. 67, xxix. 32, i.
+127-130. Cf. Thom. Aquin. _Summ._ I., q. 66, art. 1-3; q. 110, art. 2;
+q. 115, art. 3-6. This view satisfied thinkers to the time of Hooker
+(_E.P._ I. iii.), but was criticised by Bacon, _Nov. Org._ i. 66.]
+
+Hence it is apparent that, since all Right[203] is good, it therefore
+exists first in the mind of God; and since all that is in the mind of
+God is God, according to the saying, "What was made, in Him was
+life;"[204] and as God chiefly wishes for what is Himself, it follows
+that Right is the wish of God, so far as it is in Him. And since in
+God the will and the wish are the same, it further follows that this
+Right is the will of God. Again it follows that Right in the world is
+nothing else than the likeness of the will of God, and therefore
+whatever does not agree with the divine will cannot be Right, and
+whatever does agree with the divine will is Right itself. Therefore to
+ask if a thing be by Right is only to ask in other words if it is what
+God wills. It may therefore be assumed that what God wills to see in
+mankind is to be held as real and true Right.
+
+[Footnote 203: "_Jus._"]
+
+[Footnote 204: St. John i. 3.--(W.)]
+
+Besides we must remember Aristotle's teaching in the first book of his
+_Ethics_, where he says: "We must not seek for certitude in every
+matter, but only as far as the nature of the subject admits."[205]
+Therefore our arguments from the first principle already found will be
+sufficient, if from manifest evidence and from the authority of the
+wise, we seek for the right of that glorious people. The will of God
+is an invisible thing, but "the invisible things of God are seen,
+being understood by the things which are made." For when the seal is
+out of sight, the wax, which has its impression, gives manifest
+evidence of it, though it be unseen; nor is it strange that the will
+of God must be sought by signs; for the human will, except to the
+person himself who wills, is only discerned by signs.[206]
+
+[Footnote 205: _Eth._ i. 7, from Thom. Aq. _Lect._ XI.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 206: The image of the wax and seal was a favourite one. V.
+_Parad._ vii. 68, viii. 127, xiii. 67-75, quoted by Witte, who also
+refers to the _Epist. ad Reges_, § 8, p. 444, ed. Fraticelli.]
+
+
+III.--My answer then to the question is, that it was by right, and not
+by usurpation, that the Roman people assumed to itself the office of
+Monarchy, or, as men call it, the Empire, over all mankind. For in the
+first place it is fitting that the noblest people should be preferred
+to all others; the Roman people was the noblest; therefore it is
+fitting that it should be preferred to all others. By this reasoning I
+make my proof; for since honour is the reward of goodness, and since
+to be preferred is always honour, therefore to be preferred is always
+the reward of goodness. It is plain that men are ennobled for their
+virtues; that is, for their own virtues or for those of their
+ancestors; for nobleness is virtue and ancestral wealth, according to
+Aristotle in his Politics; and according to Juvenal, "There is no
+nobleness of soul but virtue,"[207] which two statements refer to two
+sorts of nobleness, our own and that of our ancestors.[208]
+
+[Footnote 207: Arist. _Pol._ iii. 12; Juv. viii. 20.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 208: Witte refers to Dante's commentary on his own Canzone
+in the _Convito_ iv. 3, and the _Parad._ xvi. 1.]
+
+To be preferred, therefore, is, according to reason, the fitting
+reward of the noble. And since rewards must be measured by desert,
+according to that saying of the Gospel, "with what measure ye mete, it
+shall be measured to you again;" therefore to the most noble the
+highest place should be given. The testimonies of the ancients confirm
+our opinion; for Virgil, our divine poet, testifies throughout his
+_Æneid_, that men may ever remember it, that the glorious king, Æneas,
+was the father of the Roman people. And this Titus Livius, the famous
+chronicler of the deeds of the Romans, confirms in the first part of
+his work, which takes its beginning from the capture of Troy. The
+nobleness of this most unconquerable and most pious ancestor not only
+in regard to his own great virtue, but also to that of his forefathers
+and of his wives, the nobleness of whom was combined in their
+descendant by the rightful law of descent, I cannot unfold at length;
+"I can but touch lightly on the outlines of the truth."[209]
+
+[Footnote 209: "Sed summa sequar vestigia rerum." Virg. _Æn._ i. 342
+("fastigia" in all good MSS. and edd.).]
+
+For the virtue then of Æneas himself, hear what our poet tells us when
+he introduces Ilioneus in the first _Æneid_, praying thus: "Æneas was
+our king; in justice and piety he has not left a peer, nor any to
+equal him in war." Hear Virgil in the sixth _Æneid_, when he speaks
+of the death of Misenus, who had been Hector's attendant in war, and,
+after Hector's death, had attached himself to Æneas; for there Virgil
+says that Misenus "followed as good a man;" thus comparing Æneas to
+Hector, whom[210] Homer ever praises above all men, as the Philosopher
+witnesses in his _Ethics_, in what he writes to Nicomachus on habits
+to be avoided.
+
+[Footnote 210: _Æn._ i. 544, vi. 170. _Il._ xxiv. 258, quoted in
+Aristotle, _Ethics_, vii. 1.--(W.)]
+
+But, as for hereditary virtue, he was ennobled from all three
+continents both by his forefathers and his wives. From Asia came his
+immediate ancestor, Assaracus, and others who reigned in Phrygia,
+which is a part of Asia. Therefore Virgil writes in the third _Æneid_:
+"After that it had seemed good to Heaven to overthrow the power of
+Asia, and the guiltless race of Priam." From Europe came the male
+founder of his race, who was Dardanus; from Africa his grandmother
+Electra, daughter of the great king Atlas, to both which things the
+poet testifies in the eighth _Æneid_, where Æneas says to Evander:
+"Dardanus, the father of our city, and its founder, whom the Greeks
+call the son of Atlas and Electra, came to the race of Teucer--Electra,
+whose sire was great Atlas, on whose shoulders rests the circle of
+heaven." But in the third _Æneid_ Virgil says that Dardanus drew his
+origin from Europe. "There is a land which the Greeks have named
+Hesperia, an ancient land, strong and wealthy, where the Ænotrians
+dwell; it is said that now their descendants have named the country
+Italy, from the name of their king. There is our rightful home; from
+that land did Dardanus come." That Atlas came from Africa, the
+mountain called by his name, which stands in that continent, bears
+witness; and Orosius says that it is in Africa in his description of
+the world, where he writes: "Its boundary is Mount Atlas, and the
+islands which are called 'the happy isles.'" "Its"--that is, "of
+Africa," of which he was speaking.[211]
+
+[Footnote 211: _Æn._ iii. 1, viii. 134, iii. 163; Oros. i. 2.--(W.)]
+
+Likewise I find that by marriage also Æneas was ennobled; his first
+wife, Creusa, the daughter of king Priam, was from Asia, as may be
+gathered from our previous quotations; and that she was his wife our
+poet testifies in the third _Æneid_, where Andromache asks Æneas:
+"What of the boy Ascanius, whom Creusa bore to thee, while the ruins
+of Troy were yet smoking? Lives he yet to breathe this air?"[212] The
+second wife was Dido, the queen and foundress of Carthage in Africa.
+That she was the wife of Æneas our poet sings in his fourth _Æneid_,
+where he says of Dido: "No more does Dido think of love in secret.
+She calls it marriage, and with this name she covers her sin." The
+third wife was Lavinia, the mother of Albans and Romans alike, the
+daughter of king Latinus and his heir, if we may trust the testimony
+of our poet in his last _Æneid_, where he introduces Turnus conquered,
+praying to Æneas thus: "Thou hast conquered, and the Ausonians have
+seen me lift my hands in prayer for mercy; Lavinia is thine."[213]
+This last wife was from Italy, the noblest region of Europe.
+
+[Footnote 212: III. 339. The best MSS. of Virgil omit "peperit fumante
+Creusa."]
+
+[Footnote 213: _Æn._ xii. 936.--(W.)]
+
+And now that we have marked these things for evidence of our
+assertion, who will not rest persuaded that the father of the Romans,
+and therefore the Romans themselves, were the noblest people under
+heaven? Who can fail to see the divine predestination shown forth by
+the double meeting of blood from every part of the world in the veins
+of one man?
+
+
+IV.--Again, that which is helped to its perfection by miracles is
+willed by God, and therefore it is of right. This is manifestly true,
+for as Thomas says in his third book against the Gentiles, "a miracle
+is something done by God beyond the commonly established order of
+things."[214] And so he proves that God alone can work miracles; and
+his proof is strengthened by the authority of Moses; for on the
+occasion of the plague of lice, when the magicians of Pharaoh used
+natural principles artfully, and then failed, they said: "This is the
+finger of God."[215] A miracle therefore being the immediate working
+of the first agent, without the co-operation of any secondary agents,
+as Thomas himself sufficiently proves in the book which we have
+mentioned, it is impious to say where a miracle is worked in aid of
+anything, that that thing is not of God, as something well pleasing to
+him, which he foresaw. Therefore it is religious to accept the
+contradictory of this. The Roman Empire has been helped to its
+perfection by miracles; therefore it was willed by God, and
+consequently was and is by right.[216]
+
+[Footnote 214: _Contra Gent._ iii. 101.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 215: Exod. vii. 12-15.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 216: Witte refers to the _Ep. ad Reges_, § 8, for the same
+thought.]
+
+It is proved by the testimony of illustrious authors that God
+stretched forth His hand to work miracles on behalf of the Roman
+Empire. For Livy, in the first part of his work, testifies that a
+shield fell from heaven into the city chosen of God in the time of
+Numa Pompilius, the second king of Rome, whilst he was sacrificing
+after the manner of the Gentiles. Lucan mentions this miracle in the
+ninth book of his Pharsalia, when he is describing the incredible
+force of the South wind. He says: "Surely it was thus, while Numa was
+offering sacrifices, that the shield fell with which the chosen
+patrician youth moves along. The South wind, or the North wind, had
+spoiled the people that bore our shields."[217] And when the Gauls had
+taken all the city, and, under cover of the darkness, were stealing on
+to attack the Capitol itself, the capture of which was all that
+remained to destroy the very name of Rome, then as Livy, and many
+other illustrious writers agree in testifying, a goose, which none had
+seen before, gave a warning note of the approach of the Gauls, and
+aroused the guards to defend the Capitol.[218] And our poet
+commemorates the event in his description of the shield of Æneas in
+the eighth book. "Higher, and in front of the temple stood Manlius,
+the watchman of the Tarpeian keep, guarding the rock of the Capitol.
+The palace stood out clear, rough with the thatch which Romulus had
+laid; here the goose, inlaid in silver, fluttered on the portico of
+gold, as it warned the Romans that the Gauls were even now on the
+threshold."[219]
+
+[Footnote 217: Luc. ix. 477.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 218: V. Liv. v. 47, and the _Convito_, iv. 5.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 219: _Æn._ viii. 652.--(W.)]
+
+And when the nobility of Rome had so fallen under the onset of
+Hannibal, that nothing remained for the final destruction of the Roman
+commonwealth, but the Carthaginian assault on the city, Livy tells us
+in the course of his history of the Punic war, that a sudden dreadful
+storm of hail fell upon them, so that the victors could not follow up
+their victory.[220]
+
+[Footnote 220: Liv. xxvi. 11; Oros. iv. 17.--(W.)]
+
+Was not the escape of Cloelia wonderful, a woman, and captive in the
+power of Porsenna, when she burst her bonds, and, by the marvellous
+help of God, swam across the Tiber, as almost all the historians of
+Rome tell us, to the glory of that city?[221]
+
+[Footnote 221: Liv. ii. 13; Oros. ii. 5.--(W.)]
+
+Thus was it fitting that He should work who foresaw all things from
+the beginning, and ordained them in the beauty of His order; so that
+He, who when made visible was to show forth miracles for the sake of
+things invisible, should, whilst invisible, also show forth miracles
+for the sake of things visible.
+
+
+V.--Further, whoever works for the good of the state, works with Right
+as his end. This may be shown as follows. Right is that proportion of
+man to man as to things, and as to persons, which, when it is
+preserved, preserves society, and when it is destroyed, destroys
+society.[222] The description of Right in the Digest does not give the
+essence of right, but only describes it for practical purposes.[223]
+If therefore our definition comprehends well the essence and reason
+of Right, and if the end of any society is the common good of its
+members, it is necessary that the end of all Right is the common good,
+and it is impossible that that can be Right, which does not aim at the
+common good. Therefore Cicero says well in the first book of his
+_Rhetoric_: "Laws must always be interpreted for the good of the
+state."[224] If laws do not aim at the good of those who live under
+them, they are laws only in name; in reality they cannot be laws. For
+it behoves them to bind men together for the common good; and Seneca
+therefore says well in his book "on the four virtues:" "Law is the
+bond of human society."[225] It is therefore plain that whoever aims
+at the good of the state, aims at the end of Right; and therefore, if
+the Romans aimed at the good of the state, we shall say truly that
+they aimed at the end of Right.
+
+[Footnote 222: Cf. Aristotle, _Ethics_, v. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 223: "Jus est ars boni et æqui." L. 1, fr. _Dig. De Justitia
+et Jure_, i. 1.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 224: _De Invent._ i. 38.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 225: Not Seneca, but Martin, Bp. of Braga, [dagger
+symbol]580.--(W.) V. _Biog. Univ._]
+
+That in bringing the whole world into subjection, they aimed at this
+good, their deeds declare. They renounced all selfishness, a thing
+always contrary to the public weal; they cherished universal peace and
+liberty; and that sacred, pious, and glorious people are seen to have
+neglected their own private interests that they might follow public
+objects for the good of all mankind. Therefore was it well written:
+"The Roman Empire springs from the fountain of piety."[226]
+
+[Footnote 226: "_Romanum imperium de fonte nascitur
+pietatis._"--(WITTE.) He has not been able to trace the saying.]
+
+But seeing that nothing is known of the intention of an agent who acts
+by free choice to any but the agent himself, save only by external
+signs, and since reasonings must be examined according to the subject
+matter (as has already been said), it will be sufficient on this point
+if we set forth proofs which none can doubt, of the intention of the
+Roman people, both in their public bodies and individually.
+
+Concerning those public bodies by which men seem in a way to be bound
+to the state, the authority of Cicero alone, in the second book of the
+_De Officiis_, will suffice. "So long," he says, "as the Empire of the
+republic was maintained not by injustice, but by the benefits which it
+conferred, we fought either for our allies or for the Empire. Our wars
+brought with them an ending which was either indulgent, or else was
+absolutely necessary. All kings, peoples, and nations found a port of
+refuge in the Senate. Our magistrates and generals alike sought renown
+by defending our provinces and our allies with good faith and with
+justice. Our government might have been called not so much Empire, as
+a Protectorate of the whole world." So wrote Cicero.[227]
+
+[Footnote 227: _De Off._ ii. 8.--(W.)]
+
+Of individuals I will speak shortly. Shall we not say that they
+intended the common good, who by hard toil, by poverty, by exile, by
+bereavement of their children, by loss of limb, by sacrifice of their
+lives, endeavoured to build up the public weal? Did not great
+Cincinnatus leave us a sacred example of freely laying down his office
+at its appointed end, when, as Livy tells us, he was taken from the
+plough and made dictator? And after his victory, after his triumph, he
+gave back his Imperator's sceptre to the consuls, and returned to the
+ploughshare to toil after his oxen.[228] Well did Cicero, arguing
+against Epicurus, in the volume _De Finibus_, speak in praise of him,
+mindful of this good deed.[229] "And so," he says, "our ancestors took
+Cincinnatus from the plough, and made him dictator."
+
+[Footnote 228: Liv. vi. 28, 29; Oros. ii. 12.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 229: II. 4.--(W.)]
+
+Has not Fabricius left us a lofty example of resisting avarice, when,
+poor man as he was, for the faith by which he was bound to the
+republic, he laughed to scorn the great weight of gold which was
+offered him, and refused it, scorning it with words which became him
+well. His story too is confirmed by our poet in the sixth
+_Æneid_,[230] where he speaks of "Fabricius strong in his poverty."
+
+[Footnote 230: VI. 844.--(W.)]
+
+Has not Camillus left us a memorable example of obeying the laws
+instead of seeking our private advantage? For according to Livy he was
+condemned to exile, and then, after that he had delivered his country
+from the invaders, and had restored to Rome her own Roman spoils, he
+yet turned to leave the sacred city, though the whole people bade him
+stay; nor did he return till leave was given him to come back by the
+authority of the Senate. This high-souled hero also is commended in
+the sixth _Æneid_, where our poet speaks of "Camillus, that restored
+to us our standards."[231]
+
+[Footnote 231: Liv. v. 46; _Æn._ vi. 826.--(W.)]
+
+Was not Brutus the first to teach that our sons, that all others, are
+second in importance to the liberty of our country? For Livy tells us
+how, when he was consul, he condemned his own sons to death, for that
+they had conspired with the enemy. His glory is made new in our poet's
+sixth book, where he sings how "The father shall summon the sons to
+die for the sake of fair liberty, when they seek to stir fresh
+wars."[232]
+
+[Footnote 232: _Æn._ vi. 821.--(W.)]
+
+Has not Mucius encouraged us to dare everything for our country's
+sake, when after attacking Porsenna unawares, he watched the hand
+which had missed its stroke being burnt, though it was his own, as if
+he were beholding the torment of a foe? This also Livy witnesses to
+with astonishment.
+
+Add to these those sacred victims the Decii, who laid down their lives
+by an act of devotion for the public safety, whom Livy glorifies in
+his narrative, not as they deserve, but as he was able. Add to these
+the self-sacrifice, which words cannot express, of Marcus Cato, that
+staunchest champion of true liberty. These were men of whom the one,
+that he might save his country, did not fear the shadow of death;
+while the other, that he might kindle in the world the passionate love
+of liberty, showed how dear was liberty, choosing to pass out of life
+a free man, rather than without liberty to abide in life.[233] The
+glory of all these heroes glows afresh in the words of Cicero in his
+book _De Finibus_; of the Decii he speaks thus: "Publius Decius, the
+head of the Decii, a consul, when he devoted himself for the state,
+and charged straight into the Latin host, was he thinking aught of his
+pleasure, where and when he should take it;--when he knew that he had
+to die at once, and sought that death with more eager desire than,
+according to Epicurus, we should seek pleasure? And were it not that
+his deed had justly received its praise, his son would not have done
+the like in his fourth consulship; nor would his grandson, again, in
+the war with Pyrrhus, have fallen, a consul, in battle; and, a third
+time in continuous succession in that family, have offered himself a
+victim for the commonwealth." But in the _De Officiis_,[234] Cicero
+says of Cato: "Marcus Cato was in no different position from his
+comrades who in Africa surrendered to Cæsar. The others, had they
+slain themselves, would perhaps have been blamed for the act, for
+their life was of less consequence,[235] and their principles were not
+so strict. But for Cato, to whom nature had given incredible firmness
+and who had strengthened this severity by his unremitting constancy to
+his principles, and who never formed a resolution by which he did not
+abide, he was indeed bound to die rather than to look on the face of a
+tyrant."
+
+[Footnote 233: Witte quotes the _Convito_, iv. 5, where all these
+examples are recounted, almost in the same language. He compares
+_Parad._ vi. 46 (Cincinnatus), _Purgat._ xx. 25 (Fabricius), _Parad._
+vi. 47 (Decii), _Purg._ i. where Cato guards the approach to
+Purgatory.]
+
+[Footnote 234: I. 31 (W.), carelessly quoted.]
+
+[Footnote 235: "_Levior_" al. "_lenior_."]
+
+
+VI.--Two things therefore have been made clear: first, that whoever
+aims at the good of the state aims at right;[236] and secondly, that
+the Roman people in bringing the world into subjection, aimed at the
+public weal. Therefore let us argue thus: Whoever aims at right, walks
+according to right; the Roman people in bringing the world into
+subjection aimed at right, as we have made manifest in the preceding
+chapter. Therefore in bringing the world into subjection the Roman
+people acted according to right, consequently it was by right that
+they assumed the dignity of Empire.
+
+[Footnote 236: "_Finem juris intendit._"]
+
+We reach this conclusion on grounds which are manifest to all. It is
+manifest from this, that whosoever aims at right, walks according to
+right. To make this clear, we must mark that everything is made to
+gain a certain end, otherwise it would be in vain, and as we said
+before this cannot be. And as everything has its proper end, so every
+end has some distinct thing of which it is the end. And therefore it
+is impossible that any two things, spoken of as separate things,[237]
+and in so far as they are two, should have the same end as their aim,
+for so the same absurdity[238] would follow, that one of them would
+exist in vain. Since, then, there is a certain end of right, as we
+have explained, it necessarily follows that when we have decided what
+that end is, we have also decided what right is; for it is the natural
+and proper effect of right. And since in any sequence it is impossible
+to have an antecedent without its consequent, for instance, to have
+"man" without "animal," as is evident by putting together and taking
+to pieces the idea,[239] so also it is impossible to seek for the end
+of right without right, for each thing stands in the same relation to
+its proper end, as the consequent does to its antecedent; as without
+health it is impossible to attain to a good condition of the body.
+Wherefore, it is most evidently clear that he who aims at the end of
+right must aim in accordance with right; nor does the contradictory
+instance which is commonly drawn from Aristotle's treatment of "good
+counsel" avail anything.[240] He there says: "It is possible to obtain
+what is the right result from a syllogism, which is incorrect, but not
+by an argument which is right, for the middle term is wrong." For if
+sometimes a right conclusion is obtained from false principles, this
+is only by accident, and happens only in so far as the true conclusion
+is imported in the words of the inference. Truth never really follows
+from falsehood; but the signs of truth may easily follow from the
+signs of falsehood. So also it is in matters of conduct. If a thief
+helps a poor man out of the spoils of his thieving, we must not call
+that charity; but it is an action which would have the form of
+charity, if it had been done out of the man's own substance. And so of
+the end of right. If anything, such as the end of right, were gained
+without right, it would only be the end of right, that is, the common
+good, in the same sense that the gift, made from evil gains, is
+charity. And so the example proves nothing, for in our proposition we
+speak, not of the apparent but of the real end of right. What was
+sought, therefore, is clear.
+
+[Footnote 237: "_Per se loquendo._"]
+
+[Footnote 238: "_Inconveniens._"]
+
+[Footnote 239: "_Construendo et destruendo._" Technical terms of the
+conditional syllogism, _constructive_ and _destructive_.]
+
+[Footnote 240: [Greek: Euboulia]. _Ethics_, vi. 10.]
+
+
+VII.--What nature has ordained is maintained of right. For nature in
+its providence does not come short of men's providence; for if it were
+to come short, the effect would excel the cause in goodness, which is
+impossible. But we see that when public bodies are founded, not only
+are the relations of the members to each other considered, but also
+their capacities for exercising offices; and this is to consider the
+end of right in the society or order which is founded, for right is
+not extended beyond what is possible. Nature then, in her ordinances,
+does not come short in this foresight. Therefore it is clear that
+nature, in ordaining a thing, has regard to its capacities; and this
+regard is the fundamental principle of right which nature lays down.
+From this it follows that the natural order of things cannot be
+maintained without right; for this fundamental principle of right is
+inseparably joined to the natural order of things. It is necessary,
+therefore, that it is of right that this order is preserved.
+
+The Roman people was ordained for empire, by nature, and this may be
+shown as follows: The man would come short of perfection in his art,
+who aimed only to produce his ultimate form, and neglected the means
+of reaching it; in the same way, if nature only aimed at reproducing
+in the world the universal form of the divine likeness, and neglected
+the means of doing so, she would be imperfect. But nature, which is
+the work of the divine intelligence, is wholly perfect; she therefore
+aims at all the means by which her final end is arrived at.
+
+Since then mankind has a certain end, and since there is a certain
+means necessary for the universal end of nature, it necessarily
+follows that nature aims at obtaining that means. And therefore the
+Philosopher, in the second book of _Natural Learning_,[241] well shows
+that nature always acts for the end. And since nature cannot reach
+this end through one man, because that there are many actions
+necessary to it, which need many to act, therefore nature must produce
+many men and set them to act. And besides the higher influence,[242]
+the powers and properties of inferior spheres contribute much to this.
+And therefore we see not only that individual men, but also that
+certain races are born to govern, and certain others to be governed
+and to serve, as the Philosopher argues in the _Politics_;[243] and
+for the latter, as he himself says, subjection is not only expedient,
+but just, even though they be forced into subjection.
+
+[Footnote 241: Arist. _Phys. Ausc._ ii. 1.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 242: _I.e._ of the heavens. Witte quotes _Parad._ viii. 97,
+_Purg._ xiv. 38.]
+
+[Footnote 243: I. 5, 11; 6, 9.--(W.)]
+
+And if this is so, it cannot be doubted that nature ordained in the
+world a country and a nation for universal sovereignty; if this were
+not so, she would have been untrue to herself, which is impossible.
+But as to where that country is, and which is that nation, it is
+sufficiently manifest, both from what we have said and from what we
+shall say, that it was Rome and her citizens or people; and this our
+poet very skilfully touches on in the sixth _Æneid_, where he
+introduces Anchises prophesying to Æneas, the ancestor of the Romans:
+"Others may mould the breathing bronze more delicately--I doubt it
+not; they may chisel from marble the living countenance; they may
+surpass thee in pleading causes; they may track the course of the
+heavens with the rod, and tell when the stars will rise; but thou,
+Roman, remember to rule the nations with thy sway. These shall be thy
+endowments--to make peace to be the custom of the world; to spare thy
+foes when they submit, and to crush the proud."[244] And again, Virgil
+skilfully notes the appointment of the _place_, in the fourth
+_Æneid_, when he brings in Jupiter speaking to Mercury concerning
+Æneas: "His fair mother did not promise him to us to be such as this:
+it was not for this that twice she rescues him from Grecian arms; but
+that there should be one to rule over Italy, teeming with empires,
+tempestuous with wars." It has, therefore, sufficiently been shown
+that the Roman people was by nature ordained to empire. Therefore it
+was of right that they gained empire, by subduing to themselves the
+world.
+
+[Footnote 244: _Æn._ vi. 848, iv. 227.--(W.)]
+
+
+VIII.--But in order properly to discover the truth in our inquiry, we
+must recognise that the judgment of God is sometimes made manifest to
+men, and sometimes hidden from them.
+
+It may be made manifest in two ways, namely, by reason and by faith.
+
+There are some judgments of God to which the human reason, by its own
+paths, can arrive; as, that a man should risk death to save his
+country. For a part should always risk itself to save its whole, and
+each man is a part of his State, as is clear from the Philosopher in
+his _Politics_.[245] Therefore every man ought to risk himself for his
+country, as the less good for the better; whence the Philosopher says
+to Nicomachus: "The end is desirable, indeed, even for an individual,
+but it is better and more divine for a nation and State."[246] And
+this is the judgment of God, for if it were not so, right reason in
+men would miss the intention of nature, which is impossible.
+
+[Footnote 245: Arist. _Pol._ i. 2, 12.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 246: _Ethics_, i. 1.]
+
+There are also some judgments of God to which, though human reason
+cannot reach them by its own powers, yet, by the aid of faith in those
+things which are told us in Holy Scripture it can be lifted up: as,
+for instance, that no one, however perfect he may be in moral and
+intellectual virtues, both in habit and in action, can be saved
+without faith; it being supposed that he never heard aught of Christ.
+For human reason cannot of itself see this to be just, yet by faith it
+can. For in the Epistle to the Hebrews it is written, "without faith
+it is impossible to please God;"[247] and in Leviticus, "what man
+soever there be of the House of Israel that killeth an ox, or lamb, or
+goat in the camp, or that killeth it out of the camp, and bringeth it
+not to the door of the tabernacle to offer an offering unto the Lord,
+blood shall be imputed to that man."[248] The door of the tabernacle
+stands for Christ, who is the door of the kingdom of heaven, as may be
+proved from the Gospel: the killing of animals represents men's
+actions.[249]
+
+[Footnote 247: Cf. _Parad._ xix. 70.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 248: Heb. ii. 6; Levit. xvii. 3, 4.--(W.).]
+
+[Footnote 249: Witte quotes from Isidore of Seville, a writer much
+used in the middle ages, the following: "In a moral sense, we offer a
+calf when we conquer the pride of the flesh; a lamb, when we correct
+our irrational impulses; a kid, when we master impurity; a dove, when
+we are simple; a turtle-dove, when we observe chastity; unleavened
+bread, 'when we keep the feast not in the leaven of malice, but in the
+unleavened bread of sincerity and truth.'"]
+
+But the judgment of God is a hidden one, when man cannot arrive at the
+knowledge of it either by the law of nature or by the written law, but
+only occasionally by a special grace. This grace comes in several
+ways: sometimes by simple revelation, sometimes by revelation assisted
+by a certain kind of trial or debate. Simple revelation, too, is of
+two kinds: either God gives it of his own accord, or it is gained by
+prayer. God gives it of his own accord in two ways, either plainly, or
+by a sign. His judgment against Saul was revealed to Samuel plainly;
+but it was by a sign that it was revealed to Pharaoh what God had
+judged touching the setting free of the children of Israel. The
+judgment of God is also given in answer to prayer, as he knew who
+spoke in the second book of Chronicles:[250] "When we know not what we
+ought to do, this only have we left, to direct our eyes to Thee."
+
+[Footnote 250: 2 Chron. xx. 12 (Vulg.).]
+
+Revelation by means of trial is also of two kinds. It is given either
+by casting lots, or by combat; for "to strive" (_certare_), is derived
+from a phrase which means "to make certain" (_certum facere_). It is
+clear that the judgment of God is sometimes revealed to men by casting
+lots, as in the substitution of Matthias in the Acts of the Apostles.
+
+Again the judgment of God is revealed to men by combat in two ways:
+either it is by a trial of strength, as in the duels of champions who
+are called "_duelliones_," or it is by the contention of many men,
+each striving to reach a certain mark first, as happens in the
+contests of athletes who run for a prize. The first of these methods
+was prefigured among the Gentiles by the contests between Hercules and
+Antæus, which Lucan mentions in the fourth book of his _Pharsalia_,
+and Ovid in the ninth book of his _Metamorphoses_. The second is
+prefigured by the contest between Atalanta and Hippomenes, described
+in the tenth book of Ovid's _Metamorphoses_.[251]
+
+[Footnote 251: _Phars._ iv. 593; _Metam._ ix. 183, x. 569.--(W.).]
+
+Moreover, it ought not to pass unnoticed concerning these two kinds of
+strife, that while in the first each champion may fairly hinder his
+antagonist, in the second this is not so; for athletes must not hinder
+one another in their strife, though our poet seems to have thought
+differently in the fifth _Æneid_ where Euryalus so receives the
+prize.[252] But Cicero has done better in forbidding this practice in
+the third book of the _De Officiis_, following the opinion of
+Chrysippus.[253] He there says: "Chrysippus is right here, as he often
+is, for he says that he who runs in a race should strive with all his
+might to win, but in no way should he try to trip up his competitor."
+
+[Footnote 252: V. 335--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 253: III. 10.--(W.)]
+
+With these distinctions, then, we may assume that there are two ways
+in which men may learn the judgment of God, as we have on this point
+stated; first by the contests of athletes, and secondly by the
+contests of champions. These ways of discovering the judgment of God I
+will treat of in the chapter following.
+
+
+IX.--That people then, which conquered when all were striving hard for
+the Empire of the world, conquered by the will of God. For God cares
+more to settle a universal strife than a particular one; and even in
+particular contests the athletes sometimes throw themselves on the
+judgment of God, according to the common proverb: "To whom God makes
+the grant, him let Peter also bless."[254] It cannot, then, be
+doubted that the victory in the strife for the Empire of the world
+followed the judgment of God. The Roman people, when all were striving
+for the Empire of the world, conquered; it will be plain that so it
+was, if we consider the prize or goal, and those who strove for it.
+The prize or goal was the supremacy over all men; for it is this that
+we call the Empire. None reached this but the Roman people. Not only
+were they the first, they were the only ones to reach the goal, as we
+shall shortly see.
+
+[Footnote 254: Witte only gives a query (?). The saying expresses the
+Ghibelline view of the relation of the Empire to the Pope; it may have
+originated with the coronation of Charles the Great.]
+
+The first man who panted for the prize was Ninus, King of the
+Assyrians; but although for more than ninety years (as Orosius
+tells[255]) he, with his royal consort Semiramis, strove for the
+Empire of the world and made all Asia subject to himself, nevertheless
+he never subdued the West. Ovid mentions both him and his queen in the
+fourth book of the _Metamorphoses_, when he says, in the story of
+Pyramus:[256] "Semiramis girdled the round space with brick-built
+walls;" and, "let them come to Ninus' tomb and hide beneath in its
+shade."
+
+[Footnote 255: I. 4.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 256: _Metam._ iv. 58, 88.--(W.)]
+
+Secondly, Vesoges, King of Egypt, aspired to this prize; but though he
+vexed the North and South of Asia, as Orosius relates,[257] yet he
+never gained for himself one-half of the world; nay, when, as it
+were, between the judges[258] and the goal, the Scythians drove him
+back from his rash enterprise.
+
+[Footnote 257: Oros. i. 14.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 258: "Athlothetæ." The judges or umpires in the Greek games,
+whose seats were opposite to the goal at the side of the stadium.
+_Vide_ Smith's _Dictionary of Antiquities_, s.v. "stadium."]
+
+Then Cyrus, King of the Persians, made the same attempt; but after the
+destruction of Babylon, and the transference of its Empire to Persia,
+he did not even reach the regions of the West, but lost his life and
+his object in one day at the hands of Tamiris, Queen of the
+Scythians.[259]
+
+[Footnote 259: Oros. ii. 7.--(W.)]
+
+But after that these had failed, Xerxes, the son of Darius and king
+among the Persians, assailed the world with so great a multitude of
+nations, with so great a power, that he bridged the channel of the sea
+which separates Asia from Europe, between Sestos and Abydos. And of
+this wonderful work Lucan makes mention in the second book of his
+_Pharsalia_:[260] "Such paths across the seas, made by Xerxes in his
+pride, fame tells of." But finally he was miserably repulsed from his
+enterprise, and could not attain the goal.
+
+[Footnote 260: _Phars._ ii. 692.--(W.)]
+
+Besides these kings, and after their times, Alexander, King of
+Macedon, came nearest of all to the prize of monarchy; he sent
+ambassadors to the Romans to demand their submission, but before the
+Roman answer came, he fell in Egypt, as Livy[261] tells us, as it were
+in the middle of the course. Of his burial there, Lucan speaks in the
+eighth book of his _Pharsalia_,[262] where he is inveighing against
+Ptolemy, King of Egypt: "Thou last of the Lagæan race, soon to perish
+in thy degeneracy, and to yield thy kingdom to an incestuous sister;
+while for thee the Macedonian is kept in the sacred cave...."
+
+[Footnote 261: Not Livy. Cf. ix. 18, 3, where, speaking of Alexander
+and the Romans, he says: "Quem ne famâ quidem illis notum arbitror
+fuisse." The story is Greek in origin, coming from Cleitarchus
+(according to Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ iii. 9), who accompanied Alexander
+on his Asiatic expedition. Cf. Niebuhr, _Lectures on the History of
+Rome_, lect. 52, Grote, _History of Greece_, vol. xii. p. 70, note,
+who argue for its truth, and Mommsen, _History of Rome_, vol. i. p.
+394, who argues against it. Dante, says Witte, used legends about
+Alexander now lost. Cf. _Inf._ xiv. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 262: VIII. 692.]
+
+"Oh the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and knowledge of God!"
+Who will not marvel at thee here? For when Alexander was trying to
+hinder his Roman competitor in the race, thou didst suddenly snatch
+him away from the contest that his rashness might proceed no further.
+
+But that Rome has won the crown of so great a victory is proved on the
+testimony of many. Our poet in his first _Æneid_ says:[263] "Hence,
+surely, shall one day the Romans come, as the years roll on, to be the
+leaders of the world, from the blood of Teucer renewed; over the sea
+and over the land they shall hold full sway."[264] And Lucan, in his
+first book, writes: "The sword assigns the kingdom; and the fortune of
+that mighty people that rules o'er sea and land and the whole earth,
+admitted not two to rule." And Boethius, in his second book,[265]
+speaking of the Roman prince says: "With his sceptre he ruled the
+nations, those whom Phoebus beholds, from his rising afar to where
+he sinks his beams beneath the waves; those who are benumbed by the
+frosty Seven Stars of the north, those whom the fierce south wind
+scorches with his heat, parching the burning sands." And Luke, the
+Scribe of Christ, bears the same testimony, whose every word is true,
+where he says: "There went out a decree from Cæsar Augustus that all
+the world should be taxed;" from which words we must plainly
+understand that the Romans had jurisdiction over the whole world.
+
+[Footnote 263: I. 234.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 264: I. 109.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 265: _De Consol. Phil._ ii. 6.--(W.)]
+
+From all this evidence it is manifest that the Roman people prevailed
+when all were striving to gain the Empire of the world. Therefore it
+was by the judgment of God that it prevailed; consequently its Empire
+was gained by the judgment of God, which is to say, that it was gained
+by right.
+
+
+X.--And what is gained as the result of single combat or duel is
+gained of right. For whenever human judgment fails, either because it
+is involved in the clouds of ignorance, or because it has not the
+assistance of a judge, then, lest justice should be left deserted, we
+must have recourse to Him who loved justice so much that He died to
+fulfil what it required by shedding His own blood. Therefore the
+Psalmist wrote: "The righteous Lord loveth righteousness." This result
+is gained when, by the free consent of the parties, not from hatred
+but from love of justice, men inquire of the judgment of God by a
+trial of strength as well of soul as of body. And this trial of
+strength is called a duel, because in the first instance it was
+between two combatants, man to man.
+
+But when two nations quarrel they are bound to try in every possible
+way to arrange the quarrel by means of discussion; it is only when
+this is hopeless that they may declare war. Cicero and Vegetius agree
+on this point, the former in his _De Officiis_,[266] the latter in his
+book on war. In the practice of medicine recourse may only be had to
+amputation and cauterising when every other means of cure have been
+tried. So in the same way, it is only when we have sought in vain for
+all other modes of deciding a quarrel that we may resort to the remedy
+of a single combat, forced thereto by a necessity of justice.
+
+[Footnote 266: _De Off._ i. 12; _De Re Milit._ iii. _prol._--(W.)]
+
+Two formal rules, then, of the single combat are clear, one which we
+have just mentioned, the other, which we touched on before, that the
+combatants or champions must enter the lists by common consent, not
+animated by private hatred or love, but simply by an eager desire for
+justice. Therefore Cicero, in touching on this matter, spoke well when
+he said: "Wars, which are waged for the crown of empire, must be waged
+without bitterness."[267]
+
+[Footnote 267: "Imperii _gloria_," not "_corona_," in _Cic. de Off._
+i. 12.--(W.)]
+
+But, if the rules of single combat be kept when men are driven by
+justice to meet together by common consent, in their zeal for justice
+(and if they are not, the contest ceases to be a single combat), do
+not they meet together in the name of God? And if it is so, is not God
+in the midst of them, for He Himself promises us this in the Gospel?
+And if God is there, is it not impious to suppose that justice can
+fail?--that justice which He loved so much, as we have just seen. And
+if single combat cannot fail to secure justice, is not what is gained
+in single combat gained as of right?
+
+This truth the Gentiles, too, recognised before the trumpet of the
+Gospel was sounded, when they sought for a judgment in the fortune of
+single combat. So Pyrrhus, noble both in the manners and in the blood
+of Æacidæ, gave a worthy answer when the Roman envoys were sent to him
+to treat for the ransom of prisoners. "I ask not for gold; ye shall
+pay me no price, being not war-mongers, but true men of war. Let each
+decide his fate with steel, and not with gold. Whether it be you or I
+that our mistress wills to reign, or what chance she may bring to
+each, let us try by valour. Hear ye also this word: those whose valour
+the fortune of war has spared, their liberty will I too spare. Take ye
+them as my gift."[268] So spoke Pyrrhus. By "mistress" he meant
+Fortune, which we better and more rightly call the Providence of God.
+Therefore, let the combatants beware that they fight not for money;
+then it would be no true single combat in which they fought, for they
+would strive in a court of blood and injustice; and let it not be
+thought that God would then be present to judge; nay, for it would be
+that ancient enemy who had been the instigator of the strife. If they
+wish to be true combatants, and not dealers in blood and injustice,
+let them keep Pyrrhus before their eyes when they enter the arena, the
+man who, when he was striving for empire, so scorned gold, as we have
+said.
+
+[Footnote 268: Ennius in _Cic. de Off._ i. 12 (W.) "War-monger" is
+Spenser's word. _F.Q._ 3, 10, 29.]
+
+But, if men will not receive the truth which we have proved, and
+object, as they are wont, that all men are not equal in strength, we
+will refute them with the instance of the victory of David over
+Goliath; and if the Gentiles seek for aught more, let them repel the
+objection by the victory of Hercules over Antæus. For it is mere folly
+to fear that the strength which God makes strong should be weaker than
+a human champion. It is, therefore, now sufficiently clear that what
+is acquired by single combat is acquired by right.
+
+
+XI.--But the Roman people gained their empire by duel between man and
+man; and this is proved by testimonies that are worthy of all
+credence; and in proving this, we shall also show that where any
+question had to be decided from the beginning of the Roman Empire, it
+was tried by single combat.
+
+For first of all, when a quarrel arose about the settling in Italy of
+Father Æneas, the earliest ancestor of this people, and when Turnus,
+King of the Rutuli, withstood Æneas, it was at last agreed between the
+two kings to discover the good pleasure of God by a single combat,
+which is sung in the last book of the _Æneid_. And in this combat
+Æneas was so merciful in his victory, that he would have granted life
+and peace to the conquered foe, had he not seen the belt which Turnus
+had taken on slaying Pallas, as the last verses of our poet describe.
+
+Again, when two peoples had grown up in Italy, both sprung from the
+Trojan stem, namely, the Romans and the Albans, and they had long
+striven whose should be the sign of the eagle,[269] and the Penates of
+Troy, and the honours of empire; at last by mutual consent, in order
+to have certain knowledge of the case in hand, the three Horatii, who
+were brethren, and the three Curatii, who were also brethren, fought
+together before the kings and all the people anxiously waiting on
+either side; and since the three Alban champions were killed, while
+one Roman survived, the palm of victory fell to the Romans, in the
+reign of Hostilius the king. This story has been diligently put
+together by Livy, in the first part of his history, and Orosius also
+gives similar testimony.[270]
+
+[Footnote 269: "_Il sacrosanto segno._" V. _Parad._ vi. 32.]
+
+[Footnote 270: Liv. i. 24; Oros. ii. 4.]
+
+Next they fought for empire with their neighbours the Sabines and
+Samnites, as Livy tells us; all the laws of war were kept; and though
+those who fought were very many in number, the war was in the form of
+a combat between man and man. In the contest with the Samnites,
+Fortune nearly repented her of what she had begun, as Lucan instances
+in the second book of his _Pharsalia_:[271] "How many companies lay
+dead by the Colline gate then, when the headship of the world and
+universal empire well-nigh were transferred to other seats, and the
+Samnite heaped the corpses of Rome beyond the numbers[272] of the
+Caudine Forks."
+
+[Footnote 271: II. 135.]
+
+[Footnote 272:
+
+                   "Romanaque Samnis
+     Ultra Caudinas superavit vulnera furcas."
+
+Another reading is "speravit."]
+
+But after that the intestine quarrels of Italy had ceased, and while
+the issue of the strife with Greece and Carthage was not yet made
+certain by the judgment of God--for both Greece and Carthage aimed at
+empire--then Fabricius for Rome, and Pyrrhus for Greece, fought with
+vast hosts for the glory of empire, and Rome gained the day. And when
+Scipio for Rome, and Hannibal for Carthage, fought man to man, the
+Africans fell before the Italians, as Livy and all the other Roman
+historians strive to tell.
+
+Who then is so dull of understanding as not to see that this glorious
+people has won the crown of all the world, by the decision of combat?
+Surely the Roman may repeat Paul's words to Timothy: "There is laid up
+for me a crown of righteousness," laid up, that is, in the eternal
+providence of God. Let, then, the presumptuous Jurists see how far
+they stand below that watch-tower of reason whence the mind of man
+regards these principles: and let them be silent, content to show
+forth counsel and judgment according to the meaning of the law.
+
+It has now become manifest that it was by combat of man against man
+that the Romans gained their empire: therefore it was by right that
+they gained it, and this is the principal thesis of the present book.
+Up to this point we have proved our thesis by arguments which mostly
+rest on principles of reason; we must now make our point clear by
+arguments based on the principles of the Christian faith.
+
+
+XII.--For it is they who profess to be zealous for the faith of Christ
+who have chiefly "raged together," and "imagined a vain thing" against
+the Roman empire; men who have no compassion on the poor of Christ,
+whom they not only defraud as to the revenues of the Church; but the
+very patrimonies of the Church are daily seized upon; and the Church
+is made poor, while making a show of justice they yet refuse to allow
+the minister of justice to fulfil his office.
+
+Nor does this impoverishment happen without the judgment of God. For
+their possessions do not afford help to the poor, to whom belongs as
+their patrimony the wealth of the Church; and these possessions are
+held without gratitude to the empire which gives them. Let these
+possessions go back to whence they came. They came well; their return
+is evil: for they were well given, and they are mischievously held.
+What shall we say to shepherds like these? What shall we say when the
+substance of the Church is wasted, while the private estates of their
+own kindred are enlarged? But perchance it is better to proceed with
+what is set before us; and in religious silence to wait for our
+Saviour's help.
+
+I say, then, that if the Roman empire did not exist by right, Christ
+in being born presupposed and sanctioned an unjust thing. But the
+consequent is false; therefore the contradictory of the antecedent is
+true; for it is always true of contradictory propositions, that if one
+is false the other is true. It is not needful to prove the falsity of
+the consequent to a true believer: for, if he be faithful, he will
+grant it to be false; and if he be not faithful, then this reasoning
+is not for him.
+
+I prove the consequence thus: wherever a man of his own free choice
+carries out a public order, he countenances and persuades by his act
+the justice of that order; and seeing that acts are more forcible to
+persuade than words (as Aristotle holds in the tenth book of his
+_Ethics_),[273] therefore by this he persuades us more than if it were
+merely an approval in words. But Christ, as Luke who writes His
+story, says, willed to be born of the Virgin Mary under an edict of
+Roman authority, so that in that unexampled census of mankind, the Son
+of God, made man, might be counted as man: and this was to carry out
+that edict. Perhaps it is even more religious to suppose that it was
+of God that the decree issued through Cæsar, so that He who had been
+such long years expected among men should Himself enroll himself with
+mortal man.
+
+[Footnote 273: _Eth._ x. 1.]
+
+Therefore Christ, by His action, enforced the justice of the edict of
+Augustus, who then wielded the Roman power. And since to issue a just
+edict implies jurisdiction, it necessarily follows that He who showed
+that He thought an edict just, must also have showed that He thought
+the jurisdiction under which it was issued just; but unless it existed
+by right it were unjust.
+
+And it must be noted that the force of the argument taken to destroy
+the consequent, though the argument partly holds from its form, shows
+its force in the second figure, if it be reduced as a syllogism, just
+as the argument based on the assumption of the antecedent is in the
+first figure. The reduction is made thus: all that is unjust is
+persuaded to men unjustly; Christ did not persuade us unjustly;
+therefore He did not persuade us to do unjust things. From the
+assumption of the antecedent thus: all injustice is persuaded to men
+unjustly: Christ persuaded a certain injustice to man, therefore He
+persuaded unjustly.
+
+
+XIII.--And if the Roman empire did not exist by right, the sin of Adam
+was not punished in Christ. This is false, therefore its contradictory
+is true. The falsehood of the consequent is seen thus. Since by the
+sin of Adam we were all sinners, as the Apostle says:--"Wherefore, as
+by one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin, and so death
+passed upon all men, for that all have sinned,"--then, if Christ had
+not made satisfaction for Adam's sin by his death, we should still by
+our depraved nature be the children of wrath. But this is not so, for
+Paul, speaking of the Father in his Epistle to the Ephesians, says:
+"Having predestinated us unto the adoption of children by Jesus Christ
+to Himself, according to the good pleasure of His will, to the praise
+of the glory of His grace, wherein He hath made us accepted in the
+beloved, in whom we have redemption by His blood, the forgiveness of
+sins according to the riches of His grace, wherein He has abounded
+towards us." And Christ Himself, suffering in Himself the punishment,
+says in St. John: "It is finished;" for where a thing is finished,
+naught remains to be done.
+
+It is convenient that it should be understood that punishment is not
+merely penalty inflicted on him who has done wrong, but that penalty
+inflicted by one who has penal jurisdiction. And therefore a penalty
+should not be called punishment, but rather injury, except where it is
+inflicted by the sentence of a regular judge.[274] Therefore the
+Israelites said unto Moses: "Who made thee a judge over us?"
+
+[Footnote 274: "_Ab ordinario judice._"]
+
+If, therefore, Christ had not suffered by the sentence of a regular
+judge, the penalty would not properly have been punishment; and none
+could be a regular judge who had not jurisdiction over all mankind;
+for all mankind was punished in the flesh of Christ, who "hath borne
+our griefs and carried our sorrows," as saith the Prophet Isaiah. And
+if the Roman empire had not existed by right, Tiberius Cæsar, whose
+vicar was Pontius Pilate, would not have had jurisdiction over all
+mankind. It was for this reason that Herod, not knowing what he did,
+like Caiaphas, when he spoke truly of the decree of heaven, sent
+Christ to Pilate to be judged, as Luke relates in his gospel. For
+Herod was not the vicegerent of Tiberius, under the standard of the
+eagle, or the standard of the Senate; but only a king, with one
+particular kingdom given him by Tiberius, and ruling the kingdom
+committed to his charge under Tiberius.
+
+Let them cease, then, to insult the Roman empire, who pretend that
+they are the sons of the Church; when they see that Christ, the
+bridegroom of the Church, sanctioned the Roman empire at the beginning
+and at the end of His warfare on earth. And now I think that I have
+made it sufficiently clear that it was by right that the Romans
+acquired to themselves the empire of the world.
+
+Oh happy people, oh Ausonia, how glorious hadst thou been, if either
+he, that weakener of thine empire, had never been born, or if his own
+pious intention had never deceived him?[275]
+
+[Footnote 275: Constantine the Great.--(W.)]
+
+
+
+
+BOOK III.
+
+
+I.--"He hath shut the lions' mouths and they have not hurt me,
+forasmuch as before Him justice was found in me."[276] At the
+beginning of this work I proposed to examine into three questions,
+according as the subject-matter would permit me. Concerning the two
+first questions our inquiry, as I think, has been sufficiently
+accomplished in the preceding books. It remains to treat of the third
+question; and, perchance, it may arouse a certain amount of
+indignation against me, for the truth of it cannot appear without
+causing shame to certain men. But seeing that truth from its
+changeless throne appeals to me--that Solomon too, entering on the
+forest of his proverbs, teaches me in his own person "to meditate on
+truth, to hate the wicked;"[277] seeing that the Philosopher, my
+instructor in morals, bids me, for the sake of truth, to put aside
+what is dearest;[278] I will, therefore, take confidence from the
+words of Daniel in which the power of God, the shield of the defenders
+of truth, is set forth, and, according to the exhortation of St.
+Paul, "putting on the breast-plate of faith," and in the heat of that
+coal which one of the seraphim had taken from off the altar, and laid
+on the lips of Isaiah, I will enter on the present contest, and, by
+the arm of Him who delivered us by His blood from the powers of
+darkness, drive out from the lists the wicked and the liar, in the
+sight of all the world. Why should I fear, when the Spirit, which is
+co-eternal with the Father and the Son, saith by the mouth of David:
+"The righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance, he shall not
+be afraid of evil tidings"?[279]
+
+[Footnote 276: Dan. vi. 22. Vulg.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 277: Prov. vii. 7. Vulg.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 278: Arist. _Eth._ i. 4.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 279: Ps. cxii. 7.--(W.)]
+
+The present question, then, concerning which we have to inquire, is
+between two great luminaries, the Roman Pontiff and the Roman Prince:
+and the question is, does the authority of the Roman Monarch, who, as
+we have proved in the second book, is the monarch of the world, depend
+immediately on God, or on some minister or vicar of God; by whom I
+understand the successor of Peter, who truly has the keys of the
+kingdom of heaven?
+
+
+II.--For this, as for the former questions, we must take some
+principle, on the strength of which we may fashion the arguments of
+the truth which is to be expounded. For what does it profit to labour,
+even in speaking truth, unless we start from a principle? For the
+principle alone is the root of all the propositions which are the
+means of proof.
+
+Let us, therefore, start from the irrefragable truth that that which
+is repugnant to the intention of nature, is against the will of God.
+For if this were not true its contradictory would not be false;
+namely, that what is repugnant to the intention of nature is not
+against God's will, and if this be not false neither are the
+consequences thereof false. For it is impossible in consequences which
+are necessary, that the consequent should be false, unless the
+antecedent were false also.
+
+But if a thing is not "_against the will_" it must either be willed or
+simply "not willed," just as "not to hate" means "to love," or "not to
+love;" for "not to love" does not mean "to hate," and "not to will"
+does not mean "to will not," as is self-evident. But if this is not
+false, neither will this proposition be false; "God wills what He does
+not will," than which a greater contradiction does not exist.
+
+I prove that what I say is true as follows: It is manifest that God
+wills the end of nature; otherwise the motions of heaven would be of
+none effect, and this we may not say. If God willed that the end
+should be hindered, He would will also that the hindering power should
+gain its end, otherwise His will would be of none effect. And since
+the end of the hindering power is the non-existence of what it
+hinders, it would follow that God wills the non-existence of the end
+of nature which He is said to will.
+
+For if God did not will that the end should be hindered, in so far as
+He did not will it, it would follow as a consequence to His not
+willing it, that He cared nought about the hindering power, neither
+whether it existed, nor whether it did not. But he who cares not for
+the hindering power, cares not for the thing which can be hindered,
+and consequently has no wish for it; and when a man has no wish for a
+thing he wills it not. Therefore, if the end of nature can be
+hindered, as it can, it follows of necessity that God wills not the
+end of nature, and we reach our previous conclusion, that God wills
+what He does not will. Our principle is therefore most true, seeing
+that from its contradictions such absurd results follow.
+
+
+III.--At the outset we must note in reference to this third question,
+that the truth of the first question had to be made manifest rather to
+remove ignorance than to end a dispute. In the second question we
+sought equally to remove ignorance and to end a dispute. For there are
+many things of which we are ignorant, but concerning which we do not
+quarrel. In geometry we know not how to square the circle, but we do
+not quarrel on that point. The theologian does not know the number of
+the angels, but he does not quarrel about the number. The Egyptian is
+ignorant of the political system of the Scythians, but he does not
+therefore quarrel concerning it.[280] But the truth in this third
+question provokes so much quarrelling that, whereas in other matters
+ignorance is commonly the cause of quarrelling, here quarrelling is
+the cause of ignorance. For this always happens where men are hurried
+by their wishes past what they see by their reason; in this evil bias
+they lay aside the light of reason, and being dragged on blindly by
+their desires, they obstinately deny that they are blind. And,
+therefore, it often follows not only that falsehood has its own
+inheritance, but that many men issue forth from their own bounds and
+stray through the foreign camp, where they understand nothing, and no
+man understands them; and so they provoke some to anger, and some to
+scorn, and not a few to laughter.
+
+[Footnote 280: "_Scytharum Civilitatem._" Cf. Arist. _Ethics_, iii. 5,
+where [Greek: to bouleuton] is discussed, and thence come the first
+and the third example, a little altered, the Egyptian being
+substituted for the Spartan.]
+
+Now three classes of men chiefly strive against the truth which we are
+trying to prove.
+
+First, the Chief Pontiff, Vicar of our Lord Jesus Christ and the
+successor of Peter, to whom we owe, not indeed all that we owe to
+Christ, but all that we owe to Peter, contradicts this truth, urged it
+may be by zeal for the keys; and also other pastors of the Christian
+sheepfolds, and others whom I believe to be only led by zeal for our
+mother, the Church. These all, perchance from zeal and not from pride,
+withstand the truth which I am about to prove.
+
+But there are certain others in whom obstinate greed has extinguished
+the light of reason, who are of their father the devil, and yet
+pretend to be sons of the Church. They not only stir up quarrels in
+this question, but they hate the name of the most sacred office of
+Prince, and would shamelessly deny the principles which we have laid
+down for this and the previous questions.
+
+There is also a third class called Decretalists,[281] utterly without
+knowledge or skill in philosophy or theology, who, relying entirely on
+their Decretals (which doubtless, I think, should be venerated), and
+hoping, I believe, that these Decretals will prevail, disparage the
+power of the Empire. And no wonder, for I have heard one of them,
+speaking of these Decretals, assert shamelessly that the traditions of
+the Church are the foundation of the faith. May this wickedness be
+taken away from the thoughts of men by those who, antecedently to the
+traditions of the Church, have believed in Christ the Son of God,
+whether to come, or present, or as having already suffered; and who
+from their faith have hoped, and from their hope have kindled into
+love, and who, burning with love, will, the world doubts not, be made
+co-heirs with Him.
+
+[Footnote 281: _Parad._ ix. 133.--(W.)]
+
+And that such arguers may be excluded once for all from the present
+debate, it must be noted that part of Scripture was _before_ the
+Church, that part of it came _with_ the Church, and part _after_ the
+Church.
+
+_Before_ the Church were the Old and the New Testament--the covenant
+which the Psalmist says was "commanded for ever," of which the Church
+speaks to her Bridegroom, saying: "Draw me after thee."[282]
+
+[Footnote 282: Ps. cxi. 9. Cant. i. 3.--(W.)]
+
+_With_ the Church came those venerable chief Councils, with which no
+faithful Christian doubts but that Christ was present. For we have His
+own words to His disciples when He was about to ascend into heaven:
+"Lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world," to which
+Matthew testifies. There are also the writings[283] of the doctors,
+Augustine and others, of whom, if any doubt that they were aided by
+the Holy Spirit, either he has never beheld their fruit, or if he has
+beheld, he has never tasted thereof.
+
+[Footnote 283: "_Scripturæ._"]
+
+_After_ the Church are the traditions which they call Decretals,
+which, although they are to be venerated for their apostolical
+authority, yet we must not doubt that they are to be held inferior to
+fundamental Scripture, seeing that Christ rebuked the Pharisees for
+this very thing; for when they had asked: "Why do thy disciples
+transgress the tradition of the elders?" (for they neglected the
+washing of hands), He answered them, as Matthew testifies: "Why do ye
+also transgress the commandment of God by your tradition?" Thus He
+intimates plainly that tradition was to have a lower place.
+
+But if the traditions of the Church are _after_ the Church, it follows
+that the Church had not its authority from traditions, but rather
+traditions from the Church; and, therefore, the men of whom we speak,
+seeing that they have nought but traditions, must be excluded from the
+debate. For those who seek after this truth must proceed in their
+inquiry from those things from which flows the authority of the
+Church.
+
+Further, we must exclude others who boast themselves to be white sheep
+in the flock of the Lord, when they have the plumage of crows. These
+are the children of wickedness, who, that they may be able to follow
+their evil ways, put shame on their mother, drive out their brethren,
+and when they have done all will allow none to judge them. Why should
+we seek to reason with these, when they are led astray by their evil
+desires, and so cannot see even our first principle?
+
+Therefore there remains the controversy only with the other sort of
+men who are influenced by a certain kind of zeal for their mother the
+Church, and yet know not the truth which is sought for. With these
+men, therefore--strong in the reverence which a dutiful son owes to
+his father, which a dutiful son owes to his mother, dutiful to Christ,
+dutiful to the Church, dutiful to the Chief Shepherd, dutiful to all
+who profess the religion of Christ--I begin in this book the contest
+for the maintenance of the truth.
+
+
+IV.--Those men to whom all our subsequent reasoning is addressed, when
+they assert that the authority of the Empire depends on the authority
+of the Church, as the inferior workman depends on the architect, are
+moved to take this view by many arguments, some of which they draw
+from Holy Scripture, and some also from the acts of the Supreme
+Pontiff and of the Emperor himself. Moreover, they strive to have some
+proof of reason.
+
+For in the first place they say that God, according to the book of
+Genesis, made two great lights, the greater light to rule the day, and
+the lesser light to rule the night; this they understand to be an
+allegory, for that the lights are the two powers,[284] the spiritual
+and the temporal. And then they maintain that as the moon, which is
+the lesser light, only has light so far as she receives it from the
+sun, so the temporal power only has authority as it receives authority
+from the spiritual power.
+
+[Footnote 284: "_Regimina._"]
+
+For the disposing of these, and of other like arguments, we must
+remember the Philosopher's words in his book on Sophistry, "the
+overthrow of an argument is the pointing out of the mistake."[285]
+
+[Footnote 285: _Soph. El._ ii. 3.--(W.)]
+
+Error may arise in two ways, either in the matter, or in the form of
+an argument; either, that is, by assuming to be true what is false, or
+by transgressing the laws of the syllogism. The Philosopher raised
+objections to the arguments of Parmenides and Melissus on both of
+these grounds, saying that they accepted what was false, and that they
+did not argue correctly.[286] I use "false" in a large sense, as
+including the inconceivable,[287] that which in matters admitting only
+of probability has the nature of falseness. If the error is in the
+form of an argument, he who wishes to destroy the error must do so by
+showing that the laws of the syllogism have been transgressed. If the
+error is in the matter, it is because something has been assumed
+which is either false in itself, or false in relation to that
+particular instance. If the assumption is false in itself, the
+argument must be destroyed by destroying the assumption; if it is
+false only in that particular instance, we must draw a distinction
+between the falseness in that particular instance and its general
+truth.
+
+[Footnote 286: Aristotle, _Phys._ i. 2.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 287: "_Inopinabili._"]
+
+Having noted these things, to make it more clear how we destroy this
+and the further fallacies of our adversaries, we must remark that
+there are two ways in which error may arise concerning the mystical
+sense, either by seeking it where it is not, or by accepting it in a
+sense other than its real sense.
+
+On account of the first of these ways, Augustine says, in his work _Of
+the City of God_,[288] that we must not think that all things, of
+which we are told, have a special meaning; for it is on account of
+that which means something, that that also which means nothing is
+woven into a story. It is only with the ploughshare that we turn up
+the earth; but the other parts of the plough are also necessary.
+
+[Footnote 288: Dante does not quote St. Augustine's words, but gives
+his meaning, xvii. 2.--(W.)]
+
+On account of the second way in which error touching the
+interpretation of mysteries may arise, Augustine, in his book
+"_concerning Christian doctrine_," speaking of those who wish to find
+in Scripture something other than he who wrote the Scripture
+meant,[289] says, that such "are misled in the same way as a man who
+leaves the straight path, and then arrives at the end of the path by a
+long circuit." And he adds: "It ought to be shown that this is a
+mistake, lest through the habit of going out of the way, the man be
+driven to going into cross or wrong ways." And then he intimates why
+such precautions must be taken in interpreting Scripture. "Faith will
+falter, if the authority of Scripture be not sure." But I say that if
+these things happen from ignorance, we must pardon those who do them,
+when we have carefully reproved them, as we pardon those who imagine a
+lion in the clouds, and are afraid. But if they are done purposely, we
+must deal with those who err thus, as we do with tyrants, who instead
+of following the laws of the state for the public good, try to pervert
+them for their own advantage.
+
+[Footnote 289: I. 36, 37. Dante writes: "per gyrum." The Benedictine
+text has: "per agrum."]
+
+Oh worst of crimes, even though a man commit it in his dreams, to turn
+to ill use the purpose of the Eternal Spirit. Such an one does not sin
+against Moses, or David, or Job, or Matthew, or Paul, but against the
+Eternal Spirit that speaketh in them. For though the reporters of the
+words of God are many, yet there is one only that tells them what to
+write, even God, who has deigned to unfold to us His will through the
+pens of many writers.
+
+Having thus first noted these things, I will proceed, as I said above,
+to destroy the argument of those who say that the two great lights are
+typical of the two great powers on earth: for on this type rests the
+whole strength of their argument. It can be shown in two ways that
+this interpretation cannot be upheld. First, seeing that these two
+kinds of power are, in a sense, accidents of men, God would thus
+appear to have used a perverted order, by producing the accidents,
+before the essence to which they belong existed; and it is ridiculous
+to say this of God. For the two great lights were created on the
+fourth day, while man was not created till the sixth day, as is
+evident in the text of Scripture.
+
+Secondly, seeing that these two kinds of rule are to guide men to
+certain ends, as we shall see, it follows that if man had remained in
+the state of innocence in which God created him, he would not have
+needed such means of guidance. These kinds of rule, then, are remedies
+against the weakness of sin. Since, then, man was not a sinner on the
+fourth day, for he did not then even exist, it would have been idle to
+make remedies for his sin, and this would be contrary to the goodness
+of God. For he would be a sorry physician who would make a plaster
+for an abscess which was to be, before the man was born. It cannot,
+therefore, be said that God made these two kinds of rule on the fourth
+day, and therefore the meaning of Moses cannot have been what these
+men pretend.
+
+We may also be more tolerant, and overthrow this falsehood by drawing
+a distinction. This way of distinction is a gentler way of treating an
+adversary, for so his arguments are not made to appear consciously
+false, as is the case when we utterly overthrow him. I say then that,
+although the moon has not light of its own abundantly, unless it
+receives it from the sun, yet it does not therefore follow that the
+moon is from the sun. Therefore be it known that the being, and the
+power, and the working of the moon are all different things. For its
+being, the moon in no way depends on the sun, nor for its power, nor
+for its working, considered in itself. Its motion comes from its
+proper mover, its influence is from its own rays. For it has a certain
+light of its own, which is manifest at the time of an eclipse; though
+for its better and more powerful working it receives from the sun an
+abundant light, which enables it to work more powerfully.
+
+Therefore I say that the temporal power does not receive its being
+from the spiritual power, nor its power which is its authority, nor
+its working considered in itself. Yet it is good that the temporal
+power should receive from the spiritual the means of working more
+effectively by the light of the grace which the benediction of the
+Supreme Pontiff bestows on it both in heaven and on earth. Therefore
+we may see that the argument of these men erred in its form, because
+the predicate of the conclusion is not the predicate of the major
+premiss. The argument runs thus: The moon receives her light from the
+sun, which is the spiritual power. The temporal power is the moon.
+Therefore the temporal power receives authority from the spiritual
+power. "Light" is the predicate of the major premiss, "authority" the
+predicate of the conclusion; which two things we have seen to be very
+different in their subject and in their idea.
+
+
+V.--They draw another argument from the text of Moses, saying that the
+types of these two powers sprang from the loins of Jacob, for that
+they are prefigured in Levi and Judah, whereof one was founder of the
+spiritual power, and the other of the temporal. From this they argue:
+the Church has the same relation to the Empire that Levi had to Judah.
+Levi preceded Judah in his birth, therefore the Church precedes the
+Empire in authority.
+
+This error is easily overthrown. For when they say that Levi and
+Judah, the sons of Jacob, are the types of spiritual and temporal
+power, I could show this argument, too, to be wholly false; but I will
+grant it to be true. Then they infer, as Levi came first in birth, so
+does the Church come first in authority. But, as in the previous
+argument, the predicates of the conclusion and of the major premiss
+are different: authority and birth are different things, both in their
+subject and in their idea; and therefore there is an error in the form
+of the argument. The argument is as follows: A precedes B in C; D and
+E stand in the same relation as A and B; therefore D precedes E in F.
+But then F and C are different things. And if it is objected that F
+follows from C, that is, authority from priority of birth, and that
+the effect is properly substituted for the cause, as if "animal" were
+used in an argument for men, the objection is bad. For there are many
+men, who were born before others, who not only do not precede those
+others in authority, but even come after them: as is plain where we
+find a bishop younger than his archpresbyters. Therefore their
+objection appears to err in that it assumes as a cause that which is
+none.
+
+
+VI.--Again, from the first book of Kings they take the election and
+the deposition of Saul; and they say that Saul, an enthroned king, was
+deposed by Samuel, who, by God's command, acted in the stead of God,
+as appears from the text of Scripture. From this they argue that, as
+that Vicar of God had authority to give temporal power, and to take it
+away and bestow it on another, so now the Vicar of God, the bishop of
+the universal Church, has authority to give the sceptre of temporal
+power, and to take it away, and even to give it to another. And if
+this were so, it would follow without doubt that the authority of the
+Empire is dependent on the Church, as they say.
+
+But we may answer and destroy this argument, by which they say that
+Samuel was the Vicar of God: for it was not as Vicar of God that he
+acted, but as a special delegate for this purpose, or as a messenger
+bearing the express command of his Lord. For it is clear that what God
+commanded him, that only he did, and that only he said.
+
+Therefore we must recognise that it is one thing to be another's
+vicar, and that it is another to be his messenger or minister, just as
+it is one thing to be a doctor, and another to be an interpreter. For
+a vicar is one to whom is committed jurisdiction with law or with
+arbitrary power, and therefore within the bounds of the jurisdiction
+which is committed to him, he may act by law or by his arbitrary power
+without the knowledge of his lord. It is not so with a mere messenger,
+in so far as he is a messenger; but as the mallet acts only by the
+strength of the smith, so the messenger acts only by the authority of
+him that sent him. Although, then, God did this by His messenger
+Samuel, it does not follow that the Vicar of God may do the same. For
+there are many things which God has done and still does, and yet will
+do through angels, which the Vicar of God, the successor of Peter,
+might not do.
+
+Therefore we may see that they argue from the whole to a part, thus:
+Men can hear and see, therefore the eye can hear and see: which does
+not hold. Were the argument negative, it would be good: for instance,
+man cannot fly, therefore man's arm cannot fly. And, in the same way,
+God cannot, by his messenger, cause what is not to have been,[290] as
+Agathon says; therefore neither can his Vicar.
+
+[Footnote 290: As quoted by Aristotle, _Ethics_, vi. 3.--(W.)]
+
+
+VII.--Further, they use the offering of the wise men from the text of
+Matthew, saying that Christ accepted from them both frankincense and
+gold, to signify that He was lord and ruler both of things temporal
+and of things spiritual; and from this they infer that the Vicar of
+Christ is also lord and ruler both of things temporal and of things
+spiritual; and that consequently he has authority over both.
+
+To this I answer, that I acknowledge that Matthew's words and meaning
+are both as they say, but that the inference which they attempt to
+draw therefrom fails, because it fails in the terms of the argument.
+Their syllogism runs thus: God is the lord both of things temporal and
+of things spiritual, the holy Pontiff is the Vicar of God; therefore
+he is lord both of things temporal and of things spiritual. Both of
+these propositions are true, but the middle term in them is different,
+and _four_ terms are introduced, by which the form of the syllogism is
+not kept, as is plain from what is said of "the syllogism
+simply."[291] For "God" is the subject of the major premiss, and "the
+Vicar of God" is the predicate of the minor; and these are not the
+same.
+
+[Footnote 291: Arist. _Anal. Prior._, or rather, the _Summulæ Logicæ_,
+l. iv., of Petrus Hispanus.--(W.)]
+
+And if anyone raises the objection that the Vicar of God is equal in
+power to God, his objection is idle; for no vicar, whether human or
+divine, can be equal in power to the master whose vicar he is, which
+is at once obvious. We know that the successor of Peter had not equal
+authority with God, at least in the works of nature; he could not make
+a clod of earth fall upwards, nor fire to burn in a downward
+direction, by virtue of the office committed to him. Nor could all
+things be committed to him by God; for God could not commit to any the
+power of creation, and of baptism, as is clearly proved,
+notwithstanding what[292] the Master says in his fourth book.
+
+[Footnote 292: Peter Lombard, "magister sententiarum," iv. dist. 5, f.
+2.--(W.)]
+
+We know also that the vicar of a mortal man is not equal in authority
+to the man whose vicar he is, so far as he is his vicar; for none can
+give away what is not his. The authority of a prince does not belong
+to a prince, except for him to use it; for no prince can give to
+himself authority. He can indeed receive authority, and give it up,
+but he cannot create it in another man, for it does not belong to a
+prince to create another prince. And if this is so, it is manifest
+that no prince can substitute for himself a vicar equal to himself in
+authority respecting all things, and therefore the objection to our
+argument has no weight.
+
+
+VIII.--They also bring forward that saying in Matthew of Christ to
+Peter: "Whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven;
+and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven;"
+which also, from the text of Matthew and John, they allow to have been
+in like manner said to all the Apostles. From this they argue that it
+has been granted by God to the successor of Peter to be able to bind
+and to loose all things; hence they infer that he can loose the laws
+and decrees of the Empire, and also bind laws and decrees for the
+temporal power; and, if this were so, this conclusion would rightly
+follow.
+
+But we must draw a distinction touching their major premiss. Their
+syllogism is in this form. Peter could loose and bind all things; the
+successor of Peter can do whatever Peter could do; therefore the
+successor of Peter can bind and can loose all things: whence they
+conclude that he can bind and can loose the decrees and the authority
+of the Empire.
+
+Now I admit the minor premiss; but touching the major premiss I draw a
+distinction. The universal "everything" which is included in
+"whatever" is not distributed beyond the extent of the distributed
+term. If I say "all animals run," "all" is distributed so as to
+include everything which comes under the class "animal." But if I say
+"all men run," then "all" is only distributed so as to include every
+individual in the class "man;" and when I say "every grammarian runs,"
+then is the distribution even more limited.
+
+Therefore we must always look to see what it is that is to be included
+in the word "all," and when we know the nature and extent of the
+distributed term, it will easily be seen how far the distribution
+extends. Therefore, when it is said "whatsoever thou shalt bind," if
+"whatsoever" bore an unlimited sense, they would speak truly, and the
+power of the Pope would extend even beyond what they say; for he might
+then divorce a wife from her husband, and marry her to another while
+her first husband was yet alive, which he can in no wise do. He might
+even absolve me when impenitent, which God Himself cannot do.
+
+Therefore it is manifest that the distribution of the term in question
+is not absolute, but in reference to something. What this is will be
+sufficiently clear if we consider what power was granted to Peter.
+Christ said to Peter: "To thee will I give the keys of the kingdom of
+heaven"--that is, "I will make thee the doorkeeper of the kingdom of
+heaven." And then He adds: "Whatsoever," which is to say "all
+that"--to wit, all that has reference to this duty--"thou shalt have
+power to bind and to loose." And thus the universal which is implied
+in "whatsoever" has only a limited distribution, referring to the
+office of the keys of the kingdom of heaven. And in this sense the
+proposition of our opponents is true, but, taken absolutely, it is
+manifestly false. I say, then, that although the successor of Peter
+has power to bind and to loose, as belongs to him to whom the office
+of Peter was committed, yet it does not therefore follow that he has
+power to bind and to loose the decrees of the Empire, as our opponents
+say, unless they further prove that to do so belongs to the office of
+the keys, which we shall shortly show is not the case.
+
+
+IX.--They further take the words in Luke which Peter spake to Christ,
+saying: "Behold, here are two swords;" and they understood that by
+these two swords the two kinds of rule were foretold. And since Peter
+said "here," where he was, which is to say, "with him," they argue
+that the authority of the two kinds of rule rests with the successor
+of Peter.
+
+We must answer by showing that the interpretation, on which the
+argument rests, is wrong. They say that the two swords of which Peter
+spake mean the two kinds of rule which we have spoken of; but this we
+wholly deny, for then Peter's answer would not be according to the
+meaning of the words of Christ; and also we say that Peter made, as
+was his wont, a hasty answer, touching only the outside of things.
+
+It will be manifest that such an answer as our opponents allege would
+not be according to the meaning of the words of Christ, if the
+preceding words, and the reason of them, be considered. Observe, then,
+that these words were spoken on the day of the feast, for a little
+before Luke writes thus: "Then came the day of unleavened bread, when
+the Passover must be killed;" and at this feast Christ had spoken of
+His Passion, which was at hand, in which it was necessary for Him to
+be separated from His disciples. Observe, too, that when these words
+were spoken the twelve were assembled together, and therefore, shortly
+after the words which we have just quoted, Luke says: "And when the
+hour was come He sat down, and the twelve Apostles with Him." And
+continuing His discourse with them, He came to this: "When I sent you,
+without purse, and scrip, and shoes, lacked ye anything? And they
+said, Nothing. Then said He unto them: But now, he that hath a purse,
+let him take it, and likewise his scrip; and he that hath no sword,
+let him sell his garment, and buy one." From these words the purpose
+of Christ is sufficiently manifest; for He did not say: "Buy, or get
+for yourselves, two swords," but rather "twelve swords," seeing that
+He spake unto twelve disciples: "He that hath not, let him buy," so
+that each should have one. And He said this to admonish them of the
+persecution and scorn that they should suffer, as though He would say:
+"As long as I was with you men received you gladly, but now you will
+be driven away; therefore of necessity ye must prepare for yourselves
+those things which formerly I forbade you to have." And therefore if
+the answer of Peter bore the meaning which our opponents assign to it,
+it would have been no answer to the words of Christ; and Christ would
+have rebuked him for answering foolishly, as He often did rebuke him.
+But Christ did not rebuke him, but was satisfied, saying unto him: "It
+is enough," as though He would say: "I speak because of the necessity;
+but if each one of you cannot possess a sword, two are enough."
+
+And that it was Peter's wont to speak in a shallow manner is proved by
+his hasty and thoughtless forwardness, to which he was led not only by
+the sincerity of his faith, but also, I believe, by the natural purity
+and simplicity of his character. All the Evangelists bear testimony to
+this forwardness.
+
+Matthew writes that when Jesus had asked His disciples: "Whom say ye
+that I am?" Peter answered before them all and said: "Thou art Christ,
+the Son of the living God." He writes also that when Christ was saying
+to His disciples that he must go up to Jerusalem and suffer many
+things, Peter took Him and began to rebuke Him, saying: "Be it far
+from Thee, Lord; this shall not be unto Thee." But Christ turned and
+rebuked him, and said: "Get thee behind me, Satan." Matthew also
+writes that in the Mount of Transfiguration, on the sight of Christ,
+and of Moses and Elias, and of the two sons of Zebedee, Peter said:
+"Lord, it is good for us to be here; if Thou wilt, let us make here
+three tabernacles, one for Thee, one for Moses, and one for Elias." He
+also writes that when the disciples were in a ship, in the night, and
+Christ went unto them walking on the sea, then Peter said unto Him:
+"Lord, if it be Thou, bid me come unto Thee on the water." And when
+Christ foretold that all His disciples should be offended because of
+Him, Peter answered and said: "Though all men shall be offended
+because of Thee, yet will I never be offended;" and then: "Though I
+should die with Thee, yet will I not deny Thee." And to this saying
+Mark bears witness also. And Luke writes that Peter had said to
+Christ, a little before the words touching the swords which we have
+quoted: "Lord, I am ready to go with Thee, both into prison and to
+death." And John says of him, that, when Christ wished to wash his
+feet, Peter answered and said: "Lord, dost Thou wash my feet?" and
+then: "Thou shalt never wash my feet." The same Evangelist tells us
+that it was Peter who smote the High Priest's servant with a sword,
+and the other Evangelists also bear witness to this thing. He tells us
+also how Peter entered the sepulchre at once, when he saw the other
+disciple waiting outside, and how, when Christ was on the shore after
+the resurrection, when Peter had heard that it was the Lord, he girt
+his fisher's coat unto him (for he was naked) and did cast himself
+into the sea. Lastly, John tells that when Peter saw John, he said
+unto Jesus: "Lord, and what shall this man do?"
+
+It is a pleasure to have pursued this point about our Chief
+Shepherd,[293] in praise of his purity of spirit; but from what I have
+said it is plain that when he spake of the two swords, he answered the
+words of Christ with no second meaning.
+
+[Footnote 293: "Archimandrita nostro." Cf. _Parad._ xi. 99, of St.
+Francis.--(W.)]
+
+But if we are to receive these words of Christ and of Peter typically,
+they must not be explained as our adversaries explain them; but they
+must be referred to that sword of which Matthew writes: "Think not
+that I am come to send peace on the earth; I come not to send peace,
+but a sword. For I am come to set a man at variance against his
+father," &c. And this comes to pass not only in words, but also in
+fact. And therefore Luke speaks to Theophilus of all "that Jesus began
+both to do and to teach." It was a sword of that kind that Christ
+commanded them to buy; and Peter said that it was already doubly
+there. For they were ready both for words and for deeds, by which they
+should accomplish what Christ said that He had come to do by the
+sword.
+
+
+X.--Certain persons say further that the Emperor Constantine, having
+been cleansed from leprosy by the intercession of Sylvester, then the
+Supreme Pontiff, gave unto the Church the seat of Empire which was
+Rome, together with many other dignities belonging to the Empire.[294]
+Hence they argue that no man can take unto himself these dignities
+unless he receive them from the Church, whose they are said to be.
+From this it would rightly follow, that one authority depends on the
+other, as they maintain.
+
+[Footnote 294: On the Donation of Constantine, Witte refers to _Inf._
+xxxviii. 94; xix. 115; _Purg._ xxxii. 124; _Parad._ xx. 35; _suprà_
+ii. 12.]
+
+The arguments which seemed to have their roots in the Divine words,
+have been stated and disproved. It remains to state and disprove those
+which are grounded on Roman history and in the reason of mankind. The
+first of these is the one which we have mentioned, in which the
+syllogism runs as follows: No one has a right to those things which
+belong to the Church, unless he has them from the Church; and this we
+grant. The government of Rome belongs to the Church; therefore no one
+has a right to it unless it be given him by the Church. The minor
+premiss is proved by the facts concerning Constantine, which we have
+touched on.
+
+This minor premiss then will I destroy; and as for their proof, I say
+that it proves nothing. For the dignity of the Empire was what
+Constantine could not alienate, nor the Church receive. And when they
+insist, I prove my words as follows: No man on the strength of the
+office which is committed to him, may do aught that is contrary to
+that office; for so one and the same man, viewed as one man, would be
+contrary to himself, which is impossible. But to divide the Empire is
+contrary to the office committed to the Emperor; for his office is to
+hold mankind in all things subject to one will: as may be easily seen
+from the first book of this treatise. Therefore it is not permitted to
+the Emperor to divide the Empire. If, therefore, as they say, any
+dignities had been alienated by Constantine, and had passed to the
+Church, the "coat without seam"--which even they, who pierced Christ,
+the true God, with a spear, dared not rend--would have been rent.[295]
+
+[Footnote 295: Each side in the controversy used the type of the
+"seamless robe," one of the Empire (_suprà_ i. 16), the other of the
+Church; _e.g._, in the Bull of Boniface VIII., "_Unam Sanctam_."]
+
+Further, just as the Church has its foundation, so has the Empire its
+foundation. The foundation of the Church is Christ, as Paul says in
+his first Epistle to the Corinthians: "For other foundation can no man
+lay than that which is laid, which is Jesus Christ."[296] He is the
+rock on which the Church is built; but the foundation of the Empire is
+human right. Now I say that, as the Church may not go contrary to its
+foundation--but must always rest on its foundation, as the words of
+the Canticles say: "Who is she that cometh up from the desert,
+abounding in delights, leaning on her beloved?"[297]--in the same way
+I say that the Empire may not do aught that transgresses human right.
+But were the Empire to destroy itself, it would so transgress human
+right. Therefore the Empire may not destroy itself. Since then to
+divide the Empire would be to destroy it, because the Empire consists
+in one single universal Monarchy, it is manifest that he who exercises
+the authority of the Empire may not destroy it, and from what we have
+said before, it is manifest that to destroy the Empire is contrary to
+human right.
+
+[Footnote 296: 1 Cor. iii. 11.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 297: Cant. viii. 5.--(W.)]
+
+Moreover, all jurisdiction is prior in time to the judge who has it;
+for it is the judge who is ordained for the jurisdiction, not the
+jurisdiction for the judge. But the Empire is a jurisdiction,
+comprehending within itself all temporal jurisdiction: therefore it is
+prior to the judge who has it, who is the Emperor. For it is the
+Emperor who is ordained for the Empire, and not contrariwise.
+Therefore it is clear that the Emperor, in so far as he is Emperor,
+cannot alter the Empire; for it is to the Empire that he owes his
+being. I say then that he who is said to have conferred on the Church
+the authority in question either was Emperor, or he was not. If he was
+not, it is plain that he had no power to give away any part of the
+Empire. Nor could he, if he was Emperor, in so far as he was Emperor,
+for such a gift would be a diminishing of his jurisdiction.
+
+Further, if one Emperor were able to cut off a certain portion of the
+jurisdiction of the Empire, so could another; and since temporal
+jurisdiction is finite, and since all that is finite is taken away by
+finite diminutions, it would follow that it is possible for the first
+of all jurisdictions to be annihilated, which is absurd.
+
+Further, since he that gives is in the position of an agent, and he to
+whom a thing is given in that of a patient, as the Philosopher holds
+in the fourth book to Nicomachus,[298] therefore, that a gift may be
+given, we require not only the fit qualification of the giver, but
+also of the receiver; for the acts of the agent are completed in a
+patient who is qualified.[299] But the Church was altogether
+unqualified to receive temporal things; for there is an express
+command, forbidding her so to do, which Matthew gives thus: "Provide
+neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses." For though we
+find in Luke a relaxation of the command in regard to certain matters,
+yet I have not anywhere been able to find that the Church after that
+prohibition had licence given her to possess gold and silver. If
+therefore the Church was unable to receive temporal power, even
+granting that Constantine was able to give it, yet the gift was
+impossible; for the receiver was disqualified. It is therefore plain
+that neither could the Church receive in the way of possession, nor
+could Constantine give in the way of alienation; though it is true
+that the Emperor, as protector of the Church, could allot to the
+Church a patrimony and other things, if he did not impair his supreme
+lordship, the unity of which does not allow division. And the Vicar of
+God could receive such things, not to possess them, but as a steward
+to dispense the fruits of them to the poor of Christ, on behalf of the
+Church, as we know the Apostles did.
+
+[Footnote 298: _Eth._ iv. 1.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 299: "_Dispositio; dispositus; indisposita._"]
+
+
+XI.--Our adversaries further say that the Pope Hadrian[300] summoned
+Charles the Great to his own assistance[301] and to that of the
+Church, on account of the wrongs suffered from the Lombards in the
+time of their king Desiderius, and that Charles received from that
+Pope the imperial dignity, notwithstanding that Michael was emperor at
+Constantinople. And therefore they say that all the Roman emperors who
+succeeded Charles were themselves the "advocates" of the Church, and
+ought by the Church to be called to their office. From which would
+follow that dependence of the Empire on the Church which they wish to
+prove.
+
+[Footnote 300: A.D. 773.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 301: "_Advocavit._"]
+
+But to overset their argument, I reply that what they say is nought;
+for a usurpation of right does not make right; and if it were so, it
+might be proved in the same way that the Church is dependent on the
+Empire; for the Emperor Otto restored the Pope Leo, and deposed
+Benedict, leading him into exile to Saxony.[302]
+
+[Footnote 302: Otto I. (964) deposed Benedict V. and restored Leo
+VIII.]
+
+
+XII.--But from _reason_ they thus argue: they take the principle laid
+down in the tenth book of "_Philosophia Prima_,"[303] saying that all
+things which belong to one genus are to be brought under one head,
+which is the standard and measure of all that come under that genus.
+But all men belong to one genus: therefore they are to be brought
+under one head, as the standard and measure of them all. But the
+Supreme Pontiff and the Emperor are men; therefore if the preceding
+reasoning be true, they must be brought under one head. And since the
+Pope cannot come under any other man, the result is that the Emperor,
+together with all other men, must be brought under the Pope, as the
+measure and rule of all; and then, what those who argue thus desire
+follows.
+
+[Footnote 303: Arist. _Metaph._ x. 1.--(W.)]
+
+To overset this argument, I answer that they are right when they say
+that all the individuals of one genus ought to be brought under one
+head, as their measure; and that they are again right when they say
+that all men belong to one genus, and that they are also right when
+they argue from these truths that all men should be brought under one
+head, taken from the genus man, as their measure and type. But when
+they obtain the further conclusion concerning the Pope and the
+Emperor, they fall into a fallacy touching accidental attributes.
+
+That this thing may be understood, it must be clearly known that to be
+a man is one thing, and to be a pope or an emperor is another; just as
+to be a man is different from being a father or a ruler. A man is that
+which exists by its essential form, which gives it its genus and
+species, and by which it comes under the category of substance. But a
+father is that which exists by an accidental form, that is, one which
+stands in a certain relation which gives it a certain genus and
+species, and through which it comes under the category of relation. If
+this were not so, all things would come under the category of
+substance, seeing that no accidental form can exist by itself, without
+the support of an existing substance; and this is not so. Seeing,
+therefore, that the Pope and the Emperor are what they are by virtue
+of certain relations: for they owe their existence to the Papacy and
+the Empire, which are both relations, one coming within the sphere of
+fatherhood, and the other within that of rule; it manifestly follows
+that both the Pope and the Emperor, in so far as they are Pope and
+Emperor, must come under the category of relation; and therefore that
+they must be brought under some head of that genus.
+
+I say then that there is one standard under which they are to be
+brought, as men; and another under which they come, as Pope and
+Emperor. For in so far as they are men, they have to be brought under
+the best man, whoever he be, who is the measure and the ideal of all
+mankind; under him, that is, who is most one in his kind,[304] as may
+be gathered from the last book to Nicomachus.[305] When, however, two
+things are relative, it is evident that they must either be
+reciprocally brought under each other, if they are alternately
+superior, or if by the nature of their relation they belong to
+connected species; or else they must be brought under some third
+thing, as their common unity. But the first of these suppositions is
+impossible: for then both would be predicable of both, which cannot
+be. We cannot say that the Emperor is the Pope, or the Pope the
+Emperor. Nor again can it be said that they are connected in species,
+for the idea of the Pope is quite other than the idea of the Emperor,
+in so far as they are Pope and Emperor. Therefore they must be reduced
+to some single thing above them.
+
+[Footnote 304: "_Ad existentem maxime unum in genere suo._"]
+
+[Footnote 305: _Eth._ x. 5, 7.--(W.)]
+
+Now it must be understood that the relative is to the relative as the
+relation to the relation. If, therefore, the Papacy and the Empire,
+seeing that they are relations of paramount superiority, have to be
+carried back to some higher point of superiority from which they, with
+the features which make them different,[306] branch off, the Pope and
+Emperor, being relative to one another, must be brought back to some
+one unity in which the higher point of superiority, without this
+characteristic difference, is found. And this will be either God, to
+whom all things unite in looking up, or something below God, which is
+higher in the scale of superiority, while differing from the simple
+and absolute superiority of God. Thus it is evident that the Pope and
+the Emperor, in so far as they are men, have to be brought under some
+one head; while, in so far as they are Pope and Emperor, they have to
+be brought under another head, and so far is clear, as regards the
+argument from reason.
+
+[Footnote 306: "_Cum differentialibus suis._"]
+
+
+XIII.--We have now stated and put on one side those erroneous
+reasonings on which they, who assert that the authority of the Roman
+Emperor depends on the Pope of Rome, do most chiefly rely. We have now
+to go back and show forth the truth in this third question, which we
+proposed in the beginning to examine. The truth will appear plainly
+enough if I start in my inquiry from the principle which I laid down,
+and then show that the authority of the Empire springs immediately
+from the head of all being, who is God. This truth will be made
+manifest, either if it be shown that the authority of the Empire does
+not spring from the authority of the Church; for there is no argument
+concerning any other authority. Or again, if it be shown by direct
+proof that the authority of the Empire springs immediately from God.
+
+We prove that the authority of the Church is not the cause of the
+authority of the Empire in the following manner. Nothing can be the
+cause of power in another thing when that other thing has all its
+power, while the first either does not exist, or else has no power of
+action.[307] But the Empire had its power while the Church was either
+not existing at all, or else had no power of acting. Therefore the
+Church is not the cause of the power of the Empire, and therefore not
+of its authority either, for power and authority mean the same thing.
+Let A be the Church, B the Empire, C the authority or power of the
+Empire. If C is in B while A does not exist, A cannot be the cause of
+C being in B, for it is impossible for an effect to exist before its
+cause. Further, if C is in B while A does not act, it cannot be that A
+is the cause of C being in B; for, to produce an effect, it is
+necessary that the cause, especially the efficient cause of which we
+are speaking, should have been at work first. The major premiss of
+this argument is self-evident, and the minor premiss is confirmed by
+Christ and the Church. Christ confirms it by His birth and His death,
+as we have said; the Church confirms it in the words which Paul spake
+to Festus in the Acts of the Apostles: "I stand at Cæsar's
+judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged," and by the words which an
+angel of God spake to Paul a little afterwards: "Fear not, Paul; thou
+must be brought before Cæsar;" and again by Paul's words to the Jews
+of Italy: "But when the Jews spake against it, I was constrained to
+appeal unto Cæsar; not that I had aught to accuse my nation of," but
+"to deliver my soul from death." But if Cæsar had not at that time had
+the authority to judge in temporal matters, Christ would not have
+argued thus; nor would the angel have brought these words; nor would
+he, who spake of himself as "having a desire to depart and to be with
+Christ," have made an appeal to a judge not having authority.[308]
+
+[Footnote 307: "_Non virtuante._"]
+
+[Footnote 308: "_Incompetentem._" Acts xxv. 10; xxvii. 24; xxviii. 19.
+Phil. i. 23.--(W.)]
+
+And if Constantine had not had the authority over the patronage of the
+Church, those things which he allotted from the Empire he could not
+have had the right to allot; and so the Church would be using this
+gift against right; whereas God wills that offerings should be pure,
+as is commanded in Leviticus: "No meat offering that ye shall bring
+unto the Lord shall be made with leaven." And though this command
+appears to regard those who offer, nevertheless it also regards those
+who receive an offering. For it is folly to suppose that God wishes to
+be received that which He forbids to be offered, for in the same book
+there is a command to the Levites: "Ye shall not make yourselves
+abominable with any creeping thing that creepeth; neither shall ye
+make yourselves unclean with them, that ye shall be defiled
+thereby."[309] But to say that the Church so misuses the patrimony
+assigned to her is very unseemly; therefore the premiss from which
+this conclusion followed is false.
+
+[Footnote 309: Levit. ii. 11; xi. 43.--(W.)]
+
+
+XIV.--Again, if the Church had power to bestow authority on the Roman
+Prince, she would have it either from God, or from herself, or from
+some Emperor, or from the universal consent of mankind, or at least of
+the majority of mankind. There is no other crevice by which this power
+could flow down to the Church. But she has it not from any of these
+sources; therefore she has it not at all.
+
+It is manifest that she has it from none of these sources; for if she
+had received it from God, she would have received it either by the
+divine or by the natural law: because what is received from nature is
+received from God; though the converse of this is not true. But this
+power is not received by the natural law; for nature lays down no law,
+save for the effects of nature, for God cannot fail in power, where he
+brings anything into being without the aid of secondary agents. Since
+therefore the Church is not an effect of nature, but of God who said:
+"Upon this rock I will build my Church," and elsewhere: "I have
+finished the work which Thou gavest me to do," it is manifest that
+nature did not give the Church this law.
+
+Nor was this power bestowed by the divine law; for the whole of the
+divine law is contained in the bosom of the Old or of the New
+Testament, and I cannot find therein that any thought or care for
+worldly matters was commanded, either to the early or to the latter
+priesthood. Nay, I find rather such care taken away from the priests
+of the Old Testament by the express command of God to Moses,[310] and
+from the priests of the New Testament by the express command of Christ
+to His disciples.[311] But it could not be that this care was taken
+away from them, if the authority of the temporal power flowed from the
+priesthood; for at least in giving the authority there would be an
+anxious watchfulness of forethought, and afterwards continued
+precaution, lest he to whom authority had been given should leave the
+straight way.
+
+[Footnote 310: Numbers xviii. 20. Cf. _Purg._ xvi. 131.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 311: Matt. x. 9.--(W.)]
+
+Then it is quite plain that the Church did not receive this power from
+herself; for nothing can give what it has not. Therefore all that does
+anything, must be such in its doing, as that which it intends to do,
+as is stated in the book "of Simple Being."[312] But it is plain that
+if the Church gave to herself this power, she had it not before she
+gave it. Thus she would have given what she had not, which is
+impossible.
+
+[Footnote 312: Arist. _Metaph._ ix. 8.--(W.)]
+
+But it is sufficiently manifest from what we have previously made
+evident that the Church has received not this power from any Emperor.
+
+And further, that she had it not from the consent of all, or even of
+the greater part of mankind, who can doubt? seeing that not only all
+the inhabitants of Asia and Africa, but even the greater number of
+Europeans, hold the thought in abhorrence. It is mere weariness to
+adduce proofs in matters which are so plain.
+
+
+XV.--Again, that which is contrary to the nature of a thing cannot be
+counted as one of its essential powers; for the essential powers of
+each individual follow on its nature, in order to gain its end. But
+the power to grant authority in that which is the realm of our mortal
+state is contrary to the nature of the Church.[313] Therefore it is
+not in the number of its essential powers. For the proof of the minor
+premiss we must know that the nature of the Church means the form [or
+essence][314] of the Church. For although men use the word nature not
+only of the form of a thing, but also of its matter, nevertheless, it
+is of the form that they use it more properly, as is proved in the
+book "of Natural Learning."[315] But the [essence or] form of the
+Church is nothing else than the life of Christ, as it is contained
+both in His sayings and in His deeds. For His life was the example and
+ideal of the militant Church, especially of its pastors, and above all
+of its chief pastor, to whom it belongs to feed the sheep and the
+lambs of Christ. And therefore when Christ left His life unto men for
+an example He said in John's Gospel: "I have given you an example that
+ye should do as I have done to you." And He said unto Peter specially,
+after that He had committed unto him the office of shepherd, the words
+which John also reports: "Peter, follow me." But Christ denied before
+Pilate that His rule was of this sort, saying: "My kingdom is not of
+this world: if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants
+fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews; but now is my
+kingdom not from hence."[316]
+
+[Footnote 313: "_Virtus auctorizandi regnum nostræ mortalitatis est
+contra naturam Ecclesiæ._"]
+
+[Footnote 314: "_Forma._"]
+
+[Footnote 315: Arist. _Phys. Ausc._ ii. 1.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 316: John xiii. 15; xxi. 22; xviii. 36.--(W.)]
+
+But this saying must not be understood to mean that Christ, who is
+God, is not the lord of this kingdom, for the Psalmist says: "The sea
+is His, and He made it, and His hands formed the dry land."[317] We
+must understand it to mean that, as _the pattern of the Church_, He
+had not the care of this kingdom. It is as if a golden seal were to
+speak of itself, and say: "I am not the standard for such and such a
+class of things;" for in so far as it is gold, this saying is untrue,
+seeing that gold is the standard of all metals; but it is true in so
+far as it is a sign capable of being received by impression.
+
+[Footnote 317: Ps. xcv. 5.--(W.)]
+
+It belongs, then, to the very form of the Church always to speak the
+same, always to think the same; and to do the opposite of this is
+evidently contrary to its essential form--that is to say, to its
+nature. And from this it may be collected that the power of bestowing
+authority on this kingdom is contrary to the nature of the Church; for
+contrariety which is in thought or word follows from contrariety which
+is in the thing thought and the thing said; just as truth and
+falsehood in speech come from the being or the not-being of the thing,
+as we learn from the doctrine of the _Categories_. It has then become
+manifest enough by means of the preceding arguments, by which the
+contention of our opponents has been shown to lead to an absurd
+result, that the authority of the Empire is not in any way dependent
+on the authority of the Church.
+
+
+XVI.--Although it has been proved in the preceding chapter that the
+authority of the Empire has not its cause in the authority of the
+Supreme Pontiff; for we have shown that this argument led to absurd
+results; yet it has not been entirely shown that the authority of the
+Empire depends directly upon God, except as a result from our
+argument. For it is a consequence that, if the authority comes not
+from the vicar of God, it must come from God Himself. And therefore,
+for the complete determination of the question proposed, we have to
+prove directly that the emperor or monarch of the world stands in an
+immediate relation to the King of the universe, who is God.
+
+For the better comprehending of this, it must be recognised that man
+alone, of all created things, holds a position midway between things
+corruptible and things incorruptible; and therefore[318] philosophers
+rightly liken him to a dividing line between two hemispheres. For man
+consists of two essential parts, namely, the soul and the body. If he
+be considered in relation to his body only, he is corruptible; but if
+he be considered in relation to his soul only, he is incorruptible.
+And therefore the Philosopher spoke well concerning the incorruptible
+soul when he said in the second book "of the Soul:" "It is this alone
+which may be separated, as being eternal, from the corruptible."[319]
+
+[Footnote 318: In the _De Causis_ (_v._ above, i. 11), Propos. 9:
+"Intelligentia comprehendit generata et naturam, et horizontem naturæ,
+scilicet animam; nam ipsa est supra naturam."--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 319: Arist. _De Anim._ ii. 2.--(W.)]
+
+If, therefore, man holds this position midway between the corruptible
+and the incorruptible, since every middle nature partakes of both
+extremes, man must share something of each nature. And since every
+nature is ordained to gain some final end, it follows that for man
+there is a double end. For as he alone of all beings participates
+both in the corruptible and the incorruptible, so he alone of all
+beings is ordained to gain two ends, whereby one is his end in so far
+as he is corruptible, and the other in so far as he is incorruptible.
+
+Two ends, therefore, have been laid down by the ineffable providence
+of God for man to aim at: the blessedness of this life, which consists
+in the exercise of his natural powers, and which is prefigured in[320]
+the earthly Paradise; and next, the blessedness of the life eternal,
+which consists in the fruition of the sight of God's countenance, and
+to which man by his own natural powers cannot rise, if he be not aided
+by the divine light; and this blessedness is understood by the
+heavenly Paradise.
+
+[Footnote 320: See _Purg._ xxviii.: and Mr. Longfellow's note ad loc.]
+
+But to these different kinds of blessedness, as to different
+conclusions, we must come by different means. For at the first we may
+arrive by the lessons of philosophy, if only we will follow them, by
+acting in accordance with the moral and intellectual virtues. But at
+the second we can only arrive by spiritual lessons, transcending human
+reason, so that we follow them in accordance with the theological
+virtues, faith, hope, and charity. The truth of the first of these
+conclusions and of these means is made manifest by human reason,
+which by the philosophers has been all laid open to us. The other
+conclusions and means are made manifest by the Holy Spirit, who by the
+mouth of the Prophets and holy writers, and by Jesus Christ, the
+co-eternal Son of God, and His disciples, has revealed to us
+supernatural truth of which we have great need. Nevertheless human
+passion would cast them all behind its back, if it were not that men,
+going astray like the beasts that perish,[321] were restrained in
+their course by bit and bridle, like horses and mules.
+
+[Footnote 321: "_Sua bestialitate vagantes._" _V._ Ps. xxxii. 10.]
+
+Therefore man had need of two guides for his life, as he had a twofold
+end in life; whereof one is the Supreme Pontiff, to lead mankind to
+eternal life, according to the things revealed to us; and the other is
+the Emperor, to guide mankind to happiness in this world, in
+accordance with the teaching of philosophy. And since none, or but a
+few only, and even they with sore difficulty, could arrive at this
+harbour of happiness, unless the waves and blandishments of human
+desires were set at rest, and the human race were free to live in
+peace and quiet, this therefore is the mark at which he who is to care
+for the world, and whom we call the Roman Prince, must most chiefly
+aim at: I mean, that in this little plot of earth[322] belonging to
+mortal men, life may pass in freedom and with peace. And since the
+order of this world follows the order of the heavens, as they run
+their course, it is necessary, to the end that the learning which
+brings liberty and peace may be duly applied by this guardian of the
+world in fitting season and place, that this power should be dispensed
+by Him who is ever present to behold the whole order of the heavens.
+And this is He who alone has preordained this, that by it in His
+providence He might bind all things together, each in their own order.
+
+[Footnote 322: Cf. _Parad._ xxii. 151. "_L'ajuola che ci fa tanto
+feroci._"]
+
+But if this is so, God alone elects, God alone confirms: for there is
+none higher than God. And hence there is the further conclusion, that
+neither those who now are, nor any others who may, in whatsoever way,
+have been called "Electors," ought to have that name; rather they are
+to be held as declarers and announcers of the providence of God. And,
+therefore, it is that they to whom is granted the privilege of
+announcing God's will sometimes fall into disagreement; because that,
+all of them or some of them have been blinded by their evil desires,
+and have not discerned the face of God's appointment.[323]
+
+[Footnote 323: _V._ Hallam, _Middle Ages_, c. v. Bryce, _Roman
+Empire_, c. xiv. Witte, _Præf._ p. xxxiv. xlv.]
+
+It is therefore clear that the authority of temporal Monarchy comes
+down, with no intermediate will, from the fountain of universal
+authority; and this fountain, one in its unity, flows through many
+channels out of the abundance of the goodness of God.
+
+And now, methinks, I have reached the goal which I set before me. I
+have unravelled the truth of the questions which I asked: whether the
+office of Monarchy was necessary to the welfare of the world; whether
+it was by right that the Roman people assumed to themselves the office
+of Monarchy; and, further, that last question, whether the authority
+of the Monarch springs immediately from God, or from some other. Yet
+the truth of this latter question must not be received so narrowly as
+to deny that in certain matters the Roman Prince is subject to the
+Roman Pontiff. For that happiness, which is subject to mortality, in a
+sense is ordered with a view to the happiness which shall not taste of
+death. Let, therefore, Cæsar be reverent to Peter, as the first-born
+son should be reverent to his father, that he may be illuminated with
+the light of his father's grace, and so may be stronger to lighten the
+world over which he has been placed by Him alone, who is the ruler of
+all things spiritual as well as temporal.
+
+
+THE END.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+OF
+
+DE MONARCHIA.
+
+
+BOOK I.
+
+WHETHER A TEMPORAL MONARCHY IS NECESSARY FOR THE WELL-BEING OF THE
+WORLD?
+
+CHAP.                                                             PAGE
+
+I.--Introduction                                                   177
+
+II.--What is the end of the civil order of mankind?                178
+
+III.--It is to cause the whole power of the human intellect to
+act in speculation and operation                                   180
+
+IV.--To attain this end, mankind needs universal peace             184
+
+V.--When several means are ordained to gain an end, one
+of them must be supreme over the others                            185
+
+VI.--The order which is found in the parts of mankind ought
+to be found in mankind as a whole                                  188
+
+VII.--Kingdoms and nations ought to stand in the same relation
+to the monarch as mankind to God                                   189
+
+VIII.--Men were made in the image of God; but God is one          _ib._
+
+IX.--Men are the children of Heaven, and they ought to
+imitate the footprints of Heaven                                   190
+
+X.--There is need of a Supreme Judge for the decision of all
+quarrels                                                           191
+
+XI.--The world is best ordered when justice is strongest
+therein                                                            192
+
+XII.--Men are at their best in freedom                             198
+
+XIII.--He who is best qualified to rule can best order others      201
+
+XIV.--When it is possible, it is better to gain an end by one
+agent than by many                                                 203
+
+XV.--That which is most one is everywhere best                     206
+
+XVI.--Christ willed to be born in the fulness of time, when
+Augustus was monarch                                               209
+
+
+BOOK II.
+
+WHETHER THE ROMAN PEOPLE ASSUMED TO ITSELF BY RIGHT THE DIGNITY OF
+EMPIRE?
+
+CHAP.                                                             PAGE
+
+I.--Introduction                                                   211
+
+II.--That which God wills in human society is to be held as
+Right                                                              213
+
+III.--It was fitting for the Romans, as being the noblest
+nation, to be preferred before all others                          216
+
+IV.--The Roman Empire was helped by miracles, and therefore
+was willed by God                                                  220
+
+V.--The Romans, in bringing the world into subjection,
+aimed at the good of the state, and therefore at the
+end of Right                                                       223
+
+VI.--All men, who aim at Right, walk according to Right            229
+
+VII.--The Romans were ordained for empire by Nature                232
+
+VIII.--The judgment of God showed that empire fell to the
+lot of the Romans                                                  235
+
+IX.--The Romans prevailed when all nations were striving
+for empire                                                         239
+
+X.--What is acquired by single combat is acquired as of
+Right                                                              243
+
+XI.--The single combats of Rome                                    247
+
+XII.--Christ, by being born, proves to us that the authority of
+the Roman Empire was just                                          250
+
+XIII.--Christ, by dying, confirmed the jurisdiction of the Roman
+Empire over all mankind                                            253
+
+
+BOOK III.
+
+WHETHER THE AUTHORITY OF THE MONARCH COMES DIRECTLY FROM GOD, OR FROM
+SOME VICAR OF GOD?
+
+CHAP.                                                             PAGE
+
+I.--Introduction                                                   256
+
+II.--God wills not that which is repugnant to the intention
+of Nature                                                          257
+
+III.--Of the three classes of our opponents, and of the too
+great authority which many ascribe to tradition                    259
+
+IV.--The argument drawn by our opponents from the sun
+and the moon                                                       264
+
+V.--The argument drawn from the precedence of Levi over
+Judah                                                              270
+
+VI.--The argument drawn from the crowning and deposition
+of Saul by Samuel                                                  271
+
+VII.--The argument drawn from the oblation of the Magi             273
+
+VIII.--The argument drawn from the power of the keys given
+to Peter                                                           275
+
+IX.--The argument drawn from the two swords                        278
+
+X.--The argument drawn from the donation of Constantine            282
+
+XI.--The argument drawn from the summoning of Charles
+the Great by Pope Hadrian                                          287
+
+XII.--The argument drawn from reason                               288
+
+XIII.--The authority of the Church is not the cause of the
+authority of the Empire                                            291
+
+XIV.--The Church has power to bestow such authority neither
+from God, nor from itself, nor from any emperor                    294
+
+XV.--The power of giving authority to the Empire is against
+the nature of the Church                                           297
+
+XVI.--The authority of the Empire comes directly from God          299
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+CHARLES DICKENS AND EVANS, CRYSTAL PALACE PRESS.
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+BOUGHTON--ABBEY.--SKETCHING RAMBLES IN HOLLAND. By G.H. BOUGHTON,
+A.R.A., and E.A. ABBEY. With numerous Illustrations. Fcap. 4to. 21_s._
+
+BRIMLEY.--ESSAYS. By the late GEORGE BRIMLEY, M.A., Librarian of
+Trinity College, Cambridge. Edited by W.G. CLARK, M.A., Fellow and
+Tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge. New Edition. Globe 8vo. 5_s._
+
+     CONTENTS.--Tennyson's Poems--Wordsworth's Poems--Poetry and
+     Criticism--Carlyle's Life of Sterling--"Esmond"--"Westward
+     Ho!"--Wilson's "Noctes Ambrosianæ"--Comte's "Positive
+     Philosophy," &c.
+
+BRONTË.--CHARLOTTE BRONTË. A Monograph. By T. WEMYSS REID. With
+Illustrations. Third Edition. Crown 8vo. 6_s._ (Biographical Series.)
+
+BROOK.--FRENCH HISTORY FOR ENGLISH CHILDREN. By SARAH BROOK. With
+Coloured Maps. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+BROOKE.--THE RAJA OF SARAWAK: an Account of Sir James Brooke, K.C.B.,
+LL.D. Given chiefly through Letters or Journals. By GERTRUDE L. JACOB.
+With Portrait and Maps. Two Vols. 8vo. 25_s._
+
+BRYCE.--Works by JAMES BRYCE, M.P., D.C.L., Regius Professor of Civil
+Law, Oxford:--
+
+     THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE. Seventh Edition, Revised and
+     Enlarged. Crown 8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._
+
+     TRANSCAUCASIA AND ARARAT: being notes of a Vacation Tour in
+     the Autumn of 1876. With an Illustration and Map. Third
+     Edition. Crown 8vo. 9_s._
+
+BURGOYNE.--POLITICAL AND MILITARY EPISODES DURING THE FIRST HALF OF
+THE REIGN OF GEORGE III. Derived from the Life and Correspondence of
+the Right Hon. J. Burgoyne, Lieut.-General in his Majesty's Army, and
+M.P. for Preston. By E.B. DE FONBLANQUE. With Portrait, Heliotype
+Plate, and Maps. 8vo. 16_s._
+
+BURKE.--LETTERS, TRACTS, AND SPEECHES ON IRISH AFFAIRS. By EDMUND
+BURKE. Arranged and Edited by MATTHEW ARNOLD. With a Preface. Crown
+8vo. 6_s._
+
+BUSCH.--BISMARCK IN THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR, 1870-1871. Authorised
+Translation from the German of Dr. MORITZ BUSCH. 2 vols. Crown 8vo.
+18_s._
+
+     OUR CHANCELLOR. Sketches for a Historical Picture. By MORITZ
+     BUSCH. Translated from the German by WILLIAM
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+     "The Battle of Berlin," &c. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 18_s._
+
+CAMBRIDGE.--MEMORIALS OF CAMBRIDGE. Greatly Enlarged and partly
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+Views of the Colleges, Churches, and other Public Buildings of the
+University and Town, engraved on steel by J. LE KEUX, together with
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+
+CAMERON.--OUR FUTURE HIGHWAY. By V. LOVETT CAMERON, C.B., Commander,
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+
+CAMPBELL.--LOG-LETTERS FROM THE "CHALLENGER." By LORD GEORGE CAMPBELL.
+With Map. Fifth and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+CAMPBELL.--MY CIRCULAR NOTES; Extracts from Journals; Letters sent
+Home; Geological and other Notes, written while Travelling Westwards
+round the World, from July 6th, 1874, to July 6th, 1875. By J.F.
+CAMPBELL, Author of "Frost and Fire." Cheaper Issue. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+CAMPBELL.--TURKS AND GREEKS. Notes of a recent Excursion. By the Hon.
+DUDLEY CAMPBELL, M.A. With Coloured Map. Crown 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._
+
+CARPENTER.--THE LIFE AND WORK OF MARY CARPENTER. By J. ESTLIN
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+
+CARR (J. COMYNS CARR).--PAPERS ON ART. By J. COMYNS CARR. Extra Crown
+8vo. 8_s._ 6_d._
+
+CARSTARES.--WILLIAM CARSTARES: a Character and Career of the
+Revolutionary Epoch (1649-1715). By ROBERT STORY, Minister of
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+
+CASSEL.--MANUAL OF JEWISH HISTORY AND LITERATURE; preceded by a Brief
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+LUCAS. Fcap. 8vo. 2_s._ 6_d._
+
+CAUCASUS, NOTES ON THE. By WANDERER. 8vo. 9_s._
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+CHALLENGER.--REPORT ON THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF THE VOYAGE OF H.M.S.
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+Sir GEORGE NARES, R.N., F.R.S., and Captain FRANK TURLE THOMSON, R.N.
+Prepared under the Superintendence of Sir C. WYVILLE THOMSON, Knt.,
+F.R.S., &c., and now of JOHN MURRAY, F.R.S.E., one of the Naturalists
+of the Expedition. With Illustrations. _Published by order of Her
+Majesty's Government._
+
+     Volume I. Zoology. Royal, 37_s._ 6_d._ Or
+
+     Part I. Report on the Brachiopoda, 2_s._ 6_d._
+         II. Report on the Pennatulida, 4_s._
+        III. Report on the Ostracoda, 15_s._
+         IV. Report on the Bones of Cetacea, 2_s._
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+
+     Volume II. Zoology. 50_s._ Or
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+     Part VII. Report on the Corals, 15_s._
+         VIII. Report on the Birds, 35_s._
+
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+
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+
+     Part XIV. Report on the Ophiuroidea.
+           XV. Some points in the Anatomy of the Thylasine, Cuscus and
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+
+     Volume VI. Zoology. 30_s._ Or
+
+     Part XVI. Report on the Actiniaria, 12_s._
+         XVII. Report on the Tunicata, 30_s._
+
+     Volume VII. Zoology. 30_s._ Or
+
+     Part XVIII. Report on the Anatomy of the Spheniscidæ, 13_s._ 6_d._
+            XIX. Report on the Pelagic Hemiptera, 3_s._ 6_d._
+             XX. Report on the Hydroida (first part). Plumularidæ, 9_s._
+            XXI. Report on the Specimens of the Genus Orbitolites, 4_s._
+
+     Volume VIII. Zoology. 40_s._ Or
+
+     Part XXIII. Report on the Copepoda, 24_s._
+           XXIV. Reports on the Calcarea, 6_s._
+            XXV. Report on the Cerripedia, Systematic Part, 10_s._
+
+     PHYSICS AND CHEMISTRY. Volume I. 21_s._ Or
+
+     Part I. Report on Composition of Ocean Water, 9_s._ 6_d._
+         II. Report on Specific Gravity of Ocean Water, 3_s._ 6_d._
+        III. Report on the Temperature of Ocean Water, 8_s._ 6_d._
+
+     NARRATIVE. Volume II. Royal. 30_s._ Or
+
+     Magnetical and Meteorological Observations. 25_s._
+
+     Appendix A. Report on the Pressure Errors of the "Challenger"
+     Thermometers, 2_s._ 6_d._
+
+     Appendix B. Report on the Petrology of St. Paul's Rocks.
+     2_s._ 6_d._
+
+CHATTERTON: A BIOGRAPHICAL STUDY. By DANIEL WILSON, LL.D., Professor
+of History and English Literature in University College, Toronto Crown
+8vo. 6_s._ 6_d._
+
+CHATTERTON: A STORY OF THE YEAR 1770. By Professor MASSON, LL.D. Crown
+8vo. 5_s._
+
+CICERO.--THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO: being a New
+Translation of the Letters included in Mr. Watson's Selection. With
+Historical and Critical Notes, by Rev. G.E. JEANS, M.A., Fellow of
+Hertford College, Oxford, Assistant-Master in Haileybury College, 8vo.
+10_s._ 6_d._
+
+CLARK.--MEMORIALS FROM JOURNALS AND LETTERS OF SAMUEL CLARK, M.A.,
+formerly Principal of the National Society's Training College,
+Battersea. Edited with Introduction by his WIFE. With Portrait. Crown
+8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._
+
+CLASSICAL WRITERS.--Edited by JOHN RICHARD GREEN. Fcap. 8vo. Price
+1_s._ 6_d._ each.
+
+     EURIPIDES. By Professor MAHAFFY.
+     MILTON. By the Rev. STOPFORD A. BROOKE.
+     LIVY. By the Rev. W.W. CAPES, M.A.
+     VERGIL. By Professor NETTLESHIP, M.A.
+     SOPHOCLES. By Professor L. CAMPBELL, M.A.
+     DEMOSTHENES. By Professor S.H. Butcher, M.A.
+     TACITUS. By Rev. A.J. CHURCH, M.A., and W.J. BRODRIBB, M.A.
+     _Other Volumes to follow._
+
+CLIFFORD (W.K.)--LECTURES AND ESSAYS. Edited by LESLIE STEPHEN and
+FREDERICK POLLOCK, with Introduction by F. POLLOCK. Two Portraits. 2
+vols. 8vo. 25_s._
+
+COMBE.--THE LIFE OF GEORGE COMBE, Author of "The Constitution of Man."
+By CHARLES GIBBON. With Three Portraits engraved by JEENS. Two Vols.
+8vo. 32_s._
+
+COOPER.--ATHENÆ CANTABRIGIENSES. By CHARLES HENRY COOPER, F.S.A., and
+THOMPSON COOPER, F.S.A. Vol. I. 8vo., 1500-1585, 18_s._; Vol. II.,
+1586-1609, 18_s._
+
+CORNWALL, AN UNSENTIMENTAL JOURNEY THROUGH. By the Author of "John
+Halifax, Gentleman." With numerous Illustrations by C. NAPIER HEMY.
+Medium 4to. 12_s._ 6_d._
+
+COUES.--NORTH AMERICAN BIRDS, KEY TO. Containing a Concise Account of
+every Species of Living and Fossil Bird at present known from the
+Continent north of the Mexican and United States Boundary, inclusive
+of Greenland. Second Edition, revised to date, and entirely rewritten.
+With which are incorporated GENERAL ORNITHOLOGY, an Outline of the
+Structure and Classification of Birds; and FIELD ORNITHOLOGY, a Manual
+of Collecting, Preparing, and Preserving Birds. By ELLIOTT COUES,
+M.A., M.D., Ph.D., Member of the National Academy of Science, &c. &c.
+Profusely Illustrated. Demy 8vo. £2 2_s._
+
+COX (G.V.)--RECOLLECTIONS OF OXFORD. By G.V. COX, M.A., New College,
+late Esquire Bedel and Coroner in the University of Oxford. Cheaper
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+CUNYNGHAME (SIR A.T.)--MY COMMAND IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1874-1878.
+Comprising Experiences of Travel in the Colonies of South Africa and
+the Independent States. By Sir ARTHUR THURLOW CUNYNGHAME, G.C.B., then
+Lieutenant-Governor and Commander of the Forces in South Africa. Third
+Edition. 8vo. 12_s._ 6_d._
+
+"DAILY NEWS."--THE DAILY NEWS' CORRESPONDENCE of the War between
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+8vo. 6_s._
+
+     FROM THE FALL OF KARS TO THE CONCLUSION OF PEACE. Cheaper
+     Edition. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+DARWIN.--CHARLES DARWIN: MEMORIAL NOTICES REPRINTED FROM "NATURE." By
+Professor HUXLEY, F.R.S.; G.J. ROMANES, F.R.S.; ARCHIBALD GEIKIE,
+F.R.S; and W.T. THISELTON DYER, F.R.S. With a Portrait engraved by
+C.H. JEENS. Crown 8vo. 2_s._ 6_d._ _Nature Series._
+
+DAVIDSON.--THE LIFE OF A SCOTTISH PROBATIONER; being a Memoir of
+Thomas Davidson, with his Poems and Letters. By JAMES BROWN, Minister
+of St. James's Street Church, Paisley. Second Edition, revised and
+enlarged, with Portrait. Crown 8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._
+
+DAWSON.--AUSTRALIAN ABORIGINES. The Language and Customs of Several
+Tribes of Aborigines in the Western District of Victoria, Australia.
+By JAMES DAWSON. Small 4to. 14_s._
+
+DEAK.--FRANCIS DEAK, HUNGARIAN STATESMAN: A Memoir. With a Preface, by
+the Right Hon. M.E. GRANT DUFF, M.P. With Portrait. 8vo. 12_s._ 6_d._
+
+DEAS.--THE RIVER CLYDE. An Historical Description of the Rise and
+Progress of the Harbour of Glasgow, and of the Improvement of the
+River from Glasgow to Port Glasgow. By J. DEAS, M. Inst. C.E. 8vo.
+10_s._ 6_d._
+
+DELANE.--LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN T. DELANE, late Editor of the
+_Times_. By Sir GEORGE W. DASENT, D.C.L. 8vo. _In the Press._
+
+DENISON.--A HISTORY OF CAVALRY FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES. With Lessons
+for the Future. By Lieut.-Colonel GEORGE DENISON, Commanding the
+Governor-General's Body Guard, Canada, Author of "Modern Cavalry."
+With Maps and Plans. 8vo. 18_s._
+
+DICKENS'S DICTIONARY OF PARIS, 1885.--(Fourth Year.) An Unconventional
+Handbook. With Maps, Plans. &c. 18mo. Paper Cover, 1_s._ Cloth, 1_s._
+6_d._
+
+DICKENS'S DICTIONARY OF LONDON, 1884.--(Sixth Year.) An Unconventional
+Handbook. With Maps, Plans, &c. 18mo. Paper Cover, 1_s._ Cloth, 1_s._
+6_d._
+
+DICKENS'S DICTIONARY OF THE THAMES, 1885.--An Unconventional Handbook.
+With Maps, Plans, &c. Paper Cover, 1_s._ Cloth, 1_s._ 6_d._
+
+DICKENS'S DICTIONARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD. 18mo. paper cover,
+1_s._
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+DICKENS'S DICTIONARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE. 18mo. paper
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+DICKENS'S DICTIONARY OF THE UNIVERSITIES OF OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE.
+18mo. cloth. 2_s._ 6_d._
+
+DICKENS'S CONTINENTAL A.B.C. RAILWAY GUIDE. Published on the 1st of
+each Month. 18mo. 1_s._
+
+DILKE.--GREATER BRITAIN. A Record of Travel in English-speaking
+Countries during 1865-67. (America, Australia, India.) By the Right
+Hon. Sir CHARLES WENTWORTH DILKE, M.P. Sixth Edition. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+DILETTANTI SOCIETY'S PUBLICATIONS. IONA, ANTIQUITIES OF. Vols. I. II.
+and III. £2 2_s._ each, or £5 5_s._ the set.
+
+     PENROSE.--AN INVESTIGATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF ATHENIAN
+     ARCHITECTURE; or, The Results of a recent Survey conducted
+     chiefly with reference to the Optical refinements exhibited
+     in the construction of the Ancient Buildings at Athens. By
+     FRANCIS CRANMER PENROSE, Archt., M.A., &c. Illustrated by
+     numerous Engravings. £7 7_s._
+
+     SPECIMENS OF ANCIENT SCULPTURE; Egyptian, Etruscan, Greek,
+     and Roman. Selected from different Collections in Great
+     Britain by the Society of Dilettanti. Vol. II. £5 5_s._
+
+     ANTIQUITIES OF IONIA. Part IV. Folio, half-morocco. £3
+     13_s._ 6_d._
+
+DOLET.--ETIENNE DOLET: the Martyr of the Renaissance. A Biography.
+With a Biographical Appendix, containing a Descriptive Catalogue of
+the Books written, printed, or edited by Dolet. By RICHARD COPLEY
+CHRISTIE, Lincoln College, Oxford, Chancellor of the Diocese of
+Manchester. With Illustrations. 8vo. 18_s._
+
+DOYLE.--HISTORY OF AMERICA. By J.A. DOYLE. With Maps. 18mo. 4_s._
+6_d._ _Historical Course._
+
+DRUMMOND OF HAWTHORNDEN: THE STORY OF HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS. By
+Professor MASSON. With Portrait and Vignette engraved by C.H. JEENS.
+Crown 8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._
+
+DUFF.--Works by the Right Hon. M.E. GRANT DUFF.
+
+     NOTES OF AN INDIAN JOURNEY. With Map. 8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._
+
+     MISCELLANIES, POLITICAL AND LITERARY. 8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._
+
+EADIE.--LIFE OF JOHN EADIE. D.D., LL.D. By JAMES BROWN, D.D., Author
+of "The Life of a Scottish Probationer." With Portrait. Second
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._
+
+EGYPT.--RECENSEMENT GÉNÉRAL DE L'EGYPTE. 15 Gamad Akhar 1299. 3 Mai,
+1882. Direction du Recensement ministère de l'Intérieur. Tome premier.
+Royal 4to. £2 2_s._
+
+ELLIOTT.--LIFE OF HENRY VENN ELLIOTT, of Brighton. By JOSIAH BATEMAN,
+M.A. With Portrait, engraved by JEENS. Third and Cheaper Edition.
+Extra fcap. 8vo. 6_s._
+
+ELZE.--ESSAYS ON SHAKESPEARE. By Dr. KARL ELZE. Translated with the
+Author's sanction by L. DORA SCHMITZ. 8vo. 12_s._
+
+EMERSON.--THE COLLECTED WORKS OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON. (Uniform with
+the Eversley Edition of Charles Kingsley's Novels.) Globe 8vo. Price
+5_s._ each volume.
+
+     1. MISCELLANIES. With an Introductory Essay by JOHN MORLEY.
+     2. ESSAYS.
+     3. POEMS.
+     4. ENGLISH TRAITS; and REPRESENTATIVE MEN.
+     5. CONDUCT OF LIFE; and SOCIETY and SOLITUDE.
+     6. LETTERS; AND SOCIAL AIMS, &c.
+
+ENGLISH ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE, THE. Profusely Illustrated. Published
+Monthly. Number I., October 1883. Price Sixpence. Yearly Volume.
+1883-1884, consisting of 792 closely-printed pages, and containing 428
+Woodcut Illustrations of various sizes. Bound in extra cloth, coloured
+edges. Royal 8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._ Cloth Covers for binding Volumes, 1_s._
+6_d._ each.
+
+ENGLISH ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE. PROOF IMPRESSIONS OF ENGRAVINGS
+ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN "THE ENGLISH ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE," 1884. In
+Portfolio. 4to. 21_s._
+
+ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.--Edited by JOHN MORLEY. A Series of Short
+Books to tell people what is best worth knowing as to the Life,
+Character, and Works of some of the great English Writers. In Crown
+8vo. price 2_s._ 6_d._ each.
+
+     I. DR. JOHNSON. By LESLIE STEPHEN.
+     II. SIR WALTER SCOTT. By R.H. HUTTON.
+     III. GIBBON. By J. COTTER MORISON.
+     IV. SHELLEY. By J.A. SYMONDS.
+     V. HUME. By Professor HUXLEY, P.R.S.
+     VI. GOLDSMITH. By WILLIAM BLACK.
+     VII. DEFOE. By W. MINTO.
+     VIII. BURNS. By Principal SHAIRP.
+     IX. SPENSER. By the Very Rev. the DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S.
+     X. THACKERAY. By ANTHONY TROLLOPE.
+     XI. BURKE. By JOHN MORLEY.
+     XII. MILTON. By MARK PATTISON.
+     XIII. HAWTHORNE. By HENRY JAMES.
+     XIV. SOUTHEY. By Professor DOWDEN.
+     XV. BUNYAN. By J.A. FROUDE.
+     XVI. CHAUCER. By Professor A.W. WARD.
+     XVII. COWPER. By GOLDWIN SMITH.
+     XVIII. POPE. By LESLIE STEPHEN.
+     XIX. BYRON. By Professor NICHOL.
+     XX. LOCKE. By Professor FOWLER.
+     XXI. WORDSWORTH. By F.W.H. MYERS.
+     XXII. DRYDEN. By G. SAINTSBURY.
+     XXIII. LANDOR. By Professor SIDNEY COLVIN.
+     XXIV. DE QUINCEY. By Professor MASSON.
+     XXV. CHARLES LAMB. By Rev. ALFRED AINGER.
+     XXVI. BENTLEY. By Professor R.C. JEBB.
+     XXVII. DICKENS. By Professor A.W. WARD.
+     XXVIII. GRAY. By EDMUND GOSSE.
+     XXIX. SWIFT. By LESLIE STEPHEN.
+     XXX. STERNE. By H.D. TRAILL.
+     XXXI. MACAULAY. By J. COTTER MORISON.
+     XXXII. FIELDING. By AUSTIN DOBSON.
+     XXXIII. SHERIDAN. By Mrs. OLIPHANT.
+     XXXIV. ADDISON. By W.J. COURTHOPE.
+     XXXV. BACON. By the Very Rev. the DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S.
+     XXXVI. COLERIDGE. By H.D. TRAILL.
+
+     _In Preparation_:--
+
+     ADAM SMITH. By LEONARD H. COURTNEY, M.P.
+     BERKELEY. By Professor HUXLEY.
+     SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. By J.A. SYMONDS.
+
+     _Other Volumes to follow._
+
+ENGLISH POETS: SELECTIONS, with Critical Introductions by various
+Writers, and a General Introduction by MATTHEW ARNOLD, Edited by T.H.
+WARD, M.A., late Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. 4 vols. Crown
+8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._ each.
+
+     Vol. I. CHAUCER to DONNE.
+     Vol. II. BEN JONSON to DRYDEN.
+     Vol. III. ADDISON to BLAKE.
+     Vol. IV. WORDSWORTH to ROSSETTI.
+
+ENGLISH STATESMEN.--Under the above title Messrs. MACMILLAN and CO.
+beg to announce a series of short biographies, not designed to be a
+complete roll of famous statesmen, but to present in historic order
+the lives and work of those leading actors in our affairs who by their
+direct influence have left an abiding mark on the policy, the
+institutions, and the position of Great Britain among states.
+
+The following list of subjects is the result of careful selection. The
+great movements of national history are made to follow one another in
+a connected course, and the series is intended to form a continuous
+narrative of English freedom, order, and power.
+
+     WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
+     HENRY II.
+     EDWARD I.
+     HENRY VII.
+     WOLSEY.
+     ELIZABETH.
+     OLIVER CROMWELL.
+     WILLIAM III.
+     WALPOLE.
+     CHATHAM.
+     PITT.
+     PEEL.
+
+     Among the writers will be:--
+
+     MR. EDWARD A. FREEMAN,
+     MR. FREDERICK POLLOCK,
+     MR. J. COTTER MORISON,
+     PROF. M. CREIGHTON,
+     THE DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S,
+     MR. FREDERIC HARRISON,
+     MR. H.D. TRAILL,
+     MR. LESLIE STEPHEN,
+     AND
+     MR. JOHN MORLEY.
+
+ETON COLLEGE, HISTORY OF. By H.C. MAXWELL LYTE, M.A. With numerous
+Illustrations by Professor DELAMOTTE. Coloured Plates, and a Steel
+Portrait of the Founder, engraved by C.H. JEENS. New and Cheaper
+Issue, with Corrections. Medium 8vo. Cloth elegant. 21_s._
+
+EUROPEAN HISTORY, Narrated in a Series of Historical Selections from
+the best Authorities. Edited and arranged by E.M. SEWELL, and C.M.
+YONGE. First Series, Crown 8vo. 6_s._; Second Series, 1088-1228. Third
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+FARADAY.--MICHAEL FARADAY. By J.H. GLADSTONE, Ph.D., F.R.S. New
+Edition, with Portrait engraved by JEENS from a photograph by J.
+WATKINS. Crown 8vo. 4_s._ 6_d._
+
+     PORTRAIT. Artist's Proof. 5_s._
+
+FENTON.--A HISTORY OF TASMANIA. From its Discovery in 1642 to the
+Present Time. By JAMES FENTON. With Map of the Island, and Portraits
+of Aborigines in Chromo-lithography. 8vo. 16_s._
+
+FISKE.--EXCURSIONS OF AN EVOLUTIONIST. By JOHN FISKE, M.A., LL.B.,
+formerly Lecturer on Philosophy at Harvard University. Crown 8vo.
+7_s._ 6_d._
+
+FISON AND HOWITT.--KAMILAROI AND KURNAI GROUP. Marriage and
+Relationship, and Marriage by Elopement, drawn chiefly from the usage
+of the Australian Aborigines. Also THE KURNAI TRIBE, their Customs in
+Peace and War. By LORIMER FISON, M.A., and A.W. HOWITT, F.G.S., with
+an Introduction by LEWIS H. MORGAN, LL.D., Author of "System of
+Consanguinity," "Ancient Society," &c. Demy 8vo. 15_s._
+
+FORBES.--LIFE AND LETTERS OF JAMES DAVID FORBES, F.R.S., late
+Principal of the United College in the University of St. Andrews. By
+J.C. SHAIRP, LL.D., Principal of the United College in the University
+of St. Andrews; P.G. TAIT, M.A., Professor of Natural Philosophy in
+the University of Edinburgh; and A. ADAMS-REILLY, F.R.G.S. With
+Portraits, Map, and Illustrations. 8vo. 16_s._
+
+FRAMJI.--HISTORY OF THE PARSIS: Including their Manners, Customs,
+Religion, and Present Position. By DOSABHAI FRAMJI KARAKA, Presidency
+Magistrate and Chairman of Her Majesty's Bench of Justices, Bombay,
+Fellow of the Bombay University, Member Bombay Branch of the Royal
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+
+FRANCIS OF ASSISI. By Mrs. OLIPHANT. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
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+
+FREEMAN.--Works by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L., LL.D., Regius Professor
+of Modern History in the University of Oxford:--
+
+     THE OFFICE OF THE HISTORICAL PROFESSOR. An Inaugural
+     Lecture, read in the Museum at Oxford, October 15, 1884.
+     Crown 8vo. 2_s._
+
+     THE GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION FROM THE EARLIEST
+     TIMES. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo. 5_s._
+
+     HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Third Edition. 8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._
+
+     CONTENTS:--I. "The Mythical and Romantic Elements in Early
+     English History;" II. "The Continuity of English History;"
+     III. "The Relations between the Crowns of England and
+     Scotland;" IV. "St. Thomas of Canterbury and his
+     Biographers;" V. "The Reign of Edward the Third;" VI. "The
+     Holy Roman Empire;" VII. "The Franks and the Gauls;" VIII.
+     "The Early Sieges of Paris;" IX. "Frederick the First, King
+     of Italy;" X. "The Emperor Frederick the Second;" XI.
+     "Charles the Bold;" XII. "Presidential Government."
+
+     HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Second Series. Second Edition, Enlarged.
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+
+     The principal Essays are:--"Ancient Greece and Mediæval
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+
+     HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Third Series. 8vo. 12_s._
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+     CONTENTS:--"First Impressions of Rome." "The Illyrian
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+     "First Impressions of Athens." "Mediæval and Modern Greece."
+     "The Southern Slaves." "Sicilian Cycles." "The Normans at
+     Palermo."
+
+     COMPARATIVE POLITICS.--Lectures at the Royal Institution. To
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+     GENERAL SKETCH OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. Being Vol. I. of a
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+     DISESTABLISHMENT AND DISENDOWMENT. WHAT ARE THEY? Second
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+GEIKIE.--GEOLOGICAL SKETCHES AT HOME AND ABROAD. By ARCHIBALD GEIKIE,
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+United Kingdom. With illustrations. 8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._
+
+GALTON.--Works by FRANCIS GALTON, F.R.S.:
+
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+     HEREDITARY GENIUS: An Inquiry into its Laws and
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+
+GARDNER.--SAMOS AND SAMIAN COINS. By PERCY GARDNER, M.A., F.S.A.
+British Museum, Disnay Professor of Archæology in the University of
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+GEDDES.--THE PROBLEM OF THE HOMERIC POEMS. By W.D. GEDDES, LL.D.,
+Professor of Greek in the University of Aberdeen. 8vo. 14_s._
+
+GLADSTONE.--HOMERIC SYNCHRONISM. An inquiry into the Time and Place of
+Homer. By the Right Hon. W.E. GLADSTONE, M.P. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+GOETHE AND MENDELSSOHN (1821-1831). Translated from the German of DR.
+KARL MENDELSSOHN, Son of the Composer, by M.E. VON GLEHN. From the
+Private Diaries and Home Letters of Mendelssohn, with Poems and
+Letters of Goethe never before printed. Also with two New and Original
+Portraits, Fac-similes, and Appendix of Twenty Letters hitherto
+unpublished. Second Edition, enlarged. Crown 8vo. 5_s._
+
+GOETHE.--A LIFE OF GOETHE. By HEINRICH DÜNTZER. Translated by T.W.
+LYSTER, Assistant Librarian, National Library of Ireland. With
+Illustrations. Two vols. Crown 8vo. 21_s._
+
+GOLDSMID.--TELEGRAPH AND TRAVEL. A Narrative of the Formation and
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+under the orders of Her Majesty's Government, with incidental Notices
+of the Countries traversed by the Lines. By Colonel SIR FREDERICK
+GOLDSMID, C.B., K.C.S.I., late Director of the Government
+Indo-European Telegraph. With numerous Illustrations and Maps. 8vo.
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+GORDON.--LAST LETTERS FROM EGYPT, to which are added Letters from the
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+and Portrait engraved by JEENS. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 9_s._
+
+GORDON (CHARLES GEORGE). A SKETCH. By REGINALD H. BARNES, Vicar of
+Heavitree, and CHARLES E. BROWN, Major R.A. With Facsimile Letter.
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+
+GORDON.--REFLECTIONS IN PALESTINE, 1883. By CHARLES GEORGE GORDON.
+Crown 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._
+
+GREAT CHRISTIANS OF FRANCE: ST. LOUIS and CALVIN. By M. GUIZOT, Member
+of the Institute of France. Crown 8vo. 6_s._ (Biographical Series.)
+
+GREEN.--Works by JOHN RICHARD GREEN, M.A., LL.D.:--
+
+     THE MAKING OF ENGLAND. With Maps. Demy 8vo. 16_s._
+
+     THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND. With Maps. Demy 8vo. 18_s._
+
+     HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. Vol. I.--Early
+     England--Foreign Kings--The Charter--The Parliament. With 8
+     Coloured Maps. 8vo. 16_s._ Vol. II.--The Monarchy,
+     1461-1540; The Restoration, 1540-1603. 8vo. 16_s._ Vol.
+     III.--Puritan England, 1603-1660; The Revolution, 1660-1688.
+     With 4 Maps. 8vo. 16_s._ Vol. IV.--The Revolution,
+     1683-1760; Modern England, 1760-1815. With Maps and Index.
+     8vo. 16_s._
+
+     A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. With Coloured Maps,
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+     8_s._ 6_d._ 108th Thousand.
+
+     STRAY STUDIES FROM ENGLAND AND ITALY. Crown 8vo. 8_s._ 6_d._
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+
+     READINGS FROM ENGLISH HISTORY. Selected and Edited by JOHN
+     RICHARD GREEN. In Three Parts. Fcap. 8vo. 1_s._ 6_d._ each.
+     Part I.--From Hengest to Cressy. Part II.--From Cressy to
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+
+GREEN (W.S.)--THE HIGH ALPS OF NEW ZEALAND: or, a Trip to the Glaciers
+of the Antipodes, with an Ascent of Mount Cook. By WILLIAM SPOTSWOOD
+GREEN, M.A., Member of the English Alpine Club. With Maps. Crown 8vo.
+7_s._ 6_d._
+
+GROVE.--A DICTIONARY OF MUSIC AND MUSICIANS (A.D. 1450-1884). By
+Eminent Writers, English and Foreign. With Illustrations and Woodcuts.
+Edited by Sir GEORGE GROVE, D.C.L., Director of the Royal College of
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+
+     Vols. I., II., and III. 8vo. 21_s._ each.
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+     Vol. I. A to Impromptu.--Vol. II. Improperia to Plain
+     Song.--Vol. III. Planché to Sumer is Icumen In.
+
+     Cloth cases for binding Vols. I., II., and III. 1_s._ each.
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+GUEST.--LECTURES ON THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By M.J. GUEST. With Maps.
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+
+GUEST.--ORIGINES CELTICAE (a Fragment) and other Contributions to the
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+Portrait engraved on Steel by G.J. STODART. Two vols. Demy 8vo. 32_s._
+
+HAMERTON.--Works by P.G. HAMERTON:--
+
+     ETCHINGS AND ETCHERS. Third Edition, revised, with
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+
+     THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE. With a Portrait of Leonardo da Vinci,
+     etched by LEOPOLD FLAMENG. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 10_s._
+     6_d._
+
+     THOUGHTS ABOUT ART. New Edition, revised, with an
+     Introduction, Crown 8vo. 8_s._ 6_d._
+
+HANDEL.--THE LIFE OF GEORGE FREDERICK HANDEL. By W.S. ROCKSTRO, Author
+of "A History of Music for Young Students." With an Introductory
+Notice by Sir GEORGE GROVE, D.C.L. With a Portrait. Crown 8vo. 10_s._
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+
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+
+HEINE.--A TRIP TO THE BROCKEN. By HEINRICH HEINE. Translated by R.
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+
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+
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+16_s._
+
+HILL.--THE RECORDER OF BIRMINGHAM. A Memoir of Matthew Davenport-Hill,
+with Selections from his Correspondence. By his daughters ROSAMOND and
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+16_s._
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+HILL.--WHAT WE SAW IN AUSTRALIA. By ROSAMOND and FLORENCE HILL. Crown
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+HILL (O.)--Works by OCTAVIA HILL
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+     OUR COMMON LAND, and other Essays. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3_s._
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+     HOMES OF THE LONDON POOR. Sewed. Crown 8vo. 1_s._
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+HODGSON.--MEMOIR OF REV. FRANCIS HODGSON. B.D., Scholar, Poet, and
+Divine. By his son, the Rev. JAMES T. HODGSON, M.A. Containing
+numerous Letters from Lord Byron and others. With Portrait engraved by
+JEENS. Two vols. Crown 8vo. 18_s._
+
+HOLE.--A GENEALOGICAL STEMMA OF THE KINGS OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE. By
+the Rev. C. HOLE, M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge. On Sheet, 1_s._
+
+     A BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY. Compiled and Arranged by
+     the Rev. CHARLES HOLE, M.A. Second Edition. 18mo. 4_s._
+     6_d._
+
+HOOKER AND BALL.--MOROCCO AND THE GREAT ATLAS: Journal of a Tour in.
+By Sir JOSEPH D. HOOKER, K.C.S.I., C.B., F.R.S., &c., and JOHN BALL,
+F.R.S. With an Appendix, including a Sketch of the Geology of Morocco,
+by G. MAW, F.L.S., F.G.S. With Illustrations and Map. 8vo. 21_s._
+
+HOUSE OF LORDS.--FIFTY YEARS OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS. Reprinted from
+_The Pall Mall Gazette_. Crown 8vo. 2_s._ 6_d._--POPULAR EDITION.
+3_d._
+
+HOZIER (H.M.)--Works by Captain HENRY M. HOZIER, late Assistant
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+
+     THE SEVEN WEEKS' WAR; Its Antecedents and Incidents. New and
+     Cheaper Edition. With New Preface, Maps, and Plans. Crown
+     8vo. 6_s._
+
+     THE INVASIONS OF ENGLAND: a History of the Past, with
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+
+HÜBNER.--A RAMBLE ROUND THE WORLD IN 1871. By M. LE BARON HÜBNER,
+formerly Ambassador and Minister. Translated by LADY HERBERT. New and
+Cheaper Edition. With numerous Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+HUGHES.--Works by THOMAS HUGHES, Q.C., Author of "Tom Brown's School
+Days."
+
+     MEMOIR OF A BROTHER. With Portrait of GEORGE HUGHES, after
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+
+     ALFRED THE GREAT. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
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+     MEMOIR OF DANIEL MACMILLAN. With Portrait after LOWES
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+
+     RUGBY, TENNESSEE. Being some account of the Settlement
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+     the Hon. F.W. KILLEBREW, A.M., Ph.D., Commissioner for
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+     6_d._
+
+     GONE TO TEXAS. Letters from Our Boys. Edited by THOMAS
+     HUGHES. Crown 8vo. 4_s._ 6_d._
+
+HUNT.--HISTORY OF ITALY. By the Rev. W. HUNT, M.A. Being the Fourth
+Volume of the Historical Course for Schools. Edited by EDWARD A.
+FREEMAN, D.C.L. New Edition, with Coloured Maps. 18mo. 3_s._ 6_d._
+
+HUTTON.--ESSAYS THEOLOGICAL AND LITERARY. By R.H. HUTTON, M.A. Cheaper
+issue. 2 vols. 8vo. 18_s._
+
+     CONTENTS OF VOL. I.:--The moral significance of Atheism--The
+     Atheistic Explanation of Religion--Science and
+     Theism--Popular Pantheism--What is Revelation?--Christian
+     Evidences, Popular and Critical--The Historical Problems of
+     the Fourth Gospel--The Incarnation and Principles of
+     Evidence--M. Renan's "Christ"--M. Renan's "St. Paul"--The
+     Hard Church--Romanism, Protestantism, and Anglicanism.
+
+     CONTENTS OF VOL. II.:--Goethe and his Influence--Wordsworth
+     and his Genius--Shelley's Poetical Mysticism--Mr.
+     Browning--The Poetry of the Old Testament--Arthur Hugh
+     Clough--The Poetry of Matthew Arnold--Tennyson--Nathaniel
+     Hawthorne.
+
+INGLIS (JAMES) ("MAORI").--Works by JAMES INGLIS ("Maori"):--
+
+     OUR AUSTRALIAN COUSINS. 8vo. 14_s._
+
+     SPORT AND WORK ON THE NEPAUL FRONTIER; or, Twelve Years'
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+
+IONIA.--THE ANTIQUITIES OF IONIA, see under Dilettanti Society's
+Publications.
+
+IRVING.--THE ANNALS OF OUR TIME. A Diurnal of Events, Social and
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+the Peace of Versailles. By JOSEPH IRVING. New Edition, revised. 8vo.
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+
+     ANNALS OF OUR TIME. Supplement. From Feb. 28, 1871, to March
+     16, 1874. 8vo. 4_s._ 6_d._ ANNALS OF OUR TIME. Second
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+     8vo. 4_s._ 6_d._
+
+JAMES (Sir W.M.).--THE BRITISH IN INDIA. By the late Right Hon. Sir
+WILLIAM MILBOURNE JAMES, Lord Justice of Appeal. Edited by his
+Daughter, MARY J. SALIS SCHWABE. Demy 8vo. 12_s._ 6_d._
+
+JAMES.--Works by HENRY JAMES:
+
+     FRENCH POETS AND NOVELISTS. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 4_s._
+     6_d._ CONTENTS:--Alfred de Musset: Théophile Gautier;
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+
+     PORTRAITS OF PLACES. Crown 8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._
+
+JEBB.--MODERN GREECE. Two Lectures delivered before the Philosophical
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+"Byron in Greece." By R.C. JEBB, M.A., LL.D. Edin. Professor of Greek
+in the University of Glasgow. Crown 8vo. 5_s._
+
+JOHNSON'S LIVES OF THE POETS.--The Six Chief Lives--Milton, Dryden,
+Swift, Addison, Pope, Gray. With Macaulay's "Life of Johnson." Edited,
+with Preface, by MATTHEW ARNOLD. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+JONES.--THE LIFE'S WORK IN IRELAND OF A LANDLORD WHO TRIED TO DO HIS
+DUTY. By W. BENCE JONES, of Lisselan. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+KANT.--THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT. By J.H. STUCKENBERG, D.D., late
+Professor in Wittenburg College, Ohio. With Portrait. 8vo. 14_s._
+
+KANT--MAX MÜLLER.--CRITIQUE OF PURE REASON BY IMMANUEL KANT. In
+commemoration of the Centenary of its first Publication. Translated
+into English by F. MAX MÜLLER. With an Historical Introduction by
+LUDWIG NOIRÉ. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. 32_s._
+
+KEARY.--ANNIE KEARY: a Memoir. By ELIZA KEARY. With a Portrait. Third
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+
+KILLEN.--ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND, from the Earliest Date to
+the Present Time. By W.D. KILLEN, D.D., President of Assembly's
+College, Belfast, and Professor of Ecclesiastical History. Two Vols.
+8vo. 25_s._
+
+KINGSLEY (CHARLES).--Works by the Rev. CHARLES KINGSLEY, M.A., late
+Rector of Eversley and Canon of Westminster. (For other Works by the
+same Author, _see_ THEOLOGICAL and BELLES LETTRES CATALOGUES.)
+
+     AT LAST: A CHRISTMAS in the WEST INDIES. With nearly Fifty
+     Illustrations. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+     THE ROMAN AND THE TEUTON. A Series of Lectures delivered
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+
+     PLAYS AND PURITANS, and other Historical Essays. With
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+
+     In addition to the Essay mentioned in the title, this volume
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+
+     HISTORICAL LECTURES AND ESSAYS. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
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+
+     LITERARY AND GENERAL LECTURES. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+KINGSLEY (HENRY).--TALES OF OLD TRAVEL. Re-narrated by HENRY KINGSLEY,
+F.R.G.S. With Eight Illustrations by HUARD. Fifth Edition. Crown 8vo.
+5_s._
+
+LANG.--CYPRUS: Its History, its Present Resources and Future
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+Cyprus. With Two Illustrations and Four Maps. 8vo. 14_s._
+
+LAOCOON.--Translated from the Text of Lessing, with Preface and Notes
+by the Right Hon. Sir ROBERT J. PHILLIMORE, D.C.L. With Photographs.
+8vo. 12_s._
+
+LECTURES ON ART.--Delivered in support of the Society for Protection
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+E.J. POYNTER, R.A., J.T. MICKLETHWAITE, and WILLIAM MORRIS. Crown 8vo.
+4_s._ 6_d._
+
+LETHBRIDGE.--A SHORT MANUAL OF THE HISTORY OF INDIA, with an account
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+Civil Services and System of Administration. By ROPER LETHBRIDGE,
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+LLOYD.--THE AGE OF PERICLES. A History of the Arts and Politics of
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+LOFTIE.--A RIDE IN EGYPT FROM SIOOT TO LUXOR, IN 1879; with Notes on
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+Rev. W.J. LOFTIE, B.A. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._
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+MACDONELL.--FRANCE SINCE THE FIRST EMPIRE. By JAMES MACDONELL. Edited
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+MACARTHUR.--HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. By MARGARET MACARTHUR. Being the
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+McLENNAN.--THE PATRIARCHAL THEORY. Based on Papers of the late JOHN
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+MACMILLAN (REV. HUGH).--For other Works by same Author, _see_
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+
+     HOLIDAYS ON HIGH LANDS; or, Rambles and Incidents in search
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+MASSON (DAVID).--By DAVID MASSON, LL.D., Professor of Rhetoric and
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+     CHATTERTON: A Story of the Year 1770. Crown 8vo. 5_s._
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+1660-1674. With Portrait. 21_s._ _Index Volume in preparation._
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+     This work is not only a Biography, but also a continuous
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Dante. An essay., by R. W. Church
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Dante. An essay.
+       To which is added a translation of De Monarchia.
+
+Author: R. W. Church
+
+Translator: F.J. Church
+
+Release Date: October 30, 2010 [EBook #33896]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DANTE. AN ESSAY. ***
+
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+
+Produced by Emanuela Piasentini, Linda Cantoni, and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+(This file was produced from images generously made
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+
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+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+<div class="notes">
+<p><i>Transcriber's Note:</i> Spelling and punctuation have been retained as
+they appear in the original, but obvious printer errors have been
+corrected without note. Printer errors in Italian passages from <i>The
+Divine Comedy</i> have been corrected using the Italian-English Princeton
+University Press edition (trans. Charles S. Singleton, 1973).</p>
+
+<p>Some page numbers have been skipped due to blank pages and repetitive half-titles in the
+original. Separately numbered pages in the <a href="#Page_A_1">publisher's catalogue</a> at the end are prefixed
+with "A."</p>
+
+<p>This e-book contains a number of words and phrases in ancient
+Greek, which may not display properly in all browsers, depending on
+the fonts the user has installed. Hover the mouse over the Greek
+text to see a transliteration, e.g.,
+<span lang="el" title="Greek: biblos">&#946;&#953;&#946;&#955;&#959;&#962;</span>.</p>
+
+<p>A <a href="#TOC">Table of Contents</a> has been added for the reader's convenience. The
+original contains a separate <a href="#CONTENTS">Contents of De Monarchia</a> at <a href="#Page_305">page 305</a>.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2>DANTE<br />
+<br />
+<span class="sm">AND</span><br />
+<br />
+DE MONARCHIA.</h2>
+
+<p class="center">
+<img src="images/logo.png" width="92" height="94" alt="logo" title="logo" />
+</p>
+
+
+<hr />
+<div class="bbox">
+<h1>DANTE.</h1>
+
+<h2><i><b>An Essay.</b></i></h2>
+
+
+<h2 class="tp"><span class="sm">BY</span><br />
+<br />
+R. W. CHURCH, M.A., D.C.L.<br />
+<br />
+<span class="xsm">DEAN OF ST. PAUL&#8217;S, AND HONORARY FELLOW OF ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD.</span></h2>
+
+
+<h3 class="tp"><i>To which is added</i><br />
+<br />
+A TRANSLATION OF<br />
+<br />
+<span class="mlg">DE MONARCHIA.</span></h3>
+
+<h3><span class="lg"><span class="smcap">By</span> F. J. CHURCH.</span></h3>
+
+<p class="centertp">
+<i><b>London:</b></i><br />
+MACMILLAN AND CO.<br />
+1879.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+<p class="centerbp">
+<span class="sm">CHARLES DICKENS AND EVANS,<br />
+CRYSTAL PALACE PRESS.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h3><a name="TOC" id="TOC"></a>CONTENTS</h3>
+
+<p class="center">
+<a href="#NOTICE">NOTICE</a><br />
+<a href="#DANTE">DANTE</a><br />
+<a href="#DE_MONARCHIA">DE MONARCHIA</a><br />
+<a href="#CONTENTS">CONTENTS OF DE MONARCHIA</a><br />
+<a href="#Page_A_1">PUBLISHER'S CATALOGUE</a><br />
+<a href="#FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES</a>
+</p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">-v-</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="NOTICE" id="NOTICE"></a>NOTICE.</h2>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><span class="smcap">The</span> following Essay first appeared in the "Christian Remembrancer" of
+January, 1850, and it was reprinted in a volume of "Essays and
+Reviews," published in 1854.</p>
+
+<p>It was written before the appearance in Germany and England of the
+abundant recent literature on the subject. With the exception of a few
+trifling corrections, it is republished without change.</p>
+
+<p>By the desire of Mr. Macmillan, a translation of the <i>De Monarchia</i> is
+subjoined. I am indebted for it to my son, Mr. F.J. Church, late
+Scholar of New College. It is made from the text of Witte's second
+edition of the <i>De Monarchia</i>, 1874. The <i>De Monarchia</i> has been more
+than once translated into Italian and German, in earlier or later
+times. But I do not know that any English translation has yet
+appeared. It is analysed in the fifteenth chapter of Mr. Bryce's "Holy
+Roman Empire."</p>
+
+<p>Witte, with much probability, I think, places the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">-vi-</a></span> composition of the
+work in the first part of Dante's life, before his exile in 1301,
+while the pretensions and arguments of Boniface VIII. (1294-1303) were
+being discussed by Guelf and Ghibelline partisans, but before they
+were formally embodied in the famous Bull <i>Unam Sanctam</i>, 1302. The
+character of the composition, for the most part, formal, general, and
+scholastic, sanguine in tone and with little personal allusion, is in
+strong contrast with the passionate and despairing language of
+resentment and disappointment which marks his later writings. As an
+example of the political speculation of the time, it should be
+compared with the "<i>De Regimine Principum</i>," ascribed to Thomas
+Aquinas. The whole subject of the mediæval idea of the Empire is
+admirably discussed in Mr. Bryce's book referred to above.</p>
+
+<p class="right">R.W.C.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">St. Paul's</span>,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>November</i>, 1878.</span></p>
+
+
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">-1-</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="DANTE" id="DANTE"></a>DANTE.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h2>
+
+<h3>[<span class="smcap">Jan.</span> 1850.]</h3>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><span class="smcap">The</span> <i>Divina Commedia</i> is one of the landmarks of history. More than a
+magnificent poem, more than the beginning of a language and the
+opening of a national literature, more than the inspirer of art, and
+the glory of a great people, it is one of those rare and solemn
+monuments of the mind's power, which measure and test what it can
+reach to, which rise up ineffaceably and for ever as time goes on,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">-2-</a></span>
+marking out its advance by grander divisions than its centuries, and
+adopted as epochs by the consent of all who come after. It stands with
+the <i>Iliad</i> and Shakspere's Plays, with the writings of Aristotle and
+Plato, with the <i>Novum Organon</i> and the <i>Principia</i>, with Justinian's
+<i>Code</i>, with the Parthenon and S. Peter's. It is the first Christian
+poem; and it opens European literature, as the <i>Iliad</i> did that of
+Greece and Rome. And, like the <i>Iliad</i>, it has never become out of
+date; it accompanies in undiminished freshness the literature which it
+began.</p>
+
+<p>We approach the history of such works, in which genius seems to have
+pushed its achievements to a new limit, with a kind of awe. The
+beginnings of all things, their bursting out from nothing, and gradual
+evolution into substance and shape, cast on the mind a solemn
+influence. They come too near the fount of being to be followed up
+without our feeling the shadows which surround it. We cannot but fear,
+cannot but feel ourselves cut off from this visible and familiar
+world&mdash;as we enter into the cloud. And as with the processes of
+nature, so it is with those offsprings of man's mind, by which he has
+added permanently one more great feature to the world, and created a
+new power which is to act on mankind to the end. The mystery of the
+inventive and creative faculty, the subtle and incalculable
+combinations by which it was led to its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">-3-</a></span> work, and carried through it,
+are out of the reach of investigating thought. Often the idea recurs
+of the precariousness of the result; by how little the world might
+have lost one of its ornaments&mdash;by one sharp pang, or one chance
+meeting, or any other among the countless accidents among which man
+runs his course. And then the solemn recollection supervenes, that
+powers were formed, and life preserved, and circumstances arranged,
+and actions controlled, that thus it should be: and the work which man
+has brooded over, and at last created, is the foster-child too of that
+"Wisdom which reaches from end to end, strongly and sweetly disposing
+all things."</p>
+
+<p>It does not abate these feelings, that we can follow in some cases and
+to a certain extent, the progress of a work. Indeed, the sight of the
+particular accidents among which it was developed&mdash;which belong
+perhaps to a heterogeneous and widely discordant order of things,
+which are out of proportion and out of harmony with it, which do not
+explain it, which have, as it may seem to us, no natural right to be
+connected with it, to bear on its character, or contribute to its
+accomplishment, to which we feel, as it were, ashamed to owe what we
+can least spare, yet on which its forming mind and purpose were
+dependent, and with which they had to conspire&mdash;affects the
+imagination even more than cases where we see nothing. We are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">-4-</a></span> tempted
+less to musing and wonder by the <i>Iliad</i>, a work without a history,
+cut off from its past, the sole relic and vestige of its age,
+unexplained in its origin and perfection, than by the <i>Divina
+Commedia</i>, destined for the highest ends and most universal sympathy,
+yet the reflection of a personal history, and issuing seemingly from
+its chance incidents.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Divina Commedia</i> is singular among the great works with which it
+ranks, for its strong stamp of personal character and history. In
+general we associate little more than the name&mdash;not the life&mdash;of a
+great poet with his works; personal interest belongs more usually to
+greatness in its active than its creative forms. But the whole idea
+and purpose of the <i>Commedia</i>, as well as its filling up and
+colouring, are determined by Dante's peculiar history. The loftiest,
+perhaps, in its aim and flight of all poems, it is also the most
+individual; the writer's own life is chronicled in it, as well as the
+issues and upshot of all things. It is at once the mirror to all time
+of the sins and perfections of men, of the judgments and grace of God,
+and the record, often the only one, of the transient names, and local
+factions, and obscure ambitions, and forgotten crimes, of the poet's
+own day; and in that awful company to which he leads us, in the most
+unearthly of his scenes, we never lose sight of himself. And when this
+peculiarity sends us<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">-5-</a></span> to history, it seems as if the poem which was to
+hold such a place in Christian literature hung upon and grew out of
+chance events, rather than the deliberate design of its author.
+History indeed here, as generally, is but a feeble exponent of the
+course of growth in a great mind and great ideas. It shows us early a
+bent and purpose&mdash;the man conscious of power and intending to use
+it&mdash;and then the accidents among which he worked: but how that current
+of purpose threaded its way among them, how it was thrown back,
+deflected, deepened, by them, we cannot learn from history. It
+presents but a broken and mysterious picture. A boy of quick and
+enthusiastic temper grows up into youth in a dream of love. The lady
+of his mystic passion dies early. He dreams of her still, not as a
+wonder of earth, but as a Saint in Paradise, and relieves his heart in
+an autobiography, a strange and perplexing work of fiction&mdash;quaint and
+subtle enough for a metaphysical conceit; but, on the other hand, with
+far too much of genuine and deep feeling. It is a first essay; he
+closes it abruptly as if dissatisfied with his work, but with the
+resolution of raising at a future day a worthy monument to the memory
+of her whom he has lost. It is the promise and purpose of a great
+work. But a prosaic change seems to come over this half-ideal
+character. The lover becomes the student&mdash;the student of the 13th<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">-6-</a></span>
+century&mdash;struggling painfully against difficulties, eager and hot
+after knowledge, wasting eyesight and stinting sleep, subtle,
+inquisitive, active-minded and sanguine, but omnivorous, overflowing
+with dialectical forms, loose in premiss and ostentatiously rigid in
+syllogism, fettered by the refinements of half-awakened taste, and the
+mannerisms of the Provençals. Boethius and Cicero, and the mass of
+mixed learning within his reach, are accepted as the consolation of
+his human griefs: he is filled with the passion of universal
+knowledge, and the desire to communicate it. Philosophy has become the
+lady of his soul&mdash;to write allegorical poems in her honour, and to
+comment on them with all the apparatus of his learning in prose, his
+mode of celebrating her. Further, he marries; it is said, not happily.
+The antiquaries, too, have disturbed romance by discovering that
+Beatrice also was married some years before her death. He appears, as
+time goes on, as a burgher of Florence, the father of a family, a
+politician, an envoy, a magistrate, a partisan, taking his full share
+in the quarrels of the day. At length we see him, at once an exile,
+and the poet of the <i>Commedia</i>. Beatrice reappears&mdash;shadowy, melting
+at times into symbol and figure&mdash;but far too living and real,
+addressed with too intense and natural feeling to be the mere
+personification of anything.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">-7-</a></span> The lady of the philosophical Canzoni
+has vanished. The student's dream has been broken, as the boy's had
+been; and the earnestness of the man, enlightened by sorrow,
+overleaping the student's formalities and abstractions, reverted in
+sympathy to the earnestness of the boy, and brooded once more on that
+Saint in Paradise, whose presence and memory had once been so
+soothing, and who now seemed a real link between him and that stable
+country, "where the angels are in peace." Round her image, the
+reflection of purity, and truth, and forbearing love, was grouped that
+confused scene of trouble and effort, of failure and success, which
+the poet saw round him; round her image it arranged itself in awful
+order&mdash;and that image, not a metaphysical abstraction, but the living
+memory, freshened by sorrow, and seen through the softening and
+hallowing vista of years, of Beatrice Portinari&mdash;no figment of
+imagination, but God's creature and servant. A childish love,
+dissipated by study and business, and revived in memory by heavy
+sorrow&mdash;a boyish resolution, made in a moment of feeling, interrupted,
+though it would be hazardous to say in Dante's case, laid aside, for
+apparently more manly studies, gave the idea and suggested the form of
+the "Sacred poem of earth and heaven."</p>
+
+<p>And the occasion of this startling unfolding of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">-8-</a></span> poetic gift, of
+this passage of a soft and dreamy boy, into the keenest, boldest,
+sternest of poets, the free and mighty leader of European song, was,
+what is not ordinarily held to be a source of poetical
+inspiration,&mdash;the political life. The boy had sensibility, high
+aspirations, and a versatile and passionate nature; the student added
+to this energy, various learning, gifts of language, and noble ideas
+on the capacities and ends of man. But it was the factions of Florence
+which made Dante a great poet. But for them, he might have been a
+modern critic and essayist born before his time, and have held a high
+place among the writers of fugitive verses; in Italy, a graceful but
+trifling and idle tribe, often casting a deep and beautiful thought
+into a mould of expressive diction, but oftener toying with a foolish
+and glittering conceit, and whose languid genius was exhausted by a
+sonnet. He might have thrown into the shade the Guidos and Cinos of
+his day, to be eclipsed by Petrarch. But he learned in the bitter
+feuds of Italy not to trifle; they opened to his view, and he had an
+eye to see, the true springs and abysses of this mortal life&mdash;motives
+and passions stronger than lovers' sentiments, evils beyond the
+consolations of Boethius and Cicero; and from that fiery trial which
+without searing his heart, annealed his strength and purpose, he drew
+that great gift and power, by which he stands pre-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">-9-</a></span>eminent even among
+his high compeers, the gift of being real. And the idea of the
+<i>Commedia</i> took shape, and expanded into its endless forms of terror
+and beauty, not under the roof-tree of the literary citizen, but when
+the exile had been driven out to the highways of the world, to study
+nature on the sea or by the river or on the mountain track, and to
+study men in the courts of Verona and Ravenna, and in the schools of
+Bologna and Paris&mdash;perhaps of Oxford.</p>
+
+<p>The connexion of these feuds with Dante's poem has given to the middle
+age history of Italy an interest of which it is not undeserving in
+itself, full as it is of curious exhibitions of character and
+contrivance, but to which politically it cannot lay claim, amid the
+social phenomena, so far grander in scale and purpose and more
+felicitous in issue, of the other western nations. It is remarkable
+for keeping up an antique phase, which, in spite of modern
+arrangements, it has not yet lost. It is a history of cities. In
+ancient history all that is most memorable and instructive gathers
+round cities; civilisation and empire were concentrated within walls;
+and it baffled the ancient mind to conceive how power should be
+possessed and wielded, by numbers larger than might be collected in a
+single market-place. The Roman Empire indeed aimed at being one in its
+administration and law; but it was not a nation, nor were its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">-10-</a></span>
+provinces nations. Yet everywhere but in Italy, it prepared them for
+becoming nations. And while everywhere else parts were uniting and
+union was becoming organisation&mdash;and neither geographical remoteness,
+nor unwieldiness of numbers, nor local interests and differences, were
+untractable obstacles to that spirit of fusion which was at once the
+ambition of the few and the instinct of the many; and cities, even
+where most powerful, had become the centres of the attracting and
+joining forces, knots in the political network&mdash;while this was going
+on more or less happily throughout the rest of Europe, in Italy the
+ancient classic idea lingered in its simplicity, its narrowness and
+jealousy, wherever there was any political activity. The history of
+Southern Italy indeed is mainly a foreign one, the history of modern
+Rome merges in that of the Papacy; but Northern Italy has a history of
+its own, and that is a history of separate and independent
+cities&mdash;points of reciprocal and indestructible repulsion, and within,
+theatres of action where the blind tendencies and traditions of
+classes and parties weighed little on the freedom of individual
+character, and citizens could watch and measure and study one another
+with the minuteness of private life.</p>
+
+<p>Two cities were the centres of ancient history in its most interesting
+time. And two cities of modern<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">-11-</a></span> Italy represent, with entirely
+undesigned but curiously exact coincidence, the parts of Athens and
+Rome. Venice, superficially so unlike, is yet in many of its
+accidental features, and still more in its spirit, the counterpart of
+Rome, in its obscure and mixed origin, in its steady growth, in its
+quick sense of order and early settlement of its polity, in its grand
+and serious public spirit, in its subordination of the individual to
+the family, and the family to the state, in its combination of remote
+dominion with the liberty of a solitary and sovereign city. And though
+the associations and the scale of the two were so different&mdash;though
+Rome had its hills and its legions, and Venice its lagunes and
+galleys&mdash;the long empire of Venice, the heir of Carthage and
+predecessor of England on the seas, the great aristocratic republic of
+1000 years, is the only empire that has yet matched Rome in length and
+steadiness of tenure. Brennus and Hannibal were not resisted with
+greater constancy than Doria and Louis XII.; and that great
+aristocracy, long so proud, so high-spirited, so intelligent, so
+practical, who combined the enterprise and wealth of merchants, the
+self-devotion of soldiers and gravity of senators, with the uniformity
+and obedience of a religious order, may compare without shame its
+Giustiniani, and Zenos, and Morosini, with Roman Fabii and Claudii.
+And Rome could not be more contrasted with Athens than<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">-12-</a></span> Venice with
+Italian and contemporary Florence&mdash;stability with fitfulness,
+independence impregnable and secure, with a short-lived and troubled
+liberty, empire meditated and achieved, with a course of barren
+intrigues and quarrels. Florence, gay, capricious, turbulent, the city
+of party, the head and busy patroness of democracy in the cities round
+her&mdash;Florence, where popular government was inaugurated with its
+utmost exclusiveness and most pompous ceremonial; waging her little
+summer wars against Ghibelline tyrants, revolted democracies, and her
+own exiles; and further, so rich in intellectual gifts, in variety of
+individual character, in poets, artists, wits, historians&mdash;Florence in
+its brilliant days recalled the image of ancient Athens, and did not
+depart from its prototype in the beauty of its natural site, in its
+noble public buildings, in the size and nature of its territory. And
+the course of its history is similar and the result of similar
+causes&mdash;a traditional spirit of freedom, with its accesses of fitful
+energy, its periods of grand display and moments of glorious
+achievement, but producing nothing politically great or durable, and
+sinking at length into a resigned servitude. It had its Peisistratidæ
+more successful than those of Athens; it had, too, its Harmodius and
+Aristogeiton; it had its great orator of liberty, as potent and as
+unfortunate as the antagonist of Philip. And finally, like Athens, it
+became content with the remembrance of its former<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">-13-</a></span> glory, with being
+the fashionable and acknowledged seat of refinement and taste, with
+being a favoured dependency on the modern heir of the Cæsars. But if
+to Venice belongs a grander public history, Florentine names and
+works, like Athenian, will be living among men, when the Brenta shall
+have been left unchecked to turn the Lagunes into ploughland, and when
+Rome herself may no longer be the seat of the Popes.</p>
+
+<p>The year of Dante's birth was a memorable one in the annals of
+Florence, of Italy, and of Christendom.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The year 1265 was the year
+of that great victory of Benevento, where Charles of Anjou overthrew
+Manfred of Naples, and destroyed at one blow the power of the house of
+Swabia. From that time till the time of Charles V., the emperors had
+no footing in Italy. Further, that victory set up the French influence
+in Italy, which, transient in itself, produced such strange and
+momentous consequences, by the intimate connexion to which it led
+between the French kings and the Popes. The protection of France was
+dearly bought by the captivity of Avignon, the great western schism,
+and the consequent secularisation of the Papacy, which lasted on
+uninterrupted till the Council of Trent. Nearly three centuries of
+degradation and scandal, unrelieved by one heroic effort<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">-14-</a></span> among the
+successors of Gregory VII., connected the Reformation with the triumph
+of Charles and the Pope at Benevento. Finally, by it the Guelf party
+was restored for good in Florence; the Guelf democracy, which had been
+trampled down by the Uberti and Manfred's chivalry at Monteaperti,
+once more raised its head; and fortune, which had long wavered between
+the rival lilies, finally turned against the white one, till the name
+of Ghibelline became a proscribed one in Florence, as Jacobite was
+once in Scotland, or Papist in England, or Royalist in France.</p>
+
+<p>The names of Guelf and Ghibelline were the inheritance of a contest
+which, in its original meaning, had been long over. The old struggle
+between the priesthood and the empire was still kept up traditionally,
+but its ideas and interests were changed: they were still great and
+important ones, but not those of Gregory VII. It had passed over from
+the mixed region of the spiritual and temporal into the purely
+political. The cause of the popes was that of the independence of
+Italy&mdash;the freedom and alliance of the great cities of the north, and
+the dependence of the centre and south on the Roman See. To keep the
+Emperor out of Italy&mdash;to create a barrier of powerful cities against
+him south of the Alps&mdash;to form behind themselves a compact territory,
+rich, removed from the first burst of invasion, and main<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">-15-</a></span>taining a
+strong body of interested feudatories, had now become the great object
+of the popes. It may have been a wise policy on their part, for the
+maintenance of their spiritual influence, to attempt to connect their
+own independence with the political freedom of the Italian
+communities; but certain it is that the ideas and the characters which
+gave a religious interest and grandeur to the earlier part of the
+contest, appear but sparingly, if at all, in its later forms.</p>
+
+<p>The two parties did not care to keep in view principles which their
+chiefs had lost sight of. The Emperor and the Pope were both real
+powers, able to protect and assist; and they divided between them
+those who required protection and assistance. Geographical position,
+the rivalry of neighbourhood, family tradition, private feuds, and
+above all private interest, were the main causes which assigned
+cities, families, and individuals to the Ghibelline or Guelf party.
+One party called themselves the Emperor's liegemen, and their
+watchword was authority and law; the other side were the liegemen of
+Holy Church, and their cry was liberty; and the distinction as a broad
+one is true. But a democracy would become Ghibelline, without scruple,
+if its neighbour town was Guelf; and among the Guelf liegemen of the
+Church and liberty the pride of blood and love of power were not a
+whit<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">-16-</a></span> inferior to that of their opponents. Yet, though the original
+principle of the contest was lost, and the political distinctions of
+parties were often interfered with by interest or accident, it is not
+impossible to trace in the two factions differences of temper, of
+moral and political inclinations, which though visible only on a large
+scale and in the mass, were quite sufficient to give meaning and
+reality to their mutual opposition. These differences had come down,
+greatly altered of course, from the quarrel in which the parties took
+their rise. The Ghibellines as a body reflected the worldliness, the
+licence, the irreligion, the reckless selfishness, the daring
+insolence, and at the same time the gaiety and pomp, the princely
+magnificence and generosity and largeness of mind of the house of
+Swabia; they were the men of the court and camp, imperious and haughty
+from ancient lineage or the Imperial cause, yet not wanting in the
+frankness and courtesy of nobility; careless of public opinion and
+public rights, but not dead to the grandeur of public objects and
+public services. Among them were found, or to them inclined, all who,
+whether from a base or a lofty ambition, desired to place their will
+above law<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>&mdash;the lord of the feudal castle, the robber-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">-17-</a></span>knight of the
+Apennine pass, the magnificent but terrible tyrants of the cities, the
+pride and shame of Italy, the Visconti and Scaligers. That renowned
+Ghibelline chief, whom the poet finds in the fiery sepulchres of the
+unbelievers with the great Ghibelline emperor and the princely
+Ghibelline cardinal&mdash;the disdainful and bitter but lofty spirit of
+Farinata degli Uberti, the conqueror, and then singly and at his own
+risk, the saviour of his country which had wronged him, represents the
+good as well as the bad side of his party.</p>
+
+<p>The Guelfs, on the other hand, were the party of the middle classes;
+they rose out of and held to the people; they were strong by their
+compactness, their organisation in cities, their commercial relations
+and interests, their command of money. Further, they were professedly
+the party of strictness and religion, a profession which fettered them
+as little as their opponents were fettered by the respect they claimed
+for imperial law. But though by personal unscrupulousness and
+selfishness, and in instances of public vengeance, they sinned as
+deeply as the Ghibellines, they stood far more committed as a party to
+a public<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">-18-</a></span> meaning and purpose&mdash;to improvement in law and the condition
+of the poor, to a protest against the insolence of the strong, to the
+encouragement of industry. The genuine Guelf spirit was austere,
+frugal, independent, earnest, religious, fond of its home and Church,
+and of those celebrations which bound together Church and home; but
+withal very proud, very intolerant; in its higher form intolerant of
+evil, but intolerant always to whatever displeased it. Yet there was a
+grave and noble manliness about it which long kept it alive in
+Florence. It had not as yet turned itself against the practical
+corruptions of the Church, which was its ally; but this also it was to
+do, when the popes had forsaken the cause of liberty, and leagued
+themselves with the brilliant tyranny of the Medici. Then Savonarola
+invoked, and not in vain, the stern old Guelf spirit of resistance, of
+domestic purity and severity, and of domestic religion, against
+unbelief and licentiousness even in the Church; and the Guelf
+"<i>Piagnoni</i>" presented, in a more simple and generous shape, a
+resemblance to our own Puritans, as the Ghibellines often recall the
+coarser and worse features of our own Cavaliers.</p>
+
+<p>In Florence, these distinctions had become mere nominal ones, confined
+to the great families who carried on their private feuds under the old
+party names, when Frederick II. once more gave them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">-19-</a></span> their meaning.
+"Although the accursed Guelf and Ghibelline factions lasted amongst
+the nobles of Florence, and they often waged war among themselves out
+of private grudges, and took sides for the said factions, and held one
+with another, and those who called themselves Guelfs desired the
+establishment of the Pope and Holy Church, and those who called
+themselves Ghibellines favoured the Emperor and his adherents, yet
+withal the people and commonalty of Florence maintained itself in
+unity, to the well-being and honour and establishment of the
+commonwealth."<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> But the appearance on the scene of an emperor of
+such talent and bold designs revived the languid contest, and gave to
+party a cause, and to individual passions and ambition an impulse and
+pretext. The division between Guelf and Ghibelline again became
+serious, involved all Florence, armed house against house, and
+neighbourhood against neighbourhood, issued in merciless and
+vindictive warfare, grew on into a hopeless and deadly breach, and
+finally lost to Florence, without remedy or repair, half her noble
+houses and the love of the greatest of her sons. The old badge of
+their common country became to the two factions the sign of their
+implacable hatred; the white lily of Florence, borne by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">-20-</a></span>
+Ghibellines, was turned to red by the Guelfs, and the flower of two
+colours marked a civil strife as cruel and as fatal, if on a smaller
+scale, as that of the English roses.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
+
+<p>It was waged with the peculiar characteristics of Italian civil war.
+There the city itself was the scene of battle. A thirteenth century
+city in Italy bore on its face the evidence that it was built and
+arranged for such emergencies. Its crowded and narrow streets were a
+collection of rival castles, whose tall towers, rising thick and close
+over its roofs, or hanging perilously over its close courts, attested
+the emulous pride and the insecurity of Italian civic life. There,
+within a separate precinct, flanked and faced by jealous friends or
+deadly enemies, were clustered together the dwellings of the various
+members of each great house&mdash;their common home and the monument of
+their magnificence and pride, and capable of being, as was so often
+necessary, their common refuge. In these fortresses of the leading
+families, scattered about the city, were the various points of onset
+and recovery in civic battle; in the streets barricades were raised,
+mangonels and crossbows were plied from the towers, a series of
+separate combats raged through the city, till chance at length
+connected the attacks of one side,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">-21-</a></span> or some panic paralysed the
+resistance of the other, or a conflagration interposed itself between
+the combatants, burning out at once Guelf and Ghibelline, and laying
+half Florence in ashes. Each party had their turn of victory; each,
+when vanquished, went into exile, and carried on the war outside the
+walls; each had their opportunity of remodelling the orders and
+framework of government, and each did so relentlessly at the cost of
+their opponents. They excluded classes, they proscribed families, they
+confiscated property, they sacked and burned warehouses, they levelled
+the palaces, and outraged the pride of their antagonists. To destroy
+was not enough, without adding to it the keenest and newest refinement
+of insult. Two buildings in Florence were peculiarly dear&mdash;among their
+"<i>cari luoghi</i>"&mdash;to the popular feeling and the Guelf party: the
+Baptistery of St. John, "il mio bel S. Giovanni," "to which all the
+good people resorted on Sundays,"<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> where they had all received
+baptism, where they had been married, where families were solemnly
+reconciled; and a tall and beautiful tower close by it, called the
+"Torre del Guardamorto," where the bodies of the "good people," who of
+old were all buried at S. Giovanni, rested on their way to the grave.
+The victorious Ghibellines, when they levelled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">-22-</a></span> the Guelf towers,
+overthrew this one, and endeavoured to make it crush in its fall the
+sacred church, "which," says the old chronicler, "was prevented by a
+miracle." The Guelfs, when their day came, built the walls of Florence
+with the stones of Ghibelline palaces.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> One great family stands out
+pre-eminent in this fierce conflict as the victim and monument of
+party war. The head of the Ghibellines was the proud and powerful
+house of the Uberti, who shared with another great Ghibelline family,
+the Pazzi, the valley of the upper Arno. They lighted up the war in
+the Emperor's cause. They supported its weight and guided it. In time
+of peace they were foremost and unrestrained in defiance of law and in
+scorn of the people&mdash;in war, the people's fiercest and most active
+enemies. Heavy sufferers, in their property, and by the sword and axe,
+yet untamed and incorrigible, they led the van in that battle, so long
+remembered to their cost by the Guelfs, the battle of Monteaperti
+(1260)&mdash;</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Lo strazio, e 'l gran scempio<br />
+Che fece l'Arbia colorata in rossa.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 10.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>That the head of their house, Farinata, saved Florence from the
+vengeance of his meaner associates, was not enough to atone for the
+unpardonable wrongs<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">-23-</a></span> which they had done to the Guelfs and the
+democracy. When the red lily of the Guelfs finally supplanted the
+white one as the arms of Florence, and the badge of Guelph triumph,
+they were proscribed for ever, like the Peisistratidæ and the
+Tarquins. In every amnesty their names were excepted. The site on
+which their houses had stood was never again to be built upon, and
+remains the Great Square of Florence; the architect of the Palace of
+the People was obliged to sacrifice its symmetry, and to place it
+awry, that its walls might not encroach on the accursed ground.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
+"They had been," says a writer, contemporary with Dante, speaking of
+the time when he also became an exile; "they had been for more than
+forty years outlaws from their country, nor ever found mercy nor pity,
+remaining always abroad in great state, nor ever abased their honour,
+seeing that they ever abode with kings and lords, and to great things
+applied themselves."<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> They were loved as they were hated. When under
+the protection of a cardinal one of them visited the city, and the
+chequered blue and gold blazon of their house was, after an interval
+of half a century, again seen in the streets of Florence; "many
+ancient Ghibelline men<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">-24-</a></span> and women pressed to kiss the arms,"<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> and
+even the common people did him honour.</p>
+
+<p>But the fortunes of Florentine factions depended on other causes than
+merely the address or vigour of their leaders. From the year of
+Dante's birth and Charles's victory, Florence, as far as we shall have
+to do with it, became irrevocably Guelf. Not that the whole commonalty
+of Florence formally called itself Guelf, or that the Guelf party was
+co-extensive with it; but the city was controlled by Guelf councils,
+devoted to the objects of the great Guelf party, and received in
+return the support of that party in curbing the pride of the nobles,
+and maintaining democratic forms. The Guelf party of Florence, though
+it was the life and soul of the republic, and irresistible in its
+disposal of the influence and arms of Florence, and though it embraced
+a large number of the most powerful families, is always spoken of as
+something distinct from, and external to, the governing powers, and
+the whole body of the people. It was a body with a separate and
+self-constituted existence;&mdash;in the state and allied to it, but an
+independent element, holding on to a large and comprehensive union
+without the state. Its organisation in Florence is one of the most
+curious among the many curious combina<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">-25-</a></span>tions which meet us in Italian
+history. After the final expulsion of the Ghibellines, the Guelf party
+took form as an institution, with definite powers, and a local
+existence. It appears with as distinct a shape as the Jacobin Club or
+the Orange Lodges, side by side with the government. It was a
+corporate body with a common seal, common property, not only in funds
+but lands&mdash;officers, archives, a common palace,<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> a great council, a
+secret committee, and last of all, a public accuser of the
+Ghibellines; of the confiscated Ghibelline estates one-third went to
+the republic, another third to compensate individual Guelfs, the rest
+was assigned to the Guelf party.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> A pope, (Clement IV., 1265-68)
+had granted them his own arms<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>; and their device, a red eagle
+clutching a serpent, may be yet seen, with the red lily, and the
+party-coloured banner of the commonalty, on the battlements of the
+Palazzo Vecchio.</p>
+
+<p>But the expulsion of the Ghibellines did but little to restore peace.
+The great Guelf families, as old as many of the Ghibellines, had as
+little reverence as they for law or civic rights. Below these, the
+acknowledged nobility of Florence, were the leading families of the
+"people," houses created by successful industry or commerce, and
+pushing up into that privileged order,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">-26-</a></span> which, however ignored and
+even discredited by the laws, was fully recognised by feeling and
+opinion in the most democratic times of the republic. Rivalries and
+feuds, street broils and conspiracies, high-handed insolence from the
+great men, rough vengeance from the populace, still continued to vex
+jealous and changeful Florence. The popes sought in vain to keep in
+order their quarrelsome liegemen; to reconcile Guelf with Guelf, and
+even Guelf with Ghibelline. Embassies went and came, to ask for
+mediation and to proffer it; to apply the healing paternal hand; to
+present an obsequious and ostentatious submission. Cardinal legates
+came in state, and were received with reverential pomp; they formed
+private committees, and held assemblies, and made marriages; they
+harangued in honeyed words, and gained the largest promises; on one
+occasion the Great Square was turned into a vast theatre, and on this
+stage one hundred and fifty dissidents on each side came forward, and
+in the presence and with the benediction of the cardinal kissed each
+other on the mouth.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> And if persuasion failed, the pope's
+representative hesitated not to excommunicate and interdict the
+faithful but obdurate city. But whether excommunicated or blessed,
+Florence could not be at peace; however wise and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">-27-</a></span> subtle had been the
+peace-maker's arrangements, his departing <i>cortège</i> was hardly out of
+sight of the city before they were blown to the winds. Not more
+successful were the efforts of the sensible and moderate citizens who
+sighed for tranquillity within its walls. Dino Compagni's interesting
+though not very orderly narrative describes with great frankness, and
+with the perplexity of a simple-hearted man puzzled by the continual
+triumph of clever wickedness, the variety and the fruitlessness of the
+expedients devised by him and other good citizens against the resolute
+and incorrigible selfishness of the great Guelfs&mdash;ever, when checked
+in one form, breaking out in another; proof against all persuasion,
+all benefits; not to be bound by law, or compact, or oath; eluding or
+turning to its own account the deepest and sagest contrivances of
+constitutional wisdom.</p>
+
+<p>A great battle won against Ghibelline Arezzo<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> raised the renown and
+the military spirit of the Guelf party, for the fame of the battle was
+very great; the hosts contained the choicest chivalry of either side,
+armed and appointed with emulous splendour. The fighting was hard,
+there was brilliant and conspicuous gallantry, and the victory was
+complete. It sealed Guelf ascendancy. The Ghibelline<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">-28-</a></span> warrior-bishop
+of Arezzo fell, with three of the Uberti, and other Ghibelline chiefs.
+It was a day of trial. "Many that day who had been thought of great
+prowess were found dastards, and many who had never been spoken of
+were held in high esteem." It repaired the honour of Florence, and the
+citizens showed their feeling of its importance by mixing up the
+marvellous with its story. Its tidings came to Florence&mdash;so runs the
+tale in Villani, who declares what he "heard and saw" himself&mdash;at the
+very hour in which it was won. The Priors of the republic were resting
+in their palace during the noonday heat; suddenly the chamber door was
+shaken, and the cry heard: "Rise up! the Aretini are defeated." The
+door was opened, but there was no one; their servants had seen no one
+enter the palace, and no one came from the army till the hour of
+vespers, on a long summer's day. In this battle the Guelf leaders had
+won great glory. The hero of the day was the proudest, handsomest,
+craftiest, most winning, most ambitious, most unscrupulous Guelf noble
+in Florence&mdash;one of a family who inherited the spirit and recklessness
+of the proscribed Uberti, and did not refuse the popular epithet of
+"<i>Malefami</i>"&mdash;Corso Donati. He did not come back from the field of
+Campaldino, where he had won the battle by disobeying orders<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">-29-</a></span> with any
+increased disposition to yield to rivals, or court the populace, or
+respect other men's rights. Those rivals, too&mdash;and they also had
+fought gallantly in the post of honour at Campaldino&mdash;were such as he
+hated from his soul&mdash;rivals whom he despised, and who yet were too
+strong for him. His blood was ancient, they were upstarts; he was a
+soldier, they were traders; he was poor, they the richest men in
+Florence. They had come to live close to the Donati, they had bought
+the palace of an old Ghibelline family, they had enlarged, adorned,
+and fortified it, and kept great state there. They had crossed him in
+marriages, bargains, inheritances. They had won popularity, honour,
+influence; and yet they were but men of business, while he had a part
+in all the political movements of the day. He was the friend and
+intimate of lords and noblemen, with great connexions and famous
+through all Italy; they were the favourites of the common people for
+their kindness and good nature; they even showed consideration for
+Ghibellines. He was an accomplished man of the world, keen and subtle,
+"full of malicious thoughts, mischievous and crafty;" they were
+inexperienced in intrigue, and had the reputation of being clumsy and
+stupid. He was the most graceful and engaging of courtiers; they were
+not even gentlemen. Lastly, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">-30-</a></span> the debates of that excitable republic
+he was the most eloquent speaker, and they were tongue-tied.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p>
+
+<p>"There was a family," writes Dino Compagni, "who called themselves the
+Cerchi, men of low estate, but good merchants and very rich; and they
+dressed richly, and maintained many servants and horses, and made a
+brave show; and some of them bought the palace of the Conti Guidi,
+which was near the houses of the Pazzi and Donati, who were more
+ancient of blood but not so rich; therefore, seeing the Cerchi rise to
+great dignity, and that they had walled and enlarged the palace, and
+kept great state, the Donati began to have a great hatred against
+them." Villani gives the same account of the feud.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> "It began in
+that quarter of scandal the Sesta of Porta S. Piero, between the
+Cerchi and Donati, on the one side through jealousy, on the other
+through churlish rudeness. Of the house of the Cerchi was head Messer
+Vieri de' Cerchi, and he and those of his house were people of great
+business, and powerful, and of great relationships, and most wealthy
+traders, so that their company was one of the greatest in the world;
+men they were of soft life, and who meant no harm; boorish and
+ill-mannered, like people who had come in a short time to great state
+and power. The Donati were gentlemen and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">-31-</a></span> warriors, and of no
+excessive wealth.... They were neighbours in Florence and in the
+country, and by the conversation of their jealousy with the peevish
+boorishness of the others, arose the proud scorn that there was
+between them." The glories of Campaldino were not as oil on these
+troubled waters. The conquerors flouted each other all the more
+fiercely in the streets on their return, and ill-treated the lower
+people with less scruple. No gathering for festive or serious purposes
+could be held without tempting strife. A marriage, a funeral, a ball,
+a gay procession of cavaliers and ladies&mdash;any meeting where one stood
+while another sat, where horse or man might jostle another, where
+pride might be nettled or temper shown, was in danger of ending in
+blood. The lesser quarrels meanwhile ranged themselves under the
+greater ones; and these, especially that between the Cerchi and
+Donati, took more and more a political character. The Cerchi inclined
+more and more to the trading classes and the lower people; they threw
+themselves on their popularity, and began to hold aloof from the
+meetings of the "Parte Guelfa," while this organised body became an
+instrument in the hands of their opponents, a club of the nobles.
+Corso Donati, besides mischief of a more substantial kind, turned his
+ridicule on their solemn dulness and awkward speech, and his friends
+the jesters, one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">-32-</a></span> Scampolino in particular, carried his gibes and
+nicknames all over Florence. The Cerchi received all in sullen and
+clogged indifference. They were satisfied with repelling attacks, and
+nursed their hatred.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus the city was divided, and the attempts to check the factions only
+exasperated them. It was in vain that, when at times the government
+and the populace lost patience, severe measures were taken. It was in
+vain that the reformer, Gian della Bella, carried for a time his harsh
+"orders of justice" against the nobles, and invested popular vengeance
+with the solemnity of law and with the pomp and ceremony of a public
+act&mdash;that when a noble had been convicted of killing a citizen, the
+great officer, "Standard-bearer," as he was called, "of justice,"
+issued forth in state and procession, with the banner of justice borne
+before him, with all his train, and at the head of the armed citizens,
+to the house of the criminal, and razed it to the ground. An
+eyewitness describes the effect of such chastisement:&mdash;"I, Dino
+Compagni, being Gonfalonier of Justice in 1293, went to their houses,
+and to those of their relations, and these I caused to be pulled down
+according to the laws. This beginning in the case of the other
+Gonfaloniers came to an evil effect; because, if they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">-33-</a></span> demolished the
+houses according to the laws, the people said that they were cruel;
+and if they did not demolish them completely, they said that they were
+cowards; and many distorted justice for fear of the people." Gian
+della Bella was overthrown with few regrets even on the part of the
+people. Equally vain was the attempt to keep the peace by separating
+the leaders of the disturbances. They were banished by a kind of
+ostracism; they departed in ostentatious meekness, Corso Donato to
+plot at Rome, Vieri de' Cerchi to return immediately to Florence.
+Anarchy had got too fast a hold on the city, and it required a
+stronger hand than that of the pope, or the signory of the republic,
+to keep it down.</p>
+
+<p>Yet Florence prospered. Every year it grew richer, more intellectual,
+more refined, more beautiful, more gay. With its anarchy there was no
+stagnation. Torn and divided as it was, its energy did not slacken,
+its busy and creative spirit was not deadened, its hopefulness not
+abated. The factions, fierce and personal as they were, did not hinder
+that interest in political ideas, that active and subtle study of the
+questions of civil government, that passion and ingenuity displayed in
+political contrivance, which now pervaded Northern Italy, everywhere
+marvellously patient and hopeful, though far from being equally
+successful. In Venice at the close of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">-34-</a></span> thirteenth century, that
+polity was finally settled and consolidated, by which she was great as
+long as cities could be imperial, and which even in its decay survived
+the monarchy of Louis XIV. and existed within the memory of living
+men. In Florence, the constructive spirit of law and order only
+resisted, but never triumphed. Yet it was at this time resolute and
+sanguine, ready with experiment and change, and not yet dispirited by
+continual failure. Political interest, however, and party contests
+were not sufficient to absorb and employ the citizens of Florence.
+Their genial and versatile spirit, so keen, so inventive, so elastic,
+which made them such hot and impetuous partisans, kept them from being
+only this. The time was one of growth; new knowledge, new powers, new
+tastes were opening to men&mdash;new pursuits attracted them. There was
+commerce, there was the school philosophy, there was the science of
+nature, there was ancient learning, there was the civil law, there
+were the arts, there was poetry, all rude as yet, and unformed, but
+full of hope&mdash;the living parents of mightier offspring. Frederick II.
+had once more opened Aristotle to the Latin world; he had given an
+impulse to the study of the great monuments of Roman legislation which
+was responded to through Italy; himself a poet, his example and his
+splendid court had made poetry fashionable. In the end of the
+thirteenth century a great stride was made at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">-35-</a></span> Florence. While her
+great poet was growing up to manhood, as rapid a change went on in her
+streets, her social customs, the wealth of her citizens, their ideas
+of magnificence and beauty, their appreciation of literature. It was
+the age of growing commerce and travel; Franciscan missionaries had
+reached China, and settled there;<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> in 1294, Marco Polo returned to
+Venice, the first successful explorer of the East. The merchants of
+Florence lagged not; their field of operation was Italy and the West;
+they had their correspondents in London, Paris, and Bruges; they were
+the bankers of popes and kings.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> And their city shows to this day
+the wealth and magnificence of the last years of the thirteenth
+century. The ancient buildings, consecrated in the memory of the
+Florentine people, were repaired, enlarged, adorned with marble and
+bronze&mdash;Or San Michele, the Badia, the Baptistery; and new buildings
+rose on a grander scale. In 1294 was begun the Mausoleum of the great
+Florentine dead, the Church of S. Croce. In the same year, a few
+months later, Arnolfo laid the deep foundations which were afterwards
+to bear up Brunelleschi's dome, and traced the plan of the magnificent
+cathedral. In 1298 he began<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">-36-</a></span> to raise a Town-hall worthy of the
+Republic, and of being the habitation of its magistrates, the frowning
+mass of the Palazzo Vecchio. In 1299, the third circle of the walls
+was commenced, with the benediction of bishops, and the concourse of
+all the "lords and orders" of Florence. And Giotto was now beginning
+to throw Cimabue into the shade&mdash;Giotto, the shepherd's boy, painter,
+sculptor, architect, and engineer at once, who a few years later was
+to complete and crown the architectural glories of Florence by that
+masterpiece of grace, his marble Campanile.</p>
+
+<p>Fifty years made then all that striking difference in domestic habits,
+in the materials of dress, in the value of money, which they have
+usually made in later centuries. The poet of the fourteenth century
+describes the proudest nobleman of a hundred years before "with his
+leathern girdle and clasp of bone;" and in one of the most beautiful
+of all poetic celebrations of the good old time, draws the domestic
+life of ancient Florence in the household where his ancestor was born:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+A così riposato, a così bello<br />
+Viver di cittadini, a così fida<br />
+Cittadinanza, a così dolce ostello<br />
+Maria mi diè, chiamata in alte grida.&mdash;<i>Par.</i> c. 15.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">-37-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>There high-born dames, he says, still plied the distaff and the loom;
+still rocked the cradle with the words which their own mothers had
+used; or working with their maidens, told them old tales of the
+forefathers of the city, "of the Trojans, of Fiesole, and of Rome."
+Villani still finds this rudeness within forty years of the end of the
+century, almost within the limits of his own and Dante's life; and
+speaks of that "old first people," <i>il primo Popolo Vecchio</i>, with
+their coarse food and expenditure, their leather jerkins, and plain
+close gowns, their small dowries and late marriages, as if they were
+the first founders of the city, and not a generation which had lasted
+on into his own.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Twenty years later, his story is of the gaiety,
+the riches, the profuse munificence, the brilliant festivities, the
+careless and joyous life, which attracted foreigners to Florence as
+the city of pleasure; of companies of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">-38-</a></span> a thousand or more, all clad in
+white robes, under a lord, styled "of Love," passing their time in
+sports and dances; of ladies and knights, "going through the city with
+trumpets and other instruments, with joy and gladness," and meeting
+together in banquets evening and morning; entertaining illustrious
+strangers, and honourably escorting them on horseback in their passage
+through the city; tempting by their liberality, courtiers, and wits,
+and minstrels, and jesters, to add to the amusements of Florence.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>
+Nor were these the boisterous triumphs of unrefined and coarse
+merriment. How variety of character was drawn out, how its more
+delicate elements were elicited and tempered, how nicely it was
+observed, and how finely drawn, let the racy and open-eyed
+story-tellers of Florence testify.</p>
+
+<p>Not perhaps in these troops of revellers, but amid music and song, and
+in the pleasant places of social and private life, belonging to the
+Florence of arts and poetry, not to the Florence of factions and
+strife, should we expect to find the friend of the sweet singer,
+Casella, and of the reserved and bold speculator, Guido Cavalcanti;
+the mystic poet of the <i>Vita Nuova</i>, so sensitive and delicate,
+trembling at a gaze or a touch, recording visions, painting angels,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">-39-</a></span>
+composing Canzoni and commenting on them; finally devoting himself to
+the austere consolations of deep study. To superadd to such a
+character that of a democratic politician of the middle ages, seems an
+incongruous and harsh combination. Yet it was a real one in this
+instance. The scholar's life is, in our idea of it, far separated from
+the practical and the political; we have been taught by our experience
+to disjoin enthusiasm in love, in art, in what is abstract or
+imaginative, from keen interest and successful interference in the
+affairs and conflicts of life. The practical man may sometimes be also
+a <i>dilettante</i>; but the dreamer or the thinker, wisely or indolently,
+keeps out of the rough ways where real passions and characters meet
+and jostle, or if he ventures, seldom gains honour there. The
+separation, though a natural one, grows wider as society becomes more
+vast and manifold, as its ends, functions, and pursuits are
+disentangled, while they multiply. But in Dante's time, and in an
+Italian city, it was not such a strange thing that the most refined
+and tender interpreter of feeling, the popular poet, whose verses
+touched all hearts, and were in every mouth, should be also at once
+the ardent follower of all abstruse and difficult learning, and a
+prominent character among those who administered the State. In that
+narrow sphere of action, in that period of dawning powers and
+circumscribed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">-40-</a></span> knowledge, it seemed no unreasonable hope or unwise
+ambition to attempt the compassing of all science, and to make it
+subserve and illustrate the praise of active citizenship.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Dante,
+like other literary celebrities of the time, was not less from the
+custom of the day, than from his own purpose, a public man. He took
+his place among his fellow-citizens; he went out to war with them; he
+fought, it is said, among the skirmishers at the great Guelf victory
+of Campaldino; to qualify himself for office in the democracy, he
+enrolled himself in one of the Guilds of the people, and was
+matriculated in the "Art" of the Apothecaries; he served the State as
+its agent abroad; he went on important missions to the cities and
+courts of Italy&mdash;according to a Florentine tradition, which enumerates
+fourteen distinct embassies, even to Hungary and France. In the
+memorable year of Jubilee, 1300, he was one of the Priors of the
+Republic. There is no shrinking from fellowship and co-operation and
+conflict with the keen or bold men of the market-place and
+council-hall, in that mind of exquisite and, as drawn by itself,
+exaggerated sensibility. The doings and characters of men, the
+workings of society, the fortunes of Italy, were watched and thought
+of with as deep an interest as the courses of the stars, and read<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">-41-</a></span> in
+the real spectacle of life with as profound emotion as in the
+miraculous page of Virgil; and no scholar ever read Virgil with such
+feeling&mdash;no astronomer ever watched the stars with more eager
+inquisitiveness. The whole man opens to the world around him; all
+affections and powers, soul and sense, diligently and thoughtfully
+directed and trained, with free and concurrent and equal energy, with
+distinct yet harmonious purposes, seek out their respective and
+appropriate objects, moral, intellectual, natural, spiritual, in that
+admirable scene and hard field where man is placed to labour and love,
+to be exercised, proved, and judged.</p>
+
+<p>In a fresco in the chapel of the old palace of the Podestà<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> at
+Florence is a portrait of Dante, said to be by the hand of his
+contemporary Giotto. It was discovered in 1841 under the whitewash,
+and a tracing made by Mr. Seymour Kirkup has been reproduced in
+fac-simile by the Arundel Society. The fresco was afterwards restored
+or repainted with no happy success. He is represented as he might have
+been in the year of Campaldino (1289). The countenance is youthful yet
+manly, more manly than it appears in the engravings of the picture;
+but it only suggests the strong deep features of the well-known
+traditional<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">-42-</a></span> face. He is drawn with much of the softness, and
+melancholy pensive sweetness, and with something also of the quaint
+stiffness of the <i>Vita Nuova</i>&mdash;with his flower and his book. With him
+is drawn his master, Brunetto Latini,<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> and Corso Donati. We do not
+know what occasion led Giotto thus to associate him with the great
+"Baron." Dante was, indeed, closely connected with the Donati. The
+dwelling of his family was near theirs, in the "Quarter of Scandal,"
+the Ward of the Porta S. Piero. He married a daughter of their house,
+Madonna Gemma. None of his friends are commemorated with more
+affection than the companion of his light and wayward days, remembered
+not without a shade of anxious sadness, yet with love and hope,
+Corso's brother, Forese.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> No sweeter spirit sings and smiles in the
+illumined spheres of Paradise, than she whom Forese remembers as on
+earth one,</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Che tra bella e buona<br />
+Non so qual fosse più&mdash;<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>and who, from the depth of her heavenly joy, teaches the poet that in
+the lowest place among the blessed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">-43-</a></span> there can be no envy<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>&mdash;the
+sister of Forese and Corso, Piccarda. The <i>Commedia</i>, though it
+speaks, as if in prophecy, of Corso's miserable death, avoids the
+mention of his name.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> Its silence is so remarkable as to seem
+significant. But though history does not group together Corso and
+Dante, the picture represents the truth&mdash;their fortunes were linked
+together. They were actors in the same scene&mdash;at this distance of time
+two of the most prominent; though a scene very different from that
+calm and grave assembly, which Giotto's placid pencil has drawn on the
+old chapel wall.</p>
+
+<p>The outlines of this part of Dante's history are so well known that it
+is not necessary to dwell on them; and more than the outlines we know
+not. The family quarrels came to a head, issued in parties, and the
+parties took names; they borrowed them from two rival factions in a
+neighbouring town, Pistoia, whose feud was imported into Florence; and
+the Guelfs became divided into the Black Guelfs who were led by the
+Donati, and the White Guelfs who sided with the Cerchi.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> It still
+professed to be but a family feud, confined to the great houses; but
+they were too powerful and Florence too small for it not to affect the
+whole Republic. The middle classes and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">-44-</a></span> artisans looked on, and
+for a time not without satisfaction, at the strife of the great men;
+but it grew evident that one party must crush the other, and become
+dominant in Florence; and of the two, the Cerchi and their White
+adherents were less formidable to the democracy than the unscrupulous
+and overbearing Donati, with their military renown and lordly tastes;
+proud not merely of being nobles, but Guelf nobles; always loyal
+champions, once the martyrs, and now the hereditary assertors, of the
+great Guelf cause. The Cerchi with less character and less zeal, but
+rich, liberal, and showy, and with more of rough kindness and vulgar
+good-nature for the common people, were more popular in Guelf Florence
+than the "Parte Guelfa;" and, of course, the Ghibellines wished them
+well. Both the contemporary historians of Florence lead us to think
+that they might have been the governors and guides of the Republic&mdash;if
+they had chosen, and had known how; and both, though condemning the
+two parties equally, seemed to have thought that this would have been
+the best result for the State. But the accounts of both, though they
+are very different writers, agree in their scorn of the leaders of the
+White Guelfs. They were upstarts, purse-proud, vain, and
+coarse-minded; and they dared to aspire to an ambition which they were
+too dull and too cowardly to pursue, when the game<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">-45-</a></span> was in their
+hands. They wished to rule; but when they might, they were afraid. The
+commons were on their side, the moderate men, the party of law, the
+lovers of republican government, and for the most part the
+magistrates; but they shrank from their fortune, "more from cowardice
+than from goodness, because they exceedingly feared their
+adversaries."<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> Boniface VIII. had no prepossessions in Florence,
+except for energy and an open hand; the side which was most popular he
+would have accepted and backed; but "he would not lose," he said, "the
+men for the women." "<i>Io non voglio perdere gli uomini per le
+femminelle.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> If the Black party furnished types for the grosser
+or fiercer forms of wickedness in the poet's Hell, the White party
+surely were the originals of that picture of stupid and cowardly
+selfishness, in the miserable crowd who moan and are buffeted in the
+vestibule of the Pit, mingled with the angels who dared neither to
+rebel nor be faithful, but "<i>were for themselves</i>;" and whoever it may
+be who is singled out in the "setta dei cattivi," for deeper and
+special scorn&mdash;he,</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+Che fece per viltà il gran rifiuto&mdash;<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a><br />
+</p>
+
+<p>the idea was derived from the Cerchi in Florence.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">-46-</a></span></p><p>A French prince was sent by the Pope to mediate and make peace in
+Florence. The Black Guelfs and Corso Donati came with him. The
+magistrates were overawed and perplexed. The White party were, step by
+step, amused, entrapped, led blindly into false plots, entangled in
+the elaborate subtleties, and exposed with all the zest and mockery,
+of Italian intrigue&mdash;finally chased out of their houses and from the
+city, condemned unheard, outlawed, ruined in name and property, by the
+Pope's French mediator. With them fell many citizens who had tried to
+hold the balance between the two parties: for the leaders of the Black
+Guelfs were guilty of no errors of weakness. In two extant lists of
+the proscribed&mdash;condemned by default, for corruption and various
+crimes, especially for hindering the entrance into Florence of Charles
+de Valois, to a heavy fine and banishment&mdash;then, two months after, for
+contumacy, to be burned alive if he ever fell into the hands of the
+Republic&mdash;appears the name of Dante Alighieri; and more than this,
+concerning the history of his expulsion, we know not.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p>
+
+<p>Of his subsequent life, history tells us little more than the general
+character. He acted for a time in concert with the expelled party,
+when they attempted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">-47-</a></span> to force their way back to Florence; he gave them
+up at last in scorn and despair: but he never returned to Florence.
+And he found no new home for the rest of his days. Nineteen years,
+from his exile to his death, he was a wanderer. The character is
+stamped on his writings. History, tradition, documents, all scanty or
+dim, do but disclose him to us at different points, appearing here and
+there, we are not told how or why. One old record, discovered by
+antiquarian industry, shows him in a village church near Florence,
+planning, with the Cerchi and the White party, an attack on the Black
+Guelfs. In another, he appears in the Val di Magra, making peace
+between its small potentates: in another, as the inhabitant of a
+certain street in Padua. The traditions of some remote spots about
+Italy still connect his name with a ruined tower, a mountain glen, a
+cell in a convent. In the recollections of the following generation,
+his solemn and melancholy form mingled reluctantly, and for awhile, in
+the brilliant court of the Scaligers; and scared the women, as a
+visitant of the other world, as he passed by their doors in the
+streets of Verona. Rumour brings him to the West&mdash;with probability to
+Paris, more doubtfully to Oxford. But little certain can be made out
+about the places where he was an honoured and admired, but it may be,
+not always a welcome guest, till we find<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">-48-</a></span> him sheltered, cherished,
+and then laid at last to rest, by the Lords of Ravenna. There he still
+rests, in a small, solitary chapel, built, not by a Florentine, but a
+Venetian. Florence, "that mother of little love," asked for his bones;
+but rightly asked in vain.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> His place of repose is better in those
+remote and forsaken streets "by the shore of the Adrian Sea," hard by
+the last relics of the Roman Empire&mdash;the mausoleum of the children of
+Theodosius, and the mosaics of Justinian&mdash;than among the assembled
+dead of S. Croce, or amid the magnificence of S. Maria del Fiore.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>
+
+<p>The <i>Commedia</i>, at the first glance, shows the traces of its author's
+life. It is the work of a wanderer. The very form in which it is cast
+is that of a journey, difficult, toilsome, perilous, and full of
+change. It is more than a working out of that touching phraseology of
+the middle ages, in which "the way" was the technical theological
+expression<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">-49-</a></span> for this mortal life; and "<i>viator</i>" meant man in his
+state of trial, as "<i>comprehensor</i>" meant man made perfect, having
+attained to his heavenly country. It is more than merely this. The
+writer's mind is full of the recollections and definite images of his
+various journeys. The permanent scenery of the <i>Inferno</i> and
+<i>Purgatorio</i>, very variously and distinctly marked, is that of travel.
+The descent down the sides of the Pit, and the ascent of the Sacred
+Mountain, show one familiar with such scenes&mdash;one who had climbed
+painfully in perilous passes, and grown dizzy on the brink of narrow
+ledges over sea or torrent. It is scenery from the gorges of the Alps
+and Apennines, or the terraces and precipices of the Riviera. Local
+reminiscences abound:&mdash;the severed rocks of the Adige Valley&mdash;the
+waterfall of S. Benedetto&mdash;the crags of Pietra-pana and S. Leo, which
+overlook the plains of Lucca and Ravenna&mdash;the "fair river" that flows
+among the poplars between Chiaveri and Sestri&mdash;the marble quarries of
+Carrara&mdash;the "rough and desert ways between Lerici and Turbia," and
+those towery cliffs, going sheer into the deep sea at Noli, which
+travellers on the Corniche road some thirty years ago may yet remember
+with fear. Mountain experience furnished that picture of the traveller
+caught in an Alpine mist and gradually climbing above it; seeing the
+vapours grow thin, and the sun's orb appear faintly through<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">-50-</a></span> them; and
+issuing at last into sunshine on the mountain top, while the light of
+sunset was lost already on the shores below:</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+Ai raggi, morti già nei bassi lidi:&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 17.
+</p>
+
+<p>or that image of the cold dull shadow over the torrent, beneath the
+Alpine fir&mdash;</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 5em;">Un'ombra smorta</span><br />
+Qual sotto foglie verdi e rami nigri<br />
+Sovra suoi freddi rivi, l'Alpe porta:&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 33.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>or of the large snow-flakes falling without wind, among the
+mountains&mdash;</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">d'un cader lento</span><br />
+Piovean di fuoco dilatate falde<br />
+Come di neve in Alpe senza vento.&mdash;<i>Inferno</i>, 14.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>He delights in a local name and local image&mdash;the boiling pitch, and
+the clang of the shipwrights in the arsenal of Venice&mdash;the sepulchral
+fields of Arles and Pola&mdash;the hot-spring of Viterbo&mdash;the hooded monks
+of Cologne&mdash;the dykes of Flanders and Padua&mdash;the Maremma, with its
+rough brushwood, its wild boars,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">-51-</a></span> its snakes, and fevers. He had
+listened to the south wind among the pine tops, in the forest by the
+sea, at Ravenna. He had watched under the Carisenda tower at Bologna,
+and seen the driving clouds "give away their motion" to it, and make
+it seem to be falling; and had noticed how at Rome the October sun
+sets between Corsica and Sardinia.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> His images of the sea are
+numerous and definite&mdash;the ship backing out of the tier in harbour,
+the diver plunging after the fouled anchor, the mast rising, the ship
+going fast before the wind, the water closing in its wake, the arched
+backs of the porpoises the forerunners of a gale, the admiral watching
+everything from poop to prow, the oars stopping altogether at the
+sound of the whistle, the swelling sails becoming slack when the mast
+snaps and falls.<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> Nowhere could we find so many of the most
+characteristic and strange sensations of the traveller touched with
+such truth. Everyone knows the lines which speak of the voyager's
+sinking of heart on the first evening at sea, and of the longings
+wakened in the traveller at the beginning of his journey by the
+distant evening bell<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>; the traveller's <i>morning</i> feelings are not
+less delicately noted&mdash;the strangeness on first waking in the open air
+with the sun high; morning<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">-52-</a></span> thoughts, as day by day he wakes nearer
+home; the morning sight of the sea-beach quivering in the early light;
+the tarrying and lingering, before setting out in the morning<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>&mdash;</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Noi eravam lunghesso 'l mare ancora,<br />
+Come gente che pensa al suo cammino,<br />
+Che va col cuore, e col corpo dimora.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>He has recorded equally the anxiety, the curiosity, the suspicion with
+which, in those times, stranger met and eyed stranger on the road; and
+a still more characteristic trait is to be found in those lines where
+he describes the pilgrim gazing around in the church of his vow, and
+thinking how he shall tell of it:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E quasi peregrin che si ricrea</span><br />
+Nel tempio del suo voto riguardando,<br />
+E spera già ridir com'ello stea:&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 31.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>or again, in that description, so simple and touching, of his thoughts
+while waiting to see the relic for which he left his home:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">-53-</a></span></p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quale è colui che forse di Croazia</span><br />
+Viene a veder la Veronica nostra,<br />
+Che per l'antica fama non si sazia,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ma dice nel pensier, fin che si mostra;</span><br />
+Signor mio Gesù Cristo, Dio verace,<br />
+Or fu sì fatta la sembianza vostra?&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 31.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>Of these years then of disappointment and exile the <i>Divina Commedia</i>
+was the labour and fruit. A story in Boccaccio's life of Dante, told
+with some detail, implies indeed that it was begun, and some progress
+made in it, while Dante was yet in Florence&mdash;begun in Latin, and he
+quotes three lines of it&mdash;continued afterwards in Italian. This is not
+impossible; indeed the germ and presage of it may be traced in the
+<i>Vita Nuova</i>. The idealised saint is there, in all the grace of her
+pure and noble humbleness, the guide<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">-54-</a></span> and safeguard of the poet's
+soul. She is already in glory with Mary the queen of angels. She
+already beholds the face of the Everblessed. And the <i>envoye</i> of the
+<i>Vita Nuova</i> is the promise of the <i>Commedia</i>. "After this sonnet,"
+(in which he describes how beyond the widest sphere of heaven his love
+had beheld a lady receiving honour, and dazzling by her glory the
+unaccustomed spirit)&mdash;"After this sonnet there appeared to me a
+marvellous vision, in which I saw things which made me resolve not to
+speak more of this blessed one, until such time as I should be able to
+indite more worthily of her. And to attain to this, I study to the
+utmost of my power, as she truly knows. So that, if it shall be the
+pleasure of Him, by whom all things live, that my life continue for
+some years, I hope to say of her that which never hath been said of
+any woman. And afterwards, may it please Him, who is the Lord of
+kindness, that my soul may go to behold the glory of her lady, that
+is, of that blessed Beatrice, who gloriously gazes on the countenance
+of Him, <i>qui est per omnia secula benedictus</i>."<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> It would be
+wantonly violating probability and the unity of a great life, to
+suppose that this purpose, though transformed, was ever forgotten or
+laid aside. The poet knew not indeed what he was promising, what he
+was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">-55-</a></span> pledging himself to&mdash;through what years of toil and anguish he
+would have to seek the light and the power he had asked; in what form
+his high venture should be realised. But the <i>Commedia</i> is the work of
+no light resolve, and we need not be surprised at finding the resolve
+and the purpose at the outset of the poet's life. We may freely accept
+the key supplied by the words of the <i>Vita Nuova</i>. The spell of
+boyhood is never broken, through the ups and downs of life. His course
+of thought advances, alters, deepens, but is continuous. From youth to
+age, from the first glimpse to the perfect work, the same idea abides
+with him, "even from the flower till the grape was ripe." It may
+assume various changes&mdash;an image of beauty, a figure of philosophy, a
+voice from the other world, a type of heavenly wisdom and joy&mdash;but
+still it holds, in self-imposed and willing thraldom, that creative
+and versatile and tenacious spirit. It was the dream and hope of too
+deep and strong a mind to fade and come to naught&mdash;to be other than
+the seed of the achievement and crown of life. But with all faith in
+the star and the freedom of genius, we may doubt whether the
+prosperous citizen would have done that which was done by the man
+without a home. Beatrice's glory might have been sung in grand though
+barbarous Latin to the literati of the fourteenth century; or a poem
+of new beauty might have fixed the language<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">-56-</a></span> and opened the literature
+of modern Italy; but it could hardly have been the <i>Commedia</i>. That
+belongs, in its date and its greatness, to the time when sorrow had
+become the poet's daily portion, and the condition of his life.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Commedia</i> is a novel and startling apparition in literature.
+Probably it has been felt by some, who have approached it with the
+reverence due to a work of such renown, that the world has been
+generous in placing it so high. It seems so abnormal, so lawless, so
+reckless of all ordinary proprieties and canons of feeling, taste, and
+composition. It is rough and abrupt; obscure in phrase and allusion,
+doubly obscure in purpose. It is a medley of all subjects usually kept
+distinct: scandal of the day and transcendental science, politics and
+confessions, coarse satire and angelic joy, private wrongs, with the
+mysteries of the faith, local names and habitations of earth, with
+visions of hell and heaven. It is hard to keep up with the
+ever-changing current of feeling, to pass as the poet passes, without
+effort or scruple, from tenderness to ridicule, from hope to bitter
+scorn or querulous complaint, from high-raised devotion to the
+calmness of prosaic subtleties or grotesque detail. Each separate
+element and vein of thought has its precedent, but not their
+amalgamation. Many had written visions of the unseen world, but they
+had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">-57-</a></span> not blended with them their personal fortunes. S. Augustine had
+taught the soul to contemplate its own history, and had traced its
+progress from darkness to light;<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> but he had not interwoven with it
+the history of Italy, and the consummation of all earthly destinies.
+Satire was no new thing; Juvenal had given it a moral, some of the
+Provençal poets a political turn; S. Jerome had kindled into it
+fiercely and bitterly even while expounding the Prophets; but here it
+streams forth in all its violence, within the precincts of the eternal
+world, and alternates with the hymns of the blessed. Lucretius had
+drawn forth the poetry of nature and its laws; Virgil and Livy had
+unfolded the poetry of the Roman empire; S. Augustine, the still
+grander poetry of the history of the City of God; but none had yet
+ventured to weave into one the three wonderful threads. And yet the
+scope of the Italian poet, vast and comprehensive as the issue of all
+things, universal as the government which directs nature and
+intelligence, forbids him not to stoop to the lowest caitiff he has
+ever despised, the minutest fact in nature that has ever struck his
+eye, the merest personal association which hangs pleasantly in his
+memory. Writing for all time, he scruples not to mix with all that is
+august<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">-58-</a></span> and permanent in history and prophecy, incidents the most
+transient, and names the most obscure; to waste an immortality of
+shame or praise on those about whom his own generation were to inquire
+in vain. Scripture history runs into profane; Pagan legends teach
+their lesson side by side with Scripture scenes and miracles; heroes
+and poets of heathenism, separated from their old classic world, have
+their place in the world of faith, discourse with Christians of
+Christian dogmas, and even mingle with the Saints; Virgil guides the
+poet through his fear and his penitence to the gates of Paradise.</p>
+
+<p>This feeling of harsh and extravagant incongruity, of causeless and
+unpardonable darkness, is perhaps the first impression of many readers
+of the <i>Commedia</i>. But probably as they read on, there will mingle
+with this a sense of strange and unusual grandeur, arising not alone
+from the hardihood of the attempt, and the mystery of the subject, but
+from the power and the character of the poet. It will strike them that
+words cut deeper than is their wont; that from that wild uncongenial
+imagery, thoughts emerge of singular truth and beauty. Their
+dissatisfaction will be chequered, even disturbed&mdash;for we can often
+bring ourselves to sacrifice much for the sake of a clear and
+consistent view&mdash;by the appearance, amid much that repels them, of
+proofs undeniable and accumulating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">-59-</a></span> of genius as mighty as it is
+strange. Their perplexity and disappointment may grow into distinct
+condemnation, or it may pass into admiration and delight; but no one
+has ever come to the end of the <i>Commedia</i> without feeling that if it
+has given him a new view and specimen of the wildness and
+unaccountable waywardness of the human mind, it has also added, as few
+other books have, to his knowledge of its feelings, its capabilities,
+and its grasp, and suggested larger and more serious thoughts, for
+which he may be grateful, concerning that unseen world of which he is
+even here a member.</p>
+
+<p>Dante would not have thanked his admirers for becoming apologists.
+Those in whom the sense of imperfection and strangeness overpowers
+sympathy for grandeur, and enthusiasm for nobleness, and joy in
+beauty, he certainly would have left to themselves. But neither would
+he teach any that he was leading them along a smooth and easy road.
+The <i>Commedia</i> will always be a hard and trying book; nor did the
+writer much care that it should be otherwise. Much of this is no doubt
+to be set down to its age; much of its roughness and extravagance, as
+well as of its beauty&mdash;its allegorical spirit, its frame and scenery.
+The idea of a visionary voyage through the worlds of pain and bliss is
+no invention of the poet&mdash;it was one of the commonest and most
+familiar medieval vehicles<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">-60-</a></span> of censure or warning; and those who love
+to trace the growth and often strange fortunes of popular ideas, or
+whose taste leads them to disbelieve in genius, and track the
+parentage of great inventions to the foolish and obscure, may find
+abundant materials in the literature of legends.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> But his own
+age&mdash;the age which received the <i>Commedia</i> with mingled enthusiasm and
+wonder, and called it the Divine, was as much perplexed as we are,
+though probably rather pleased thereby than offended. That within a
+century after its composition, in the more famous cities and
+universities of Italy, Florence, Venice, Bologna, and Pisa, chairs
+should have been founded, and illustrious men engaged to lecture on
+it, is a strange homage to its power, even in that time of quick
+feeling; but as strange and great a proof of its obscurity. What is
+dark and forbidding in it was scarcely more clear to the poet's
+contemporaries. And he, whose last object was amusement, invites no
+audience but a patient and confiding one.</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">O voi che siete in piccioletta barca,</span><br />
+Desiderosi di ascoltar, seguiti<br />
+Dietro al mio legno che cantando varca,<br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tornate a riveder li vostri liti:</span><br />
+Non vi mettete in pelago, chè forse<br />
+Perdendo me rimarreste smarriti.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">-61-</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">L'acqua ch'io prendo giammai non si corse:</span><br />
+Minerva spira, e conducemi Apollo,<br />
+E nuove muse mi dimostran l'Orse.<br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Voi altri pochi, che drizzaste 'l collo</span><br />
+Per tempo al pan degli angeli, del quale<br />
+Vivesi qui, ma non si vien satollo,<br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Metter potete ben per l'alto sale</span><br />
+Vostro navigio, servando mio solco<br />
+Dinanzi all'acqua che ritorna eguale.<br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Que gloriosi che passaro a Colco,</span><br />
+Non s'ammiraron, come voi farete,<br />
+Quando Jason vider fatto bifolco.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 2.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>The character of the <i>Commedia</i> belongs much more, in its excellence
+and its imperfections, to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">-62-</a></span> poet himself and the nature of his
+work, than to his age. That cannot screen his faults; nor can it
+arrogate to itself, it must be content to share, his glory. His
+leading idea and line of thought was much more novel then than it is
+now, and belongs much more to the modern than the medieval world. The
+<i>Story of a Life</i>, the poetry of man's journey through the wilderness
+to his true country, is now in various and very different shapes as
+hackneyed a form of imagination, as an allegory, an epic, a legend of
+chivalry were in former times. Not, of course, that any time has been
+without its poetical feelings and ideas on the subject; and never were
+they deeper and more diversified, more touching and solemn, than in
+the ages that passed from S. Augustine and S. Gregory to S. Thomas and
+S. Bonaventura. But a philosophical poem, where they were not merely
+the colouring, but the subject, an <i>epos</i> of the soul, placed for its
+trial in a fearful and wonderful world, with relations to time and
+matter, history and nature, good and evil, the beautiful, the
+intelligible, and the mysterious, sin and grace, the infinite and the
+eternal&mdash;and having in the company and under the influences of other
+intelligences, to make its choice, to struggle, to succeed or fail, to
+gain the light, or be lost&mdash;this was a new and unattempted theme. It
+has been often tried since, in faith or doubt, in egotism, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">-63-</a></span> sorrow,
+in murmuring, in affectation, sometimes in joy&mdash;in various forms, in
+prose and verse, completed or fragmentary, in reality or fiction, in
+the direct or the shadowed story, in the <i>Pilgrim's Progress</i>, in
+Rousseau's <i>Confessions</i>, in <i>Wilhelm Meister</i> and <i>Faust</i>, in the
+<i>Excursion</i>. It is common enough now for the poet, in the faith of
+human sympathy, and in the sense of the unexhausted vastness of his
+mysterious subject, to believe that his fellows will not see without
+interest and profit, glimpses of his own path and fortunes&mdash;hear from
+his lips the disclosure of his chief delights, his warnings, his
+fears&mdash;follow the many-coloured changes, the impressions and workings,
+of a character, at once the contrast and the counterpart to their own.
+But it was a new path then; and he needed to be, and was, a bold man,
+who first opened it&mdash;a path never trod without peril, usually with
+loss or failure.</p>
+
+<p>And certainly no great man ever made less secret to himself of his own
+genius. He is at no pains to rein in or to dissemble his consciousness
+of power, which he has measured without partiality, and feels sure
+will not fail him. "Fidandomi di me più che di un altro"<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>&mdash;is a
+reason which he assigns without reserve. We look with the distrust and
+hesitation of modern days, yet, in spite of ourselves, not without<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">-64-</a></span>
+admiration and regret, at such frank hardihood. It was more common
+once than now. When the world was young, it was more natural and
+allowable&mdash;it was often seemly and noble. Men knew not their
+difficulties as we know them&mdash;we, to whom time, which has taught so
+much wisdom, has brought so many disappointments&mdash;we who have seen how
+often the powerful have fallen short, and the noble gone astray, and
+the most admirable missed their perfection. It is becoming in us to
+distrust ourselves&mdash;to be shy if we cannot be modest; it is but a
+respectful tribute to human weakness and our brethren's failures. But
+there was a time when great men dared to claim their greatness&mdash;not in
+foolish self-complacency, but in unembarrassed and majestic
+simplicity, in magnanimity and truth, in the consciousness of a
+serious and noble purpose, and of strength to fulfil it. Without
+passion, without elation as without shrinking, the poet surveys his
+superiority and his high position, as something external to him; he
+has no doubts about it, and affects none. He would be a coward, if he
+shut his eyes to what he could do; as much a trifler in displaying
+reserve as ostentation. Nothing is more striking in the <i>Commedia</i>
+than the serene and unhesitating confidence with which he announces
+himself the heir and reviver of the poetic power so long lost to the
+world&mdash;the heir and reviver of it in all its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">-65-</a></span> fulness. He doubts not
+of the judgment of posterity. One has arisen who shall throw into the
+shade all modern reputations, who shall bequeath to Christendom the
+glory of that name of Poet, "che più dura e più onora," hitherto the
+exclusive boast of heathenism, and claim the rare honours of the
+laurel:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Sì rade volte, padre, se ne coglie<br />
+Per trionfare o Cesare o poeta,<br />
+(Colpa e vergogna dell'umane voglie),<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che partorir letizia in su la lieta</span><br />
+Delfica deità dovrìa la fronda<br />
+Peneia quando alcun di sè asseta.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 1.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>He has but to follow his star to be sure of the glorious port:<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> he
+is the master of language: he can give fame to the dead&mdash;no task or
+enterprise appals him, for whom spirits keep watch in heaven, and
+angels have visited the shades&mdash;"tal si partì dal cantar
+alleluia:"&mdash;who is Virgil's foster child and familiar friend. Virgil
+bids him lay aside the last vestige of fear. Virgil is to "crown him
+king and priest over<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">-66-</a></span> himself,"<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> for a higher venture than heathen
+poetry had dared; in Virgil's company he takes his place without
+diffidence, and without vain-glory, among the great poets of old&mdash;a
+sister soul.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Poichè la voce fu restata e queta,<br />
+Vidi quattro grand'ombre a noi venire:<br />
+Sembianza avean nè trista nè lieta:<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Così vidi adunar la bella scuola</span><br />
+Di quel signor dell'altissimo canto<br />
+Che sovra gli altri come aquila vola.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Da ch'ebber ragionato insieme alquanto</span><br />
+Volsersi a me con salutevol cenno<br />
+E 'l mio maestro sorrise di tanto.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E più d'onore ancora assai mi fenno:</span><br />
+Ch'essi mi fecer della loro schiera,<br />
+Sì ch'io fui sesto tra cotanto senno.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 4.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">-67-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>This sustained magnanimity and lofty self-reliance, which never
+betrays itself, is one of the main elements in the grandeur of the
+<i>Commedia</i>. It is an imposing spectacle to see such fearlessness, such
+freedom, and such success in an untried path, amid unprepared
+materials and rude instruments, models scanty and only half
+understood, powers of language still doubtful and suspected, the
+deepest and strongest thought still confined to unbending forms and
+the harshest phrase; exact and extensive knowledge, as yet far out of
+reach; with no help from time, which familiarises all things, and of
+which, manner, elaboration, judgment, and taste are the gifts and
+inheritance;&mdash;to see the poet, trusting to his eye "which saw
+everything"<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> and his searching and creative spirit, venture
+undauntedly into all regions of thought and feeling, to draw thence a
+picture of the government of the universe.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">-68-</a></span></p>
+<p>But such greatness had to endure its price and its counterpoise. Dante
+was alone:&mdash;except in his visionary world, solitary and companionless.
+The blind Greek had his throng of listeners; the blind Englishman his
+home and the voices of his daughters; Shakspere had his free
+associates of the stage; Goethe, his correspondents, a court, and all
+Germany to applaud. Not so Dante. The friends of his youth are already
+in the region of spirits, and meet him there&mdash;Casella, Forese;&mdash;Guido
+Cavalcanti will soon be with them. In this upper world he thinks and
+writes as a friendless man&mdash;to whom all that he had held dearest was
+either lost or embittered; he thinks and writes for himself.</p>
+
+<p>And so he is his own law; he owns no tribunal of opinion or standard
+of taste, except among the great dead. He hears them exhort him to
+"let the world talk on&mdash;to stand like a tower unshaken by the
+winds."<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> He fears to be "a timid friend to truth," "&mdash;to lose life
+among those who shall call this present time antiquity."<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> He
+belongs to no party. He is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">-69-</a></span> his own arbiter of the beautiful and the
+becoming; his own judge over right and injustice, innocence and guilt.
+He has no followers to secure, no school to humour, no public to
+satisfy; nothing to guide him, and nothing to consult, nothing to bind
+him, nothing to fear, out of himself. In full trust in heart and will,
+in his sense of truth, in his teeming brain, he gives himself free
+course. If men have idolised the worthless, and canonised the base, he
+reverses their award without mercy, and without apology; if they have
+forgotten the just because he was obscure, he remembers him: if "Monna
+Berta and Ser Martino,"<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">-70-</a></span> the wimpled and hooded gossips of the
+day, with their sage company, have settled it to their own
+satisfaction that Providence cannot swerve from their general rules,
+cannot save where they have doomed, or reject where they have
+approved&mdash;he both fears more and hopes more. Deeply reverent to the
+judgment of the ages past, reverent to the persons whom they have
+immortalised for good and even for evil, in his own day he cares for
+no man's person and no man's judgment. And he shrinks not from the
+auguries and forecastings of his mind about their career and fate. Men
+reasoned rapidly in those days on such subjects, and without much
+scruple; but not with such deliberate and discriminating sternness.
+The most popular and honoured names in Florence,</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Farinata e 'l Tegghiaio, che fur sì degni,</span><br />
+Jacopo Rusticucci, Arrigo, e 'l Mosca<br />
+E gli altri, ch'a ben far poser gl'ingegni;<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>have yet the damning brand: no reader of the <i>Inferno</i> can have
+forgotten the shock of that terrible reply to the poet's questionings
+about their fate:</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+Ei son tra le anime più nere.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>
+</p>
+
+<p>If he is partial, it is no vulgar partiality: friendship<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">-71-</a></span> and old
+affection do not venture to exempt from its fatal doom the sin of his
+famous master, Brunetto Latini;<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> nobleness and great deeds, a
+kindred character and common wrongs, are not enough to redeem
+Farinata; and he who could tell her story bowed to the eternal law,
+and dared not save Francesca. If he condemns by a severer rule than
+that of the world, he absolves with fuller faith in the possibilities
+of grace. Many names of whom history has recorded no good, are marked
+by him for bliss; yet not without full respect for justice. The
+penitent of the last hour is saved, but he suffers loss. Manfred's
+soul is rescued; mercy had accepted his tears, and forgiven his great
+sins; and the excommunication of his enemy did not bar his salvation:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Per lor maladizion sì non si perde</span><br />
+Che non possa tornar l'eterno amore<br />
+Mentre che la speranza ha fior del verde.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 3.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>Yet his sin, though pardoned, was to keep him for long years from the
+perfection of heaven.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> And with the same independence with which he
+assigns their fate, he selects his instances&mdash;instances which are to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">-72-</a></span>
+be the types of character and its issues. No man ever owned more
+unreservedly the fascination of greatness, its sway over the
+imagination and the heart; no one prized more the grand harmony and
+sense of fitness which there is, when the great man and the great
+office are joined in one, and reflect each other's greatness. The
+famous and great of all ages are gathered in the poet's vision; the
+great names even of fable&mdash;Geryon and the giants, the Minotaur and
+Centaurs, and the heroes of Thebes and Troy. But not the great and
+famous only: this is too narrow, too conventional a sphere; it is not
+real enough. He felt, what the modern world feels so keenly, that
+wonderful histories are latent in the inconspicuous paths of life, in
+the fugitive incidents of the hour, among the persons whose faces we
+have seen. The Church had from the first been witness to the deep
+interest of individual life. The rising taste for novels showed that
+society at large was beginning to be alive to it. And it is this
+feeling&mdash;that behind the veil there may be grades of greatness but
+nothing insignificant&mdash;that led Dante to refuse to restrict himself to
+the characters of fame. He will associate with them the living men who
+have stood round him; they are part of the same company with the
+greatest. That they have interested him, touched him, moved his
+indignation or pity, struck him as examples of great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">-73-</a></span> vicissitude or
+of a perfect life, have pleased him, loved him&mdash;this is enough why
+they should live in his poem as they have lived to him. He chooses at
+will; history, if it has been negligent at the time about those whom
+he thought worthy of renown, must be content with its loss. He tells
+their story, or touches them with a word like the most familiar names,
+according as he pleases. The obscure highway robber, the obscure
+betrayer of his sister's honour&mdash;Rinier da Corneto and Rinier Pazzo,
+and Caccianimico&mdash;are ranked, not according to their obscurity, but
+according to the greatness of their crimes, with the famous
+conquerors, and "scourges of God," and seducers of the heroic age,
+Pyrrhus and Attila, and the great Jason of "royal port, who sheds no
+tear in his torments."<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> He earns as high praise from Virgil, for
+his curse on the furious wrath of the old frantic Florentine burgher,
+as if he had cursed the disturber of the world's peace.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> And so in
+the realms of joy, among the faithful accomplishers of the highest
+trusts, kings and teachers of the nations, founders of orders, sainted
+empresses, appear those whom, though the world had forgotten or
+misread them, the poet had enshrined in his familiar thoughts, for
+their sweetness, their gentle goodness, their nobility of soul; the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">-74-</a></span>
+penitent, the nun, the old crusading ancestor, the pilgrim who had
+deserted the greatness which he had created, the brave logician, who
+"syllogised unpalatable truths" in the Quartier Latin of Paris.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p>
+
+<p>There is small resemblance in all this&mdash;this arbitrary and imperious
+tone, this range of ideas, feelings, and images, this unshackled
+freedom, this harsh reality&mdash;to the dreamy gentleness of the <i>Vita
+Nuova</i>, or even the staid argumentation of the more mature <i>Convito</i>.
+The <i>Vita Nuova</i> is all self-concentration&mdash;a brooding, not unpleased,
+over the varying tides of feeling, which are little influenced by the
+world without; where every fancy, every sensation, every superstition
+of the lover is detailed with the most whimsical subtlety. The
+<i>Commedia</i>, too, has its tenderness&mdash;and that more deep, more natural,
+more true, than the poet had before adapted to the traditionary
+formulæ of the "Courts of Love,"&mdash;the eyes of Beatrice are as bright,
+and the "conquering light of her smile;"<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> they still culminate,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">-75-</a></span>
+but they are not alone, in the poet's heaven. And the professed
+subject of the <i>Commedia</i> is still Dante's own story and life; he
+still makes himself the central point. And steeled as he is by that
+high and hard experience of which his poem is the projection and
+type&mdash;"Ben tetragono ai colpi di ventura"&mdash;a stern and brief-spoken
+man, set on objects, and occupied with a theme, lofty and vast as can
+occupy man's thoughts, he still lets escape ever and anon some passing
+avowal of delicate sensitiveness,<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> lingers for a moment on some
+indulged self-consciousness, some recollection of his once quick and
+changeful mood&mdash;"io che son trasmutabil per tutte guise"<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>&mdash;or half
+playfully alludes to the whispered name of a lady,<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">-76-</a></span> whose pleasant
+courtesy has beguiled a few days of exile. But he is no longer
+spell-bound and entangled in fancies of his own weaving&mdash;absorbed in
+the unprofitable contemplation of his own internal sensations. The man
+is indeed the same, still a Florentine, still metaphysical, still a
+lover. He returns to the haunts and images of youth, to take among
+them his poet's crown; but "with other voice and other garb,"<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> a
+penitent and a prophet&mdash;with larger thoughts, wider sympathies, freer
+utterance; sterner and fiercer, yet nobler and more genuine in his
+tenderness&mdash;as one whom trial has made serious, and keen, and
+intolerant of evil, but not sceptical or callous; yet with the
+impressions and memories of a very different scene from his old
+day-dreams.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>After that it was the pleasure of the citizens of that
+fairest and most famous daughter of Rome, Florence, to cast
+me forth from her most sweet bosom (wherein I had been
+nourished up to the maturity of my life, and in which, with
+all peace to her, I long with all my heart to rest my weary
+soul, and finish the time which is given me), I have passed
+through almost all the regions to which this language
+reaches, a wanderer, almost a beggar, displaying, against my
+will, the stroke of fortune, which is ofttimes unjustly wont
+to be imputed to the person stricken. Truly, I have been a
+ship without a sail or helm, carried to divers harbours, and
+gulfs, and shores, by that parching wind which sad poverty
+breathes; and I have seemed vile in the eyes of many, who
+perchance, from some fame, had imagined of me<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">-77-</a></span> in another
+form; in the sight of whom not only did my presence become
+nought, but every work of mine less prized, both what had
+been and what was to be wrought.&mdash;<i>Convito</i>, Tr. i. c. 3.</p></div>
+
+<p>Thus proved, and thus furnished&mdash;thus independent and confident,
+daring to trust his instinct and genius in what was entirely untried
+and unusual, he entered on his great poem, to shadow forth, under the
+figure of his own conversion and purification, not merely how a single
+soul rises to its perfection, but how this visible world, in all its
+phases of nature, life, and society, is one with the invisible, which
+borders on it, actuates, accomplishes, and explains it. It is this
+vast plan&mdash;to take into his scope, not the soul only in its struggles
+and triumph, but all that the soul finds itself engaged with in its
+course; the accidents of the hour, and of ages past; the real persons,
+great and small, apart from and without whom it cannot think or act;
+the material world, its theatre and home&mdash;it is this which gives so
+many various sides to the <i>Commedia</i>, which makes it so novel and
+strange. It is not a mere personal history, or a pouring forth of
+feeling, like the <i>Vita Nuova</i>, though he is himself the mysterious
+voyager, and he opens without reserve his actual life and his heart;
+he speaks, indeed, in the first person, yet he is but a character of
+the drama, and in great part of it with not more of distinct
+personality than in that paraphrase of the penitential<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">-78-</a></span> Psalms, in
+which he has preluded so much of the <i>Commedia</i>. Yet the <i>Commedia</i> is
+not a pure allegory; it admits, and makes use of the allegorical, but
+the laws of allegory are too narrow for it; the real in it is too
+impatient of the veil, and breaks through in all its hardness and
+detail, into what is most shadowy. History is indeed viewed not in its
+ephemeral look, but under the light of God's final judgments; in its
+completion, not in its provisional and fragmentary character; viewed
+therefore but in faith;&mdash;but its issues, which in this confused scene
+we ordinarily contemplate in the gross, the poet brings down to detail
+and individuals; he faces and grasps the tremendous thought that the
+very men and women whom we see and speak to, are now the real
+representatives of sin and goodness, the true actors in that scene
+which is so familiar to us as a picture&mdash;unflinching and terrible
+heart, he endures to face it in its most harrowing forms. But he wrote
+not for sport, nor to give poetic pleasure; he wrote to warn; the seed
+of the <i>Commedia</i> was sown in tears, and reaped in misery: and the
+consolations which it offers are awful as they are real.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, though he throws into symbol and image, what can only be
+expressed by symbol and image, we can as little forget in reading him
+this real world in which we live, as we can in one of Shakspere's<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">-79-</a></span>
+plays. It is not merely that the poem is crowded with real personages,
+most of them having the single interest to us of being real. But all
+that is associated with man's history and existence is interwoven with
+the main course of thought&mdash;all that gives character to life, all that
+gives it form and feature, even to quaintness, all that occupies the
+mind, or employs the hand&mdash;speculation, science, arts, manufactures,
+monuments, scenes, customs, proverbs, ceremonies, games, punishments,
+attitudes of men, habits of living creatures. The wildest and most
+unearthly imaginations, the most abstruse thoughts take up into, and
+incorporate with themselves the forcible and familiar impressions of
+our mother earth, and do not refuse the company and aid even of the
+homeliest.</p>
+
+<p>This is not mere poetic ornament, peculiarly, profusely, or
+extravagantly employed. It is one of the ways in which his dominant
+feeling expresses itself&mdash;spontaneous and instinctive in each several
+instance of it, but the kindling and effluence of deliberate thought,
+and attending on a clear purpose&mdash;the feeling of the real and intimate
+connexion between the objects of sight and faith. It is not that he
+sees in one the simple counterpart and reverse of the other, or sets
+himself to trace out universally their mutual correspondences; he has
+too strong a sense of the reality of this familiar life to reduce it
+merely to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">-80-</a></span> a shadow and type of the unseen. What he struggles to
+express in countless ways, with all the resources of his strange and
+gigantic power, is that this world and the next are both equally real,
+and both one&mdash;parts, however different, of one whole. The world to
+come we know but in "a glass darkly;" man can only think and imagine
+of it in images, which he knows to be but broken and faint
+reflections: but this world we know, not in outline, and featureless
+idea, but by name, and face, and shape, by place and person, by the
+colours and forms which crowd over its surface, the men who people its
+habitations, the events which mark its moments. Detail fills the sense
+here, and is the mark of reality. And thus he seeks to keep alive the
+feeling of what that world is which he connects with heaven and hell;
+not by abstractions, not much by elaborate and highly-finished
+pictures, but by names, persons, local features, definite images.
+Widely and keenly has he ranged over and searched into the world&mdash;with
+a largeness of mind which disdained not to mark and treasure up, along
+with much unheeded beauty, many a characteristic feature of nature,
+unnoticed because so common. All his pursuits and interests contribute
+to the impression, which, often instinctively it may be, he strives to
+produce, of the manifold variety of our life. As a man of society, his
+memory is full of its usages, formalities, graces, follies,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">-81-</a></span>
+fashions&mdash;of expressive motions, postures, gestures, looks&mdash;of music,
+of handicrafts, of the conversation of friends or associates&mdash;of all
+that passes, so transient, yet so keenly pleasant or distasteful,
+between man and man. As a traveller, he recalls continually the names
+and scenes of the world;&mdash;as a man of speculation, the secrets of
+nature&mdash;the phenomena of light, the theory of the planets' motions,
+the idea and laws of physiology. As a man of learning, he is filled
+with the thoughts and recollections of ancient fable and history; as a
+politician, with the thoughts, prognostications, and hopes, of the
+history of the day; as a moral philosopher he has watched himself, his
+external sensations and changes, his inward passions, his mental
+powers, his ideas, his conscience; he has far and wide noted
+character, discriminated motives, classed good and evil deeds. All
+that the man of society, of travel, of science, of learning, the
+politician, the moralist, could gather, is used at will in the great
+poetic structure; but all converges to the purpose, and is directed by
+the intense feeling of the theologian, who sees this wonderful and
+familiar scene melting into, and ending in another yet more wonderful,
+but which will one day be as familiar&mdash;who sees the difficult but sure
+progress of the manifold remedies of the Divine government to their
+predestined issue; and, over all, God and His saints.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">-82-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>So comprehensive in interest is the <i>Commedia</i>. Any attempt to explain
+it, by narrowing that interest to politics, philosophy, the moral
+life, or theology itself, must prove inadequate. Theology strikes the
+key-note; but history, natural and metaphysical science, poetry, and
+art, each in their turn join in the harmony, independent, yet
+ministering to the whole. If from the poem itself we could be for a
+single moment in doubt of the reality and dominant place of religion
+in it, the plain-spoken prose of the <i>Convito</i> would show how he
+placed "the Divine Science, full of all peace, and allowing no strife
+of opinions and sophisms, for the excellent certainty of its subject,
+which is God," in single perfection above all other sciences, "which
+are, as Solomon speaks, but queens, or concubines, or maidens; but she
+is the 'Dove,' and the 'perfect one'&mdash;'Dove,' because without stain of
+strife&mdash;'perfect,' because perfectly she makes us behold the truth, in
+which our soul stills itself and is at rest." But the same passage<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>
+shows likewise how he viewed all human knowledge and human interests,
+as holding their due place in the hierarchy of wisdom, and among the
+steps of man's perfection. No account of the <i>Commedia</i> will prove
+sufficient, which does not keep in view, first of all, the high moral
+purpose and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">-83-</a></span> deep spirit of faith with which it was written, and then
+the wide liberty of materials and means which the poet allowed himself
+in working out his design.</p>
+
+<p>Doubtless, his writings have a political aspect. The "great Ghibelline
+poet" is one of Dante's received synonymes; of his strong political
+opinions, and the importance he attached to them, there can be no
+doubt. And he meant his poem to be the vehicle of them, and the record
+to all ages of the folly and selfishness with which he saw men
+governed. That he should take the deepest interest in the goings on of
+his time, is part of his greatness; to suppose that he stopped at
+them, or that he subordinated to political objects or feelings all the
+other elements of his poem, is to shrink up that greatness into very
+narrow limits. Yet this has been done by men of mark and ability, by
+Italians, by men who read the <i>Commedia</i> in their own mother-tongue.
+It has been maintained as a satisfactory account of it&mdash;maintained
+with great labour and pertinacious ingenuity&mdash;that Dante meant nothing
+more by his poem than the conflicts and ideal triumph of a political
+party. The hundred cantos of that vision of the universe are but a
+manifesto of the Ghibelline propaganda, designed, under the veil of
+historic images and scenes, to insinuate what it was dangerous to
+announce; and Beatrice, in all her glory and sweetness, is but a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">-84-</a></span>
+specimen of the jargon, cant, and slang of Ghibelline freemasonry.
+When Italians write thus, they degrade the greatest name of their
+country to a depth of laborious imbecility, to which the trifling of
+schoolmen and academicians is as nothing. It is to solve the enigma of
+Dante's works, by imagining for him a character in which it is hard to
+say which predominates, the pedant, mountebank, or infidel. After that
+we may read Voltaire's sneers with patience, and even enter with
+gravity on the examination of Father Hardouin's Historic Doubts. The
+fanaticism of an outraged liberalism, produced by centuries of
+injustice and despotism, is but a poor excuse for such perverse
+blindness.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p>
+
+<p>Dante was not a Ghibelline, though he longed for the interposition of
+an Imperial power. Historically he did not belong to the Ghibelline
+party. It is true that he forsook the Guelfs, with whom he had been
+brought up, and that the White Guelfs, with whom he was expelled from
+Florence, were at length merged and lost in the Ghibelline party<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>;
+and he acted with them for a time.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> But no words can be stronger<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">-85-</a></span>
+than those in which he disjoins himself from that "evil and foolish
+company," and claims his independence&mdash;</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 7em;">A te fia bello</span><br />
+<i>Averti fatto parte per te stesso</i>.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>And it is not easy to conceive a Ghibelline partisan putting into the
+mouth of Justinian, the type of law and empire, a general condemnation
+of his party as heavy as that of their antagonists;&mdash;the crime of
+having betrayed, as the Guelfs had resisted, the great symbol of
+public right&mdash;</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Omai puoi giudicar di que' cotali</span><br />
+Ch'io accusai di sopra, e de' lor falli<br />
+Che son cagion di tutti i vostri mali.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">L'uno al pubblico segno i gigli gialli</span><br />
+Oppone, e <i>quel s'appropria l'altro a parte</i>,<br />
+Sì ch'è forte a veder qual più si falli.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Faccian li Ghibellin, faccian lor arte</i></span><br />
+<i>Sott'altro segno; chè mal segue quello<br />
+Sempre chi la giustizia e lui diparte.</i><a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>And though, as the victim of the Guelfs of Florence, he found refuge
+among Ghibelline princes, he had friends among Guelfs also. His steps
+and his tongue were free to the end. And in character and feeling, in
+his austerity, his sturdiness and roughness, his intolerance of
+corruption and pride, his strongly-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">-86-</a></span>marked devotional temper, he was
+much less a Ghibelline than like one of those stern Guelfs who hailed
+Savonarola.</p>
+
+<p>But he had a very decided and complete political theory, which
+certainly was not Guelf; and, as parties then were, it was not much
+more Ghibelline. Most assuredly no set of men would have more
+vigorously resisted the attempt to realise his theory, would have
+joined more heartily with all immediate opponents&mdash;Guelfs, Black,
+White, and Green, or even Boniface VIII.,&mdash;to keep out such an emperor
+as Dante imagined, than the Ghibelline nobles and potentates.</p>
+
+<p>Dante's political views were a dream; though a dream based on what had
+been, and an anticipation of what was, in part at least, to come. It
+was a dream in the middle ages, in divided and republican Italy, the
+Italy of cities&mdash;of a real and national government, based on justice
+and law. It was the dream of a real <i>state</i>. He imagined that the
+Roman empire had been one great state; he persuaded himself that
+Christendom might be such. He was wrong in both instances; but in this
+case, as in so many others, he had already caught the spirit and ideas
+of a far-distant future; and the political organisation of modern
+times, so familiar to us that we cease to think of its exceeding
+wonder, is the practical confirmation, though in a form very different
+from what he imagined, of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">-87-</a></span> depth and farsightedness of those
+expectations which are in outward form so chimerical&mdash;"<i>i miei non
+falsi errori</i>."</p>
+
+<p>He had studied the "infinite disorders of the world" in one of their
+most unrestrained scenes, the streets of an Italian republic. Law was
+powerless, good men were powerless, good intentions came to naught;
+neither social habits nor public power could resist, when selfishness
+chose to have its way. The Church was indeed still the salt of the
+nations; but it had once dared and achieved more; it had once been the
+only power which ruled them. And this it could do no longer. If
+strength and energy had been enough to make the Church's influence
+felt on government, there was a Pope who could have done it&mdash;a man who
+was undoubtedly the most wondered at and admired of his age, whom
+friend or foe never characterised, without adding the invariable
+epithet of his greatness of soul&mdash;the "<i>magnanimus peccator</i>,"<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>
+whose Roman grandeur in meeting his unworthy fate fascinated into
+momentary sympathy even Dante.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> But<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">-88-</a></span> among the things which
+Boniface VIII. could not do, even if he cared about it, was the
+maintaining peace and law in Italian towns. And while this great
+political power was failing, its correlative and antagonist was
+paralysed also. "Since the death of Frederic II.," says Dante's
+contemporary, "the fame and recollections of the empire were well-nigh
+extinguished."<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> Italy was left without government&mdash;"come nave senza
+nocchiero in gran tempesta"&mdash;to the mercies of her tyrants:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Che le terre d'Italia tutte piene</span><br />
+Son di tiranni, e un Marcel diventa<br />
+Ogni villan, che parteggiando viene.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 6.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>In this scene of violence and disorder, with the Papacy gone astray,
+the empire debased and impotent, the religious orders corrupted, power
+meaning lawlessness, the well-disposed become weak and cowardly,
+religion neither guide nor check to society, but only the consolation
+of its victims&mdash;Dante was bold and hopeful enough to believe in the
+Divine appointment, and in the possibility, of law and government&mdash;of
+a state. In his philosophy, the institutions which provide<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">-89-</a></span> for man's
+peace and liberty in this life are part of God's great order for
+raising men to perfection;&mdash;not indispensable, yet ordinary parts;
+having their important place, though but for the present time; and
+though imperfect, real instruments of His moral government. He could
+not believe it to be the intention of Providence, that on the
+introduction of higher hopes and the foundation of a higher society,
+civil society should collapse and be left to ruin, as henceforth
+useless or prejudicial in man's trial and training; that the
+significant intimations of nature, that law and its results, justice,
+peace, and stability, ought to be and might be realised among men, had
+lost their meaning and faded away before the announcement of a kingdom
+not of this world. And if the perfection of civil society had not been
+superseded by the Church, it had become clear, if events were to be
+read as signs, that she was not intended to supply its political
+offices and functions. She had taught, elevated, solaced, blessed, not
+only individual souls, but society; she had for a time even governed
+it: but though her other powers remained, she could govern it no
+longer. Failure had made it certain that, in his strong and quaint
+language, "<i>Virtus authorizandi regnum nostræ mortalitatis est contra
+naturam ecclesiæ; ergo non est de numero virtutum suarum</i>."<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>
+Another and distinct organisation was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">-90-</a></span> required for this, unless the
+temporal order was no longer worthy the attention of Christians.</p>
+
+<p>This is the idea of the <i>De Monarchia</i>; and though it holds but a
+place in the great scheme of the <i>Commedia</i>, it is prominent there
+also&mdash;an idea seen but in a fantastic shape, encumbered and confused
+with most grotesque imagery, but the real idea of polity and law,
+which the experience of modern Europe has attained to.</p>
+
+<p>He found in clear outline in the Greek philosophy, the theory of
+merely human society; and raising its end and purpose, "<i>finem totius
+humanæ civilitatis</i>," to a height and dignity which Heathens could not
+forecast, he adopted it in its more abstract and ideal form. He
+imagined a single authority, unselfish, inflexible, irresistible,
+which could make all smaller tyrannies to cease, and enable every man
+to live in peace and liberty, so that he lived in justice. It is
+simply what each separate state of Christendom has by this time more
+or less perfectly achieved. The theoriser of the middle ages could
+conceive of its accomplishment only in one form, as grand as it was
+impossible&mdash;a universal monarchy.</p>
+
+<p>But he did not start from an abstraction. He believed that history
+attested the existence of such a monarchy. The prestige of the Roman
+empire was then strong. Europe still lingers on the idea, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">-91-</a></span> cannot
+even yet bring itself to give up its part in that great monument of
+human power. But in the middle ages the Empire was still believed to
+exist. It was the last greatness which had been seen in the world, and
+the world would not believe that it was over. Above all, in Italy, a
+continuity of lineage, of language, of local names, and in part of
+civilisation and law, forbad the thought that the great Roman people
+had ceased to be. Florentines and Venetians boasted that they were
+Romans: the legends which the Florentine ladies told to their maidens
+at the loom were tales of their mother city, Rome. The Roman element,
+little understood, but profoundly reverenced and dearly cherished, was
+dominant; the conductor of civilisation, and enfolding the inheritance
+of all the wisdom, experience, feeling, art, of the past, it elevated,
+even while it overawed, oppressed, and enslaved. A deep belief in
+Providence added to the intrinsic grandeur of the empire a sacred
+character. The flight of the eagle has been often told and often sung;
+but neither in Livy or Virgil, Gibbon or Bossuet, with intenser
+sympathy or more kindred power, than in those rushing and unflagging
+verses in which the middle-age poet hears the imperial legislator
+relate the fated course of the "sacred sign," from the day when Pallas
+died for it, till it accomplished the vengeance of heaven in Judæa,
+and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">-92-</a></span> afterwards, under Charlemagne, smote down the enemies of the
+Church.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p>
+
+<p>The following passage, from the <i>De Monarchia</i>, will show the poet's
+view of the Roman empire, and its office in the world:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>To the reasons above alleged, a memorable experience brings
+confirmation: I mean that state of mankind which the Son of
+God, when He would for man's salvation take man upon Him,
+either waited for, or ordered when so He willed. For if from
+the fall of our first parents, which was the starting-point
+of all our wanderings, we retrace the various dispositions
+of men and their times, we shall not find at any time,
+except under the divine monarch Augustus, when a perfect
+monarchy existed, that the world was everywhere quiet. And
+that then mankind was happy in the tranquillity of universal
+peace, this all writers of history, this famous poets, this
+even the Scribe of the meekness of Christ has deigned to
+attest. And lastly, Paul has called that most blessed
+condition, the fulness of time. Truly time, and the things
+of time, were full, for no mystery of our felicity then
+lacked its minister. But how the world has gone on from the
+time when that seamless robe was first torn by the claws of
+covetousness, we may read, and would that we might not also
+see. O race of men, by how great storms and losses, by how
+great shipwrecks hast thou of necessity been vexed since,
+transformed into a beast of many heads, thou hast been
+struggling different ways, sick in understanding, equally
+sick in heart. The higher intellect, with its invincible
+reasons, thou reckest not of; nor of the inferior, with its
+eye of experience; nor of affection, with the sweetness of
+divine suasion, when the trumpet of the Holy Ghost sounds to
+thee&mdash;"Behold, how good is it, and how pleasant, brethren,
+to dwell together in unity."&mdash;<i>De Monarch.</i> lib. i. p. 54.</p></div><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">-93-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Yet this great Roman empire existed still unimpaired in name&mdash;not
+unimposing even in what really remained of it. Dante, to supply a
+want, turned it into a theory&mdash;a theory easy to smile at now, but
+which contained and was a beginning of unknown or unheeded truth. What
+he yearns after is the predominance of the principle of justice in
+civil society. That, if it is still imperfect, is no longer a dream in
+our day; but experience had never realised it to him, and he takes
+refuge in tentative and groping theory. The divinations of the
+greatest men have been vague and strange, and none have been stranger
+than those of the author of the <i>De Monarchia</i>. The second book, in
+which he establishes the title of the Roman people to Universal
+Empire, is as startling a piece of mediæval argument as it would be
+easy to find.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>As when we cannot attain to look upon a cause, we commonly
+wonder at a new effect, so when we know the cause, we look
+down with a certain derision on those who remain in wonder.
+And I indeed wondered once how the Roman people had, without
+any resistance, been set over the world; and looking at it
+superficially, I thought that they had obtained this by no
+right, but by mere force of arms. But when I fixed deeply
+the eyes of my mind on it, and by most effectual signs knew
+that Divine Providence had wrought this, wonder departed,
+and a certain scornful contempt came in its stead, when I
+perceived the nations raging against the pre-eminence of the
+Roman people:&mdash;when I see the people imagining a vain thing,
+as I once used to do; when, moreover, I grieve over kings
+and princes agreeing in this only, to be against their Lord
+and his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">-94-</a></span> anointed Roman Emperor. Wherefore in derision, not
+without a certain grief, I can cry out, for that glorious
+people and for Cæsar, with him who cried in behalf of the
+Prince of Heaven, "Why did the nations rage, and the people
+imagine vain things; the kings of the earth stood up, and
+the rulers were joined in one against the Lord and his
+anointed." But (because natural love suffers not derision to
+be of long duration, but, like the summer sun, which,
+scattering the morning mists, irradiates the east with
+light, so prefers to pour forth the light of correction)
+therefore to break the bonds of the ignorance of such kings
+and rulers, to show that the human race is free from <i>their</i>
+yoke, I will exhort myself, in company with the most holy
+Prophet, taking up his following words, "Let us break their
+bonds, and cast away from us their yoke."&mdash;<i>De Monarch.</i>
+lib. ii. p. 58.</p></div>
+
+<p>And to prove this pre-eminence of right in the Roman people, and their
+heirs, the Emperors of Christendom, he appeals not merely to the
+course of Providence, to their high and noble ancestry, to the
+blessings of their just and considerate laws, to their unselfish
+guardianship of the world&mdash;"<i>Romanum imperium de fonte nascitur
+pietatis</i>;"&mdash;not merely to their noble examples of private virtue,
+self-devotion, and public spirit&mdash;"those most sacred victims of the
+Decian house, who laid down their lives for the public weal, as
+Livy&mdash;not as <i>they</i> deserved, but as <i>he</i> was able&mdash;tells to their
+glory; and that unspeakable sacrifice of freedom's sternest guardians,
+the Catos;" not merely to the "judgment of God" in that great duel and
+wager of battle for empire, in which heaven declared against all other
+champions and "co-athletes"<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">-95-</a></span>&mdash;Alexander, Pyrrhus, Hannibal, and by all
+the formalities of judicial combat awarded the great prize to those
+who fought, not for love or hatred, but justice&mdash;"<i>Quis igitur nunc
+adeo obtusæ mentis est, qui non videat, sub jure duelli gloriosum
+populum coronam totius orbis esse lucratum?</i>"&mdash;not merely to arguments
+derived "from the principles of the Christian faith"&mdash;but to
+<i>miracles</i>. "The Roman empire," he says, "was, in order to its
+perfections, aided by the help of miracles; therefore it was willed by
+God; and, by consequence, both was, and is, of right." And these
+miracles, "proved by the testimony of illustrious authorities," are
+the prodigies of Livy&mdash;the ancile of Numa, the geese of the Capitol,
+the escape of Clelia, the hail-storm which checked Hannibal.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p>
+
+<p>The intellectual phenomenon is a strange one. It would be less strange
+if Dante were arguing in the schools, or pleading for a party. But
+even Henry of Luxemburg cared little for such a throne as the poet
+wanted him to fill, much less Can Grande and the Visconti. The idea,
+the theory, and the argument, are of the writer's own solitary
+meditation. We may wonder. But there are few things more strange than
+the history of argument. How often has a cause or an idea turned out,
+in the eyes of posterity, so much<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">-96-</a></span> better than its arguments. How
+often have we seen argument getting as it were into a groove, and
+unable to extricate itself, so as to do itself justice. The everyday
+cases of private experience, of men defending right conclusions on
+wrong or conventional grounds, or in a confused form, entangled with
+conclusions of a like yet different nature;&mdash;of arguments, theories,
+solutions, which once satisfied, satisfying us no longer on a question
+about which we hold the same belief&mdash;of one party unable to comprehend
+the arguments of another&mdash;of one section of the same side smiling at
+the defence of their common cause by another&mdash;are all reproduced on a
+grander scale in the history of society. There too, one age cannot
+comprehend another; there too it takes time to disengage, subordinate,
+eliminate. Truth of this sort is not the elaboration of one keen or
+strong mind, but of the secret experience of many; "<i>nihil sine ætate
+est, omnia tempus expectant</i>." But a counterpart to the <i>De Monarchia</i>
+is not wanting in our own day; theory has not ceased to be mighty. In
+warmth and earnestness, in sense of historic grandeur, in its support
+of a great cause and a great idea, not less than in the thought of its
+motto, <span lang="el" title="Greek: heis koiranos estô">&#949;&#7991;&#962; &#954;&#959;&#8055;&#961;&#945;&#957;&#959;&#962; &#7956;&#963;&#964;&#969;</span>, De Maistre's volume <i>Du Pape</i>,
+recalls the antagonist <i>De Monarchia</i>; but it recalls it not less in
+its bold dealing with facts, and its bold assumption of principles,
+though the knowledge and debates<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">-97-</a></span> of five more busy centuries, and the
+experience of modern courts and revolutions, might have guarded the
+Piedmontese nobleman from the mistakes of the old Florentine.</p>
+
+<p>But the idea of the <i>De Monarchia</i> is no key to the <i>Commedia</i>. The
+direct and primary purpose of the <i>Commedia</i> is surely its obvious
+one. It is to stamp a deep impression on the mind, of the issues of
+good and ill doing here&mdash;of the real worlds of pain and joy. To do
+this forcibly, it is done in detail&mdash;of course it can only be done in
+figure. Punishment, purification, or the fulness of consolation are,
+as he would think, at this very moment, the lot of all the numberless
+spirits who have ever lived here&mdash;spirits still living and sentient as
+himself: parallel with our life, they too are suffering or are at
+rest. Without pause or interval, in all its parts simultaneously, this
+awful scene is going on&mdash;the judgments of God are being
+fulfilled&mdash;could we but see it. It exists, it might be seen, at each
+instant of time, by a soul whose eyes were opened, which was carried
+through it. And this he imagines. It had been imagined before; it is
+the working out, which is peculiar to him. It is not a barren vision.
+His subject is, besides the eternal world, the soul which contemplates
+it; by sight, according to his figures&mdash;in reality, by faith. As he is
+led on from woe to deeper woe, then through the tempered
+chas<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">-98-</a></span>tisements and resignation of Purgatory to the beatific vision, he
+is tracing the course of the soul on earth, realising sin and weaning
+itself from it&mdash;of its purification and preparation for its high lot,
+by converse with the good and wise, by the remedies of grace, by
+efforts of will and love, perhaps by the dominant guidance of some
+single pure and holy influence, whether of person, or institution, or
+thought. Nor will we say but that beyond this earthly probation, he is
+not also striving to grasp and imagine to himself something of that
+awful process and training, by which, whether in or out of the flesh,
+the spirit is made fit to meet its Maker, its Judge, and its Chief
+Good.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it seems that even in its main design, the poem has more than one
+aspect; it is a picture, a figure, partially a history, perhaps an
+anticipation. And this is confirmed, by what the poet has himself
+distinctly stated, of his ideas of poetic composition. His view is
+expressed generally in his philosophical treatise, the <i>Convito</i>; but
+it is applied directly to the <i>Commedia</i>, in a letter, which, if in
+its present form, of doubtful authenticity, without any question
+represents his sentiments, and the substance of which is incorporated
+in one of the earliest writings on the poem, Boccaccio's commentary.
+The following is his account of the subject of the poem:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>For the evidence of what is to be said, it is to be noted,
+that this work is not of one single meaning only, but may be
+said to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">-99-</a></span> have many meanings ("<i>polysensuum</i>"). For the first
+meaning is that of the letter&mdash;another is that of things
+signified by the letter; the first of these is called the
+literal sense, the second, the allegorical or moral. This
+mode of treating a subject may for clearness' sake be
+considered in those verses of the Psalm, "<i>In exitu
+Israel</i>." "When Israel came out of Egypt, and the house of
+Jacob from the strange people, Judah was his sanctuary, and
+Israel his dominion." For if we look at the <i>letter</i> only,
+there is here signified, the going out of the children of
+Israel in the time of Moses&mdash;if at the <i>allegory</i> there is
+signified our redemption through Christ&mdash;if at the <i>moral</i>
+sense there is signified to us the conversion of the soul
+from the mourning and misery of sin to the state of
+grace&mdash;if at the <i>anagogic</i> sense,<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> there is signified
+the passing out of the holy soul from the bondage of this
+corruption to the liberty of everlasting glory. And these
+mystical meanings, though called by different names, may all
+be called <i>allegorical</i> as distinguished from the literal or
+historical sense.... This being considered, it is plain that
+there ought to be a twofold subject, concerning which the
+two corresponding meanings may proceed. Therefore we must
+consider first concerning the subject of this work as it is
+to be understood literally, then as it is to be considered
+allegorically. The subject then of the whole work, taken
+literally only, is the state of souls after death considered
+in itself. For about this, and on this, the whole work
+turns. But if the work be taken allegorically, its subject
+is man, as, by his freedom of choice deserving well or ill,
+he is subject to the justice which rewards and punishes.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>The passage in the <i>Convito</i> is to the same effect; but his remarks on
+the <i>moral</i> and <i>anagogic</i> meaning may be quoted:</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">-100-</a></span></p><div class="blockquot"><p>The third sense is called <i>moral</i>; that it is which readers
+ought to go on noting carefully in writings, for their own
+profit and that of their disciples: as in the Gospel it may
+be noted, when Christ went up to the mountain to be
+transfigured, that of the twelve Apostles, he took with him
+only three; in which morally we may understand, that in the
+most secret things we ought to have but few companions. The
+fourth sort of meaning is called <i>anagogic</i>, that is, above
+our sense; and this is when we spiritually interpret a
+passage, which even in its literal meaning, by means of the
+things signified, expresses the heavenly things of
+everlasting glory: as may be seen in that song of the
+Prophet, which says, that in the coming out of the people of
+Israel from Egypt, Judah was made holy and free; which
+although it is manifestly true according to the letter, is
+not less true as spiritually understood; that is, that when
+the soul comes out of sin, it is made holy and free, in its
+own power.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>With this passage before us there can be no doubt of the meaning,
+however veiled, of those beautiful lines, already referred to, in
+which Virgil, after having conducted the poet up the steeps of
+Purgatory, where his sins have been one by one cancelled by the
+ministering angels, finally takes leave of him, and bids him wait for
+Beatrice, on the skirts of the earthly Paradise:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come la scala tutta sotto noi</span><br />
+Fu corsa e fummo in su 'l grado superno,<br />
+In me ficcò Virgilio gli occhi suoi,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E disse: "Il temporal fuoco, e l'eterno</span><br />
+Veduto hai, figlio, e se' venuto in parte<br />
+Ov'io per me più oltre non discerno.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tratto t'ho qui con ingegno e con arte:</span><br />
+Lo tuo piacere omai prendi per duce;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">-101-</a></span><br />
+Fuor se' dell'erte vie, fuor se' dell'arte.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Vedi il sole che 'n fronte ti riluce:</span><br />
+Vedi l'erbetta, i fiori, e gli arboscelli<br />
+Che quella terra sol da sè produce.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Mentre che vegnon lieti gli occhi belli</span><br />
+Che lagrimando a te venir mi fenno,<br />
+Seder ti puoi e puoi andar tra elli.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Non aspettar mio dir più nè mio cenno:</span><br />
+Libero, dritto, sano è tuo arbitrio,<br />
+E fallo fora non fare a suo senno:&mdash;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Perch'io te sopra te corono e mitrio."<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>The general meaning of the <i>Commedia</i> is clear enough. But it
+certainly does appear to refuse to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">-102-</a></span> fitted into a connected formal
+scheme of interpretation. It is not a homogeneous, consistent
+allegory, like the <i>Pilgrim's Progress</i> and the <i>Fairy Queen</i>. The
+allegory continually breaks off, shifts its ground, gives place to
+other elements, or mingles with them&mdash;like a stream which suddenly
+sinks into the earth, and after passing under plains and mountains,
+reappears in a distant point, and in different scenery. We can,
+indeed, imagine its strange author commenting on it, and finding or
+marking out its prosaic substratum, with the cold-blooded precision
+and scholastic distinctions of the <i>Convito</i>. However, he has not done
+so. And of the many enigmas which present themselves, either in its
+structure or separate parts, the key seems hopelessly lost. The early
+commentators are very ingenious, but very unsatisfactory; they see
+where we can see, but beyond that they are as full of uncertainty as
+ourselves. It is in character with that solitary and haughty spirit,
+while touching universal sympathies, appalling and charming all
+hearts, to have delighted in his own dark sayings, which had meaning
+only to himself. It is true that, whether in irony, or from that
+quaint studious care for the appearance of literal truth, which makes
+him apologise for the wonders which he relates, and confirm them by an
+oath, "on the words of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">-103-</a></span> poem,"<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> he provokes and challenges us;
+bids us admire "doctrine hidden under strange verses;"<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> bids us
+strain our eyes, for the veil is thin:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Aguzza, qui, lettor, ben l'occhi al vero:<br />
+Chè il velo è ora ben tanto sottile,<br />
+Certo, che il trapassar dentro è leggiero.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> c. 8.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>But eyes are still strained in conjecture and doubt.</p>
+
+<p>Yet the most certain and detailed commentary, one which assigned the
+exact reason for every image or allegory, and its place and connexion
+in a general scheme, would add but little to the charm or to the use
+of the poem. It is not so obscure but that every man's experience who
+has thought over and felt the mystery of our present life, may supply
+the commentary&mdash;the more ample, the wider and more various has been
+his experience, the deeper and keener his feeling. Details and links
+of connexion may be matter of controversy. Whether the three beasts of
+the forest mean definitely the vices of the time, or of Florence
+specially, or of the poet himself&mdash;"the wickedness of his heels,
+compassing him round<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">-104-</a></span> about"&mdash;may still exercise critics and
+antiquaries; but that they carry with them distinct and special
+impressions of evil, and that they are the hindrances of man's
+salvation, is not doubtful. And our knowledge of the key of the
+allegory, where we possess it, contributes but little to the effect.
+We may infer from the <i>Convito</i><a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> that the eyes of Beatrice stand
+definitely for the <i>demonstrations</i>, and her smiles for the
+<i>persuasions</i> of wisdom; but the poetry of the Paradiso is not about
+demonstrations and persuasions, but about looks and smiles; and the
+ineffable and holy calm&mdash;"<i>serenitatis et æternitatis
+afflatus</i>"&mdash;which pervades it, comes from the sacred truths, and holy
+persons, and that deep spirit of high-raised yet composed devotion,
+which it requires no interpreter to show us.</p>
+
+<p>Figure and symbol, then, are doubtless the law of composition in the
+<i>Commedia</i>; but this law discloses itself very variously, and with
+different degrees of strictness. In its primary and most general form,
+it is palpable, consistent, pervading. There can be no doubt that the
+poem is meant to be understood figuratively&mdash;no doubt of what in
+general it is meant to shadow forth&mdash;no doubt as to the general
+meaning of its parts, their connexion with each other. But in its
+secondary and subordinate applications, the law<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">-105-</a></span> works&mdash;to our eye at
+least&mdash;irregularly, unequally, and fitfully. There can be no question
+that Virgil, the poet's guide, represents the purely human element in
+the training of the soul and of society, as Beatrice does the divine.
+But neither represent the whole; he does not sum up all appliances of
+wisdom in Virgil, nor all teachings and influences of grace in
+Beatrice; these have their separate figures. And both represent
+successively several distinct forms of their general antitypes. They
+have various degrees of abstractness, and narrow down, according to
+that order of things to which they refer and correspond, into the
+special and the personal. In the general economy of the poem, Virgil
+stands for human wisdom in its widest sense; but he also stands for it
+in its various shapes, in the different parts. He is the type of human
+philosophy and science.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> He is, again, more definitely, that spirit
+of imagination and poetry, which opens men's eyes to the glory of the
+visible, and the truth of the invisible; and to Italians, he is a
+definite embodiment of it, their own great poet, "<i>vates, poeta
+noster</i>."<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> In the Christian order, he is human wisdom, dimly
+mindful of its heavenly origin&mdash;presaging dimly its return to
+God&mdash;sheltering in heathen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">-106-</a></span> times that "vague and unconnected family
+of religious truths, originally from God, but sojourning without the
+sanction of miracle or visible home, as pilgrims up and down the
+world."<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> In the political order, he is the guide of law-givers,
+wisdom fashioning the impulses and instincts of men into the harmony
+of society, contriving stability and peace, guarding justice; fit part
+for the poet to fill, who had sung the origin of Rome, and the justice
+and peace of Augustus. In the order of individual life, and the
+progress of the individual soul, he is the human conscience witnessing
+to duty, its discipline and its hopes, and with yet more certain and
+fearful presage, to its vindication; the human conscience seeing and
+acknowledging the law, but unable to confer power to fulfil
+it&mdash;wakened by grace from among the dead, leading the living man up to
+it, and waiting for its light and strength. But he is more than a
+figure. To the poet himself, who blends with his high argument his
+whole life, Virgil had been the utmost that mind can be to
+mind&mdash;teacher, quickener and revealer of power, source of thought,
+exemplar and model, never disappointing, never attained to, observed
+with "long study and great love:"</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+Tu duca, tu signor, e tu maestro.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 2.
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">-107-</a></span></p><p>And towards this great master, the poet's whole soul is poured forth
+in reverence and affection. To Dante he is no figure, but a
+person&mdash;with feelings and weaknesses&mdash;overcome by the vexation,
+kindling into the wrath, carried away by the tenderness, of the
+moment. He reads his scholar's heart, takes him by the hand in danger,
+carries him in his arms and in his bosom, "like a son more than a
+companion," rebukes his unworthy curiosity, kisses him when he shows a
+noble spirit, asks pardon for his own mistakes. Never were the kind,
+yet severe ways of a master, or the disciple's diffidence and
+open-heartedness, drawn with greater force, or less effort; and he
+seems to have been reflecting on his own affection to Virgil, when he
+makes Statius forget that they were both but shades:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Or puoi la quantitate<br />
+Comprender dell'amor ch'a te mi scalda,<br />
+Quando <i>dismento la nostra vanitate<br />
+Trattando l'ombre come cosa salda</i>.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 21.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>And so with the poet's second guide. The great idea which Beatrice
+figures, though always present, is seldom rendered artificially
+prominent, and is often entirely hidden beneath the rush of real
+recollections, and the creations of dramatic power. Abstractions
+venture and trust themselves among realities, and for the time are
+forgotten. A name, a real person, a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">-108-</a></span> historic passage, a lament or
+denunciation, a tragedy of actual life, a legend of classic times, the
+fortunes of friends&mdash;the story of Francesca or Ugolino, the fate of
+Buonconte's corpse, the apology of Pier delle Vigne, the epitaph of
+Madonna Pia, Ulysses' western voyage, the march of Roman
+history&mdash;appear and absorb for themselves all interest: or else it is
+a philosophical speculation, or a theory of morality, or a case of
+conscience&mdash;not indeed alien from the main subject, yet independent of
+the allegory, and not translateable into any new meaning&mdash;standing on
+their own ground, worked out each according to its own law; but they
+do not disturb the main course of the poet's thought, who grasps and
+paints each detail of human life in its own peculiarity, while he sees
+in each a significance and interest beyond itself. He does not stop in
+each case to tell us so, but he makes it felt. The tale ends, the
+individual disappears, and the great allegory resumes its course. It
+is like one of those great musical compositions which alone seem
+capable of adequately expressing, in a limited time, a course of
+unfolding and change, in an idea, a career, a life, a society&mdash;where
+one great thought predominates, recurs, gives colour and meaning, and
+forms the unity of the whole, yet passes through many shades and
+transitions; is at one time definite, at another suggestive and
+mysterious; incorporating and giving free place<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">-109-</a></span> and play to airs and
+melodies even of an alien cast; striking off abruptly from its
+expected road, but without ever losing itself, without breaking its
+true continuity, or failing of its completeness.</p>
+
+<p>This then seems to us the end and purpose of the <i>Commedia</i>;&mdash;to
+produce on the mind a sense of the judgments of God, analogous to that
+produced by Scripture itself. They are presented to us in the Bible in
+shapes which address themselves primarily to the heart and conscience,
+and seek not carefully to explain themselves. They are likened to the
+"great deep," to the "strong mountains"&mdash;vast and awful, but abrupt
+and incomplete, as the huge, broken, rugged piles and chains of
+mountains. And we see them through cloud and mist, in shapes only
+approximating to the true ones. Still they impress us deeply and
+truly, often the more deeply because unconsciously. A character, an
+event, a word, isolated and unexplained, stamps its meaning
+ineffaceably, though ever a matter of question and wonder; it may be
+dark to the intellect, yet the conscience understands it, often but
+too well. In such suggestive ways is the Divine government for the
+most part put before us in the Bible&mdash;ways which do not satisfy the
+understanding, but which fill us with a sense of reality. And it seems
+to have been by meditating on them, which he certainly did, much and
+thoughtfully&mdash;and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">-110-</a></span> on the infinite variety of similar ways in which
+the strongest impressions are conveyed to us in ordinary life, by
+means short of clear and distinct explanation&mdash;by looks, by images, by
+sounds, by motions, by remote allusion and broken words, that Dante
+was led to choose so new and remarkable a mode of conveying to his
+countrymen his thoughts and feelings and presentiments about the
+mystery of God's counsel. The Bible teaches us by means of real
+history, traced so far as is necessary along its real course. The poet
+expresses his view of the world also in real history, but carried on
+into figure.</p>
+
+<p>The poetry with which the Christian Church had been instinct from the
+beginning, converges and is gathered up in the <i>Commedia</i>. The faith
+had early shown its poetical aspect. It is superfluous to dwell on
+this, for it is the charge against ancient teaching that it was too
+large and imaginative. It soon began to try rude essays in sculpture
+and mosaic: expressed its feeling of nature in verse and prose, rudely
+also, but often with originality and force; and opened a new vein of
+poetry in the thoughts, hopes, and aspirations of regenerate man.
+Modern poetry must go back, for many of its deepest and most powerful
+sources, to the writings of the Fathers, and their followers of the
+School. The Church further had a poetry of its own, besides the poetry
+of literature;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">-111-</a></span> it had the poetry of devotion&mdash;the Psalter chanted
+daily, in a new language and a new meaning; and that wonderful body of
+hymns, to which age after age had contributed its offering, from the
+Ambrosian hymns to the <i>Veni, Sancte Spiritus</i> of a king of France,
+the <i>Pange lingua</i> of Thomas Aquinas, the <i>Dies iræ</i>, and <i>Stabat
+Mater</i>, of the two Franciscan brethren, Thomas of Celano, and
+Jacopone.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> The elements and fragments of poetry were everywhere in
+the Church&mdash;in her ideas of life, in her rules and institutions for
+passing through it, in her preparation for death, in her offices,
+ceremonial, celebrations, usages, her consecration of domestic,
+literary, commercial, civic, military, political life, the meanings
+and ends she had given them, the religious seriousness with which the
+forms of each were dignified&mdash;in her doctrine, and her dogmatic
+system&mdash;her dependence on the unseen world&mdash;her Bible. From each and
+all of these, and from that public feeling, which, if it expressed
+itself but abruptly and incoherently, was quite alive to the poetry
+which surrounded it, the poet received due impressions of greatness
+and beauty, of joy and dread. Then the poetry of Christian religion
+and Christian temper, hitherto dispersed, or manifested in act only,
+found its full and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">-112-</a></span> distinct utterance, not unworthy to rank in
+grandeur, in music, in sustained strength, with the last noble voices
+from expiring Heathenism.</p>
+
+<p>But a long interval had passed since then. The <i>Commedia</i> first
+disclosed to Christian and modern Europe that it was to have a
+literature of its own, great and admirable, though in its own language
+and embodying its own ideas. "It was as if, at some of the ancient
+games, a stranger had appeared upon the plain, and thrown his quoit
+among the marks of former casts, which tradition had ascribed to the
+demi-gods."<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> We are so accustomed to the excellent and varied
+literature of modern times, so original, so perfect in form and rich
+in thought, so expressive of all our sentiments, meeting so completely
+our wants, fulfilling our ideas, that we can scarcely imagine the time
+when this condition was new&mdash;when society was beholden to a foreign
+language for the exponents of its highest thoughts and feelings. But
+so it was when Dante wrote. The great poets, historians, philosophers
+of his day, the last great works of intellect, belonged to old Rome,
+and the Latin language. So wonderful and prolonged was the fascination
+of Rome. Men still lived under its influence; believed that the Latin
+language was the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">-113-</a></span> perfect and permanent instrument of thought in its
+highest forms, the only expression of refinement and civilisation; and
+had not conceived the hope that their own dialects could ever rise to
+such heights of dignity and power. Latin, which had enchased and
+preserved such precious remains of ancient wisdom, was now shackling
+the living mind in its efforts. Men imagined that they were still
+using it naturally on all high themes and solemn business; but though
+they used it with facility, it was no longer natural; it had lost the
+elasticity of life, and had become in their hands a stiffened and
+distorted, though still powerful, instrument. The very use of the word
+<i>latino</i> in the writers of this period, to express what is clear and
+philosophical in language,<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> while it shows their deep reverence for
+it, shows how Latin civilisation was no longer their own, how it had
+insensibly become an external and foreign element. But they found it
+very hard to resign their claim to a share in its glories; with
+nothing of their own to match against it, they still delighted to
+speak of it as "our language," or its writers as "our poets," "our
+historians."<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a></p>
+
+<p>The spell was indeed beginning to break. Guido<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">-114-</a></span> Cavalcanti, Dante's
+strange, stern, speculative friend, who is one of the fathers of the
+Italian language, is characterised in the <i>Commedia</i><a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> by his
+scornful dislike of Latin, even in the mouth of Virgil. Yet Dante
+himself, the great assertor, by argument and example, of the powers of
+the Vulgar tongue, once dared not to think that the Vulgar tongue
+could be other to the Latin, than as a subject to his sovereign. He
+was bolder when he wrote <i>De Vulgari Eloquio</i>: but in the earlier
+<i>Convito</i>, while pleading earnestly for the beauty of the Italian, he
+yields with reverence the first place to the Latin&mdash;for nobleness,
+because the Latin is permanent, and the Vulgar subject to fluctuation
+and corruption; for power, because the Latin can express conceptions
+to which the Vulgar is unequal; for beauty, because the structure of
+the Latin is a masterly arrangement of scientific art, and the beauty
+of the Vulgar depends on mere use.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> The very title of his poem, the
+<i>Commedia</i>, contains in it a homage to the lofty claims of the Latin.
+It is called a Comedy, and not Tragedy, he says, after a marvellous
+account of the essence and etymology of the two, first, because it
+begins sadly, and ends joyfully; and next, because of its language,
+that humble<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">-115-</a></span> speech of ordinary life, "in which even women
+converse."<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></p>
+
+<p>He honoured the Latin, but his love was for the Italian. He was its
+champion, and indignant defender against the depreciation of ignorance
+and fashion. Confident of its power and jealous of its beauty, he
+pours forth his fierce scorn on the blind stupidity, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">-116-</a></span> affectation,
+the vain glory, the envy, and above all, the cowardice of Italians who
+held lightly their mother tongue. "Many," he says, after enumerating
+the other offenders, "from this pusillanimity and cowardice disparage
+their own language, and exalt that of others; and of this sort are
+those hateful dastards of Italy&mdash;<i>abbominevoli cattivi d'Italia</i>&mdash;who
+think vilely of that precious language; which, if it is vile in
+anything, is vile only so far as it sounds in the prostituted mouth of
+these adulterers."<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> He noted and compared its various dialects; he
+asserted its capabilities not only in verse, but in expressive,
+flexible, and majestic prose. And to the deliberate admiration of the
+critic and the man, were added the homely but dear associations, which
+no language can share with that of early days. Italian had been the
+language of his parents&mdash;"<i>Questo mio Volgare fu il congiugnitore
+delli miei generanti, che con esso parlavano</i>"&mdash;and further, it was
+this modern language, "<i>questo mio Volgare</i>," which opened to him the
+way of knowledge, which had introduced him to Latin, and the sciences
+which it contained. It was his benefactor and guide&mdash;he personifies
+it&mdash;and his boyish friendship had grown stronger and more intimate by
+mutual good offices. "There has also been between us the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">-117-</a></span> goodwill of
+intercourse; for from the beginning of my life I have had with it
+kindness and conversation, and have used it, deliberating,
+interpreting, and questioning; so that, if friendship grows with use,
+it is evident how it must have grown in me."<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p>
+
+<p>From this language he exacted a hard trial;&mdash;a work which should rank
+with the ancient works. None such had appeared; none had even advanced
+such a pretension. Not that it was a time dead to literature or
+literary ambition. Poets and historians had written, and were writing
+in Italian. The same year of jubilee which fixed itself so deeply in
+Dante's mind, and became the epoch of his vision&mdash;the same scene of
+Roman greatness in its decay, which afterwards suggested to Gibbon the
+<i>Decline and Fall</i>, prompted, in the father of Italian history, the
+desire to follow in the steps of Sallust and Livy, and prepare the way
+for Machiavelli and Guicciardini, Davila, and Fra Paolo.<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> Poetry
+had been cultivated in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">-118-</a></span> Roman languages of the West&mdash;in Aquitaine
+and Provence, especially&mdash;for more than two centuries; and lately,
+with spirit and success, in Italian. Names had become popular,
+reputations had risen and waned, verses circulated and were
+criticised, and even descended from the high and refined circles to
+the workshop. A story is told of Dante's indignation, when he heard
+the canzoni which had charmed the Florentine ladies mangled by the
+rude enthusiasm of a blacksmith at his forge.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> Literature was a
+growing fashion; but it was humble in its aspirations and efforts. Men
+wrote like children, surprised and pleased with their success; yet
+allowing themselves in mere amusement, because conscious of weakness
+which they could not cure.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">-119-</a></span></p><p>Dante, by the <i>Divina Commedia</i>, was the restorer of seriousness in
+literature. He was so, by the magnitude and pretensions of his work,
+and by the earnestness of its spirit. He first broke through the
+prescription which had confined great works to the Latin, and the
+faithless prejudices which, in the language of society, could see
+powers fitted for no higher task than that of expressing, in curiously
+diversified forms, its most ordinary feelings. But he did much more.
+Literature was going astray in its tone, while growing in importance;
+the <i>Commedia</i> checked it. The Provençal and Italian poetry was, with
+the exception of some pieces of political satire, almost exclusively
+amatory, in the most fantastic and affected fashion. In expression, it
+had not even the merit of being natural; in purpose it was trifling;
+in the spirit which it encouraged, it was something worse. Doubtless
+it brought a degree of refinement with it, but it was refinement
+purchased at a high price, by intellectual distortion, and moral
+insensibility. But this was not all. The brilliant age of Frederick
+II., for such it was, was deeply mined by religious unbelief. However
+strange this charge first sounds against the thirteenth century, no
+one can look at all closely into its history, at least in Italy,
+without seeing that the idea of infidelity&mdash;not heresy, but
+infidelity&mdash;was quite a familiar one; and that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">-120-</a></span> side by side with the
+theology of Aquinas and Bonaventura, there was working among those who
+influenced fashion and opinion, among the great men, and the men to
+whom learning was a profession, a spirit of scepticism and irreligion
+almost monstrous for its time, which found its countenance in
+Frederick's refined and enlightened court. The genius of the great
+doctors might have kept in safety the Latin Schools, but not the free
+and home thoughts which found utterance in the language of the people,
+if the solemn beauty of the Italian <i>Commedia</i> had not seized on all
+minds. It would have been an evil thing for Italian, perhaps for
+European literature, if the siren tales of the <i>Decameron</i> had been
+the first to occupy the ear with the charms of a new language.</p>
+
+<p>Dante has had hard measure, and from some who are most beholden to
+him. No one in his day served the Church more highly, than he whose
+faith and genius secured on her side the first great burst of
+imagination and feeling, the first perfect accents of modern speech.
+The first-fruits of the new literature were consecrated, and offered
+up. There was no necessity, or even probability in Italy in the
+fourteenth century that it should be so, as there might perhaps have
+been earlier. It was the poet's free act&mdash;free in one, for whom nature
+and heathen learning had strong temptations&mdash;that religion was the
+lesson and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">-121-</a></span> influence of the great popular work of the time. That
+which he held up before men's awakened and captivated minds, was the
+verity of God's moral government. To rouse them to a sense of the
+mystery of their state; to startle their commonplace notions of sin
+into an imagination of its variety, its magnitude, and its infinite
+shapes and degrees; to open their eyes to the beauty of the Christian
+temper, both as suffering and as consummated; to teach them at once
+the faithfulness and awful freeness of God's grace; to help the dull
+and lagging soul to conceive the possibility, in its own case, of
+rising step by step in joy without an end&mdash;of a felicity not
+unimaginable by man, though of another order from the highest
+perfection of earth;&mdash;this is the poet's end. Nor was it only vague
+religious feelings which he wished to excite. He brought within the
+circle of common thought, and translated into the language of the
+multitude, what the Schools had done to throw light on the deep
+questions of human existence, which all are fain to muse upon, though
+none can solve. He who had opened so much of men's hearts to
+themselves, opened to them also that secret sympathy which exists
+between them and the great mysteries of the Christian doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>
+He did the work, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">-122-</a></span> his day, of a great preacher. Yet he has been
+both claimed and condemned, as a disturber of the Church's faith.</p>
+
+<p>He certainly did not spare the Church's rulers. He thought they were
+betraying the most sacred of all trusts; and if history is at all to
+be relied on, he had some grounds for thinking so. But it is confusing
+the feelings of the middle ages with our own, to convert every fierce
+attack on the Popes into an anticipation of Luther. Strong language of
+this sort was far too commonplace to be so significant. No age is
+blind to practical abuses, or silent on them; and when the middle ages
+complained, they did so with a full-voiced and clamorous rhetoric,
+which greedily seized on every topic of vilification within its reach.
+It was far less singular, and far less bold, to criticise
+ecclesiastical authorities, than is often supposed; but it by no means
+implied unsettled faith, or a revolutionary design. In Dante's case,
+if words have any meaning&mdash;not words of deliberate qualification, but
+his unpremeditated and incidental expressions&mdash;his faith in the Divine
+mission and spiritual powers of the Popes was as strong as his
+abhorrence of their degeneracy, and desire to see it corrected by a
+power which they would respect&mdash;that of the temporal sword. It would
+be to mistake altogether his character, to imagine of him, either as a
+fault or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">-123-</a></span> as an excellence, that he was a doubter. It might as well be
+supposed of Aquinas.</p>
+
+<p>No one ever acknowledged with greater seriousness, as a fact in his
+position in the world, the agreement in faith among those with whom he
+was born. No one ever inclined with more simplicity and reverence
+before that long communion and consent in feeling and purpose, the
+"<i>publicus</i> sensus" of the Christian Church. He did feel difficulties;
+but the excitement of lingering on them was not among his enjoyments.
+That was the lot of the heathen; Virgil, made wise by death, counsels
+him not to desire it:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">"Matto è chi spera, che nostra ragione</span><br />
+Possa trascorrer la 'nfinita via<br />
+Che tiene una sustanzia in tre Persone.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">State contenti, umana gente, al <i>quia</i>;</span><br />
+Chè se potuto aveste veder tutto,<br />
+Mestier non era partorir Maria:<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E disiar vedeste senza frutto</span><br />
+Tai, che sarebbe lor disio quetato,<br />
+Ch'eternamente è dato lor per lutto;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I' dico d'Aristotile e di Plato,</span><br />
+E di molti altri:"&mdash;e qui chinò la fronte,<br />
+E più non disse, e rimase turbato.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> c. 3.<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">-124-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The Christian poet felt that it was greater to believe and to act. In
+the darkness of the world one bright light appeared, and he followed
+it. Providence had assigned him his portion of truth, his portion of
+daily bread; if to us it appears blended with human elements, it is
+perfectly clear that he was in no position to sift them. To choose was
+no trial of his. To examine and seek, where it was impossible to find,
+would have been folly. The authority from which he started had not yet
+been seriously questioned; there were no palpable signs of
+doubtfulness on the system which was to him the representative of
+God's will; and he sought for none. It came to him claiming his
+allegiance by custom, by universality, by its completeness as a whole,
+and satisfying his intellect and his sympathies in detail. And he gave
+his allegiance&mdash;reasonably, because there was nothing to hope for in
+doubting&mdash;wisely, because he gave it loyally and from his heart.</p>
+
+<p>And he had his reward&mdash;the reward of him who throws himself with
+frankness and earnestness into a system; who is not afraid or
+suspicious of it; who is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">-125-</a></span> not unfaithful to it. He gained not merely
+power&mdash;he gained that freedom and largeness of mind which the
+suspicious or the unfaithful miss. His loyalty to the Church was no
+cramping or blinding service; it left to its full play that fresh and
+original mind, left it to range at will in all history and all nature
+for the traces of Eternal wisdom, left it to please itself with all
+beauty, and pay its homage to all excellence. For upon all wisdom,
+beauty, and excellence, the Church had taught him to see, in various
+and duly distinguished degrees, the seal of the one Creator. She
+imparts to the poem, to its form and progressive development, her own
+solemnity, her awe, her calm, her serenity and joy; it follows her
+sacred seasons and hours; repeats her appointed words of benediction
+and praise; moulds itself on her belief, her expectations, and
+forecastings.<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> Her intimations, more or less distinct, dogma or
+tradition or vague hint, guide the poet's imagination through the land
+where all eyes are open. The journey begins under the Easter moon of
+the year of jubilee, on the evening of Good Friday; the days of her
+mourning he spends in the regions of woe, where none dares to
+pronounce the name of the Redeemer, and he issues forth to "behold
+again the stars," to learn how to die to sin and rise to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">-126-</a></span>
+righteousness, very early in the morning, as it begins to dawn, on the
+day of the Resurrection. The whole arrangement of the <i>Purgatorio</i> is
+drawn from Church usages. It is a picture of men suffering in calm and
+holy hope the sharp discipline of repentance, amid the prayers, the
+melodies, the consoling images and thoughts, the orderly ritual, the
+hours of devotion, the sacraments of the Church militant. When he
+ascends in his hardiest flight, and imagines the joys of the perfect
+and the vision of God, his abundant fancy confines itself strictly to
+the limits sanctioned by her famous teachers&mdash;ventures into no new
+sphere, hazards no anticipations in which they have not preceded it,
+and is content with adding to the poetry which it elicits from their
+ideas, a beauty which it is able to conceive apart altogether from
+bodily form&mdash;the beauty, infinite in its variety, of the expression of
+the human eye and smile&mdash;the beauty of light, of sound, of motion. And
+when his song mounts to its last strain of triumph, and the poet's
+thought, imagination, and feeling of beauty, tasked to the utmost, nor
+failing under the weight of glory which they have to express, breathe
+themselves forth in words, higher than which no poetry has ever risen,
+and represent, in images transcending sense, and baffling it, yet
+missing not one of those deep and transporting sympathies which they
+were to touch,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">-127-</a></span> the sight, eye to eye, of the Creator by the
+creature&mdash;he beholds the gathering together, in the presence of God,
+of "all that from our earth has to the skies returned," and of the
+countless orders of their thrones mirrored in His light&mdash;</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 13em;">Mira</span><br />
+Quanto è 'l convento delle bianche stole&mdash;<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>under a figure already taken into the ceremonial of the Church&mdash;the
+mystic Rose, whose expanding leaves image forth the joy of the
+heavenly Jerusalem, both triumphant and militant.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">-128-</a></span></p><p>But this universal reference to the religious ideas of the Church is
+so natural, so unaffected, that it leaves him at full liberty in other
+orders of thought. He can afford not to be conventional&mdash;he can afford
+to be comprehensive and genuine. It has been remarked how, in a poem
+where there would seem to be a fitting place for them, the
+ecclesiastical legends of the middle ages are almost entirely absent.
+The sainted spirits of the <i>Paradiso</i> are not exclusively or chiefly
+the Saints of popular devotion. After the Saints of the Bible, the
+holy women, the three great Apostles, the Virgin mother, they are
+either names personally dear to the poet himself, friends whom he had
+loved, and teachers to whom he owed wisdom<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">-129-</a></span>&mdash;or great men of masculine
+energy in thought or action, in their various lines "compensations and
+antagonists of the world's evils"&mdash;Justinian and Constantine, and
+Charlemagne&mdash;the founders of the Orders, Augustine, Benedict, and
+Bernard, Francis and Dominic&mdash;the great doctors of the Schools, Thomas
+Aquinas, and Bonaventura, whom the Church had not yet canonized. And
+with them are joined&mdash;and that with a full consciousness of the line
+which theology draws between the dispensations of nature and
+grace&mdash;some rare types of virtue among the heathen. Cato is admitted
+to the outskirts of Purgatory; Trajan, and the righteous king of
+Virgil's poem, to the heaven of the just.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p>
+
+<p>Without confusion or disturbance to the religious character of his
+train of thought, he is able freely to subordinate to it the lessons
+and the great recollections of the Gentile times. He contemplates them
+with the veil drawn off from them; as now known to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">-130-</a></span> form but one whole
+with the history of the Bible and the Church, in the design of
+Providence. He presents them in their own colours, as drawn by their
+own writers&mdash;he only adds what Christianity seems to show to be their
+event. Under the conviction, that the light of the Heathen was a real
+guide from above, calling for vengeance in proportion to
+unfaithfulness, or outrage done to it&mdash;"He that nurtureth the heathen,
+it is He that teacheth man knowledge&mdash;shall not He punish?"&mdash;the great
+criminals of profane history are mingled with sinners against God's
+revealed will&mdash;and that, with equal dramatic power, with equal feeling
+of the greatness of their loss. The story of the voyage of Ulysses is
+told with as much vivid power and pathetic interest as the tales of
+the day.<a name="FNanchor_110_111" id="FNanchor_110_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_111" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> He honours unfeignedly the old heathen's brave disdain
+of ease; that spirit, even to old age, eager, fresh, adventurous, and
+inquisitive. His faith allowed him to admire all that was beautiful
+and excellent among the heathen, without forgetting that it fell short
+of what the new gift of the Gospel can alone impart. He saw in it
+proof that God had never left His will and law without their witness
+among men. Virtue was virtue still, though imperfect, and
+unconsecrated&mdash;generosity, largeness of soul, truth,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">-131-</a></span> condescension,
+justice, were never unworthy of the reverence of Christians. Hence he
+uses without fear or scruple the classic element. The examples which
+recall to the minds of the penitents, by sounds and sights, in the
+different terraces of Purgatory, their sin and the grace they have to
+attain to, come indiscriminately from poetry and Scripture. The
+sculptured pavement, to which the proud are obliged ever to bow down
+their eyes, shows at once the humility of S. Mary and of the Psalmist,
+and the condescension of Trajan; and elsewhere the pride of Nimrod and
+Sennacherib, of Niobe, and Cyrus. The envious hear the passing voices
+of courtesy from saints and heroes, and the bursting cry, like
+crashing thunder, of repentant jealousy from Cain and Aglaurus; the
+avaricious, to keep up the memory of their fault, celebrate by day the
+poverty of Fabricius and the liberality of S. Nicolas, and execrate by
+night the greediness of Pygmalion and Midas, of Achan, Heliodorus, and
+Crassus.</p>
+
+<p>Dante's all-surveying, all-embracing mind, was worthy to open the
+grand procession of modern poets. He had chosen his subject in a
+region remote from popular thought&mdash;too awful for it, too abstruse. He
+had accepted frankly the dogmatic limits of the Church, and thrown
+himself with even enthusiastic faith into her reasonings, at once so
+bold and so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">-132-</a></span> undoubting&mdash;her spirit of certainty, and her deep
+contemplations on the unseen and infinite. And in literature, he had
+taken as guides and models, above all criticism and all appeal, the
+classical writers. Yet with his mind full of the deep and intricate
+questions of metaphysics and theology, and his poetical taste always
+owning allegiance to Virgil, Ovid, and Statius&mdash;keen and subtle as a
+Schoolman&mdash;as much an idolator of old heathen art and grandeur as the
+men of the <i>Renaissance</i>&mdash;his eye is as open to the delicacies of
+character, to the variety of external nature, to the wonders of the
+physical world&mdash;his interest in them as diversified and fresh, his
+impressions as sharp and distinct, his rendering of them as free and
+true and forcible, as little weakened or confused by imitation or by
+conventional words, his language as elastic, and as completely under
+his command, his choice of poetic materials as unrestricted and
+original, as if he had been born in days which claim as their own such
+freedom, and such keen discriminative sense of what is real, in
+feeling and image;&mdash;as if he had never felt the attractions of a
+crabbed problem of scholastic logic, or bowed before the mellow grace
+of the Latins. It may be said, indeed, that the time was not yet come
+when the classics could be really understood and appreciated; and this
+is true, perhaps fortunate. But admiring them with a kind of devotion,
+and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">-133-</a></span> showing not seldom that he had caught their spirit, he never
+<i>attempts</i> to copy them. His poetry in form and material is all his
+own. He asserted the poet's claim to borrow from all science, and from
+every phase of nature, the associations and images which he wants; and
+he showed that those images and associations did not lose their poetry
+by being expressed with the most literal reality.</p>
+
+<p>But let no reader of fastidious taste disturb his temper by the study
+of Dante. Dante certainly opened that path of freedom and poetic
+conquest, in which the greatest efforts of modern poetry have followed
+him&mdash;opened it with a magnificence and power which have never been
+surpassed. But the greatest are but pioneers; they must be content to
+leave to a posterity, which knows more, if it cannot do as much, a
+keen and even growing sense of their defects. The <i>Commedia</i> is open
+to all the attacks that can be made on grotesqueness and extravagance.
+This is partly owing, doubtless, to the time, in itself quaint,
+quainter to us, by being remote and ill-understood; but even then,
+weaker and less daring writers than Dante do not equally offend or
+astonish us. So that an image or an expression will render forcibly a
+thought, there is no strangeness which checks him. Barbarous words are
+introduced, to express the cries of the demon or the confusion of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">-134-</a></span>
+Babel&mdash;even to represent the incomprehensible song of the
+blessed;<a name="FNanchor_111_112" id="FNanchor_111_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_112" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> inarticulate syllables, to convey the impression of some
+natural sound&mdash;the cry of sorrowful surprise:</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+Alto sospir, che duolo strinse in <i>hui</i>;&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 16.
+</p>
+
+<p>or the noise of the cracking ice:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Se Tabernicch<br />
+Vi fosse sù caduto, o Pietra-pana<br />
+Non avria pur da l'orlo fatto <i>cricch</i>;&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 32.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>even separate letters&mdash;to express an image, to spell a name, or as
+used in some popular proverb.<a name="FNanchor_112_113" id="FNanchor_112_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_113" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> He employs without scruple, and
+often with marvellous force of description, any recollection that
+occurs to him, however homely, of everyday life;&mdash;the old tailor
+threading his needle with trouble (<i>Inf.</i> 15);&mdash;the cook's assistant
+watching over the boiling broth (<i>Inf.</i> 21);&mdash;the hurried or impatient
+horse-groom<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">-135-</a></span> using his curry-comb (<i>Inf.</i> 29);&mdash;or the common sights
+of the street or the chamber&mdash;the wet wood sputtering on the hearth:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Come d'un stizzo verde che arso sia<br />
+Dall'un de' capi, che dall'altro geme<br />
+E cigola per vento che va via;&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 13.<a name="FNanchor_113_114" id="FNanchor_113_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_114" class="fnanchor">[113]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>the paper changing colour when about to catch fire:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Come procede innanzi dall'ardore<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Per lo papiro suso un color bruno</span><br />
+Che non è nero ancora, e 'l bianco muore:&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 25.<a name="FNanchor_114_115" id="FNanchor_114_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_115" class="fnanchor">[114]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>the steaming of the hand when bathed, in winter:</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+Fuman come man bagnata il verno:&mdash;
+</p>
+
+<p>or the ways and appearances of animals&mdash;ants meeting on their path:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Lì veggio d'ogni parte farsi presta<br />
+Ciascun'ombra, e baciarsi una con una<br />
+Senza restar, contente a breve festa:<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Così per entro loro schiera bruna</span><br />
+<i>S'ammusa l'una con l'altra formica</i>,<br />
+Forse a spiar lor via e lor fortuna;&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 26.<a name="FNanchor_115_116" id="FNanchor_115_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_116" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">-136-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>the snail drawing in its horns (<i>Inf.</i> 25);&mdash;the hog shut out of its
+sty, and trying to gore with its tusks (<i>Inf.</i> 30);&mdash;the dogs' misery
+in summer (<i>Inf.</i> 17);&mdash;the frogs jumping on to the bank before the
+water-snake (<i>Inf.</i> 9);&mdash;or showing their heads above water:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Come al orlo dell'acqua d'un fosso<br />
+Stan gli ranocchi <i>pur col muso fuori</i>,<br />
+Sì che celano i piedi, e l'altro grosso.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 22.<a name="FNanchor_116_117" id="FNanchor_116_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_117" class="fnanchor">[116]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>It must be said, that most of these images, though by no means all,
+occur in the <i>Inferno</i>; and that the poet means to paint sin not
+merely in the greatness of its ruin and misery, but in characters
+which all understand, of strangeness, of vileness, of despicableness,
+blended with diversified and monstrous horror. Even he seems to
+despair of his power at times:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+S'io avessi le rime e aspre, e chiocce,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come si converrebbe al tristo buco,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sovra 'l qual pontan tutte l'altre rocce;</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">-137-</a></span><br />
+Io premerrei di mio concetto il suco<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Più pienamente; ma perch'io non l'abbo,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Non senza tema a dicer mi conduco:</span><br />
+Che non è 'mpresa da pigliare a gabbo<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Descriver fondo a tutto l'universo,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nè da lingua, che chiami mamma, o babbo.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 32.<a name="FNanchor_117_118" id="FNanchor_117_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_118" class="fnanchor">[117]</a></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>Feeling the difference between sins, in their elements and, as far as
+we see them, their baseness, he treats them variously. His ridicule is
+apportioned with a purpose. He passes on from the doom of the sins of
+incontinence&mdash;the storm, the frost and hail, the crushing
+weights&mdash;from the flaming minarets of the city of Dis, of the Furies
+and Proserpine, "Donna dell'eterno pianto," where the unbelievers lie,
+each in his burning tomb&mdash;from the river of boiling blood&mdash;the wood
+with the Harpies&mdash;the waste of barren sand with fiery snow, where the
+violent are punished&mdash;to the Malebolge, the manifold circles of
+Falsehood. And here scorn and ridicule in various degrees, according
+to the vileness of the fraud, begin to predominate, till they
+culminate in that grim comedy,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">-138-</a></span> with its <i>dramatis personæ</i> and battle
+of devils, Draghignazzo, and Graffiacane, and Malacoda, where the
+peculators and sellers of justice are fished up by the demons from the
+boiling pitch, but even there overreach and cheat their tormentors,
+and make them turn their fangs on each other. The diversified forms of
+falsehood seem to tempt the poet's imagination to cope with its
+changefulness and inventions, as well as its audacity. The
+transformations of the wildest dream do not daunt him. His power over
+language is nowhere more forcibly displayed than in those cantos,
+which describe the punishments of theft&mdash;men passing gradually into
+serpents, and serpents into men:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Due e nessun l'imagine perversa<br />
+Parea.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 25.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>And when the traitor, who murdered his own kinsman, was still alive,
+and seemed safe from the infamy which it was the poet's rule to bestow
+only on the dead, Dante found a way to inflict his vengeance without
+an anachronism:&mdash;Branca D'Oria's body, though on earth, is only
+animated by a fiend, and his spirit has long since fled to the icy
+prison.<a name="FNanchor_118_119" id="FNanchor_118_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_119" class="fnanchor">[118]</a></p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">-139-</a></span></p>
+<p>These are strange experiments in poetry; their strangeness is
+exaggerated as detached passages; but they are strange enough when
+they meet us in their place in the context, as parts of a scene, where
+the mind is strung and overawed by the sustained power, with which
+dreariness, horror, hideous absence of every form of good, is kept
+before the imagination and feelings, in the fearful picture of human
+sin. But they belong to the poet's system of direct and forcible
+representation. What his inward eye sees, what he feels, that he means
+us to see and feel as he does; to make us see and feel is his art.
+Afterwards we may<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">-140-</a></span> reflect and meditate; but first we must see&mdash;must
+see what he saw. Evil and deformity are in the world, as well as good
+and beauty; the eye cannot escape them, they are about our path, in
+our heart and memory. He has faced them without shrinking or
+dissembling, and extorted from them a voice of warning. In all poetry
+that is written for mere delight, in all poetry which regards but a
+part or an aspect of nature, they have no place&mdash;they disturb and mar;
+but he had conceived a poetry of the whole, which would be weak or
+false without them. Yet they stand in his poem as they stand in
+nature&mdash;subordinate and relieved. If the grotesque is allowed to
+intrude itself&mdash;if the horrible and the foul, undisguised and
+unsoftened, make us shudder and shrink, they are kept in strong check
+and in due subjection by other poetical influences; and the same power
+which exhibits them in their naked strength, renders its full grace
+and glory to beauty; its full force and delicacy to the most
+evanescent feeling.</p>
+
+<p>Dante's eye was free and open to external nature in a degree new among
+poets; certainly in a far greater degree than among the Latins, even
+including Lucretius, whom he probably had never read. We have already
+spoken of his minute notice of the appearance of living creatures; but
+his eye was caught by the beautiful as well as by the grotesque.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">-141-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Take the following beautiful picture of the bird looking out for dawn:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Come l'augello intra l'amate fronde,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Posato al nido de' suoi dolci nati,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">La notte, che le cose ci nasconde,</span><br />
+Che per veder gli aspetti desiati,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E per trovar lo cibo, onde li pasca,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In che i gravi labor gli sono aggrati,</span><br />
+Previene 'l tempo in su l'aperta frasca,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E con ardente affetto il sole aspetta,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fiso guardando, pur che l'alba nasca.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 23.<a name="FNanchor_119_120" id="FNanchor_119_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_120" class="fnanchor">[119]</a></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>Nothing indeed can be more true and original than his images of birds;
+they are varied and very numerous. We have the water-birds rising in
+clamorous and changing flocks:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come augelli surti di riviera</span><br />
+<i>Quasi congratulando a lor pasture</i>,<br />
+Fanno di sè or tonda or lunga schiera;&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 18.<a name="FNanchor_120_121" id="FNanchor_120_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_121" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">-142-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>the rooks, beginning to move about at daybreak:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E come per lo natural costume,</span><br />
+Le pole insieme, al cominciar del giorno<br />
+Si muovono a scaldar le fredde piume,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Poi altre vanno via senza ritorno,</span><br />
+Altre rivolgon sè onde son mosse<br />
+Ed altre roteando fan soggiorno;&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 21.<a name="FNanchor_121_122" id="FNanchor_121_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_122" class="fnanchor">[121]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>the morning sounds of the swallow:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nell'ora che comincia i tristi lai</span><br />
+La rondinella presso alla mattina,<br />
+Forse a memoria de' suoi primi guai;&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 9.<a name="FNanchor_122_123" id="FNanchor_122_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_123" class="fnanchor">[122]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>the joy and delight of the nightingale's song (<i>Purg.</i> 17); the lark,
+silent at last, filled with its own sweetness:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Qual lodoletta, che 'n aere si spazia,</span><br />
+Prima cantando, e <i>poi tace contenta<br />
+Dell'ultima dolcezza che la sazia</i>;&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 20.<a name="FNanchor_123_124" id="FNanchor_123_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_124" class="fnanchor">[123]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>the flight of the starlings and storks (<i>Inf.</i> 5, <i>Purg.</i> 24); the
+mournful cry and long line of the cranes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">-143-</a></span> (<i>Inf.</i> 5, <i>Purg.</i> 26); the
+young birds trying to escape from the nest (<i>Purg.</i> 25); the eagle
+hanging in the sky:</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+Con l'ale aperte, e a calare intesa;&mdash;
+</p>
+
+<p>the dove, standing close to its mate, or wheeling round it:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sì come quando 'l <i>colombo si pone</i></span><br />
+<i>Presso al compagno</i>, l'uno e l'altro pande<br />
+<i>Girando e mormorando</i> l'affezione;&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 25.<a name="FNanchor_124_125" id="FNanchor_124_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_125" class="fnanchor">[124]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>or the flock of pigeons, feeding:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 5em;">Adunati alla pastura,</span><br />
+Queti, <i>senza mostrar l'usato orgoglio</i>.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 2.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>Hawking supplies its images: the falcon coming for its food:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Il falcon che prima a piè si mira,</span><br />
+Indi si volge al grido, e si protende,<br />
+Per lo disio del pasto, che là il tira;&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 19.<a name="FNanchor_125_126" id="FNanchor_125_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_126" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">-144-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>or just unhooded, pluming itself for its flight:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quasi falcon, ch'esce del cappello,</span><br />
+Muove la testa, e con l'ale s'applaude,<br />
+<i>Voglia mostrando, e facendosi bello</i>;&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 19.<a name="FNanchor_126_127" id="FNanchor_126_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_127" class="fnanchor">[126]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>or returning without success, sullen and loath:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come 'l falcon ch'è stato assai su l'ali,</span><br />
+Che senza veder logoro, o uccello,<br />
+Fa dire al falconiere: Oimè tu cali!<br />
+Discende lasso onde si muove snello<br />
+Per cento ruote, <i>e da lungi si pone</i><br />
+Dal suo maestro, <i>disdegnoso e fello</i>.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 17.<a name="FNanchor_127_128" id="FNanchor_127_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_128" class="fnanchor">[127]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>It is curious to observe him taking Virgil's similes, and altering
+them. When Virgil describes the throng of souls, he compares them to
+falling leaves, or gathering birds in autumn:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quam multa in silvis auctumni frigore primo</span><br />
+Lapsa cadunt folia, aut ad terram gurgite ab alto<br />
+Quam multæ glomerantur aves, ubi frigidus annus<br />
+Trans pontum fugat, et terris immittit apricis&mdash;<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>Dante uses the same images, but without copying:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come d'Autunno si levan le foglie,</span><br />
+L'una appresso dell'altra, infin che 'l ramo<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">-145-</a></span><br />
+Rende alla terra tutte le sue spoglie;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Similemente il mal seme d'Adamo:</span><br />
+Gittansi di quel lito ad una ad una<br />
+Per cenni, com'augel per suo richiamo.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Così sen vanno su per l'onda bruna,</span><br />
+Ed avanti che sien di là discese,<br />
+Anche di qua nuova schiera s'aduna.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 3.<a name="FNanchor_128_129" id="FNanchor_128_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_129" class="fnanchor">[128]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>Again&mdash;compared with one of Virgil's most highly-finished and perfect
+pictures, the flight of the pigeon, disturbed at first, and then
+becoming swift and smooth:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Qualis spelunca subito commota columba,<br />
+Cui domus et dulces latebroso in pumice nidi,<br />
+Fertur in arva volans, plausumque exterrita pennis<br />
+Dat tecto ingentem, mox aere lapsa quieto<br />
+Radit iter liquidum, celeres neque commovet alas&mdash;<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>the Italian's simplicity and strength may balance the "ornata parola"
+of Virgil:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Quali colombe dal disio chiamate,<br />
+Con <i>l'ali aperte e ferme</i> al dolce nido<br />
+Volan per l'aer dal voler portate.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 5.<a name="FNanchor_129_130" id="FNanchor_129_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_130" class="fnanchor">[129]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">-146-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Take, again, the <i>times of the day</i>, with what is characteristic of
+them&mdash;appearances, lights, feelings&mdash;seldom dwelt on at length, but
+carried at once to the mind, and stamped upon it sometimes by a single
+word. The sense of <i>morning</i>, its inspiring and cheering strength,
+softens the opening of the <i>Inferno</i>; breathes its refreshing calm, in
+the interval of repose after the last horrors of hell, in the first
+canto of the <i>Purgatorio</i>; and prepares for the entrance into the
+earthly Paradise at its close. In the waning light of <i>evening</i>, and
+its chilling sense of loneliness, he prepared himself for his dread
+pilgrimage:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lo giorno se n'andava, e l'aer bruno</span><br />
+Toglieva gli animai che sono 'n terra<br />
+Dalle fatiche loro; ed io sol uno<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">M'apparechiava a sostener la guerra</span><br />
+Sì del cammino, e sì della pietate.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 2.
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">-147-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Indeed there is scarcely an hour of day or night, which has not left
+its own recollection with him;&mdash;of which we cannot find some memorial
+in his poem. Evening and night have many. Evening, with its softness
+and melancholy&mdash;its exhaustion and languor, after the work, perhaps
+unfulfilled, of day&mdash;its regrets and yearnings&mdash;its sounds and
+doubtful lights&mdash;the distant bell, the closing chants of Compline, the
+<i>Salve Regina</i>, the <i>Te lucis ante terminum</i>&mdash;with its insecurity, and
+its sense of protection from above&mdash;broods over the poet's first
+resting-place on his heavenly road&mdash;that still, solemn, dreamy
+scene&mdash;the Valley of Flowers in the mountain side, where those who
+have been negligent about their salvation, but not altogether
+faithless and fruitless, the assembled shades of great kings and of
+poets, wait, looking upwards, "pale and humble," for the hour when
+they may begin in earnest their penance. (<i>Purg.</i> 7 and 8.) The level,
+blinding evening beams (<i>Purg.</i> 15); the contrast of gathering
+darkness in the valley or on the shore with the lingering lights on
+the mountain (<i>Purg.</i> 17); the rapid sinking of the sun, and approach
+of night in the south (<i>Purg.</i> 27); the flaming sunset clouds of
+August; the sheet-lightning of summer (<i>Purg.</i> 5); have left pictures
+in his mind, which an incidental touch reawakens, and a few strong
+words are sufficient to express. Other appearances he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">-148-</a></span> describes with
+more fulness. The stars coming out one by one, baffling at first the
+eye:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ed ecco intorno di chiarezza pari</span><br />
+Nascer un lustro sopra quel che v'era,<br />
+A guisa d'orizzonte, che rischiari.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>E sì come al salir di prima sera</i></span><br />
+<i>Comincian per lo Ciel nuove parvenze,<br />
+Sì che la cosa pare e non par vera</i>;&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 14.<a name="FNanchor_130_131" id="FNanchor_130_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_131" class="fnanchor">[130]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>or else, bursting out suddenly over the heavens:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quando colui che tutto il mondo alluma,</span><br />
+De l'emisperio nostro si discende,<br />
+E 'l giorno d'ogni parte si consuma;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lo ciel che sol di lui prima s'accende,</span><br />
+Subitamente si rifà parvente<br />
+Per molte luci in che una risplende;&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 20.<a name="FNanchor_131_132" id="FNanchor_131_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_132" class="fnanchor">[131]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>or the effect of shooting-stars:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quale per li seren tranquilli e puri</span><br />
+Discorre ad ora ad or subito fuoco<br />
+Movendo gli occhi che stavan sicuri,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E pare stella che tramuti loco,</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">-149-</a></span><br />
+Se non che dalla parte onde s'accende<br />
+Nulla sen perde, ed esso dura poco;&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 15.<a name="FNanchor_132_133" id="FNanchor_132_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_133" class="fnanchor">[132]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>or, again, that characteristic sight of the Italian summer night&mdash;the
+fire-flies:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quante il villan che al poggio si riposa,</span><br />
+Nel tempo che colui che 'l mondo schiara<br />
+La faccia sua a noi tien men ascosa,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come la mosca cede alla zenzara,</span><br />
+Vede lucciole giù per la vallea<br />
+Forse colà dove vendemmia ed ara.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 26.<a name="FNanchor_133_134" id="FNanchor_133_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_134" class="fnanchor">[133]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>Noon, too, does not want its characteristic touches&mdash;the
+lightning-like glancing of the lizard's rapid motion:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come il ramarro sotto la gran fersa</span><br />
+Ne' dì canicular cangiando siepe<br />
+Folgore par, se la via attraversa;&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 25.<a name="FNanchor_134_135" id="FNanchor_134_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_135" class="fnanchor">[134]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>the motes in the sunbeam at noontide (<i>Par.</i> 14); its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">-150-</a></span> clear,
+diffused, insupportable brightness, filling all things:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+E tutti eran già pieni<br />
+Dell'alto dì i giron del sacro monte.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 19.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>and veiling the sun in his own light:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Io veggio ben sì come <i>tu t'annidi</i></span><br />
+<i>Nel proprio lume</i>.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sì come 'l sol che si cela egli stessi</span><br />
+Per troppa luce, quando 'l caldo ha rose<br />
+Le temperanze de' vapori spessi.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 5.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>But the sights and feelings of morning are what he touches on most
+frequently; and he does so with the precision of one who had watched
+them with often-repeated delight: the scented freshness of the breeze
+that stirs before daybreak:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E quale annunziatrice degli albori</span><br />
+Aura di maggio muovesi ed olezza<br />
+Tutta impregnata dall'erba e da' fiori;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tal mi senti' un vento dar per mezza</span><br />
+La fronte;&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 24.<a name="FNanchor_135_136" id="FNanchor_135_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_136" class="fnanchor">[135]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>the chill of early morning (<i>Purg.</i> 19); the dawn stealing on, and the
+stars, one by one, fading "infino<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">-151-</a></span> alla più bella" (<i>Parad.</i> 30); the
+brightness of the "trembling morning star"&mdash;</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+Par tremolando mattutina stella;&mdash;
+</p>
+
+<p>the serenity of the dawn, the blue gradually gathering in the east,
+spreading over the brightening sky (<i>Parad.</i> 1); then succeeded by the
+orange tints&mdash;and Mars setting red, through the mist over the sea:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ed ecco, qual sul presso del mattino</span><br />
+Per li grossi vapor Marte rosseggia<br />
+Giù nel ponente, sopra 'l suol marino,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cotal m'apparve, s'io ancor lo veggia,</span><br />
+Un lume per lo mar venir sì ratto<br />
+Che 'l muover suo nessun volar pareggia;&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 2.<a name="FNanchor_136_137" id="FNanchor_136_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_137" class="fnanchor">[136]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>the distant sea-beach quivering in the early light:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">L'alba vinceva l'ora mattutina</span><br />
+Che fuggia innanzi, sì che di lontano<br />
+Conobbi <i>il tremolar della marina</i>;&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 1.<a name="FNanchor_137_138" id="FNanchor_137_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_138" class="fnanchor">[137]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>the contrast of east and west at the moment of sunrise, and the sun
+appearing, clothed in mist:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Io vidi già nel cominciar del giorno</span><br />
+La parte oriental tutta rosata<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">-152-</a></span><br />
+E l'altro ciel di bel sereno adorno;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E la faccia del sol nascere ombrata</span><br />
+Sì che per temperanza di vapori<br />
+L'occhio lo sostenea lunga fiata;&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 30.<a name="FNanchor_138_139" id="FNanchor_138_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_139" class="fnanchor">[138]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>or breaking through it, and shooting his beams over the sky:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Di tutte parti saettava il giorno</span><br />
+Lo sol ch'avea con le saette conte<br />
+Di mezzo 'l ciel cacciato 'l Capricorno.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 2.<a name="FNanchor_139_140" id="FNanchor_139_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_140" class="fnanchor">[139]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>But <i>light</i> in general is his special and chosen source of poetic
+beauty. No poet that we know has shown such singular sensibility to
+its varied appearances&mdash;has shown that he felt it in itself the cause
+of a distinct and peculiar pleasure, delighting the eye apart from
+form, as music delights the ear apart from words, and capable, like
+music, of definite character, of endless variety, and infinite
+meanings. He must have studied and dwelt upon it like music. His mind
+is charged with its effects and combinations, and they are rendered
+with a force, a brevity, a precision, a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">-153-</a></span> heedlessness and
+unconsciousness of ornament, an indifference to circumstance and
+detail; they flash out with a spontaneous readiness, a suitableness
+and felicity, which show the familiarity and grasp given only by daily
+observation, daily thought, daily pleasure. Light everywhere&mdash;in the
+sky and earth and sea&mdash;in the star, the flame, the lamp, the
+gem&mdash;broken in the water, reflected from the mirror, transmitted pure
+through the glass, or coloured through the edge of the fractured
+emerald&mdash;dimmed in the mist, the halo, the deep water&mdash;streaming
+through the rent cloud, glowing in the coal, quivering in the
+lightning, flashing in the topaz and the ruby, veiled behind the pure
+alabaster, mellowed and clouding itself in the pearl&mdash;light contrasted
+with shadow&mdash;shading off and copying itself in the double rainbow,
+like voice and echo&mdash;light seen within light, as voice discerned
+within voice, "<i>quando una è ferma, e l'altra va e riede</i>"&mdash;the
+brighter "nestling" itself in the fainter&mdash;the purer set off on the
+less clear, "<i>come perla in bianca fronte</i>"&mdash;light in the human eye
+and face, displaying, figuring, and confounded with its
+expressions&mdash;light blended with joy in the eye:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 7.5em;">luce</span><br />
+Come letizia in pupilla viva;<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>and in the smile:</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+Vincendo me col lume d'un sorriso;
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">-154-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>joy lending its expression to light:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Quivi la donna mia vid'io sì lieta&mdash;<br />
+Che più lucente se ne fè il pianeta.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E se la <i>stella si cambiò, e rise</i>,</span><br />
+Qual mi fec'io;&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 5.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>light from every source, and in all its shapes, illuminates,
+irradiates, gives its glory to the <i>Commedia</i>. The remembrance of our
+"serene life" beneath the "fair stars" keeps up continually the gloom
+of the <i>Inferno</i>. Light, such as we see it and recognise it, the light
+of morning and evening growing and fading, takes off from the
+unearthliness of the <i>Purgatorio</i>; peopled, as it is, by the undying,
+who, though suffering for sin, can sin no more, it is thus made like
+our familiar world, made to touch our sympathies as an image of our
+own purification in the flesh. And when he rises beyond the regions of
+earthly day, light, simple, unalloyed, unshadowed, eternal, lifts the
+creations of his thought above all affinity to time and matter; light
+never fails him, as the expression of the gradations of bliss; never
+reappears the same, never refuses the new shapes of his invention,
+never becomes confused or dim, though it is seldom thrown into
+distinct figure, and still more seldom <i>coloured</i>. Only once, that we
+remember, is the thought of colour forced on us; when the bright joy
+of heaven suffers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">-155-</a></span> change and eclipse, and deepens into red at the
+sacrilege of men.<a name="FNanchor_140_141" id="FNanchor_140_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_141" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p>
+
+<p>Yet his eye is everywhere, not confined to the beauty or character of
+the sky and its lights. His range of observation and largeness of
+interest prevent that line of imagery, which is his peculiar
+instrument and predilection, from becoming, in spite of its brightness
+and variety, dreamy and monotonous; prevent it from arming against
+itself sympathies which it does not touch. He has watched with equal
+attention, and draws with not less power, the occurrences and sights
+of Italian country life; the summer whirlwind sweeping over the
+plain&mdash;"<i>dinanzi polveroso va superbo</i>" (<i>Inf.</i> 9); the rain-storm of
+the Apennines (<i>Purg.</i> 5); the peasant's alternations of feeling in
+spring:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In quella parte del giovinetto anno</span><br />
+Che 'l sole i crin sotto l'Aquario tempra,<br />
+E già le notti al mezzo dì sen vanno;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quando la brina in su la terra assempra</span><br />
+L'imagine di sua sorella bianca,<br />
+Ma poco dura alla sua penna tempra,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lo villanello a cui la roba manca</span><br />
+Si leva e guarda, e vede la campagna<br />
+Biancheggiar tutta; ond'ei si batte l'anca;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ritorna a casa, e qua e là si lagna</span><br />
+Come 'l tapin che non sa che si faccia:<br />
+Poi riede e la speranza ringavagna<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">-156-</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Veggendo 'l mondo aver cangiata faccia</span><br />
+In poco d'ora, e prende il suo vincastro<br />
+E fuor le pecorelle a pascer caccia:&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 24.<a name="FNanchor_141_142" id="FNanchor_141_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_142" class="fnanchor">[141]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>the manner in which sheep come out from the fold:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come le pecorelle escon del chiuso</span><br />
+<i>A una a due a tre, e l'altre stanno,<br />
+Timidette atterrando l'occhio e' l muso;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E ciò che fa la prima, e l'altre fanno,</span><br />
+Addossandosi a lei s'ella s'arresta</i><br />
+Semplici e quete, e lo 'mperchè non sanno:<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sì vid'io muover a venir la testa</span><br />
+Di quella mandria fortunata allotta,<br />
+Pudica in faccia e nell'andare onesta.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come color dinanzi vider rotta</span><br />
+La luce....<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ristaro, e trasser sè indietro alquanto,</span><br />
+E tutti gli altri che veniano appresso,<br />
+Non sappiendo il perchè, fero altrettanto.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 3.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>So with the beautiful picture of the goats upon the mountain, chewing
+the cud in the noontide heat<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">-157-</a></span> and stillness, and the goatherd, resting
+on his staff and watching them&mdash;a picture which no traveller among the
+mountains of Italy or Greece can have missed, or have forgotten:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quali si fanno ruminando manse</span><br />
+Le capre, <i>state rapide e proterve<br />
+Sopra le cime</i> avanti che sien pranse,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Tacite al ombra mentre che 'l sol ferve,</i></span><br />
+<i>Guardate dal pastor</i> che 'n su la verga<br />
+Poggiato s'è, e lor poggiato serve.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 27.<a name="FNanchor_142_143" id="FNanchor_142_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_143" class="fnanchor">[142]</a><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>So again, with his recollections of cities: the crowd, running
+together to hear news (<i>Purg.</i> 2), or pressing after the winner of the
+game (<i>Purg.</i> 6); the blind men at the church doors, or following
+their guide through the throng (<i>Purg.</i> 13, 16); the friars walking
+along in silence, one behind another:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Taciti, soli, e senza compagnia</span><br />
+N'andavam, <i>l'un dinanzi, e l'altro dopo<br />
+Come i frati minor vanno per via</i>.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 23.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>He turns to account in his poem, the pomp and clamour of the host
+taking the field (<i>Inf.</i> 22); the devices of heraldry; the answering
+chimes of morning<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">-158-</a></span> bells over the city;<a name="FNanchor_143_144" id="FNanchor_143_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_144" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> the inventions and
+appliances of art, the wheels within wheels of clocks (<i>Par.</i> 24), the
+many-coloured carpets of the East (<i>Inf.</i> 17); music and dancing&mdash;the
+organ and voice in church:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+&mdash;Voce mista al dolce suono<br />
+Che or sì or no s'intendon le parole,&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 9.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>the lute and voice in the chamber (<i>Par.</i> 20); the dancers preparing
+to begin,<a name="FNanchor_144_145" id="FNanchor_144_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_145" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> or waiting to catch a new strain.<a name="FNanchor_145_146" id="FNanchor_145_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_146" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> Or, again, the
+images of domestic life, the mother's ways to her child, reserved and
+reproving&mdash;"che al figlio par superba"&mdash;or cheering him with her
+voice, or watching him compassionately in the wandering of fever:</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ond'ella, appresso d'un pio sospiro</span><br />
+Gli occhi drizzò ver me, con quel sembiante<br />
+Che madre fa sopra figliuol deliro.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 1.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">-159-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Nor is he less observant of the more delicate phenomena of mind, in
+its inward workings, and its connexion with the body. The play of
+features, the involuntary gestures and attitudes of the passions, the
+power of eye over eye, of hand upon hand, the charm of voice and
+expression, of musical sounds even when not understood&mdash;feelings,
+sensations, and states of mind which have a name, and others, equally
+numerous and equally common, which have none&mdash;these, often so
+fugitive, so shifting, so baffling and intangible, are expressed with
+a directness, a simplicity, a sense of truth at once broad and
+refined, which seized at once on the congenial mind of his countrymen,
+and pointed out to them the road which they have followed in art,
+unapproached as yet by any competitors.<a name="FNanchor_146_147" id="FNanchor_146_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_147" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">-160-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>And he has anticipated the latest schools of modern poetry, by making
+not merely nature, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">-161-</a></span> science tributary to a poetry with whose
+general aim and spirit it has little in common&mdash;tributary in its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">-162-</a></span>
+exact forms, even in its technicalities. He speaks of the
+Mediterranean Sea, not merely as a historian, or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">-163-</a></span> an observer of its
+storms or its smiles, but as a geologist;<a name="FNanchor_147_148" id="FNanchor_147_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_148" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> of light, not merely in
+its beautiful appearances, but in its natural laws.<a name="FNanchor_148_149" id="FNanchor_148_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_149" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> There is a
+charm, an imaginative charm to him, not merely in the sensible
+magnificence of the heavens, "in their silence, and light, and
+watchfulness," but in the system of Ptolemy and the theories of
+astrology; and he delights to interweave the poetry of feeling and of
+the outward sense with the grandeur&mdash;so far as he knew it&mdash;of order,
+proportion, measured magnitudes, the relations of abstract forces,
+displayed on such a scene as the material universe, as if he wished to
+show that imagination in its boldest flight was not afraid of the
+company of the clear and subtle intellect.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed the real never daunts him. It is his leading principle of
+poetic composition, to draw out of things the poetry which is latent
+in them, either essentially, or as they are portions, images, or
+reflexes of something greater&mdash;not to invest them with a poetical
+semblance, by means of words which bring with them poetical
+associations, and have received a general poetical stamp. Dante has
+few of those indirect charms which flow from the subtle structure and
+refined graces of language&mdash;none of that exquisitely-fitted and
+self-sustained mechanism of choice<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">-164-</a></span> words of the Greeks&mdash;none of that
+tempered and majestic amplitude of diction, which clothes, like the
+folds of a royal robe, the thoughts of the Latins&mdash;none of that
+abundant play of fancy and sentiment, soft or grand, in which the
+later Italian poets delighted. Words with him are used sparingly,
+never in play&mdash;never because they carry with them poetical
+recollections&mdash;never for their own sake; but because they are
+instruments which will give the deepest, clearest, sharpest stamp of
+that image which the poet's mind, piercing to the very heart of his
+subject, or seizing the characteristic feature which to other men's
+eyes is confused and lost among others accidental and common, draws
+forth in severe and living truth. Words will not always bend
+themselves to his demands on them; they make him often uncouth,
+abrupt, obscure. But he is too much in earnest to heed uncouthness;
+and his power over language is too great to allow uncertainty as to
+what he means, to be other than occasional. Nor is he a stranger to
+the utmost sweetness and melody of language. But it appears, unsought
+for and unlaboured, the spontaneous and inevitable obedience of the
+tongue and pen to the impressions of the mind; as grace and beauty, of
+themselves, "command and guide the eye" of the painter, who thinks not
+of his hand but of them. All is in character with the absorbed and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">-165-</a></span>
+serious earnestness which pervades the poem; there is no toying, no
+ornament, that a man in earnest might not throw into his
+words;&mdash;whether in single images, or in pictures, like that of the
+Meadow of the Heroes (<i>Inf.</i> 4), or the angel appearing in hell to
+guide the poet through the burning city (<i>Inf.</i> 9)&mdash;or in histories,
+like those of Count Ugolino, or the life of S. Francis (<i>Parad.</i>
+11)&mdash;or in the dramatic scenes like the meeting of the poets Sordello
+and Virgil (<i>Purgat.</i> 6), or that one, unequalled in beauty, where
+Dante himself, after years of forgetfulness and sin, sees Beatrice in
+glory, and hears his name, never but once pronounced during the
+vision, from her lips.<a name="FNanchor_149_150" id="FNanchor_149_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_150" class="fnanchor">[149]</a></p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">-166-</a></span></p>
+<p>But this, or any other array of scenes and images, might be matched
+from poets of a far lower order than Dante: and to specimens which
+might be brought together of his audacity and extravagance, no
+parallel could be found except among the lowest. We cannot, honestly,
+plead the barbarism of the time as his excuse. That, doubtless,
+contributed largely to them; but they were the faults of the man. In
+another age, their form might have been different; yet we cannot
+believe so much of time, that it would have tamed Dante. Nor can we
+wish it. It might have made him less great: and his greatness can
+well<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">-167-</a></span> bear its own blemishes, and will not less meet its due honour
+among men, because they can detect its kindred to themselves.</p>
+
+<p>The greatness of his work is not in its details&mdash;to be made or marred
+by them. It is the greatness of a comprehensive and vast conception,
+sustaining without failure the trial of its long and hazardous
+execution, and fulfilling at its close the hope and promise of its
+beginning; like the greatness&mdash;which we watch in its course with
+anxious suspense, and look back upon when it is secured by death, with
+deep admiration&mdash;of a perfect life. Many a surprise, many a
+difficulty, many a disappointment, many a strange reverse and
+alternation of feelings, attend the progress of the most patient and
+admiring reader of the <i>Commedia</i>; as many as attend on one who
+follows the unfolding of a strong character in life. We are often
+shocked when we were prepared to admire&mdash;repelled, when we came with
+sympathy; the accustomed key fails at a critical moment&mdash;depths are
+revealed which we cannot sound, mysteries which baffle and confound
+us. But the check is for a time&mdash;the gap and chasm does not dissever.
+Haste is even an evidence of life&mdash;the brief word, the obscure hint,
+the unexplained, the unfinished, or even the unachieved, are the marks
+of human feebleness, but are also among those of human truth. The
+unity of the whole is unimpaired.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">-168-</a></span> The strength which is working it
+out, though it may have at times disappointed us, shows no hollowness
+or exhaustion. The surprise of disappointment is balanced&mdash;there is
+the surprise of unimagined excellence. Powers do more than they
+promised; and that spontaneous and living energy, without which
+neither man nor poet can be trusted, and which showed its strength
+even in its failures, shows it more abundantly in the novelties of
+success&mdash;by touching sympathies which have never been touched before,
+by the unconstrained freshness with which it meets the proverbial and
+familiar, by the freedom with which it adjusts itself to a new
+position or an altered task&mdash;by the completeness, unstudied and
+instinctive, with which it holds together dissimilar and uncongenial
+materials, and forces the most intractable, the most unaccustomed to
+submission, to receive the colour of the whole&mdash;by its orderly and
+unmistakable onward march, and its progress, as in height, so in what
+corresponds to height. It was one and the same man, who rose from the
+despair, the agony, the vivid and vulgar horrors of the <i>Inferno</i>, to
+the sense and imagination of certainty, sinlessness, and joy
+ineffable&mdash;the same man whose power and whose sympathies failed him
+not, whether discriminating and enumerating, as if he had gone through
+them all, the various forms of human suffering, from the dull,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">-169-</a></span>
+gnawing sense of the loss of happiness, to the infinite woes of the
+wrecked and ruined spirit, and the coarser pangs of the material
+flesh; or dwelling on the changeful lights and shades of earnest
+repentance, in its hard, but not unaided or ungladdened struggle, and
+on that restoration to liberty and peace, which can change even this
+life into paradise, and reverse the doom which made sorrow our
+condition, and laughter and joy unnatural and dangerous&mdash;the penalty
+of that first fault, which</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 4.5em;">In pianto ed in affanno</span><br />
+Cambiò onesto riso e dolce giuoco:<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>or rising finally above mortal experience, to imagine the freedom of
+the saints and the peace of eternity. In this consists the greatness
+of his power. It is not necessary to read through the <i>Commedia</i> to
+see it&mdash;open it where we please, we see that he is on his way, and
+whither he is going; episode and digression share in the solemnity of
+the general order.</p>
+
+<p>And his greatness was more than that of power. That reach and play of
+sympathy ministered to a noble wisdom, which used it thoughtfully and
+consciously for a purpose to which great poetry had never yet been
+applied, except in the mouth of prophets. Dante was a stern man, and
+more than stern, among his fellows. But he has left to those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">-170-</a></span> who
+never saw his face an inheritance the most precious; he has left them
+that which, reflecting and interpreting their minds, does so, not to
+amuse, not to bewilder, not to warp, not to turn them in upon
+themselves in distress or gloom or selfishness; not merely to hold up
+a mirror to nature; but to make them true and make them hopeful. Dark
+as are his words of individuals, his thoughts are not dark or
+one-sided about mankind; his is no cherished and perverse
+severity&mdash;his faith is too large, too real, for such a fault. He did
+not write only the <i>Inferno</i>. And the <i>Purgatorio</i> and the <i>Paradiso</i>
+are not an afterthought, a feebler appendix and compensation,
+conceived when too late, to a finished whole, which has taken up into
+itself the poet's real mind. Nowhere else in poetry of equal power is
+there the same balanced view of what man is, and may be; nowhere so
+wide a grasp shown of his various capacities, so strong a desire to
+find a due place and function for all his various dispositions. Where
+he stands contrasted in his idea of human life with other poets, who
+have been more powerful exponents of its separate sides, is in his
+large and truthful comprehensiveness. Fresh from the thought of man's
+condition as a whole, fresh from the thought of his goodness, his
+greatness, his power, as well as of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">-171-</a></span> evil, his mind is equally in
+tune when rejoicing over his restoration, as when contemplating the
+ruins of his fall. He never lets go the recollection that human life,
+if it grovels at one end in corruption and sin, and has to pass
+through the sweat and dust and disfigurement of earthly toil, has
+throughout, compensations, remedies, functions, spheres innumerable of
+profitable activity, sources inexhaustible of delight and
+consolation&mdash;and at the other end a perfection which cannot be named.
+No one ever measured the greatness of man in all its forms with so
+true and yet with so admiring an eye, and with such glowing hope, as
+he who has also portrayed so awfully man's littleness and vileness.
+And he went farther&mdash;no one who could understand and do homage to
+greatness in man, ever drew the line so strongly between greatness and
+goodness, and so unhesitatingly placed the hero of this world
+only&mdash;placed him in all his magnificence, honoured with no timid or
+dissembling reverence&mdash;at the distance of worlds, below the place of
+the lowest saint.</p>
+
+<p>Those who know the <i>Divina Commedia</i> best, will best know how hard it
+is to be the interpreter of such a mind; but they will sympathise with
+the wish to call attention to it. They know, and would wish others
+also to know, not by hearsay, but by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">-172-</a></span> experience, the power of that
+wonderful poem. They know its austere, yet subduing beauty; they know
+what force there is, in its free and earnest and solemn verse, to
+strengthen, to tranquillise, to console. It is a small thing that it
+has the secret of Nature and Man; that a few keen words have opened
+their eyes to new sights in earth, and sea, and sky; have taught them
+new mysteries of sound; have made them recognise, in distinct image or
+thought, fugitive feelings, or their unheeded expression, by look, or
+gesture, or motion; that it has enriched the public and collective
+memory of society with new instances, never to be lost, of human
+feeling and fortune; has charmed ear and mind by the music of its
+stately march, and the variety and completeness of its plan. But,
+besides this, they know how often its seriousness has put to shame
+their trifling, its magnanimity their faintheartedness, its living
+energy their indolence, its stern and sad grandeur rebuked low
+thoughts, its thrilling tenderness overcome sullenness and assuaged
+distress, its strong faith quelled despair and soothed perplexity, its
+vast grasp imparted the sense of harmony to the view of clashing
+truths. They know how often they have found, in times of trouble, if
+not light, at least that deep sense of reality, permanent, though
+unseen, which is more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">-173-</a></span> than light can always give&mdash;in the view which
+it has suggested to them of the judgments and the love of God.<a name="FNanchor_150_151" id="FNanchor_150_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_151" class="fnanchor">[150]</a></p>
+
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">-177-</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="DE_MONARCHIA" id="DE_MONARCHIA"></a>DE MONARCHIA.</h2>
+
+
+
+<hr class="med" />
+<h2><a name="BOOK_I" id="BOOK_I"></a>BOOK I.</h2>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_I" id="I_I"></a>I.&mdash;<span class="smcap">It</span> very greatly concerns all men on whom a higher nature has
+impressed<a name="FNanchor_151_152" id="FNanchor_151_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_152" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> the love of truth, that, as they have been enriched by
+the labour of those before them, so they also should labour for those
+that are to come after them, to the end that posterity may receive
+from them an addition to its wealth. For he is far astray from his
+duty&mdash;let him not doubt it&mdash;who, having been trained in the lessons of
+public business, cares not himself to contribute aught to the public
+good. He is no "tree planted by the water-side, that bringeth forth
+his fruit in due season." He is rather the devouring whirlpool, ever
+engulfing, but restoring nothing. Pondering, therefore, often on these
+things, lest some day I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">-178-</a></span> should have to answer the charge of the
+talent buried in the earth, I desire not only to show the budding
+promise, but also to bear fruit for the general good, and to set forth
+truths by others unattempted. For what fruit can he be said to bear
+who should go about to demonstrate again some theorem of Euclid? or
+when Aristotle has shown us what happiness is, should show it to us
+once more? or when Cicero has been the apologist of old age, should a
+second time undertake its defence? Such squandering of labour would
+only engender weariness and not profit.</p>
+
+<p>But seeing that among other truths, ill-understood yet profitable, the
+knowledge touching temporal monarchy is at once most profitable and
+most obscure, and that because it has no immediate reference to
+worldly gain it is left unexplored by all, therefore it is my purpose
+to draw it forth from its hiding-places, as well that I may spend my
+toil for the benefit of the world, as that I may be the first to win
+the prize of so great an achievement to my own glory. The work indeed
+is difficult, and I am attempting what is beyond my strength; but I
+trust not in my own powers, but in the light of that Bountiful Giver,
+"Who giveth to all men liberally, and upbraideth not."</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_II" id="I_II"></a>II.&mdash;First, therefore, we must see what is it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">-179-</a></span> that is called Temporal
+Monarchy, in its idea, so to speak, and according to its purpose.
+Temporal Monarchy, then, or, as men call it, the Empire, is the
+government of one prince above all men in time, or in those things and
+over those things which are measured by time. Three great questions
+are asked concerning it. First, there is the doubt and the question,
+is it necessary for the welfare of the world? Secondly, did the Roman
+people take to itself by right the office of Monarchy? And thirdly,
+does the authority of Monarchy come from God directly, or only from
+some other minister or vicar of God?</p>
+
+<p>Now, since every truth, which is not itself a first principle, becomes
+manifest from the truth of some first principle, it is therefore
+necessary in every inquiry to have a knowledge of the first principle
+involved, to which by analysis we may go back for the certainty of all
+the propositions which are afterwards accepted. And since this
+treatise is an inquiry, we must begin by examining the first principle
+on the strength of which deductions are to rest. It must be understood
+then that there are certain things which, since they are not subject
+to our power, are matters of speculation, but not of action: such are
+Mathematics and Physics, and things divine. But there are some things
+which, since they are subject to our power, are matters of action as
+well as of speculation, and in them we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">-180-</a></span> do not act for the sake of
+speculation, but contrariwise: for in such things action is the end.
+Now, since the matter which we have in hand has to do with states,
+nay, with the very origin and principle of good forms of government,
+and since all that concerns states is subject to our power, it is
+manifest that our subject is not in the first place speculation, but
+action. And again, since in matters of action the end sought is the
+first principle and cause of all (for that it is which first moves the
+agent to act), it follows that all our method concerning the means
+which are set to gain the end must be taken from the end. For there
+will be one way of cutting wood to build a house, and another to build
+a ship. That therefore, if it exists, which is the ultimate end for
+the universal civil order of mankind, will be the first principle from
+which all the truth of our future deductions will be sufficiently
+manifest. But it is folly to think that there is an end for this and
+for that particular civil order, and yet not one end for all.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_III" id="I_III"></a>III.&mdash;Now, therefore, we must see what is the end of the whole civil
+order of men; and when we have found this, then, as the
+Philosopher<a name="FNanchor_152_153" id="FNanchor_152_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_153" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> says in his book to Nicomachus,<a name="FNanchor_153_154" id="FNanchor_153_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_154" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> the half of our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">-181-</a></span>
+labour will have been accomplished. And to render the question
+clearer, we must observe that as there is a certain end for which
+nature makes the thumb, and another, different from this, for which
+she makes the whole hand, and again another for which she makes the
+arm, and another different from all for which she makes the whole man;
+so there is one end for which she orders the individual man, and
+another for which she orders the family, and another end for the city,
+and another for the kingdom, and finally an ultimate one for which the
+Everlasting God, by His art which is nature, brings into being the
+whole human race. And this is what we seek as a first principle to
+guide our whole inquiry.</p>
+
+<p>Let it then be understood that God and nature make nothing to be idle.
+Whatever comes into being, exists for some operation or working. For
+no created essence is an ultimate end in the creator's purpose, so far
+as he is a creator, but rather the proper operation of that essence.
+Therefore it follows that the operation does not exist for the sake of
+the essence, but the essence for the sake of the operation.</p>
+
+<p>There is therefore a certain proper operation of the whole body of
+human kind, for which this whole body of men in all its multitudes is
+ordered and constituted, but to which no one man, nor single family,
+nor single neighbourhood, nor single city, nor<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">-182-</a></span> particular kingdom can
+attain. What this is will be manifest, if we can find what is the
+final and characteristic capacity of humanity as a whole. I say then
+that no quality which is shared by different species of things is the
+distinguishing capacity of any one of them. For were it so, since this
+capacity is that which makes each species what it is, it would follow
+that one essence would be specifically distributed to many species,
+which is impossible. Therefore the ultimate quality of men is not
+existence, taken simply; for the elements share therein. Nor is it
+existence under certain conditions;<a name="FNanchor_154_155" id="FNanchor_154_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_155" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> for we find this in minerals
+too. Nor is it existence with life; for plants too have life. Nor is
+it percipient existence; for brutes share in this power. It is to be
+percipient<a name="FNanchor_155_156" id="FNanchor_155_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_156" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> with the possibility of understanding, for this
+quality falls to the lot of none but man, either above or below him.
+For though there are other beings which with him have understanding,
+yet this understanding is not, as man's, capable of development. For
+such beings are only certain intellectual natures, and not anything
+besides, and their being is nothing other than to understand; which is
+without interruption, otherwise they would not be eternal. It is
+plain, therefore, that the dis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">-183-</a></span>tinguishing quality of humanity is the
+faculty or the power of understanding.</p>
+
+<p>And because this faculty cannot be realised in act in its entirety at
+one time by a single man, nor by any of the individual societies which
+we have marked, therefore there must be multitude in the human race,
+in order to realise it: just as it is necessary that there should be a
+multitude of things which can be brought into being,<a name="FNanchor_156_157" id="FNanchor_156_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_157" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> so that the
+capacity of the primal matter for being acted on may be ever open to
+what acts on it. For if this were not so, we could speak of a capacity
+apart from its substance, which is impossible. And with this opinion
+Averroes, in his comment on [Aristotle's] treatise on the Soul,
+agrees. For the capacity for understanding, of which I speak, is
+concerned not only with universal forms or species, but also, by a
+kind of extension, with particular ones. Therefore it is commonly said
+that the speculative understanding becomes practical by extension; and
+then its end is to do and to make. This I say in reference to things
+which may be <i>done</i>, which are regulated by political wisdom, and in
+reference to things which may be <i>made</i>, which are regulated by art;
+all which things wait as handmaidens on the speculative in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">-184-</a></span>tellect, as
+on that best good, for which the Primal Goodness created the human
+race. Hence the saying of the Politics<a name="FNanchor_157_158" id="FNanchor_157_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_158" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> that those who are strong
+in understanding are the natural rulers of others.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_IV" id="I_IV"></a>IV.&mdash;It has thus been sufficiently set forth that the proper work of
+the human race, taken as a whole, is to set in action the whole
+capacity of that understanding which is capable of development: first
+in the way of speculation, and then, by its extension, in the way of
+action. And seeing that what is true of a part is true also of the
+whole, and that it is by rest and quiet that the individual man
+becomes perfect in wisdom and prudence; so the human race, by living
+in the calm and tranquillity of peace, applies itself most freely and
+easily to its proper work; a work which, according to the saying;
+"Thou hast made him a little lower than the angels," is almost divine.
+Whence it is manifest that of all things that are ordered to secure
+blessings to men, peace is the best. And hence the word which sounded
+to the shepherds from above was not riches, nor pleasure, nor honour,
+nor length of life, nor health, nor strength, nor beauty; but peace.
+For the heavenly host said: "Glory to God in the highest, and on
+earth, peace to men of goodwill." Therefore also, "Peace be with you,"
+was the saluta<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">-185-</a></span>tion of the Saviour of mankind. For it behoved Him, who
+was the greatest of saviours, to utter in His greeting the greatest of
+saving blessings. And this custom His disciples too chose to preserve;
+and Paul also did the same in his greetings, as may appear manifest to
+all.</p>
+
+<p>Now that we have declared these matters, it is plain what is the
+better, nay the best, way in which mankind may attain to do its proper
+work. And consequently we have seen the readiest means by which to
+arrive at the point, for which all our works are ordered, as their
+ultimate end; namely, the universal peace, which is to be assumed as
+the first principle for our deductions. As we said, this assumption
+was necessary, for it is as a sign-post to us, that into it we may
+resolve all that has to be proved, as into a most manifest truth.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_V" id="I_V"></a>V.&mdash;As therefore we have already said, there are three doubts, and
+these doubts suggest three questions, concerning Temporal Monarchy,
+which in more common speech is called the Empire; and our purpose is,
+as we explained, to inquire concerning these questions in their given
+order, and starting from the first principle which we have just laid
+down. The first question, then, is whether Temporal Monarchy is
+necessary for the welfare of the world; and that it is necessary can,
+I think, be shown by the strongest and most<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">-186-</a></span> manifest arguments; for
+nothing, either of reason or of authority, opposes me. Let us first
+take the authority of the Philosopher in his Politics.<a name="FNanchor_158_159" id="FNanchor_158_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_159" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> There, on
+his venerable authority, it is said that where a number of things are
+arranged to attain an end, it behoves one of them to regulate or
+govern the others, and the others to submit. And it is not only the
+authority of his illustrious name which makes this worthy of belief,
+but also reason, instancing particulars.</p>
+
+<p>If we take the case of a single man, we shall see the same rule
+manifested in him: all his powers are ordered to gain happiness; but
+his understanding is what regulates and governs all the others; and
+otherwise he would never attain to happiness. Again, take a single
+household: its end is to fit the members thereof to live well; but
+there must be one to regulate and rule it, who is called the father of
+the family, or, it may be, one who holds his office. As the
+Philosopher says: "Every house is ruled by the oldest."<a name="FNanchor_159_160" id="FNanchor_159_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_160" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> And, as
+Homer says, it is his duty to make rules and laws for the rest. Hence
+the proverbial curse: "Mayst thou have an equal at home."<a name="FNanchor_160_161" id="FNanchor_160_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_161" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> Take a
+single village: its end is suitable assistance as regards persons and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">-187-</a></span>
+goods, but one in it must be the ruler of the rest, either set over
+them by another, or with their consent, the head man amongst them. If
+it be not so, not only do its inhabitants fail of this mutual
+assistance, but the whole neighbourhood is sometimes wholly ruined by
+the ambition of many, who each of them wish to rule. If, again, we
+take a single city: its end is to secure a good and sufficient life to
+the citizens; but one man must be ruler in imperfect<a name="FNanchor_161_162" id="FNanchor_161_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_162" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> as well as
+in good forms of the state. If it is otherwise, not only is the end of
+civil life lost, but the city too ceases to be what it was. Lastly, if
+we take any one kingdom, of which the end is the same as that of a
+city, only with greater security for its tranquillity, there must be
+one king to rule and govern. For if this is not so, not only do his
+subjects miss their end, but the kingdom itself falls to destruction,
+according to that word of the infallible truth: "Every kingdom divided
+against itself shall be brought to desolation." If then this holds
+good in these cases, and in each individual thing which is ordered to
+one certain end, what we have laid down is true.</p>
+
+<p>Now it is plain that the whole human race is ordered to gain some end,
+as has been before shown. There must, therefore, be one to guide and
+govern,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">-188-</a></span> and the proper title for this office is Monarch or Emperor.
+And so it is plain that Monarchy or the Empire is necessary for the
+welfare of the world.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_VI" id="I_VI"></a>VI.&mdash;And as the part is to the whole, so is the order of parts to the
+order of the whole. The part is to the whole, as to an end and highest
+good which is aimed at; and, therefore, the order in the parts is to
+the order in the whole, as it is to the end and highest good aimed at.
+Hence we have it that the goodness of the order of parts does not
+exceed the goodness of the order of the whole, but that the converse
+of this is true. Therefore we find a double order in the world,
+namely, the order of parts in relation to each other, and their order
+in relation to some one thing which is not a part (as there is in the
+order of the parts of an army in relation to each other, and then in
+relation to the general); and the order of the parts in relation to
+the one thing which is not a part is the higher, for it is the end of
+the other order, and the other exists for the sake of it. Therefore,
+if the form of this order is found in the units of the mass of
+mankind, much more may we argue by our syllogism that it is found in
+mankind considered as a whole; for this latter order, or its form, is
+better. But as was said in the preceding chapter, and it is
+sufficiently plain, this order is found in all the units of the mass
+of mankind. Therefore it is, or should be, found in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">-189-</a></span> the mass
+considered as a whole. And therefore all the parts that we have
+mentioned, which are comprised in kingdoms, and the kingdoms
+themselves ought to be ordered with reference to one Prince or
+Princedom, that is, with reference to a Monarch or Monarchy.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_VII" id="I_VII"></a>VII.&mdash;Further, the whole human race is a whole with reference to
+certain parts, and, with reference to another whole, it is a part. For
+it is a whole with reference to particular kingdoms and nations, as we
+have shown; and it is a part with reference to the whole universe, as
+is manifest without argument. Therefore, as the lower portions of the
+whole system of humanity are well adapted to that whole, so that whole
+is said to be well adapted to the whole which is above it. It is only
+under the rule of one prince that the parts of humanity are well
+adapted to their whole, as may easily be collected from what we have
+said; therefore it is only by being under one Princedom, or the rule
+of a single Prince, that humanity as a whole is well adapted to the
+Universe, or its Prince, who is the One God. And it therefore follows
+that Monarchy is necessary for the welfare of the world.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_VIII" id="I_VIII"></a>VIII.&mdash;And all is well and at its best which exists according to the
+will of the first agent, who is God. This is self-evident, except to
+those who deny that the divine goodness attains to absolute
+perfection.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">-190-</a></span> Now, it is the intention of God that all created things
+should represent the likeness of God, so far as their proper nature
+will admit. Therefore was it said: "Let us make man in our image,
+after our likeness." And though it could not be said that the lower
+part of creation was made in the image of God, yet all things may be
+said to be after His likeness, for what is the whole universe but the
+footprint of the divine goodness? The human race, therefore, is well,
+nay at its best state, when, so far as can be, it is made like unto
+God. But the human race is then most made like unto God when most it
+is one; for the true principle of oneness is in Him alone. Wherefore
+it is written: "Hear, O Israel; the Lord thy God is one God." But the
+race of man is most one when it is united wholly in one body, and it
+is evident that this cannot be, except when it is subject to one
+prince. Therefore in this subjection mankind is most made like unto
+God, and, in consequence, such a subjection is in accordance with the
+divine intention, and it is indeed well and best for man when this is
+so, as we showed at the beginning of this chapter.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_IX" id="I_IX"></a>IX.&mdash;Again, things are well and at their best with every son when he
+follows, so far as by his proper nature he can, the footsteps of a
+perfect father. Mankind is the son of heaven, which is most perfect in
+all its works; for it is "man and the sun which produce man,"
+accord<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">-191-</a></span>ing to the second book on Natural Learning.<a name="FNanchor_162_163" id="FNanchor_162_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_163" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> The human
+race, therefore, is at its best when it imitates the movements of
+heaven, so far as human nature allows. And since the whole heaven is
+regulated with one motion, to wit, that of the <i>primum mobile</i>, and by
+one mover, who is God, in all its parts, movements, and movers (and
+this human reason readily seizes from science); therefore, if our
+argument be correct, the human race is at its best state when, both in
+its movements, and in regard to those who move it, it is regulated by
+a single Prince, as by the single movement of heaven, and by one law,
+as by the single motion. Therefore it is evidently necessary for the
+welfare of the world for there to be a Monarchy, or single Princedom,
+which men call the Empire. And this thought did Boethius breathe when
+he said: "Oh happy race of men, if your hearts are ruled by the love
+which rules the heaven."<a name="FNanchor_163_164" id="FNanchor_163_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_164" class="fnanchor">[163]</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_X" id="I_X"></a>X.&mdash;Wherever there is controversy, there ought to be judgment,
+otherwise there would be imperfection without its proper remedy,<a name="FNanchor_164_165" id="FNanchor_164_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_165" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>
+which is impossible; for God and Nature, in things necessary, do not
+fail in their provisions. But it is manifest that there may be
+controversy between any two princes, where the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">-192-</a></span> one is not subject to
+the other, either from the fault of themselves, or even of their
+subjects. Therefore between them there should be means of judgment.
+And since, when one is not subject to the other, he cannot be judged
+by the other (for there is no rule of equals over equals), there must
+be a third prince of wider jurisdiction, within the circle of whose
+laws both may come. Either he will or he will not be a Monarch. If he
+is, we have what we sought; if not, then this one again will have an
+equal, who is not subject to his jurisdiction, and then again we have
+need of a third. And so we must either go on to infinity, which is
+impossible, or we must come to that judge who is first and highest; by
+whose judgment all controversies shall be either directly or
+indirectly decided; and he will be Monarch or Emperor. Monarchy is
+therefore necessary to the world, and this the Philosopher saw when he
+said: "The world is not intended to be disposed in evil order; 'in a
+multitude of rulers there is evil, therefore let there be one
+prince.'"<a name="FNanchor_165_166" id="FNanchor_165_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_166" class="fnanchor">[165]</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_XI" id="I_XI"></a>XI.&mdash;Further, the world is ordered best when justice is most paramount
+therein: whence Virgil, wishing to celebrate that age, which in his
+own time seemed to be arising, sang in his <i>Bucolics</i>:<a name="FNanchor_166_167" id="FNanchor_166_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_167" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> "Now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">-193-</a></span> doth
+the Virgin return, and the kingdom of Saturn." For Justice was named
+"the Virgin," and also Astræa. The kingdom of Saturn was the good
+time, which they also called the Golden Age. But Justice is paramount
+only in a Monarchy, and therefore a Monarchy, that is, the Empire, is
+needed if the world is to be ordered for the best. For better proof of
+this assumption it must be recognised that Justice, considered in
+itself, and in its proper nature, is a certain rightness or rule of
+conduct, which rejects on either side all that deviates from it. It is
+like whiteness considered as an abstraction, not admitting of degrees.
+For there are certain forms of this sort which belong to things
+compounded, and exist themselves in a simple and unchanging essence,
+as<a name="FNanchor_167_168" id="FNanchor_167_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_168" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> the Master of the Six Principles rightly says. Yet qualities
+of this sort admit of degrees on the part of their subjects with which
+they are connected, according as in their subjects more or less of
+their contraries is mingled. Justice, therefore, is strongest in man,
+both as a state of mind and in practice, where there is least
+admixture of its opposite; and then we may say of it, in the words of
+the Philosopher, that "neither the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">-194-</a></span> star of morning nor of evening is
+so admirable."<a name="FNanchor_168_169" id="FNanchor_168_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_169" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> For then is it like Ph&#339;be, when she looks
+across the heavens at her brother from the purple of the morning calm.</p>
+
+<p>Now Justice, as a state of mind,<a name="FNanchor_169_170" id="FNanchor_169_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_170" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> has a force which opposes it in
+the will; for where the will of a man is not pure from all desire,
+then, though there be Justice, yet there is not Justice in all its
+ideal brightness; for there is in that man, however little, yet in
+some degree, an opposing force; and therefore they, who would work on
+the feelings<a name="FNanchor_170_171" id="FNanchor_170_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_171" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> of a judge, are rightly repelled. But, in
+practice,<a name="FNanchor_171_172" id="FNanchor_171_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_172" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> Justice finds an opposing force in what men are able to
+do. For, seeing that it is a virtue regulating our conduct towards
+other men, how shall any act according to Justice if he has not the
+power of rendering to all their due? Therefore it is plain that the
+operation of Justice will be wide in proportion to the power of the
+just man.</p>
+
+<p>From this let us argue: Justice is strongest in the world when it is
+in one who is most willing and most powerful; only the Monarch is
+this; therefore, only when Justice is in the Monarch is it strongest
+in the world. This pro-syllogism goes on through the second figure,
+with an involved negative, and is like<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">-195-</a></span> this: All B is A; only C is A;
+therefore only C is B: or all B is A; nothing but C is A; therefore
+nothing but C is B.</p>
+
+<p>Our previous explanation makes the first proposition apparent: the
+second is proved thus, first in regard to will, and secondly in regard
+to power. First it must be observed that the strongest opponent of
+Justice is Appetite, as Aristotle intimates in the fifth book to
+Nicomachus.<a name="FNanchor_172_173" id="FNanchor_172_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_173" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> Remove Appetite altogether, and there remains nothing
+adverse to Justice; and therefore it is the opinion of the Philosopher
+that nothing should be left to the judge, if it can be decided by
+law;<a name="FNanchor_173_174" id="FNanchor_173_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_174" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> and this ought to be done for fear of Appetite, which easily
+perverts men's minds. Where, then, there is nothing to be wished for,
+there can be no Appetite, for the passions cannot exist if their
+objects are destroyed. But the Monarch has nothing to desire, for his
+jurisdiction is bounded only by the ocean; and this is not the case
+with other princes, whose kingdoms are bounded by those of their
+neighbours; as, for instance, the kingdom of Castile is bounded by the
+kingdom of Aragon. From which it follows that the Monarch is able to
+be the purest embodiment of Justice among men.</p>
+
+<p>Further, as Appetite in some degree, however<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">-196-</a></span> small, clouds the habit
+of Justice, so does Charity, or rightly-directed affection, sharpen
+and enlighten it. In whomsoever, therefore, rightly-directed affection
+may chiefly dwell, in him may Justice best have place: and of this
+sort is the Monarch. Therefore where a Monarch reigns Justice is, or
+at least may be, strongest. That rightly-directed affections work as
+we have said, we may see thus: Appetite, scorning<a name="FNanchor_174_175" id="FNanchor_174_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_175" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> what in itself
+belongs to man, seeks for other things outside him; but Charity sets
+aside all else, and seeks God and man, and consequently the good of
+man. And since of all the good things that men can have the greatest
+is to live in peace (as we have already said), and as it is Justice
+which most chiefly brings peace, therefore Charity will chiefly make
+Justice strong, and the more so in proportion to its own strength.</p>
+
+<p>And it is clear that right affections ought to exist in a Monarch more
+than in any other man for this reason: the object of love is the more
+loved the nearer it is to him that loves; but men are nearer to a
+Monarch than they are to other princes; therefore it is by a Monarch
+that they are, or ought to be, most loved. The first proposition is
+manifest if the nature of activity and passivity are considered. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">-197-</a></span>
+second is manifest because men are brought near to a Monarch in their
+totality,<a name="FNanchor_175_176" id="FNanchor_175_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_176" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> but to other princes only partially; and it is only by
+means of the Monarch that men are brought near other princes at all.
+Thus the Monarch cares for all primarily and directly, whereas other
+princes only care for their subjects through the Monarch, and because
+their care for their subjects descends from the supreme care of the
+Monarch.</p>
+
+<p>Again, a cause has the nature of a cause in proportion as it is more
+universal; for the lower cause is such only on account of the higher
+one, as appears from the Treatise on Causes.<a name="FNanchor_176_177" id="FNanchor_176_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_177" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> And, in proportion
+as a cause is really a cause, it loves what it effects; for such love
+follows the cause by itself. Now Monarchy is the most universal cause
+of men living well, for other princes work only through the Monarch,
+as we have said; and it therefore follows that it is the Monarch who
+will most chiefly love the good of men. But that in practice the
+Monarch is most disposed to work Justice, who can doubt, except indeed
+a man<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">-198-</a></span> who understands not the meaning of the word? for if he be
+really a Monarch he cannot have enemies.</p>
+
+<p>The principle assumed being therefore sufficiently explained, the
+conclusion is certain, to wit, that a Monarch is necessary that the
+world may be ordered for the best.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_XII" id="I_XII"></a>XII.&mdash;Again, the human race is ordered best when it is most free. This
+will be manifest if we see what is the principle of freedom. It must
+be understood that the first principle of our freedom is freedom of
+will, which many have in their mouth, but few indeed understand. For
+they come so far as to say that the freedom of the will means a free
+judgment concerning will. And this is true. But what is meant by the
+words is far from them: and they do just as our logicians do all day
+long with certain propositions which are set as examples in the books
+of logic, as that, "the three angles of a triangle are equal to two
+right angles."<a name="FNanchor_177_178" id="FNanchor_177_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_178" class="fnanchor">[177]</a></p>
+
+<p>Therefore I say that Judgment is between Apprehension and Appetite.
+First, a man apprehends a thing; then he judges it to be good or bad;
+then he pursues or avoids it accordingly. If therefore the Judgment
+guides the Appetite wholly, and in no way<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">-199-</a></span> is forestalled by the
+Appetite, then is the Judgment free. But if the Appetite in any way at
+all forestalls the Judgment and guides it, then the Judgment cannot be
+free: it is not its own: it is captive to another power. Therefore the
+brute beasts cannot have freedom of Judgment; for in them the Appetite
+always forestalls the Judgment. Therefore, too, it is that
+intellectual beings whose wills are unchangeable, and souls which are
+separate from the body, which have gone hence in peace, do not lose
+the freedom of their wills, because their wishes cannot change; nay,
+it is in full strength and completeness that their wills are
+free.<a name="FNanchor_178_179" id="FNanchor_178_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_179" class="fnanchor">[178]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is therefore again manifest that this liberty, or this principle of
+all our liberty, is the greatest gift bestowed by God on mankind: by
+it alone we gain happiness<a name="FNanchor_179_180" id="FNanchor_179_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_180" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> as men: by it alone we gain happiness
+elsewhere as gods.<a name="FNanchor_180_181" id="FNanchor_180_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_181" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> But if this is so, who will say that human
+kind is not in its best state, when it can most use this principle?
+But he who lives under a Monarchy is most free. Therefore let it be
+understood that he is free who exists not for another's sake but for
+his own, as the Philosopher, in his Treatise of simple Being,
+thought.<a name="FNanchor_181_182" id="FNanchor_181_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_182" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> For everything which exists for the sake<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">-200-</a></span> of some other
+thing, is necessitated by that other thing, as a road has to run to
+its ordained end. Men exist for themselves, and not at the pleasure of
+others, only if a Monarch rules; for then only are the perverted forms
+of government set right, while democracies, oligarchies, and
+tyrannies, drive mankind into slavery, as is obvious to any who goes
+about among them all; and public power<a name="FNanchor_182_183" id="FNanchor_182_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_183" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> is in the hands of kings
+and aristocracies, which they call the rule of the best, and champions
+of popular liberty. And because the Monarch loves his subjects much,
+as we have seen, he wishes all men to be good, which cannot be the
+case in perverted forms of government:<a name="FNanchor_183_184" id="FNanchor_183_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_184" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> therefore the Philosopher
+says, in his <i>Politics</i>:<a name="FNanchor_184_185" id="FNanchor_184_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_185" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> "In the bad state the good man is a bad
+citizen, but in a good state the two coincide." Good states in this
+way aim at liberty, that in them men may live for themselves. The
+citizens exist not for the good of consuls, nor the nation for the
+good of its king; but the consuls for the good of the citizens, and
+the king for the good of his nation. For as the laws are made to suit
+the state, and not the state to suit the laws, so those who live under
+the laws are not ordered for the legislator, but he for them;<a name="FNanchor_185_186" id="FNanchor_185_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_186" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> as
+also<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">-201-</a></span> the Philosopher holds, in what he has left us on the present
+subject. Hence, too, it is clear that although the king or the consul
+rule over the other citizens in respect of the means<a name="FNanchor_186_187" id="FNanchor_186_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_187" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> of
+government, yet in respect of the end of government they are the
+servants of the citizens, and especially the Monarch, who, without
+doubt, must be held the servant of all. Thus it becomes clear that the
+Monarch is bound by the end appointed to himself in making his laws.
+Therefore mankind is best off under a Monarchy, and hence it follows
+that Monarchy is necessary for the welfare of the world.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_XIII" id="I_XIII"></a>XIII.&mdash;Further, he who can be best fitted to rule can best fit others.
+For in every action the main end of the agent, whether acting by
+necessity of nature or voluntarily, is to unfold his own likeness; and
+therefore every agent, so far as he is of this sort, delights in
+action. For since all that is desires its own existence, and since the
+agent in acting enlarges his own existence in some way, delight
+follows action of necessity; for delight is inseparable from gaining
+what is desired. Nothing therefore acts unless it is of such sort as
+that which is acted on ought to be; therefore the Philosopher said in
+his <i>Metaphysics</i>,<a name="FNanchor_187_188" id="FNanchor_187_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_188" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> "Everything which becomes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">-202-</a></span> actual from being
+potential, becomes so by means of something actual of the same kind,"
+and were anything to try to act in any other way it would fail. Hence
+we may overthrow the error of those who think to form the moral
+character of others by speaking well and doing ill; forgetting that
+the hands of Jacob were more persuasive with his father than his
+words, though his hands deceived and his voice spake truth. Hence the
+Philosopher, to Nicomachus: "In matters of feeling and action, words
+are less to be trusted than deeds."<a name="FNanchor_188_189" id="FNanchor_188_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_189" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> And therefore God said to
+David in his sin, "What hast thou to do to declare my statutes?" as
+though He would say, "Thou speakest in vain, for thou art different
+from what thou speakest." Hence it may be gathered that he needs to be
+fitted for his work in the best way who wishes to fit others.</p>
+
+<p>But the Monarch is the only one who can be fitted in the best possible
+way to govern. Which is thus proved: Each thing is the more easily and
+perfectly qualified for any habit, or actual work, the less there is
+in it of what is contrary to such a disposition. Therefore, they who
+have never even heard of philosophy, arrive at a habit of truth in
+philosophy more easily and completely than those who have listened to
+it at odd times, and are filled with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">-203-</a></span> false opinions. For which reason
+Galen well says: "Such as these require double time to acquire
+knowledge."<a name="FNanchor_189_190" id="FNanchor_189_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_190" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> A Monarch then has nothing to tempt appetite, or, at
+least, less than any other man, as we have shown before; whereas other
+princes have much; and appetite is the only corrupter of
+righteousness, and the only impediment to justice. A Monarch therefore
+is wholly, or at least more than any other prince, disposed to govern
+well: for in him there may be judgment and justice more strongly than
+in any other. But these two things are the pre-eminent attributes of a
+maker of law, and of an executor of law, as that most holy king David
+testified when he asked of God the things which were befitting the
+king, and the king's son, saying: "Give the king thy judgment, O God,
+and thy righteousness unto the king's son."<a name="FNanchor_190_191" id="FNanchor_190_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_191" class="fnanchor">[190]</a></p>
+
+<p>We were right then when we assumed that only the Monarch can be best
+fitted to rule. Therefore only the Monarch can in the best way fit
+other men. Therefore it follows that Monarchy is necessary for the
+best ordering of the world.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_XIV" id="I_XIV"></a>XIV.&mdash;And where a thing can be done by one agent, it is better to do
+it by one than by several, for this reason: Let it be possible to do a
+certain thing by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">-204-</a></span> means of A, and also by means of A and B. If
+therefore what is done by A and B can be done by A alone, it is
+useless to add B; for nothing follows from the addition; for the same
+end which A and B produced is produced also by A. All additions of
+this kind are useless and superfluous: all that is superfluous is
+displeasing to God and Nature: and all that is displeasing to God and
+Nature is bad, as is manifest. It therefore follows not only that it
+is better that a thing should be done by one than by many agents, if
+it is possible to produce the effect by one; but also that to produce
+the effect by one is good, and to produce it by many is simply bad.
+Again, a thing is said to be better by being nearer to the best, and
+the end has the nature of the best. But for a thing to be done by one
+agent is better, for so it comes nearer to the end. And that so it
+comes nearer is manifest; for let C be the end which may be reached by
+A, or by A and B together: plainly it is longer to reach C by A and B
+together than by B alone. But mankind may be governed by one supreme
+prince, who is, the Monarch.</p>
+
+<p>But it must be carefully observed that when we say that mankind may be
+ruled by one supreme prince, we do not mean that the most trifling
+judgments for each particular town are to proceed immediately from
+him. For municipal laws sometimes fail,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">-205-</a></span> and need guidance, as the
+Philosopher shows in his fifth book to Nicomachus, when he praises
+equity.<a name="FNanchor_191_192" id="FNanchor_191_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_192" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> For nations and kingdoms and states have, each of them,
+certain peculiarities which must be regulated by different laws. For
+law is the rule which directs life. Thus the Scythians need one rule,
+for they live beyond the seventh climate,<a name="FNanchor_192_193" id="FNanchor_192_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_193" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> and suffer cold which
+is almost unbearable, from the great inequality of their days and
+nights. But the Garamantes need a different law, for their country is
+equinoctial, and they cannot wear many clothes, from the excessive
+heat of the air, because the day is as long as the darkness of the
+night. But our meaning is that it is in those matters which are common
+to all men, that men should be ruled by one Monarch, and be governed
+by a rule common to them all, with a view to their peace. And the
+individual princes must receive this rule of life or law from him,
+just as the practical intellect receives its major premiss from the
+speculative intellect, under which it places its own particular
+premiss, and then draws its particular<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">-206-</a></span> conclusion, with a view to
+action. And it is not only possible for one man to act as we have
+described; it is necessary that it should proceed from one man only to
+avoid confusion in our first principles. Moses himself wrote in his
+law that he had acted thus. For he took the elders of the tribes of
+the children of Israel, and left to them the lesser judgments,
+reserving to himself such as were more important, and wider in their
+scope; and the elders carried these wider ones to their tribes,
+according as they were applicable to each separate tribe.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore it is better for the human race to be ruled by one than by
+many, and therefore there should be a Monarch, who is a single prince;
+and if it is better, it is more acceptable to God, since God always
+wills what is best. And since of these two ways of government the one
+is not only the better, but the best of all, it follows not only that
+this one is more acceptable to God as between one and many, but that
+it is the most acceptable. Therefore it is best for the human race to
+be governed by one man; and Monarchy is necessary for the welfare of
+the world.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_XV" id="I_XV"></a>XV.&mdash;I say also that Being, and Unity, and the Good come in order
+after the fifth mode of priority.<a name="FNanchor_193_194" id="FNanchor_193_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_194" class="fnanchor">[193]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">-207-</a></span> For Being comes by nature
+before Unity, and Unity before Good. Where Being is most, there Unity
+is greatest; and where Unity is greatest, there Good is also greatest;
+and in proportion as anything is far from Being in its highest form,
+is it far from Unity, and therefore from Good. Therefore in every kind
+of things, that which is most one is best, as the Philosopher holds in
+the treatise about simple Being. Therefore it appears that to be one
+is the root of Good, and to be many the root of Evil. Therefore,
+Pythagoras in his parallel tables placed the one, or Unity, under the
+line of good, and the many under the line of Evil; as appears from the
+first book of the <i>Metaphysics</i>.<a name="FNanchor_194_195" id="FNanchor_194_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_195" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> Hence we may see that to sin is
+nothing else than to pass on from the one which we despise and to seek
+many things, as the Psalmist saw when he said: "By the fruit of their
+corn and wine and oil, are they multiplied."<a name="FNanchor_195_196" id="FNanchor_195_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_196" class="fnanchor">[195]</a></p>
+
+<p>Hence it is plain that whatever is good, is good for this reason, that
+it consists in unity. And because concord is a good thing in so far as
+it is concord, it is manifest that it consists in a certain unity, as
+its proper root, the nature of which will appear if we find the real
+nature of concord. Concord then is the uniform motion of many wills;
+and hence it appears<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">-208-</a></span> that a unity of wills, by which is meant their
+uniform motion, is the root of concord, nay, concord itself. For as we
+should say that many clods of earth are concordant, because that they
+all gravitate together towards the centre; and that many flames are
+concordant because that they all ascend together towards the
+circumference, if they did this of their own free will, so we say that
+many men are in concord because that they are all moved together, as
+regards their willing, to one thing, which one thing is formally in
+their wills just as there is one quality formally in the clods of
+earth, that is gravity, and one in the flame of fire, that is
+lightness. For the force of willing is a certain power; but the
+quality of good which it apprehends is its form; which form, like as
+others, being one is multiplied in itself, according to the
+multiplication of the matters which receive it, as the soul, and
+numbers, and other forms which belong to what is compound.<a name="FNanchor_196_197" id="FNanchor_196_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_197" class="fnanchor">[196]</a></p>
+
+<p>To explain our assumption as we proposed, let us argue thus: All
+concord depends on unity which is in wills; the human race, when it is
+at its best, is a kind of concord; for as one man at his best is a
+kind of concord, and as the like is true of the family, the city, and
+the kingdom; so is it of the whole human<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">-209-</a></span> race. Therefore the human
+race at its best depends on the unity which is in will. But this
+cannot be unless there be one will to be the single mistress and
+regulating influence of all the rest. For the wills of men, on account
+of the blandishments of youth, require one to direct them, as
+Aristotle shows in the tenth book of his <i>Ethics</i>.<a name="FNanchor_197_198" id="FNanchor_197_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_198" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> And this
+cannot be unless there is one prince over all, whose will shall be the
+mistress and regulating influence of all the others. But if all these
+conclusions be true, as they are, it is necessary for the highest
+welfare of the human race that there should be a Monarch in the world;
+and therefore Monarchy is necessary for the good of the world.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="I_XVI" id="I_XVI"></a>XVI.&mdash;To all these reasons alleged above a memorable experience adds
+its confirmation. I mean that condition of mankind which the Son of
+God, when, for the salvation of man, He was about to put on man,
+either waited for, or, at the moment when He willed, Himself so
+ordered. For if, from the fall of our first parents, which was the
+turning point at which all our going astray began, we carry our
+thoughts over the distribution of the human race and the order of its
+times, we shall find that never but under the divine Augustus, who was
+sole ruler, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">-210-</a></span> under whom a perfect Monarchy existed, was the world
+everywhere quiet. And that then the human race was happy in the
+tranquillity of universal peace, this is the witness of all writers of
+history; this is the witness of famous poets; this, too, he who wrote
+the story of the "meekness and gentleness of Christ" has thought fit
+to attest. And last of all, Paul has called that most blessed
+condition "the fulness of the times." For then, indeed, time was full,
+and all the things of time; because no office belonging to our
+felicity wanted its minister. But how the world has fared since that
+"seamless robe" has suffered rending by the talons of ambition, we may
+read in books; would that we might not see it with our eyes. Oh, race
+of mankind! what storms must toss thee, what losses must thou endure,
+what shipwrecks must buffet thee, as long as thou, a beast of many
+heads, strivest after contrary things. Thou art sick in both thy
+faculties of understanding; thou art sick in thine affections.
+Unanswerable reasons fail to heal thy higher understanding; the very
+sight of experience convinces not thy lower understanding; not even
+the sweetness of divine persuasion charms thy affections, when it
+breathes into thee through the music of the Holy Ghost: "Behold, how
+good and how pleasant a thing it is, brethren, to dwell together in
+unity."<a name="FNanchor_198_199" id="FNanchor_198_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_199" class="fnanchor">[198]</a></p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">-211-</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="BOOK_II" id="BOOK_II"></a>BOOK II.</h2>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_I" id="II_I"></a>I.&mdash;"Why do the heathen rage, and the people imagine a vain thing? The
+kings of the earth stand up, and the rulers take counsel together
+against the Lord and against His anointed, saying: 'Let us break their
+bonds asunder, and cast away their cords from us.'"<a name="FNanchor_199_200" id="FNanchor_199_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_200" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> As we
+commonly wonder at a new effect, when we have never been face to face
+with its cause; so, as soon as we understand the cause, we look down
+with a kind of scorn on those who remain in wonder. I, myself, was
+once filled with wonder that the Roman people had become paramount
+throughout all the earth, without any to withstand them; for when I
+looked at the thing superficially I thought that this supremacy had
+been obtained, not by any right, but only by arms and violence. But
+after that I had carefully and thoroughly examined the matter, when I
+had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">-212-</a></span> recognised by the most effectual signs that it was divine
+providence that had wrought this, my wonder ceased, and a certain
+scornful contempt has taken its place, when I perceive the nations
+raging against the pre-eminence of the Roman people; when I see the
+people imagining a vain thing, as I of old imagined; when, above all,
+I grieve that kings and princes agree in this one matter only, in
+opposing their Lord, and His one only Roman Emperor. Wherefore in
+derision, yet not without a touch of sorrow, I can cry on behalf of
+the glorious people and for Cæsar, together with him who cried on
+behalf of the Prince of heaven: "Why do the heathen rage, and the
+people imagine a vain thing? The kings of the earth stand up, and the
+rulers take counsel together against the Lord and against His
+anointed." But the love which nature implants in us allows not scorn
+to last for long; but, like the summer sun that when it has dispersed
+the morning clouds shines with full brightness, this love prefers to
+put scorn aside, and to pour forth the light which shall set men
+right. So, then, to break the bonds of the ignorance of those kings
+and princes, and to show that mankind is free from <i>their</i> yoke, I
+will comfort myself in company with that most holy prophet, whom I
+follow, taking the words which come after: "Let us break their bonds
+asunder, and cast away their yoke from us."</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">-213-</a></span></p>
+<p>These two things will be sufficiently performed, if I address myself
+to the second part of the argument, and manifest the truth of the
+question before us. For thus, if we show that the Roman Empire is <i>by
+right</i>, not only shall we disperse the clouds of ignorance from the
+eyes of those princes who have wrongly seized the helm of public
+government, falsely imputing this thing to the Roman people; but all
+men shall understand that they are free from the yoke of these
+usurpers. The truth of the question can be made clear not only by the
+light of human reason, but also by the ray of God's authority; and
+when these two coincide, then heaven and earth must agree together.
+Supported, therefore, by this conviction, and trusting in the
+testimony both of reason and of authority, I proceed to settle the
+second question.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_II" id="II_II"></a>II.&mdash;Inquiry concerning the truth of the first doubt has been made as
+accurately as the nature of the subject permitted; we have now to
+inquire concerning the second, which is: Whether the Roman people
+assumed to itself <i>of right</i> the dignity of the Empire? And the first
+thing in this question is to find the truth, to which the reasonings
+concerning it may be referred as to their proper first principle.</p>
+
+<p>It must be recognised, then, that as there are three degrees in every
+art, the mind of the artist, his instrument, and the material on which
+he works, so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">-214-</a></span> we may look upon nature in three degrees. For nature
+exists, first, in the mind of the First Agent, who is God; then in
+heaven; as in an instrument, by means of which the likeness of the
+Eternal Goodness unfolds itself on shapeless<a name="FNanchor_200_201" id="FNanchor_200_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_201" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> matter. If an artist
+is perfect in his art, and his instrument is perfect, any fault in the
+form of his art must be laid to the badness of the material; and so,
+since God holds the summit of perfection, and since His instrument,
+which is heaven, admits of no failure of its due perfection (which is
+manifest from our philosophy touching heaven), it follows that
+whatever fault is to be found in the lower world is a fault on the
+part of the subject matter, and is contrary to the intention of God
+who makes nature,<a name="FNanchor_201_202" id="FNanchor_201_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_202" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> and of heaven; and if in this lower world there
+is aught that is good, it must be ascribed first to the artist, who is
+God, and then to heaven, the instrument of God's art, which men call
+nature; for the material, being merely a possibility, can do nothing
+of itself.<a name="FNanchor_202_203" id="FNanchor_202_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_203" class="fnanchor">[202]</a></p>
+
+<p>Hence it is apparent that, since all Right<a name="FNanchor_203_204" id="FNanchor_203_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_204" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> is good, it therefore
+exists first in the mind of God; and since all that is in the mind of
+God is God, according to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">-215-</a></span> saying, "What was made, in Him was
+life;"<a name="FNanchor_204_205" id="FNanchor_204_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_205" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> and as God chiefly wishes for what is Himself, it follows
+that Right is the wish of God, so far as it is in Him. And since in
+God the will and the wish are the same, it further follows that this
+Right is the will of God. Again it follows that Right in the world is
+nothing else than the likeness of the will of God, and therefore
+whatever does not agree with the divine will cannot be Right, and
+whatever does agree with the divine will is Right itself. Therefore to
+ask if a thing be by Right is only to ask in other words if it is what
+God wills. It may therefore be assumed that what God wills to see in
+mankind is to be held as real and true Right.</p>
+
+<p>Besides we must remember Aristotle's teaching in the first book of his
+<i>Ethics</i>, where he says: "We must not seek for certitude in every
+matter, but only as far as the nature of the subject admits."<a name="FNanchor_205_206" id="FNanchor_205_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_206" class="fnanchor">[205]</a>
+Therefore our arguments from the first principle already found will be
+sufficient, if from manifest evidence and from the authority of the
+wise, we seek for the right of that glorious people. The will of God
+is an invisible thing, but "the invisible things of God are seen,
+being understood by the things which are made." For when the seal is
+out of sight, the wax, which has its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">-216-</a></span> impression, gives manifest
+evidence of it, though it be unseen; nor is it strange that the will
+of God must be sought by signs; for the human will, except to the
+person himself who wills, is only discerned by signs.<a name="FNanchor_206_207" id="FNanchor_206_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_207" class="fnanchor">[206]</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_III" id="II_III"></a>III.&mdash;My answer then to the question is, that it was by right, and not
+by usurpation, that the Roman people assumed to itself the office of
+Monarchy, or, as men call it, the Empire, over all mankind. For in the
+first place it is fitting that the noblest people should be preferred
+to all others; the Roman people was the noblest; therefore it is
+fitting that it should be preferred to all others. By this reasoning I
+make my proof; for since honour is the reward of goodness, and since
+to be preferred is always honour, therefore to be preferred is always
+the reward of goodness. It is plain that men are ennobled for their
+virtues; that is, for their own virtues or for those of their
+ancestors; for nobleness is virtue and ancestral wealth, according to
+Aristotle in his Politics; and according to Juvenal, "There is no
+nobleness of soul but virtue,"<a name="FNanchor_207_208" id="FNanchor_207_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_208" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> which two statements refer to two
+sorts of nobleness, our own and that of our ancestors.<a name="FNanchor_208_209" id="FNanchor_208_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_209" class="fnanchor">[208]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">-217-</a></span></p><p>To be preferred, therefore, is, according to reason, the fitting
+reward of the noble. And since rewards must be measured by desert,
+according to that saying of the Gospel, "with what measure ye mete, it
+shall be measured to you again;" therefore to the most noble the
+highest place should be given. The testimonies of the ancients confirm
+our opinion; for Virgil, our divine poet, testifies throughout his
+<i>Æneid</i>, that men may ever remember it, that the glorious king, Æneas,
+was the father of the Roman people. And this Titus Livius, the famous
+chronicler of the deeds of the Romans, confirms in the first part of
+his work, which takes its beginning from the capture of Troy. The
+nobleness of this most unconquerable and most pious ancestor not only
+in regard to his own great virtue, but also to that of his forefathers
+and of his wives, the nobleness of whom was combined in their
+descendant by the rightful law of descent, I cannot unfold at length;
+"I can but touch lightly on the outlines of the truth."<a name="FNanchor_209_210" id="FNanchor_209_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_210" class="fnanchor">[209]</a></p>
+
+<p>For the virtue then of Æneas himself, hear what our poet tells us when
+he introduces Ilioneus in the first <i>Æneid</i>, praying thus: "Æneas was
+our king; in justice and piety he has not left a peer, nor any to
+equal him in war." Hear Virgil in the sixth <i>Æneid</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">-218-</a></span> when he speaks
+of the death of Misenus, who had been Hector's attendant in war, and,
+after Hector's death, had attached himself to Æneas; for there Virgil
+says that Misenus "followed as good a man;" thus comparing Æneas to
+Hector, whom<a name="FNanchor_210_211" id="FNanchor_210_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_211" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> Homer ever praises above all men, as the Philosopher
+witnesses in his <i>Ethics</i>, in what he writes to Nicomachus on habits
+to be avoided.</p>
+
+<p>But, as for hereditary virtue, he was ennobled from all three
+continents both by his forefathers and his wives. From Asia came his
+immediate ancestor, Assaracus, and others who reigned in Phrygia,
+which is a part of Asia. Therefore Virgil writes in the third <i>Æneid</i>:
+"After that it had seemed good to Heaven to overthrow the power of
+Asia, and the guiltless race of Priam." From Europe came the male
+founder of his race, who was Dardanus; from Africa his grandmother
+Electra, daughter of the great king Atlas, to both which things the
+poet testifies in the eighth <i>Æneid</i>, where Æneas says to Evander:
+"Dardanus, the father of our city, and its founder, whom the Greeks
+call the son of Atlas and Electra, came to the race of
+Teucer&mdash;Electra, whose sire was great Atlas, on whose shoulders rests
+the circle of heaven." But in the third <i>Æneid</i> Virgil says that
+Dardanus drew his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">-219-</a></span> origin from Europe. "There is a land which the
+Greeks have named Hesperia, an ancient land, strong and wealthy, where
+the Ænotrians dwell; it is said that now their descendants have named
+the country Italy, from the name of their king. There is our rightful
+home; from that land did Dardanus come." That Atlas came from Africa,
+the mountain called by his name, which stands in that continent, bears
+witness; and Orosius says that it is in Africa in his description of
+the world, where he writes: "Its boundary is Mount Atlas, and the
+islands which are called 'the happy isles.'" "Its"&mdash;that is, "of
+Africa," of which he was speaking.<a name="FNanchor_211_212" id="FNanchor_211_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_212" class="fnanchor">[211]</a></p>
+
+<p>Likewise I find that by marriage also Æneas was ennobled; his first
+wife, Creusa, the daughter of king Priam, was from Asia, as may be
+gathered from our previous quotations; and that she was his wife our
+poet testifies in the third <i>Æneid</i>, where Andromache asks Æneas:
+"What of the boy Ascanius, whom Creusa bore to thee, while the ruins
+of Troy were yet smoking? Lives he yet to breathe this air?"<a name="FNanchor_212_213" id="FNanchor_212_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_213" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> The
+second wife was Dido, the queen and foundress of Carthage in Africa.
+That she was the wife of Æneas our poet sings in his fourth <i>Æneid</i>,
+where he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">-220-</a></span> says of Dido: "No more does Dido think of love in secret.
+She calls it marriage, and with this name she covers her sin." The
+third wife was Lavinia, the mother of Albans and Romans alike, the
+daughter of king Latinus and his heir, if we may trust the testimony
+of our poet in his last <i>Æneid</i>, where he introduces Turnus conquered,
+praying to Æneas thus: "Thou hast conquered, and the Ausonians have
+seen me lift my hands in prayer for mercy; Lavinia is thine."<a name="FNanchor_213_214" id="FNanchor_213_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_214" class="fnanchor">[213]</a>
+This last wife was from Italy, the noblest region of Europe.</p>
+
+<p>And now that we have marked these things for evidence of our
+assertion, who will not rest persuaded that the father of the Romans,
+and therefore the Romans themselves, were the noblest people under
+heaven? Who can fail to see the divine predestination shown forth by
+the double meeting of blood from every part of the world in the veins
+of one man?</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_IV" id="II_IV"></a>IV.&mdash;Again, that which is helped to its perfection by miracles is
+willed by God, and therefore it is of right. This is manifestly true,
+for as Thomas says in his third book against the Gentiles, "a miracle
+is something done by God beyond the commonly established order of
+things."<a name="FNanchor_214_215" id="FNanchor_214_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_215" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> And so he proves that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">-221-</a></span> God alone can work miracles; and
+his proof is strengthened by the authority of Moses; for on the
+occasion of the plague of lice, when the magicians of Pharaoh used
+natural principles artfully, and then failed, they said: "This is the
+finger of God."<a name="FNanchor_215_216" id="FNanchor_215_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_216" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> A miracle therefore being the immediate working
+of the first agent, without the co-operation of any secondary agents,
+as Thomas himself sufficiently proves in the book which we have
+mentioned, it is impious to say where a miracle is worked in aid of
+anything, that that thing is not of God, as something well pleasing to
+him, which he foresaw. Therefore it is religious to accept the
+contradictory of this. The Roman Empire has been helped to its
+perfection by miracles; therefore it was willed by God, and
+consequently was and is by right.<a name="FNanchor_216_217" id="FNanchor_216_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_217" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is proved by the testimony of illustrious authors that God
+stretched forth His hand to work miracles on behalf of the Roman
+Empire. For Livy, in the first part of his work, testifies that a
+shield fell from heaven into the city chosen of God in the time of
+Numa Pompilius, the second king of Rome, whilst he was sacrificing
+after the manner of the Gentiles. Lucan mentions this miracle in the
+ninth book of his Pharsalia, when he is describing the incredible
+force<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">-222-</a></span> of the South wind. He says: "Surely it was thus, while Numa was
+offering sacrifices, that the shield fell with which the chosen
+patrician youth moves along. The South wind, or the North wind, had
+spoiled the people that bore our shields."<a name="FNanchor_217_218" id="FNanchor_217_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_218" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> And when the Gauls had
+taken all the city, and, under cover of the darkness, were stealing on
+to attack the Capitol itself, the capture of which was all that
+remained to destroy the very name of Rome, then as Livy, and many
+other illustrious writers agree in testifying, a goose, which none had
+seen before, gave a warning note of the approach of the Gauls, and
+aroused the guards to defend the Capitol.<a name="FNanchor_218_219" id="FNanchor_218_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_219" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> And our poet
+commemorates the event in his description of the shield of Æneas in
+the eighth book. "Higher, and in front of the temple stood Manlius,
+the watchman of the Tarpeian keep, guarding the rock of the Capitol.
+The palace stood out clear, rough with the thatch which Romulus had
+laid; here the goose, inlaid in silver, fluttered on the portico of
+gold, as it warned the Romans that the Gauls were even now on the
+threshold."<a name="FNanchor_219_220" id="FNanchor_219_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_220" class="fnanchor">[219]</a></p>
+
+<p>And when the nobility of Rome had so fallen under the onset of
+Hannibal, that nothing remained for the final destruction of the Roman
+commonwealth, but the Carthaginian assault on the city, Livy tells us<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">-223-</a></span>
+in the course of his history of the Punic war, that a sudden dreadful
+storm of hail fell upon them, so that the victors could not follow up
+their victory.<a name="FNanchor_220_221" id="FNanchor_220_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_221" class="fnanchor">[220]</a></p>
+
+<p>Was not the escape of Cloelia wonderful, a woman, and captive in the
+power of Porsenna, when she burst her bonds, and, by the marvellous
+help of God, swam across the Tiber, as almost all the historians of
+Rome tell us, to the glory of that city?<a name="FNanchor_221_222" id="FNanchor_221_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_222" class="fnanchor">[221]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus was it fitting that He should work who foresaw all things from
+the beginning, and ordained them in the beauty of His order; so that
+He, who when made visible was to show forth miracles for the sake of
+things invisible, should, whilst invisible, also show forth miracles
+for the sake of things visible.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_V" id="II_V"></a>V.&mdash;Further, whoever works for the good of the state, works with Right
+as his end. This may be shown as follows. Right is that proportion of
+man to man as to things, and as to persons, which, when it is
+preserved, preserves society, and when it is destroyed, destroys
+society.<a name="FNanchor_222_223" id="FNanchor_222_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_223" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> The description of Right in the Digest does not give the
+essence of right, but only describes it for practical purposes.<a name="FNanchor_223_224" id="FNanchor_223_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_224" class="fnanchor">[223]</a>
+If therefore our definition comprehends well the essence and reason
+of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">-224-</a></span> Right, and if the end of any society is the common good of its
+members, it is necessary that the end of all Right is the common good,
+and it is impossible that that can be Right, which does not aim at the
+common good. Therefore Cicero says well in the first book of his
+<i>Rhetoric</i>: "Laws must always be interpreted for the good of the
+state."<a name="FNanchor_224_225" id="FNanchor_224_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_225" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> If laws do not aim at the good of those who live under
+them, they are laws only in name; in reality they cannot be laws. For
+it behoves them to bind men together for the common good; and Seneca
+therefore says well in his book "on the four virtues:" "Law is the
+bond of human society."<a name="FNanchor_225_226" id="FNanchor_225_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_226" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> It is therefore plain that whoever aims
+at the good of the state, aims at the end of Right; and therefore, if
+the Romans aimed at the good of the state, we shall say truly that
+they aimed at the end of Right.</p>
+
+<p>That in bringing the whole world into subjection, they aimed at this
+good, their deeds declare. They renounced all selfishness, a thing
+always contrary to the public weal; they cherished universal peace and
+liberty; and that sacred, pious, and glorious people are seen to have
+neglected their own private interests that they might follow public
+objects for the good of all mankind. Therefore was it well<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">-225-</a></span> written:
+"The Roman Empire springs from the fountain of piety."<a name="FNanchor_226_227" id="FNanchor_226_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_227" class="fnanchor">[226]</a></p>
+
+<p>But seeing that nothing is known of the intention of an agent who acts
+by free choice to any but the agent himself, save only by external
+signs, and since reasonings must be examined according to the subject
+matter (as has already been said), it will be sufficient on this point
+if we set forth proofs which none can doubt, of the intention of the
+Roman people, both in their public bodies and individually.</p>
+
+<p>Concerning those public bodies by which men seem in a way to be bound
+to the state, the authority of Cicero alone, in the second book of the
+<i>De Officiis</i>, will suffice. "So long," he says, "as the Empire of the
+republic was maintained not by injustice, but by the benefits which it
+conferred, we fought either for our allies or for the Empire. Our wars
+brought with them an ending which was either indulgent, or else was
+absolutely necessary. All kings, peoples, and nations found a port of
+refuge in the Senate. Our magistrates and generals alike sought renown
+by defending our provinces and our allies with good faith and with
+justice. Our government might have been called not so much Empire, as
+a Protectorate of the whole world." So wrote Cicero.<a name="FNanchor_227_228" id="FNanchor_227_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_228" class="fnanchor">[227]</a></p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">-226-</a></span></p>
+<p>Of individuals I will speak shortly. Shall we not say that they
+intended the common good, who by hard toil, by poverty, by exile, by
+bereavement of their children, by loss of limb, by sacrifice of their
+lives, endeavoured to build up the public weal? Did not great
+Cincinnatus leave us a sacred example of freely laying down his office
+at its appointed end, when, as Livy tells us, he was taken from the
+plough and made dictator? And after his victory, after his triumph, he
+gave back his Imperator's sceptre to the consuls, and returned to the
+ploughshare to toil after his oxen.<a name="FNanchor_228_229" id="FNanchor_228_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_229" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> Well did Cicero, arguing
+against Epicurus, in the volume <i>De Finibus</i>, speak in praise of him,
+mindful of this good deed.<a name="FNanchor_229_230" id="FNanchor_229_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_230" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> "And so," he says, "our ancestors took
+Cincinnatus from the plough, and made him dictator."</p>
+
+<p>Has not Fabricius left us a lofty example of resisting avarice, when,
+poor man as he was, for the faith by which he was bound to the
+republic, he laughed to scorn the great weight of gold which was
+offered him, and refused it, scorning it with words which became him
+well. His story too is confirmed by our poet in the sixth
+<i>Æneid</i>,<a name="FNanchor_230_231" id="FNanchor_230_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_231" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> where he speaks of "Fabricius strong in his poverty."</p>
+
+<p>Has not Camillus left us a memorable example of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">-227-</a></span> obeying the laws
+instead of seeking our private advantage? For according to Livy he was
+condemned to exile, and then, after that he had delivered his country
+from the invaders, and had restored to Rome her own Roman spoils, he
+yet turned to leave the sacred city, though the whole people bade him
+stay; nor did he return till leave was given him to come back by the
+authority of the Senate. This high-souled hero also is commended in
+the sixth <i>Æneid</i>, where our poet speaks of "Camillus, that restored
+to us our standards."<a name="FNanchor_231_232" id="FNanchor_231_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_232" class="fnanchor">[231]</a></p>
+
+<p>Was not Brutus the first to teach that our sons, that all others, are
+second in importance to the liberty of our country? For Livy tells us
+how, when he was consul, he condemned his own sons to death, for that
+they had conspired with the enemy. His glory is made new in our poet's
+sixth book, where he sings how "The father shall summon the sons to
+die for the sake of fair liberty, when they seek to stir fresh
+wars."<a name="FNanchor_232_233" id="FNanchor_232_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_233" class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p>
+
+<p>Has not Mucius encouraged us to dare everything for our country's
+sake, when after attacking Porsenna unawares, he watched the hand
+which had missed its stroke being burnt, though it was his own, as if
+he were beholding the torment of a foe? This also Livy witnesses to
+with astonishment.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">-228-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Add to these those sacred victims the Decii, who laid down their lives
+by an act of devotion for the public safety, whom Livy glorifies in
+his narrative, not as they deserve, but as he was able. Add to these
+the self-sacrifice, which words cannot express, of Marcus Cato, that
+staunchest champion of true liberty. These were men of whom the one,
+that he might save his country, did not fear the shadow of death;
+while the other, that he might kindle in the world the passionate love
+of liberty, showed how dear was liberty, choosing to pass out of life
+a free man, rather than without liberty to abide in life.<a name="FNanchor_233_234" id="FNanchor_233_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_234" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> The
+glory of all these heroes glows afresh in the words of Cicero in his
+book <i>De Finibus</i>; of the Decii he speaks thus: "Publius Decius, the
+head of the Decii, a consul, when he devoted himself for the state,
+and charged straight into the Latin host, was he thinking aught of his
+pleasure, where and when he should take it;&mdash;when he knew that he had
+to die at once, and sought that death with more eager desire than,
+according to Epicurus, we should seek pleasure? And were it not that
+his deed had justly received its praise, his son would not have done<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">-229-</a></span>
+the like in his fourth consulship; nor would his grandson, again, in
+the war with Pyrrhus, have fallen, a consul, in battle; and, a third
+time in continuous succession in that family, have offered himself a
+victim for the commonwealth." But in the <i>De Officiis</i>,<a name="FNanchor_234_235" id="FNanchor_234_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_235" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> Cicero
+says of Cato: "Marcus Cato was in no different position from his
+comrades who in Africa surrendered to Cæsar. The others, had they
+slain themselves, would perhaps have been blamed for the act, for
+their life was of less consequence,<a name="FNanchor_235_236" id="FNanchor_235_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_236" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> and their principles were not
+so strict. But for Cato, to whom nature had given incredible firmness
+and who had strengthened this severity by his unremitting constancy to
+his principles, and who never formed a resolution by which he did not
+abide, he was indeed bound to die rather than to look on the face of a
+tyrant."</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_VI" id="II_VI"></a>VI.&mdash;Two things therefore have been made clear: first, that whoever
+aims at the good of the state aims at right;<a name="FNanchor_236_237" id="FNanchor_236_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_237" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> and secondly, that
+the Roman people in bringing the world into subjection, aimed at the
+public weal. Therefore let us argue thus: Whoever aims at right, walks
+according to right; the Roman people in bringing the world into
+subjection aimed at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">-230-</a></span> right, as we have made manifest in the preceding
+chapter. Therefore in bringing the world into subjection the Roman
+people acted according to right, consequently it was by right that
+they assumed the dignity of Empire.</p>
+
+<p>We reach this conclusion on grounds which are manifest to all. It is
+manifest from this, that whosoever aims at right, walks according to
+right. To make this clear, we must mark that everything is made to
+gain a certain end, otherwise it would be in vain, and as we said
+before this cannot be. And as everything has its proper end, so every
+end has some distinct thing of which it is the end. And therefore it
+is impossible that any two things, spoken of as separate things,<a name="FNanchor_237_238" id="FNanchor_237_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_238" class="fnanchor">[237]</a>
+and in so far as they are two, should have the same end as their aim,
+for so the same absurdity<a name="FNanchor_238_239" id="FNanchor_238_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_239" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> would follow, that one of them would
+exist in vain. Since, then, there is a certain end of right, as we
+have explained, it necessarily follows that when we have decided what
+that end is, we have also decided what right is; for it is the natural
+and proper effect of right. And since in any sequence it is impossible
+to have an antecedent without its consequent, for instance, to have
+"man" without "animal," as is evident by putting together and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">-231-</a></span> taking
+to pieces the idea,<a name="FNanchor_239_240" id="FNanchor_239_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_240" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> so also it is impossible to seek for the end
+of right without right, for each thing stands in the same relation to
+its proper end, as the consequent does to its antecedent; as without
+health it is impossible to attain to a good condition of the body.
+Wherefore, it is most evidently clear that he who aims at the end of
+right must aim in accordance with right; nor does the contradictory
+instance which is commonly drawn from Aristotle's treatment of "good
+counsel" avail anything.<a name="FNanchor_240_241" id="FNanchor_240_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_241" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> He there says: "It is possible to obtain
+what is the right result from a syllogism, which is incorrect, but not
+by an argument which is right, for the middle term is wrong." For if
+sometimes a right conclusion is obtained from false principles, this
+is only by accident, and happens only in so far as the true conclusion
+is imported in the words of the inference. Truth never really follows
+from falsehood; but the signs of truth may easily follow from the
+signs of falsehood. So also it is in matters of conduct. If a thief
+helps a poor man out of the spoils of his thieving, we must not call
+that charity; but it is an action which would have the form of
+charity, if it had been done out of the man's own substance. And so of
+the end of right. If anything,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">-232-</a></span> such as the end of right, were gained
+without right, it would only be the end of right, that is, the common
+good, in the same sense that the gift, made from evil gains, is
+charity. And so the example proves nothing, for in our proposition we
+speak, not of the apparent but of the real end of right. What was
+sought, therefore, is clear.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_VII" id="II_VII"></a>VII.&mdash;What nature has ordained is maintained of right. For nature in
+its providence does not come short of men's providence; for if it were
+to come short, the effect would excel the cause in goodness, which is
+impossible. But we see that when public bodies are founded, not only
+are the relations of the members to each other considered, but also
+their capacities for exercising offices; and this is to consider the
+end of right in the society or order which is founded, for right is
+not extended beyond what is possible. Nature then, in her ordinances,
+does not come short in this foresight. Therefore it is clear that
+nature, in ordaining a thing, has regard to its capacities; and this
+regard is the fundamental principle of right which nature lays down.
+From this it follows that the natural order of things cannot be
+maintained without right; for this fundamental principle of right is
+inseparably joined to the natural order of things. It is necessary,
+therefore, that it is of right that this order is preserved.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">-233-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The Roman people was ordained for empire, by nature, and this may be
+shown as follows: The man would come short of perfection in his art,
+who aimed only to produce his ultimate form, and neglected the means
+of reaching it; in the same way, if nature only aimed at reproducing
+in the world the universal form of the divine likeness, and neglected
+the means of doing so, she would be imperfect. But nature, which is
+the work of the divine intelligence, is wholly perfect; she therefore
+aims at all the means by which her final end is arrived at.</p>
+
+<p>Since then mankind has a certain end, and since there is a certain
+means necessary for the universal end of nature, it necessarily
+follows that nature aims at obtaining that means. And therefore the
+Philosopher, in the second book of <i>Natural Learning</i>,<a name="FNanchor_241_242" id="FNanchor_241_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_242" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> well shows
+that nature always acts for the end. And since nature cannot reach
+this end through one man, because that there are many actions
+necessary to it, which need many to act, therefore nature must produce
+many men and set them to act. And besides the higher influence,<a name="FNanchor_242_243" id="FNanchor_242_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_243" class="fnanchor">[242]</a>
+the powers and properties of inferior spheres contribute much to this.
+And therefore we see not only that individual men, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">-234-</a></span> also that
+certain races are born to govern, and certain others to be governed
+and to serve, as the Philosopher argues in the <i>Politics</i>;<a name="FNanchor_243_244" id="FNanchor_243_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_244" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> and
+for the latter, as he himself says, subjection is not only expedient,
+but just, even though they be forced into subjection.</p>
+
+<p>And if this is so, it cannot be doubted that nature ordained in the
+world a country and a nation for universal sovereignty; if this were
+not so, she would have been untrue to herself, which is impossible.
+But as to where that country is, and which is that nation, it is
+sufficiently manifest, both from what we have said and from what we
+shall say, that it was Rome and her citizens or people; and this our
+poet very skilfully touches on in the sixth <i>Æneid</i>, where he
+introduces Anchises prophesying to Æneas, the ancestor of the Romans:
+"Others may mould the breathing bronze more delicately&mdash;I doubt it
+not; they may chisel from marble the living countenance; they may
+surpass thee in pleading causes; they may track the course of the
+heavens with the rod, and tell when the stars will rise; but thou,
+Roman, remember to rule the nations with thy sway. These shall be thy
+endowments&mdash;to make peace to be the custom of the world; to spare thy
+foes when they submit, and to crush the proud."<a name="FNanchor_244_245" id="FNanchor_244_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_245" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> And again, Virgil
+skilfully notes the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">-235-</a></span> appointment of the <i>place</i>, in the fourth
+<i>Æneid</i>, when he brings in Jupiter speaking to Mercury concerning
+Æneas: "His fair mother did not promise him to us to be such as this:
+it was not for this that twice she rescues him from Grecian arms; but
+that there should be one to rule over Italy, teeming with empires,
+tempestuous with wars." It has, therefore, sufficiently been shown
+that the Roman people was by nature ordained to empire. Therefore it
+was of right that they gained empire, by subduing to themselves the
+world.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_VIII" id="II_VIII"></a>VIII.&mdash;But in order properly to discover the truth in our inquiry, we
+must recognise that the judgment of God is sometimes made manifest to
+men, and sometimes hidden from them.</p>
+
+<p>It may be made manifest in two ways, namely, by reason and by faith.</p>
+
+<p>There are some judgments of God to which the human reason, by its own
+paths, can arrive; as, that a man should risk death to save his
+country. For a part should always risk itself to save its whole, and
+each man is a part of his State, as is clear from the Philosopher in
+his <i>Politics</i>.<a name="FNanchor_245_246" id="FNanchor_245_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_246" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> Therefore every man ought to risk himself for his
+country, as the less good for the better; whence the Philosopher says
+to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">-236-</a></span> Nicomachus: "The end is desirable, indeed, even for an individual,
+but it is better and more divine for a nation and State."<a name="FNanchor_246_247" id="FNanchor_246_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_247" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> And
+this is the judgment of God, for if it were not so, right reason in
+men would miss the intention of nature, which is impossible.</p>
+
+<p>There are also some judgments of God to which, though human reason
+cannot reach them by its own powers, yet, by the aid of faith in those
+things which are told us in Holy Scripture it can be lifted up: as,
+for instance, that no one, however perfect he may be in moral and
+intellectual virtues, both in habit and in action, can be saved
+without faith; it being supposed that he never heard aught of Christ.
+For human reason cannot of itself see this to be just, yet by faith it
+can. For in the Epistle to the Hebrews it is written, "without faith
+it is impossible to please God;"<a name="FNanchor_247_248" id="FNanchor_247_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_248" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> and in Leviticus, "what man
+soever there be of the House of Israel that killeth an ox, or lamb, or
+goat in the camp, or that killeth it out of the camp, and bringeth it
+not to the door of the tabernacle to offer an offering unto the Lord,
+blood shall be imputed to that man."<a name="FNanchor_248_249" id="FNanchor_248_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_249" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> The door of the tabernacle
+stands for Christ, who is the door of the kingdom of heaven, as may be
+proved from the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">-237-</a></span> Gospel: the killing of animals represents men's
+actions.<a name="FNanchor_249_250" id="FNanchor_249_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_250" class="fnanchor">[249]</a></p>
+
+<p>But the judgment of God is a hidden one, when man cannot arrive at the
+knowledge of it either by the law of nature or by the written law, but
+only occasionally by a special grace. This grace comes in several
+ways: sometimes by simple revelation, sometimes by revelation assisted
+by a certain kind of trial or debate. Simple revelation, too, is of
+two kinds: either God gives it of his own accord, or it is gained by
+prayer. God gives it of his own accord in two ways, either plainly, or
+by a sign. His judgment against Saul was revealed to Samuel plainly;
+but it was by a sign that it was revealed to Pharaoh what God had
+judged touching the setting free of the children of Israel. The
+judgment of God is also given in answer to prayer, as he knew who
+spoke in the second book of Chronicles:<a name="FNanchor_250_251" id="FNanchor_250_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_251" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> "When we know not what we
+ought to do, this only have we left, to direct our eyes to Thee."</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">-238-</a></span></p>
+<p>Revelation by means of trial is also of two kinds. It is given either
+by casting lots, or by combat; for "to strive" (<i>certare</i>), is derived
+from a phrase which means "to make certain" (<i>certum facere</i>). It is
+clear that the judgment of God is sometimes revealed to men by casting
+lots, as in the substitution of Matthias in the Acts of the Apostles.</p>
+
+<p>Again the judgment of God is revealed to men by combat in two ways:
+either it is by a trial of strength, as in the duels of champions who
+are called "<i>duelliones</i>," or it is by the contention of many men,
+each striving to reach a certain mark first, as happens in the
+contests of athletes who run for a prize. The first of these methods
+was prefigured among the Gentiles by the contests between Hercules and
+Antæus, which Lucan mentions in the fourth book of his <i>Pharsalia</i>,
+and Ovid in the ninth book of his <i>Metamorphoses</i>. The second is
+prefigured by the contest between Atalanta and Hippomenes, described
+in the tenth book of Ovid's <i>Metamorphoses</i>.<a name="FNanchor_251_252" id="FNanchor_251_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_252" class="fnanchor">[251]</a></p>
+
+<p>Moreover, it ought not to pass unnoticed concerning these two kinds of
+strife, that while in the first each champion may fairly hinder his
+antagonist, in the second this is not so; for athletes must not hinder
+one another in their strife, though our poet seems to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">-239-</a></span> have thought
+differently in the fifth <i>Æneid</i> where Euryalus so receives the
+prize.<a name="FNanchor_252_253" id="FNanchor_252_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_253" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> But Cicero has done better in forbidding this practice in
+the third book of the <i>De Officiis</i>, following the opinion of
+Chrysippus.<a name="FNanchor_253_254" id="FNanchor_253_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_254" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> He there says: "Chrysippus is right here, as he often
+is, for he says that he who runs in a race should strive with all his
+might to win, but in no way should he try to trip up his competitor."</p>
+
+<p>With these distinctions, then, we may assume that there are two ways
+in which men may learn the judgment of God, as we have on this point
+stated; first by the contests of athletes, and secondly by the
+contests of champions. These ways of discovering the judgment of God I
+will treat of in the chapter following.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_IX" id="II_IX"></a>IX.&mdash;That people then, which conquered when all were striving hard for
+the Empire of the world, conquered by the will of God. For God cares
+more to settle a universal strife than a particular one; and even in
+particular contests the athletes sometimes throw themselves on the
+judgment of God, according to the common proverb: "To whom God makes
+the grant, him let Peter also bless."<a name="FNanchor_254_255" id="FNanchor_254_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_255" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> It cannot, then, be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">-240-</a></span>
+doubted that the victory in the strife for the Empire of the world
+followed the judgment of God. The Roman people, when all were striving
+for the Empire of the world, conquered; it will be plain that so it
+was, if we consider the prize or goal, and those who strove for it.
+The prize or goal was the supremacy over all men; for it is this that
+we call the Empire. None reached this but the Roman people. Not only
+were they the first, they were the only ones to reach the goal, as we
+shall shortly see.</p>
+
+<p>The first man who panted for the prize was Ninus, King of the
+Assyrians; but although for more than ninety years (as Orosius
+tells<a name="FNanchor_255_256" id="FNanchor_255_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_256" class="fnanchor">[255]</a>) he, with his royal consort Semiramis, strove for the
+Empire of the world and made all Asia subject to himself, nevertheless
+he never subdued the West. Ovid mentions both him and his queen in the
+fourth book of the <i>Metamorphoses</i>, when he says, in the story of
+Pyramus:<a name="FNanchor_256_257" id="FNanchor_256_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_257" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> "Semiramis girdled the round space with brick-built
+walls;" and, "let them come to Ninus' tomb and hide beneath in its
+shade."</p>
+
+<p>Secondly, Vesoges, King of Egypt, aspired to this prize; but though he
+vexed the North and South of Asia, as Orosius relates,<a name="FNanchor_257_258" id="FNanchor_257_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_258" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> yet he
+never gained for himself one-half of the world; nay, when, as it
+were,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">-241-</a></span> between the judges<a name="FNanchor_258_259" id="FNanchor_258_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_259" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> and the goal, the Scythians drove him
+back from his rash enterprise.</p>
+
+<p>Then Cyrus, King of the Persians, made the same attempt; but after the
+destruction of Babylon, and the transference of its Empire to Persia,
+he did not even reach the regions of the West, but lost his life and
+his object in one day at the hands of Tamiris, Queen of the
+Scythians.<a name="FNanchor_259_260" id="FNanchor_259_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_260" class="fnanchor">[259]</a></p>
+
+<p>But after that these had failed, Xerxes, the son of Darius and king
+among the Persians, assailed the world with so great a multitude of
+nations, with so great a power, that he bridged the channel of the sea
+which separates Asia from Europe, between Sestos and Abydos. And of
+this wonderful work Lucan makes mention in the second book of his
+<i>Pharsalia</i>:<a name="FNanchor_260_261" id="FNanchor_260_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_261" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> "Such paths across the seas, made by Xerxes in his
+pride, fame tells of." But finally he was miserably repulsed from his
+enterprise, and could not attain the goal.</p>
+
+<p>Besides these kings, and after their times, Alexander, King of
+Macedon, came nearest of all to the prize of monarchy; he sent
+ambassadors to the Romans to demand their submission, but before the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">-242-</a></span>
+Roman answer came, he fell in Egypt, as Livy<a name="FNanchor_261_262" id="FNanchor_261_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_262" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> tells us, as it were
+in the middle of the course. Of his burial there, Lucan speaks in the
+eighth book of his <i>Pharsalia</i>,<a name="FNanchor_262_263" id="FNanchor_262_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_263" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> where he is inveighing against
+Ptolemy, King of Egypt: "Thou last of the Lagæan race, soon to perish
+in thy degeneracy, and to yield thy kingdom to an incestuous sister;
+while for thee the Macedonian is kept in the sacred cave...."</p>
+
+<p>"Oh the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and knowledge of God!"
+Who will not marvel at thee here? For when Alexander was trying to
+hinder his Roman competitor in the race, thou didst suddenly snatch
+him away from the contest that his rashness might proceed no further.</p>
+
+<p>But that Rome has won the crown of so great a victory is proved on the
+testimony of many. Our poet in his first <i>Æneid</i> says:<a name="FNanchor_263_264" id="FNanchor_263_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_264" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> "Hence,
+surely, shall one day the Romans come, as the years roll on, to be the
+leaders of the world, from the blood of Teucer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">-243-</a></span> renewed; over the sea
+and over the land they shall hold full sway."<a name="FNanchor_264_265" id="FNanchor_264_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_265" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> And Lucan, in his
+first book, writes: "The sword assigns the kingdom; and the fortune of
+that mighty people that rules o'er sea and land and the whole earth,
+admitted not two to rule." And Boethius, in his second book,<a name="FNanchor_265_266" id="FNanchor_265_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_266" class="fnanchor">[265]</a>
+speaking of the Roman prince says: "With his sceptre he ruled the
+nations, those whom Ph&#339;bus beholds, from his rising afar to where
+he sinks his beams beneath the waves; those who are benumbed by the
+frosty Seven Stars of the north, those whom the fierce south wind
+scorches with his heat, parching the burning sands." And Luke, the
+Scribe of Christ, bears the same testimony, whose every word is true,
+where he says: "There went out a decree from Cæsar Augustus that all
+the world should be taxed;" from which words we must plainly
+understand that the Romans had jurisdiction over the whole world.</p>
+
+<p>From all this evidence it is manifest that the Roman people prevailed
+when all were striving to gain the Empire of the world. Therefore it
+was by the judgment of God that it prevailed; consequently its Empire
+was gained by the judgment of God, which is to say, that it was gained
+by right.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_X" id="II_X"></a>X.&mdash;And what is gained as the result of single<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">-244-</a></span> combat or duel is
+gained of right. For whenever human judgment fails, either because it
+is involved in the clouds of ignorance, or because it has not the
+assistance of a judge, then, lest justice should be left deserted, we
+must have recourse to Him who loved justice so much that He died to
+fulfil what it required by shedding His own blood. Therefore the
+Psalmist wrote: "The righteous Lord loveth righteousness." This result
+is gained when, by the free consent of the parties, not from hatred
+but from love of justice, men inquire of the judgment of God by a
+trial of strength as well of soul as of body. And this trial of
+strength is called a duel, because in the first instance it was
+between two combatants, man to man.</p>
+
+<p>But when two nations quarrel they are bound to try in every possible
+way to arrange the quarrel by means of discussion; it is only when
+this is hopeless that they may declare war. Cicero and Vegetius agree
+on this point, the former in his <i>De Officiis</i>,<a name="FNanchor_266_267" id="FNanchor_266_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_267" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> the latter in his
+book on war. In the practice of medicine recourse may only be had to
+amputation and cauterising when every other means of cure have been
+tried. So in the same way, it is only when we have sought in vain for
+all other modes of deciding a quarrel that we may resort to the remedy
+of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">-245-</a></span> a single combat, forced thereto by a necessity of justice.</p>
+
+<p>Two formal rules, then, of the single combat are clear, one which we
+have just mentioned, the other, which we touched on before, that the
+combatants or champions must enter the lists by common consent, not
+animated by private hatred or love, but simply by an eager desire for
+justice. Therefore Cicero, in touching on this matter, spoke well when
+he said: "Wars, which are waged for the crown of empire, must be waged
+without bitterness."<a name="FNanchor_267_268" id="FNanchor_267_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_268" class="fnanchor">[267]</a></p>
+
+<p>But, if the rules of single combat be kept when men are driven by
+justice to meet together by common consent, in their zeal for justice
+(and if they are not, the contest ceases to be a single combat), do
+not they meet together in the name of God? And if it is so, is not God
+in the midst of them, for He Himself promises us this in the Gospel?
+And if God is there, is it not impious to suppose that justice can
+fail?&mdash;that justice which He loved so much, as we have just seen. And
+if single combat cannot fail to secure justice, is not what is gained
+in single combat gained as of right?</p>
+
+<p>This truth the Gentiles, too, recognised before the trumpet of the
+Gospel was sounded, when they sought<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">-246-</a></span> for a judgment in the fortune of
+single combat. So Pyrrhus, noble both in the manners and in the blood
+of Æacidæ, gave a worthy answer when the Roman envoys were sent to him
+to treat for the ransom of prisoners. "I ask not for gold; ye shall
+pay me no price, being not war-mongers, but true men of war. Let each
+decide his fate with steel, and not with gold. Whether it be you or I
+that our mistress wills to reign, or what chance she may bring to
+each, let us try by valour. Hear ye also this word: those whose valour
+the fortune of war has spared, their liberty will I too spare. Take ye
+them as my gift."<a name="FNanchor_268_269" id="FNanchor_268_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_269" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> So spoke Pyrrhus. By "mistress" he meant
+Fortune, which we better and more rightly call the Providence of God.
+Therefore, let the combatants beware that they fight not for money;
+then it would be no true single combat in which they fought, for they
+would strive in a court of blood and injustice; and let it not be
+thought that God would then be present to judge; nay, for it would be
+that ancient enemy who had been the instigator of the strife. If they
+wish to be true combatants, and not dealers in blood and injustice,
+let them keep Pyrrhus before their eyes when they enter the arena, the
+man who, when he was striving for empire, so scorned gold, as we have
+said.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">-247-</a></span></p>
+<p>But, if men will not receive the truth which we have proved, and
+object, as they are wont, that all men are not equal in strength, we
+will refute them with the instance of the victory of David over
+Goliath; and if the Gentiles seek for aught more, let them repel the
+objection by the victory of Hercules over Antæus. For it is mere folly
+to fear that the strength which God makes strong should be weaker than
+a human champion. It is, therefore, now sufficiently clear that what
+is acquired by single combat is acquired by right.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_XI" id="II_XI"></a>XI.&mdash;But the Roman people gained their empire by duel between man and
+man; and this is proved by testimonies that are worthy of all
+credence; and in proving this, we shall also show that where any
+question had to be decided from the beginning of the Roman Empire, it
+was tried by single combat.</p>
+
+<p>For first of all, when a quarrel arose about the settling in Italy of
+Father Æneas, the earliest ancestor of this people, and when Turnus,
+King of the Rutuli, withstood Æneas, it was at last agreed between the
+two kings to discover the good pleasure of God by a single combat,
+which is sung in the last book of the <i>Æneid</i>. And in this combat
+Æneas was so merciful in his victory, that he would have granted life
+and peace to the conquered foe, had he not seen the belt which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">-248-</a></span> Turnus
+had taken on slaying Pallas, as the last verses of our poet describe.</p>
+
+<p>Again, when two peoples had grown up in Italy, both sprung from the
+Trojan stem, namely, the Romans and the Albans, and they had long
+striven whose should be the sign of the eagle,<a name="FNanchor_269_270" id="FNanchor_269_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_270" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> and the Penates of
+Troy, and the honours of empire; at last by mutual consent, in order
+to have certain knowledge of the case in hand, the three Horatii, who
+were brethren, and the three Curatii, who were also brethren, fought
+together before the kings and all the people anxiously waiting on
+either side; and since the three Alban champions were killed, while
+one Roman survived, the palm of victory fell to the Romans, in the
+reign of Hostilius the king. This story has been diligently put
+together by Livy, in the first part of his history, and Orosius also
+gives similar testimony.<a name="FNanchor_270_271" id="FNanchor_270_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_271" class="fnanchor">[270]</a></p>
+
+<p>Next they fought for empire with their neighbours the Sabines and
+Samnites, as Livy tells us; all the laws of war were kept; and though
+those who fought were very many in number, the war was in the form of
+a combat between man and man. In the contest with the Samnites,
+Fortune nearly repented her of what she had begun, as Lucan instances
+in the second book of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">-249-</a></span> his <i>Pharsalia</i>:<a name="FNanchor_271_272" id="FNanchor_271_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_272" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> "How many companies lay
+dead by the Colline gate then, when the headship of the world and
+universal empire well-nigh were transferred to other seats, and the
+Samnite heaped the corpses of Rome beyond the numbers<a name="FNanchor_272_273" id="FNanchor_272_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_273" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> of the
+Caudine Forks."</p>
+
+<p>But after that the intestine quarrels of Italy had ceased, and while
+the issue of the strife with Greece and Carthage was not yet made
+certain by the judgment of God&mdash;for both Greece and Carthage aimed at
+empire&mdash;then Fabricius for Rome, and Pyrrhus for Greece, fought with
+vast hosts for the glory of empire, and Rome gained the day. And when
+Scipio for Rome, and Hannibal for Carthage, fought man to man, the
+Africans fell before the Italians, as Livy and all the other Roman
+historians strive to tell.</p>
+
+<p>Who then is so dull of understanding as not to see that this glorious
+people has won the crown of all the world, by the decision of combat?
+Surely the Roman may repeat Paul's words to Timothy: "There is laid up
+for me a crown of righteousness," laid up, that is, in the eternal
+providence of God. Let, then, the presumptuous Jurists see how far
+they stand below that watch-tower of reason whence the mind<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">-250-</a></span> of man
+regards these principles: and let them be silent, content to show
+forth counsel and judgment according to the meaning of the law.</p>
+
+<p>It has now become manifest that it was by combat of man against man
+that the Romans gained their empire: therefore it was by right that
+they gained it, and this is the principal thesis of the present book.
+Up to this point we have proved our thesis by arguments which mostly
+rest on principles of reason; we must now make our point clear by
+arguments based on the principles of the Christian faith.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_XII" id="II_XII"></a>XII.&mdash;For it is they who profess to be zealous for the faith of Christ
+who have chiefly "raged together," and "imagined a vain thing" against
+the Roman empire; men who have no compassion on the poor of Christ,
+whom they not only defraud as to the revenues of the Church; but the
+very patrimonies of the Church are daily seized upon; and the Church
+is made poor, while making a show of justice they yet refuse to allow
+the minister of justice to fulfil his office.</p>
+
+<p>Nor does this impoverishment happen without the judgment of God. For
+their possessions do not afford help to the poor, to whom belongs as
+their patrimony the wealth of the Church; and these possessions are
+held without gratitude to the empire which gives them. Let these
+possessions go back to whence they came. They came well; their return
+is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">-251-</a></span> evil: for they were well given, and they are mischievously held.
+What shall we say to shepherds like these? What shall we say when the
+substance of the Church is wasted, while the private estates of their
+own kindred are enlarged? But perchance it is better to proceed with
+what is set before us; and in religious silence to wait for our
+Saviour's help.</p>
+
+<p>I say, then, that if the Roman empire did not exist by right, Christ
+in being born presupposed and sanctioned an unjust thing. But the
+consequent is false; therefore the contradictory of the antecedent is
+true; for it is always true of contradictory propositions, that if one
+is false the other is true. It is not needful to prove the falsity of
+the consequent to a true believer: for, if he be faithful, he will
+grant it to be false; and if he be not faithful, then this reasoning
+is not for him.</p>
+
+<p>I prove the consequence thus: wherever a man of his own free choice
+carries out a public order, he countenances and persuades by his act
+the justice of that order; and seeing that acts are more forcible to
+persuade than words (as Aristotle holds in the tenth book of his
+<i>Ethics</i>),<a name="FNanchor_273_274" id="FNanchor_273_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_274" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> therefore by this he persuades us more than if it were
+merely an approval in words. But Christ, as Luke who writes His
+story,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">-252-</a></span> says, willed to be born of the Virgin Mary under an edict of
+Roman authority, so that in that unexampled census of mankind, the Son
+of God, made man, might be counted as man: and this was to carry out
+that edict. Perhaps it is even more religious to suppose that it was
+of God that the decree issued through Cæsar, so that He who had been
+such long years expected among men should Himself enroll himself with
+mortal man.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore Christ, by His action, enforced the justice of the edict of
+Augustus, who then wielded the Roman power. And since to issue a just
+edict implies jurisdiction, it necessarily follows that He who showed
+that He thought an edict just, must also have showed that He thought
+the jurisdiction under which it was issued just; but unless it existed
+by right it were unjust.</p>
+
+<p>And it must be noted that the force of the argument taken to destroy
+the consequent, though the argument partly holds from its form, shows
+its force in the second figure, if it be reduced as a syllogism, just
+as the argument based on the assumption of the antecedent is in the
+first figure. The reduction is made thus: all that is unjust is
+persuaded to men unjustly; Christ did not persuade us unjustly;
+therefore He did not persuade us to do unjust things. From the
+assumption of the antecedent thus: all injustice<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">-253-</a></span> is persuaded to men
+unjustly: Christ persuaded a certain injustice to man, therefore He
+persuaded unjustly.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="II_XIII" id="II_XIII"></a>XIII.&mdash;And if the Roman empire did not exist by right, the sin of Adam
+was not punished in Christ. This is false, therefore its contradictory
+is true. The falsehood of the consequent is seen thus. Since by the
+sin of Adam we were all sinners, as the Apostle says:&mdash;"Wherefore, as
+by one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin, and so death
+passed upon all men, for that all have sinned,"&mdash;then, if Christ had
+not made satisfaction for Adam's sin by his death, we should still by
+our depraved nature be the children of wrath. But this is not so, for
+Paul, speaking of the Father in his Epistle to the Ephesians, says:
+"Having predestinated us unto the adoption of children by Jesus Christ
+to Himself, according to the good pleasure of His will, to the praise
+of the glory of His grace, wherein He hath made us accepted in the
+beloved, in whom we have redemption by His blood, the forgiveness of
+sins according to the riches of His grace, wherein He has abounded
+towards us." And Christ Himself, suffering in Himself the punishment,
+says in St. John: "It is finished;" for where a thing is finished,
+naught remains to be done.</p>
+
+<p>It is convenient that it should be understood that punishment is not
+merely penalty inflicted on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">-254-</a></span> him who has done wrong, but that penalty
+inflicted by one who has penal jurisdiction. And therefore a penalty
+should not be called punishment, but rather injury, except where it is
+inflicted by the sentence of a regular judge.<a name="FNanchor_274_275" id="FNanchor_274_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_275" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> Therefore the
+Israelites said unto Moses: "Who made thee a judge over us?"</p>
+
+<p>If, therefore, Christ had not suffered by the sentence of a regular
+judge, the penalty would not properly have been punishment; and none
+could be a regular judge who had not jurisdiction over all mankind;
+for all mankind was punished in the flesh of Christ, who "hath borne
+our griefs and carried our sorrows," as saith the Prophet Isaiah. And
+if the Roman empire had not existed by right, Tiberius Cæsar, whose
+vicar was Pontius Pilate, would not have had jurisdiction over all
+mankind. It was for this reason that Herod, not knowing what he did,
+like Caiaphas, when he spoke truly of the decree of heaven, sent
+Christ to Pilate to be judged, as Luke relates in his gospel. For
+Herod was not the vicegerent of Tiberius, under the standard of the
+eagle, or the standard of the Senate; but only a king, with one
+particular kingdom given him by Tiberius, and ruling the kingdom
+committed to his charge under Tiberius.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">-255-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Let them cease, then, to insult the Roman empire, who pretend that
+they are the sons of the Church; when they see that Christ, the
+bridegroom of the Church, sanctioned the Roman empire at the beginning
+and at the end of His warfare on earth. And now I think that I have
+made it sufficiently clear that it was by right that the Romans
+acquired to themselves the empire of the world.</p>
+
+<p>Oh happy people, oh Ausonia, how glorious hadst thou been, if either
+he, that weakener of thine empire, had never been born, or if his own
+pious intention had never deceived him?<a name="FNanchor_275_276" id="FNanchor_275_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_276" class="fnanchor">[275]</a></p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">-256-</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="BOOK_III" id="BOOK_III"></a>BOOK III.</h2>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_I" id="III_I"></a>I.&mdash;"He hath shut the lions' mouths and they have not hurt me,
+forasmuch as before Him justice was found in me."<a name="FNanchor_276_277" id="FNanchor_276_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_277" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> At the
+beginning of this work I proposed to examine into three questions,
+according as the subject-matter would permit me. Concerning the two
+first questions our inquiry, as I think, has been sufficiently
+accomplished in the preceding books. It remains to treat of the third
+question; and, perchance, it may arouse a certain amount of
+indignation against me, for the truth of it cannot appear without
+causing shame to certain men. But seeing that truth from its
+changeless throne appeals to me&mdash;that Solomon too, entering on the
+forest of his proverbs, teaches me in his own person "to meditate on
+truth, to hate the wicked;"<a name="FNanchor_277_278" id="FNanchor_277_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_278" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> seeing that the Philosopher, my
+instructor in morals, bids me, for the sake of truth, to put aside
+what is dearest;<a name="FNanchor_278_279" id="FNanchor_278_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_279" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> I will, therefore, take confidence from the
+words of Daniel in which the power of God, the shield of the defenders
+of truth, is set forth, and, according to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">-257-</a></span> the exhortation of St.
+Paul, "putting on the breast-plate of faith," and in the heat of that
+coal which one of the seraphim had taken from off the altar, and laid
+on the lips of Isaiah, I will enter on the present contest, and, by
+the arm of Him who delivered us by His blood from the powers of
+darkness, drive out from the lists the wicked and the liar, in the
+sight of all the world. Why should I fear, when the Spirit, which is
+co-eternal with the Father and the Son, saith by the mouth of David:
+"The righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance, he shall not
+be afraid of evil tidings"?<a name="FNanchor_279_280" id="FNanchor_279_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_280" class="fnanchor">[279]</a></p>
+
+<p>The present question, then, concerning which we have to inquire, is
+between two great luminaries, the Roman Pontiff and the Roman Prince:
+and the question is, does the authority of the Roman Monarch, who, as
+we have proved in the second book, is the monarch of the world, depend
+immediately on God, or on some minister or vicar of God; by whom I
+understand the successor of Peter, who truly has the keys of the
+kingdom of heaven?</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_II" id="III_II"></a>II.&mdash;For this, as for the former questions, we must take some
+principle, on the strength of which we may fashion the arguments of
+the truth which is to be expounded. For what does it profit to labour,
+even<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">-258-</a></span> in speaking truth, unless we start from a principle? For the
+principle alone is the root of all the propositions which are the
+means of proof.</p>
+
+<p>Let us, therefore, start from the irrefragable truth that that which
+is repugnant to the intention of nature, is against the will of God.
+For if this were not true its contradictory would not be false;
+namely, that what is repugnant to the intention of nature is not
+against God's will, and if this be not false neither are the
+consequences thereof false. For it is impossible in consequences which
+are necessary, that the consequent should be false, unless the
+antecedent were false also.</p>
+
+<p>But if a thing is not "<i>against the will</i>" it must either be willed or
+simply "not willed," just as "not to hate" means "to love," or "not to
+love;" for "not to love" does not mean "to hate," and "not to will"
+does not mean "to will not," as is self-evident. But if this is not
+false, neither will this proposition be false; "God wills what He does
+not will," than which a greater contradiction does not exist.</p>
+
+<p>I prove that what I say is true as follows: It is manifest that God
+wills the end of nature; otherwise the motions of heaven would be of
+none effect, and this we may not say. If God willed that the end
+should be hindered, He would will also that the hindering power should
+gain its end, otherwise His<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">-259-</a></span> will would be of none effect. And since
+the end of the hindering power is the non-existence of what it
+hinders, it would follow that God wills the non-existence of the end
+of nature which He is said to will.</p>
+
+<p>For if God did not will that the end should be hindered, in so far as
+He did not will it, it would follow as a consequence to His not
+willing it, that He cared nought about the hindering power, neither
+whether it existed, nor whether it did not. But he who cares not for
+the hindering power, cares not for the thing which can be hindered,
+and consequently has no wish for it; and when a man has no wish for a
+thing he wills it not. Therefore, if the end of nature can be
+hindered, as it can, it follows of necessity that God wills not the
+end of nature, and we reach our previous conclusion, that God wills
+what He does not will. Our principle is therefore most true, seeing
+that from its contradictions such absurd results follow.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_III" id="III_III"></a>III.&mdash;At the outset we must note in reference to this third question,
+that the truth of the first question had to be made manifest rather to
+remove ignorance than to end a dispute. In the second question we
+sought equally to remove ignorance and to end a dispute. For there are
+many things of which we are ignorant, but concerning which we do not
+quarrel.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">-260-</a></span> In geometry we know not how to square the circle, but we do
+not quarrel on that point. The theologian does not know the number of
+the angels, but he does not quarrel about the number. The Egyptian is
+ignorant of the political system of the Scythians, but he does not
+therefore quarrel concerning it.<a name="FNanchor_280_281" id="FNanchor_280_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_281" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> But the truth in this third
+question provokes so much quarrelling that, whereas in other matters
+ignorance is commonly the cause of quarrelling, here quarrelling is
+the cause of ignorance. For this always happens where men are hurried
+by their wishes past what they see by their reason; in this evil bias
+they lay aside the light of reason, and being dragged on blindly by
+their desires, they obstinately deny that they are blind. And,
+therefore, it often follows not only that falsehood has its own
+inheritance, but that many men issue forth from their own bounds and
+stray through the foreign camp, where they understand nothing, and no
+man understands them; and so they provoke some to anger, and some to
+scorn, and not a few to laughter.</p>
+
+<p>Now three classes of men chiefly strive against the truth which we are
+trying to prove.</p>
+
+<p>First, the Chief Pontiff, Vicar of our Lord Jesus Christ and the
+successor of Peter, to whom we owe,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">-261-</a></span> not indeed all that we owe to
+Christ, but all that we owe to Peter, contradicts this truth, urged it
+may be by zeal for the keys; and also other pastors of the Christian
+sheepfolds, and others whom I believe to be only led by zeal for our
+mother, the Church. These all, perchance from zeal and not from pride,
+withstand the truth which I am about to prove.</p>
+
+<p>But there are certain others in whom obstinate greed has extinguished
+the light of reason, who are of their father the devil, and yet
+pretend to be sons of the Church. They not only stir up quarrels in
+this question, but they hate the name of the most sacred office of
+Prince, and would shamelessly deny the principles which we have laid
+down for this and the previous questions.</p>
+
+<p>There is also a third class called Decretalists,<a name="FNanchor_281_282" id="FNanchor_281_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_282" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> utterly without
+knowledge or skill in philosophy or theology, who, relying entirely on
+their Decretals (which doubtless, I think, should be venerated), and
+hoping, I believe, that these Decretals will prevail, disparage the
+power of the Empire. And no wonder, for I have heard one of them,
+speaking of these Decretals, assert shamelessly that the traditions of
+the Church are the foundation of the faith. May this wickedness be
+taken away from the thoughts<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">-262-</a></span> of men by those who, antecedently to the
+traditions of the Church, have believed in Christ the Son of God,
+whether to come, or present, or as having already suffered; and who
+from their faith have hoped, and from their hope have kindled into
+love, and who, burning with love, will, the world doubts not, be made
+co-heirs with Him.</p>
+
+<p>And that such arguers may be excluded once for all from the present
+debate, it must be noted that part of Scripture was <i>before</i> the
+Church, that part of it came <i>with</i> the Church, and part <i>after</i> the
+Church.</p>
+
+<p><i>Before</i> the Church were the Old and the New Testament&mdash;the covenant
+which the Psalmist says was "commanded for ever," of which the Church
+speaks to her Bridegroom, saying: "Draw me after thee."<a name="FNanchor_282_283" id="FNanchor_282_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_283" class="fnanchor">[282]</a></p>
+
+<p><i>With</i> the Church came those venerable chief Councils, with which no
+faithful Christian doubts but that Christ was present. For we have His
+own words to His disciples when He was about to ascend into heaven:
+"Lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world," to which
+Matthew testifies. There are also the writings<a name="FNanchor_283_284" id="FNanchor_283_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_284" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> of the doctors,
+Augustine and others, of whom, if any doubt that they were aided by
+the Holy Spirit, either he has never beheld their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">-263-</a></span> fruit, or if he has
+beheld, he has never tasted thereof.</p>
+
+<p><i>After</i> the Church are the traditions which they call Decretals,
+which, although they are to be venerated for their apostolical
+authority, yet we must not doubt that they are to be held inferior to
+fundamental Scripture, seeing that Christ rebuked the Pharisees for
+this very thing; for when they had asked: "Why do thy disciples
+transgress the tradition of the elders?" (for they neglected the
+washing of hands), He answered them, as Matthew testifies: "Why do ye
+also transgress the commandment of God by your tradition?" Thus He
+intimates plainly that tradition was to have a lower place.</p>
+
+<p>But if the traditions of the Church are <i>after</i> the Church, it follows
+that the Church had not its authority from traditions, but rather
+traditions from the Church; and, therefore, the men of whom we speak,
+seeing that they have nought but traditions, must be excluded from the
+debate. For those who seek after this truth must proceed in their
+inquiry from those things from which flows the authority of the
+Church.</p>
+
+<p>Further, we must exclude others who boast themselves to be white sheep
+in the flock of the Lord, when they have the plumage of crows. These
+are the children of wickedness, who, that they may be able to follow
+their evil ways, put shame on their mother,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">-264-</a></span> drive out their brethren,
+and when they have done all will allow none to judge them. Why should
+we seek to reason with these, when they are led astray by their evil
+desires, and so cannot see even our first principle?</p>
+
+<p>Therefore there remains the controversy only with the other sort of
+men who are influenced by a certain kind of zeal for their mother the
+Church, and yet know not the truth which is sought for. With these
+men, therefore&mdash;strong in the reverence which a dutiful son owes to
+his father, which a dutiful son owes to his mother, dutiful to Christ,
+dutiful to the Church, dutiful to the Chief Shepherd, dutiful to all
+who profess the religion of Christ&mdash;I begin in this book the contest
+for the maintenance of the truth.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_IV" id="III_IV"></a>IV.&mdash;Those men to whom all our subsequent reasoning is addressed, when
+they assert that the authority of the Empire depends on the authority
+of the Church, as the inferior workman depends on the architect, are
+moved to take this view by many arguments, some of which they draw
+from Holy Scripture, and some also from the acts of the Supreme
+Pontiff and of the Emperor himself. Moreover, they strive to have some
+proof of reason.</p>
+
+<p>For in the first place they say that God, according to the book of
+Genesis, made two great lights, the greater light to rule the day, and
+the lesser light to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">-265-</a></span> rule the night; this they understand to be an
+allegory, for that the lights are the two powers,<a name="FNanchor_284_285" id="FNanchor_284_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_285" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> the spiritual
+and the temporal. And then they maintain that as the moon, which is
+the lesser light, only has light so far as she receives it from the
+sun, so the temporal power only has authority as it receives authority
+from the spiritual power.</p>
+
+<p>For the disposing of these, and of other like arguments, we must
+remember the Philosopher's words in his book on Sophistry, "the
+overthrow of an argument is the pointing out of the mistake."<a name="FNanchor_285_286" id="FNanchor_285_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_286" class="fnanchor">[285]</a></p>
+
+<p>Error may arise in two ways, either in the matter, or in the form of
+an argument; either, that is, by assuming to be true what is false, or
+by transgressing the laws of the syllogism. The Philosopher raised
+objections to the arguments of Parmenides and Melissus on both of
+these grounds, saying that they accepted what was false, and that they
+did not argue correctly.<a name="FNanchor_286_287" id="FNanchor_286_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_287" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> I use "false" in a large sense, as
+including the inconceivable,<a name="FNanchor_287_288" id="FNanchor_287_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_288" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> that which in matters admitting only
+of probability has the nature of falseness. If the error is in the
+form of an argument, he who wishes to destroy the error must do so by
+showing that the laws of the syllogism have been transgressed. If the
+error is in the matter, it is because something has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">-266-</a></span> been assumed
+which is either false in itself, or false in relation to that
+particular instance. If the assumption is false in itself, the
+argument must be destroyed by destroying the assumption; if it is
+false only in that particular instance, we must draw a distinction
+between the falseness in that particular instance and its general
+truth.</p>
+
+<p>Having noted these things, to make it more clear how we destroy this
+and the further fallacies of our adversaries, we must remark that
+there are two ways in which error may arise concerning the mystical
+sense, either by seeking it where it is not, or by accepting it in a
+sense other than its real sense.</p>
+
+<p>On account of the first of these ways, Augustine says, in his work <i>Of
+the City of God</i>,<a name="FNanchor_288_289" id="FNanchor_288_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_289" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> that we must not think that all things, of
+which we are told, have a special meaning; for it is on account of
+that which means something, that that also which means nothing is
+woven into a story. It is only with the ploughshare that we turn up
+the earth; but the other parts of the plough are also necessary.</p>
+
+<p>On account of the second way in which error touching the
+interpretation of mysteries may arise, Augustine, in his book
+"<i>concerning Christian doctrine</i>," speaking of those who wish to find
+in Scripture some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">-267-</a></span>thing other than he who wrote the Scripture
+meant,<a name="FNanchor_289_290" id="FNanchor_289_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_290" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> says, that such "are misled in the same way as a man who
+leaves the straight path, and then arrives at the end of the path by a
+long circuit." And he adds: "It ought to be shown that this is a
+mistake, lest through the habit of going out of the way, the man be
+driven to going into cross or wrong ways." And then he intimates why
+such precautions must be taken in interpreting Scripture. "Faith will
+falter, if the authority of Scripture be not sure." But I say that if
+these things happen from ignorance, we must pardon those who do them,
+when we have carefully reproved them, as we pardon those who imagine a
+lion in the clouds, and are afraid. But if they are done purposely, we
+must deal with those who err thus, as we do with tyrants, who instead
+of following the laws of the state for the public good, try to pervert
+them for their own advantage.</p>
+
+<p>Oh worst of crimes, even though a man commit it in his dreams, to turn
+to ill use the purpose of the Eternal Spirit. Such an one does not sin
+against Moses, or David, or Job, or Matthew, or Paul, but against the
+Eternal Spirit that speaketh in them. For though the reporters of the
+words of God are many, yet there is one only that tells them what to
+write, even God,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">-268-</a></span> who has deigned to unfold to us His will through the
+pens of many writers.</p>
+
+<p>Having thus first noted these things, I will proceed, as I said above,
+to destroy the argument of those who say that the two great lights are
+typical of the two great powers on earth: for on this type rests the
+whole strength of their argument. It can be shown in two ways that
+this interpretation cannot be upheld. First, seeing that these two
+kinds of power are, in a sense, accidents of men, God would thus
+appear to have used a perverted order, by producing the accidents,
+before the essence to which they belong existed; and it is ridiculous
+to say this of God. For the two great lights were created on the
+fourth day, while man was not created till the sixth day, as is
+evident in the text of Scripture.</p>
+
+<p>Secondly, seeing that these two kinds of rule are to guide men to
+certain ends, as we shall see, it follows that if man had remained in
+the state of innocence in which God created him, he would not have
+needed such means of guidance. These kinds of rule, then, are remedies
+against the weakness of sin. Since, then, man was not a sinner on the
+fourth day, for he did not then even exist, it would have been idle to
+make remedies for his sin, and this would be contrary to the goodness
+of God. For he would be a sorry physician who would make a plaster
+for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">-269-</a></span> an abscess which was to be, before the man was born. It cannot,
+therefore, be said that God made these two kinds of rule on the fourth
+day, and therefore the meaning of Moses cannot have been what these
+men pretend.</p>
+
+<p>We may also be more tolerant, and overthrow this falsehood by drawing
+a distinction. This way of distinction is a gentler way of treating an
+adversary, for so his arguments are not made to appear consciously
+false, as is the case when we utterly overthrow him. I say then that,
+although the moon has not light of its own abundantly, unless it
+receives it from the sun, yet it does not therefore follow that the
+moon is from the sun. Therefore be it known that the being, and the
+power, and the working of the moon are all different things. For its
+being, the moon in no way depends on the sun, nor for its power, nor
+for its working, considered in itself. Its motion comes from its
+proper mover, its influence is from its own rays. For it has a certain
+light of its own, which is manifest at the time of an eclipse; though
+for its better and more powerful working it receives from the sun an
+abundant light, which enables it to work more powerfully.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore I say that the temporal power does not receive its being
+from the spiritual power, nor its power which is its authority, nor
+its working<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">-270-</a></span> considered in itself. Yet it is good that the temporal
+power should receive from the spiritual the means of working more
+effectively by the light of the grace which the benediction of the
+Supreme Pontiff bestows on it both in heaven and on earth. Therefore
+we may see that the argument of these men erred in its form, because
+the predicate of the conclusion is not the predicate of the major
+premiss. The argument runs thus: The moon receives her light from the
+sun, which is the spiritual power. The temporal power is the moon.
+Therefore the temporal power receives authority from the spiritual
+power. "Light" is the predicate of the major premiss, "authority" the
+predicate of the conclusion; which two things we have seen to be very
+different in their subject and in their idea.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_V" id="III_V"></a>V.&mdash;They draw another argument from the text of Moses, saying that the
+types of these two powers sprang from the loins of Jacob, for that
+they are prefigured in Levi and Judah, whereof one was founder of the
+spiritual power, and the other of the temporal. From this they argue:
+the Church has the same relation to the Empire that Levi had to Judah.
+Levi preceded Judah in his birth, therefore the Church precedes the
+Empire in authority.</p>
+
+<p>This error is easily overthrown. For when they say that Levi and
+Judah, the sons of Jacob, are the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">-271-</a></span> types of spiritual and temporal
+power, I could show this argument, too, to be wholly false; but I will
+grant it to be true. Then they infer, as Levi came first in birth, so
+does the Church come first in authority. But, as in the previous
+argument, the predicates of the conclusion and of the major premiss
+are different: authority and birth are different things, both in their
+subject and in their idea; and therefore there is an error in the form
+of the argument. The argument is as follows: A precedes B in C; D and
+E stand in the same relation as A and B; therefore D precedes E in F.
+But then F and C are different things. And if it is objected that F
+follows from C, that is, authority from priority of birth, and that
+the effect is properly substituted for the cause, as if "animal" were
+used in an argument for men, the objection is bad. For there are many
+men, who were born before others, who not only do not precede those
+others in authority, but even come after them: as is plain where we
+find a bishop younger than his archpresbyters. Therefore their
+objection appears to err in that it assumes as a cause that which is
+none.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_VI" id="III_VI"></a>VI.&mdash;Again, from the first book of Kings they take the election and
+the deposition of Saul; and they say that Saul, an enthroned king, was
+deposed by Samuel, who, by God's command, acted in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">-272-</a></span> stead of God,
+as appears from the text of Scripture. From this they argue that, as
+that Vicar of God had authority to give temporal power, and to take it
+away and bestow it on another, so now the Vicar of God, the bishop of
+the universal Church, has authority to give the sceptre of temporal
+power, and to take it away, and even to give it to another. And if
+this were so, it would follow without doubt that the authority of the
+Empire is dependent on the Church, as they say.</p>
+
+<p>But we may answer and destroy this argument, by which they say that
+Samuel was the Vicar of God: for it was not as Vicar of God that he
+acted, but as a special delegate for this purpose, or as a messenger
+bearing the express command of his Lord. For it is clear that what God
+commanded him, that only he did, and that only he said.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore we must recognise that it is one thing to be another's
+vicar, and that it is another to be his messenger or minister, just as
+it is one thing to be a doctor, and another to be an interpreter. For
+a vicar is one to whom is committed jurisdiction with law or with
+arbitrary power, and therefore within the bounds of the jurisdiction
+which is committed to him, he may act by law or by his arbitrary power
+without the knowledge of his lord. It is not so with a mere messenger,
+in so far as he is a messenger; but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">-273-</a></span> as the mallet acts only by the
+strength of the smith, so the messenger acts only by the authority of
+him that sent him. Although, then, God did this by His messenger
+Samuel, it does not follow that the Vicar of God may do the same. For
+there are many things which God has done and still does, and yet will
+do through angels, which the Vicar of God, the successor of Peter,
+might not do.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore we may see that they argue from the whole to a part, thus:
+Men can hear and see, therefore the eye can hear and see: which does
+not hold. Were the argument negative, it would be good: for instance,
+man cannot fly, therefore man's arm cannot fly. And, in the same way,
+God cannot, by his messenger, cause what is not to have been,<a name="FNanchor_290_291" id="FNanchor_290_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_291" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> as
+Agathon says; therefore neither can his Vicar.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_VII" id="III_VII"></a>VII.&mdash;Further, they use the offering of the wise men from the text of
+Matthew, saying that Christ accepted from them both frankincense and
+gold, to signify that He was lord and ruler both of things temporal
+and of things spiritual; and from this they infer that the Vicar of
+Christ is also lord and ruler both of things temporal and of things
+spiritual; and that consequently he has authority over both.</p>
+
+<p>To this I answer, that I acknowledge that Matthew's<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">-274-</a></span> words and meaning
+are both as they say, but that the inference which they attempt to
+draw therefrom fails, because it fails in the terms of the argument.
+Their syllogism runs thus: God is the lord both of things temporal and
+of things spiritual, the holy Pontiff is the Vicar of God; therefore
+he is lord both of things temporal and of things spiritual. Both of
+these propositions are true, but the middle term in them is different,
+and <i>four</i> terms are introduced, by which the form of the syllogism is
+not kept, as is plain from what is said of "the syllogism
+simply."<a name="FNanchor_291_292" id="FNanchor_291_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_292" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> For "God" is the subject of the major premiss, and "the
+Vicar of God" is the predicate of the minor; and these are not the
+same.</p>
+
+<p>And if anyone raises the objection that the Vicar of God is equal in
+power to God, his objection is idle; for no vicar, whether human or
+divine, can be equal in power to the master whose vicar he is, which
+is at once obvious. We know that the successor of Peter had not equal
+authority with God, at least in the works of nature; he could not make
+a clod of earth fall upwards, nor fire to burn in a downward
+direction, by virtue of the office committed to him. Nor could all
+things be committed to him by God; for God could not commit to any the
+power of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">-275-</a></span> creation, and of baptism, as is clearly proved,
+notwithstanding what<a name="FNanchor_292_293" id="FNanchor_292_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_293" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> the Master says in his fourth book.</p>
+
+<p>We know also that the vicar of a mortal man is not equal in authority
+to the man whose vicar he is, so far as he is his vicar; for none can
+give away what is not his. The authority of a prince does not belong
+to a prince, except for him to use it; for no prince can give to
+himself authority. He can indeed receive authority, and give it up,
+but he cannot create it in another man, for it does not belong to a
+prince to create another prince. And if this is so, it is manifest
+that no prince can substitute for himself a vicar equal to himself in
+authority respecting all things, and therefore the objection to our
+argument has no weight.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_VIII" id="III_VIII"></a>VIII.&mdash;They also bring forward that saying in Matthew of Christ to
+Peter: "Whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven;
+and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven;"
+which also, from the text of Matthew and John, they allow to have been
+in like manner said to all the Apostles. From this they argue that it
+has been granted by God to the successor of Peter to be able to bind
+and to loose all things; hence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">-276-</a></span> they infer that he can loose the laws
+and decrees of the Empire, and also bind laws and decrees for the
+temporal power; and, if this were so, this conclusion would rightly
+follow.</p>
+
+<p>But we must draw a distinction touching their major premiss. Their
+syllogism is in this form. Peter could loose and bind all things; the
+successor of Peter can do whatever Peter could do; therefore the
+successor of Peter can bind and can loose all things: whence they
+conclude that he can bind and can loose the decrees and the authority
+of the Empire.</p>
+
+<p>Now I admit the minor premiss; but touching the major premiss I draw a
+distinction. The universal "everything" which is included in
+"whatever" is not distributed beyond the extent of the distributed
+term. If I say "all animals run," "all" is distributed so as to
+include everything which comes under the class "animal." But if I say
+"all men run," then "all" is only distributed so as to include every
+individual in the class "man;" and when I say "every grammarian runs,"
+then is the distribution even more limited.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore we must always look to see what it is that is to be included
+in the word "all," and when we know the nature and extent of the
+distributed term, it will easily be seen how far the distribution
+extends. Therefore, when it is said "whatsoever thou shalt bind," if
+"whatsoever" bore an unlimited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">-277-</a></span> sense, they would speak truly, and the
+power of the Pope would extend even beyond what they say; for he might
+then divorce a wife from her husband, and marry her to another while
+her first husband was yet alive, which he can in no wise do. He might
+even absolve me when impenitent, which God Himself cannot do.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore it is manifest that the distribution of the term in question
+is not absolute, but in reference to something. What this is will be
+sufficiently clear if we consider what power was granted to Peter.
+Christ said to Peter: "To thee will I give the keys of the kingdom of
+heaven"&mdash;that is, "I will make thee the doorkeeper of the kingdom of
+heaven." And then He adds: "Whatsoever," which is to say "all
+that"&mdash;to wit, all that has reference to this duty&mdash;"thou shalt have
+power to bind and to loose." And thus the universal which is implied
+in "whatsoever" has only a limited distribution, referring to the
+office of the keys of the kingdom of heaven. And in this sense the
+proposition of our opponents is true, but, taken absolutely, it is
+manifestly false. I say, then, that although the successor of Peter
+has power to bind and to loose, as belongs to him to whom the office
+of Peter was committed, yet it does not therefore follow that he has
+power to bind and to loose the decrees of the Empire, as our opponents
+say, unless they further<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">-278-</a></span> prove that to do so belongs to the office of
+the keys, which we shall shortly show is not the case.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_IX" id="III_IX"></a>IX.&mdash;They further take the words in Luke which Peter spake to Christ,
+saying: "Behold, here are two swords;" and they understood that by
+these two swords the two kinds of rule were foretold. And since Peter
+said "here," where he was, which is to say, "with him," they argue
+that the authority of the two kinds of rule rests with the successor
+of Peter.</p>
+
+<p>We must answer by showing that the interpretation, on which the
+argument rests, is wrong. They say that the two swords of which Peter
+spake mean the two kinds of rule which we have spoken of; but this we
+wholly deny, for then Peter's answer would not be according to the
+meaning of the words of Christ; and also we say that Peter made, as
+was his wont, a hasty answer, touching only the outside of things.</p>
+
+<p>It will be manifest that such an answer as our opponents allege would
+not be according to the meaning of the words of Christ, if the
+preceding words, and the reason of them, be considered. Observe, then,
+that these words were spoken on the day of the feast, for a little
+before Luke writes thus: "Then came the day of unleavened bread, when
+the Passover must be killed;" and at this feast Christ had spoken of
+His Passion, which was at hand, in which it was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">-279-</a></span> necessary for Him to
+be separated from His disciples. Observe, too, that when these words
+were spoken the twelve were assembled together, and therefore, shortly
+after the words which we have just quoted, Luke says: "And when the
+hour was come He sat down, and the twelve Apostles with Him." And
+continuing His discourse with them, He came to this: "When I sent you,
+without purse, and scrip, and shoes, lacked ye anything? And they
+said, Nothing. Then said He unto them: But now, he that hath a purse,
+let him take it, and likewise his scrip; and he that hath no sword,
+let him sell his garment, and buy one." From these words the purpose
+of Christ is sufficiently manifest; for He did not say: "Buy, or get
+for yourselves, two swords," but rather "twelve swords," seeing that
+He spake unto twelve disciples: "He that hath not, let him buy," so
+that each should have one. And He said this to admonish them of the
+persecution and scorn that they should suffer, as though He would say:
+"As long as I was with you men received you gladly, but now you will
+be driven away; therefore of necessity ye must prepare for yourselves
+those things which formerly I forbade you to have." And therefore if
+the answer of Peter bore the meaning which our opponents assign to it,
+it would have been no answer to the words of Christ; and Christ would
+have rebuked him for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">-280-</a></span> answering foolishly, as He often did rebuke him.
+But Christ did not rebuke him, but was satisfied, saying unto him: "It
+is enough," as though He would say: "I speak because of the necessity;
+but if each one of you cannot possess a sword, two are enough."</p>
+
+<p>And that it was Peter's wont to speak in a shallow manner is proved by
+his hasty and thoughtless forwardness, to which he was led not only by
+the sincerity of his faith, but also, I believe, by the natural purity
+and simplicity of his character. All the Evangelists bear testimony to
+this forwardness.</p>
+
+<p>Matthew writes that when Jesus had asked His disciples: "Whom say ye
+that I am?" Peter answered before them all and said: "Thou art Christ,
+the Son of the living God." He writes also that when Christ was saying
+to His disciples that he must go up to Jerusalem and suffer many
+things, Peter took Him and began to rebuke Him, saying: "Be it far
+from Thee, Lord; this shall not be unto Thee." But Christ turned and
+rebuked him, and said: "Get thee behind me, Satan." Matthew also
+writes that in the Mount of Transfiguration, on the sight of Christ,
+and of Moses and Elias, and of the two sons of Zebedee, Peter said:
+"Lord, it is good for us to be here; if Thou wilt, let us make here
+three tabernacles, one for Thee, one for Moses, and one for Elias." He
+also writes that when the disciples were in a ship, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">-281-</a></span> night, and
+Christ went unto them walking on the sea, then Peter said unto Him:
+"Lord, if it be Thou, bid me come unto Thee on the water." And when
+Christ foretold that all His disciples should be offended because of
+Him, Peter answered and said: "Though all men shall be offended
+because of Thee, yet will I never be offended;" and then: "Though I
+should die with Thee, yet will I not deny Thee." And to this saying
+Mark bears witness also. And Luke writes that Peter had said to
+Christ, a little before the words touching the swords which we have
+quoted: "Lord, I am ready to go with Thee, both into prison and to
+death." And John says of him, that, when Christ wished to wash his
+feet, Peter answered and said: "Lord, dost Thou wash my feet?" and
+then: "Thou shalt never wash my feet." The same Evangelist tells us
+that it was Peter who smote the High Priest's servant with a sword,
+and the other Evangelists also bear witness to this thing. He tells us
+also how Peter entered the sepulchre at once, when he saw the other
+disciple waiting outside, and how, when Christ was on the shore after
+the resurrection, when Peter had heard that it was the Lord, he girt
+his fisher's coat unto him (for he was naked) and did cast himself
+into the sea. Lastly, John tells that when Peter saw John, he said
+unto Jesus: "Lord, and what shall this man do?"<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">-282-</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It is a pleasure to have pursued this point about our Chief
+Shepherd,<a name="FNanchor_293_294" id="FNanchor_293_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_294" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> in praise of his purity of spirit; but from what I have
+said it is plain that when he spake of the two swords, he answered the
+words of Christ with no second meaning.</p>
+
+<p>But if we are to receive these words of Christ and of Peter typically,
+they must not be explained as our adversaries explain them; but they
+must be referred to that sword of which Matthew writes: "Think not
+that I am come to send peace on the earth; I come not to send peace,
+but a sword. For I am come to set a man at variance against his
+father," &amp;c. And this comes to pass not only in words, but also in
+fact. And therefore Luke speaks to Theophilus of all "that Jesus began
+both to do and to teach." It was a sword of that kind that Christ
+commanded them to buy; and Peter said that it was already doubly
+there. For they were ready both for words and for deeds, by which they
+should accomplish what Christ said that He had come to do by the
+sword.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_X" id="III_X"></a>X.&mdash;Certain persons say further that the Emperor Constantine, having
+been cleansed from leprosy by the intercession of Sylvester, then the
+Supreme Pontiff, gave unto the Church the seat of Empire which was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">-283-</a></span>
+Rome, together with many other dignities belonging to the Empire.<a name="FNanchor_294_295" id="FNanchor_294_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_295" class="fnanchor">[294]</a>
+Hence they argue that no man can take unto himself these dignities
+unless he receive them from the Church, whose they are said to be.
+From this it would rightly follow, that one authority depends on the
+other, as they maintain.</p>
+
+<p>The arguments which seemed to have their roots in the Divine words,
+have been stated and disproved. It remains to state and disprove those
+which are grounded on Roman history and in the reason of mankind. The
+first of these is the one which we have mentioned, in which the
+syllogism runs as follows: No one has a right to those things which
+belong to the Church, unless he has them from the Church; and this we
+grant. The government of Rome belongs to the Church; therefore no one
+has a right to it unless it be given him by the Church. The minor
+premiss is proved by the facts concerning Constantine, which we have
+touched on.</p>
+
+<p>This minor premiss then will I destroy; and as for their proof, I say
+that it proves nothing. For the dignity of the Empire was what
+Constantine could not alienate, nor the Church receive. And when they
+insist, I prove my words as follows: No man on the strength of the
+office which is committed to him, may<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">-284-</a></span> do aught that is contrary to
+that office; for so one and the same man, viewed as one man, would be
+contrary to himself, which is impossible. But to divide the Empire is
+contrary to the office committed to the Emperor; for his office is to
+hold mankind in all things subject to one will: as may be easily seen
+from the first book of this treatise. Therefore it is not permitted to
+the Emperor to divide the Empire. If, therefore, as they say, any
+dignities had been alienated by Constantine, and had passed to the
+Church, the "coat without seam"&mdash;which even they, who pierced Christ,
+the true God, with a spear, dared not rend&mdash;would have been rent.<a name="FNanchor_295_296" id="FNanchor_295_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_296" class="fnanchor">[295]</a></p>
+
+<p>Further, just as the Church has its foundation, so has the Empire its
+foundation. The foundation of the Church is Christ, as Paul says in
+his first Epistle to the Corinthians: "For other foundation can no man
+lay than that which is laid, which is Jesus Christ."<a name="FNanchor_296_297" id="FNanchor_296_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_297" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> He is the
+rock on which the Church is built; but the foundation of the Empire is
+human right. Now I say that, as the Church may not go contrary to its
+foundation&mdash;but must always rest on its foundation, as the words of
+the Canticles say: "Who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">-285-</a></span> is she that cometh up from the desert,
+abounding in delights, leaning on her beloved?"<a name="FNanchor_297_298" id="FNanchor_297_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_298" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>&mdash;in the same way
+I say that the Empire may not do aught that transgresses human right.
+But were the Empire to destroy itself, it would so transgress human
+right. Therefore the Empire may not destroy itself. Since then to
+divide the Empire would be to destroy it, because the Empire consists
+in one single universal Monarchy, it is manifest that he who exercises
+the authority of the Empire may not destroy it, and from what we have
+said before, it is manifest that to destroy the Empire is contrary to
+human right.</p>
+
+<p>Moreover, all jurisdiction is prior in time to the judge who has it;
+for it is the judge who is ordained for the jurisdiction, not the
+jurisdiction for the judge. But the Empire is a jurisdiction,
+comprehending within itself all temporal jurisdiction: therefore it is
+prior to the judge who has it, who is the Emperor. For it is the
+Emperor who is ordained for the Empire, and not contrariwise.
+Therefore it is clear that the Emperor, in so far as he is Emperor,
+cannot alter the Empire; for it is to the Empire that he owes his
+being. I say then that he who is said to have conferred on the Church
+the authority in question either was Emperor, or he was not. If he was
+not,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">-286-</a></span> it is plain that he had no power to give away any part of the
+Empire. Nor could he, if he was Emperor, in so far as he was Emperor,
+for such a gift would be a diminishing of his jurisdiction.</p>
+
+<p>Further, if one Emperor were able to cut off a certain portion of the
+jurisdiction of the Empire, so could another; and since temporal
+jurisdiction is finite, and since all that is finite is taken away by
+finite diminutions, it would follow that it is possible for the first
+of all jurisdictions to be annihilated, which is absurd.</p>
+
+<p>Further, since he that gives is in the position of an agent, and he to
+whom a thing is given in that of a patient, as the Philosopher holds
+in the fourth book to Nicomachus,<a name="FNanchor_298_299" id="FNanchor_298_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_299" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> therefore, that a gift may be
+given, we require not only the fit qualification of the giver, but
+also of the receiver; for the acts of the agent are completed in a
+patient who is qualified.<a name="FNanchor_299_300" id="FNanchor_299_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_300" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> But the Church was altogether
+unqualified to receive temporal things; for there is an express
+command, forbidding her so to do, which Matthew gives thus: "Provide
+neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses." For though we
+find in Luke a relaxation of the command in regard to certain matters,
+yet I have not anywhere been able to find that the Church after<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">-287-</a></span> that
+prohibition had licence given her to possess gold and silver. If
+therefore the Church was unable to receive temporal power, even
+granting that Constantine was able to give it, yet the gift was
+impossible; for the receiver was disqualified. It is therefore plain
+that neither could the Church receive in the way of possession, nor
+could Constantine give in the way of alienation; though it is true
+that the Emperor, as protector of the Church, could allot to the
+Church a patrimony and other things, if he did not impair his supreme
+lordship, the unity of which does not allow division. And the Vicar of
+God could receive such things, not to possess them, but as a steward
+to dispense the fruits of them to the poor of Christ, on behalf of the
+Church, as we know the Apostles did.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_XI" id="III_XI"></a>XI.&mdash;Our adversaries further say that the Pope Hadrian<a name="FNanchor_300_301" id="FNanchor_300_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_301" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> summoned
+Charles the Great to his own assistance<a name="FNanchor_301_302" id="FNanchor_301_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_302" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> and to that of the
+Church, on account of the wrongs suffered from the Lombards in the
+time of their king Desiderius, and that Charles received from that
+Pope the imperial dignity, notwithstanding that Michael was emperor at
+Constantinople. And therefore they say that all the Roman emperors who
+succeeded Charles were themselves the "advocates" of the Church, and
+ought by the Church to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">-288-</a></span> called to their office. From which would
+follow that dependence of the Empire on the Church which they wish to
+prove.</p>
+
+<p>But to overset their argument, I reply that what they say is nought;
+for a usurpation of right does not make right; and if it were so, it
+might be proved in the same way that the Church is dependent on the
+Empire; for the Emperor Otto restored the Pope Leo, and deposed
+Benedict, leading him into exile to Saxony.<a name="FNanchor_302_303" id="FNanchor_302_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_303" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_XII" id="III_XII"></a>XII.&mdash;But from <i>reason</i> they thus argue: they take the principle laid
+down in the tenth book of "<i>Philosophia Prima</i>,"<a name="FNanchor_303_304" id="FNanchor_303_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_304" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> saying that all
+things which belong to one genus are to be brought under one head,
+which is the standard and measure of all that come under that genus.
+But all men belong to one genus: therefore they are to be brought
+under one head, as the standard and measure of them all. But the
+Supreme Pontiff and the Emperor are men; therefore if the preceding
+reasoning be true, they must be brought under one head. And since the
+Pope cannot come under any other man, the result is that the Emperor,
+together with all other men, must be brought under the Pope, as the
+measure and rule of all; and then, what those who argue thus desire
+follows.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">-289-</a></span></p>
+<p>To overset this argument, I answer that they are right when they say
+that all the individuals of one genus ought to be brought under one
+head, as their measure; and that they are again right when they say
+that all men belong to one genus, and that they are also right when
+they argue from these truths that all men should be brought under one
+head, taken from the genus man, as their measure and type. But when
+they obtain the further conclusion concerning the Pope and the
+Emperor, they fall into a fallacy touching accidental attributes.</p>
+
+<p>That this thing may be understood, it must be clearly known that to be
+a man is one thing, and to be a pope or an emperor is another; just as
+to be a man is different from being a father or a ruler. A man is that
+which exists by its essential form, which gives it its genus and
+species, and by which it comes under the category of substance. But a
+father is that which exists by an accidental form, that is, one which
+stands in a certain relation which gives it a certain genus and
+species, and through which it comes under the category of relation. If
+this were not so, all things would come under the category of
+substance, seeing that no accidental form can exist by itself, without
+the support of an existing substance; and this is not so. Seeing,
+therefore, that the Pope and the Emperor are what they are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">-290-</a></span> by virtue
+of certain relations: for they owe their existence to the Papacy and
+the Empire, which are both relations, one coming within the sphere of
+fatherhood, and the other within that of rule; it manifestly follows
+that both the Pope and the Emperor, in so far as they are Pope and
+Emperor, must come under the category of relation; and therefore that
+they must be brought under some head of that genus.</p>
+
+<p>I say then that there is one standard under which they are to be
+brought, as men; and another under which they come, as Pope and
+Emperor. For in so far as they are men, they have to be brought under
+the best man, whoever he be, who is the measure and the ideal of all
+mankind; under him, that is, who is most one in his kind,<a name="FNanchor_304_305" id="FNanchor_304_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_305" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> as may
+be gathered from the last book to Nicomachus.<a name="FNanchor_305_306" id="FNanchor_305_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_306" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> When, however, two
+things are relative, it is evident that they must either be
+reciprocally brought under each other, if they are alternately
+superior, or if by the nature of their relation they belong to
+connected species; or else they must be brought under some third
+thing, as their common unity. But the first of these suppositions is
+impossible: for then both would be predicable of both, which cannot
+be. We cannot say that the Emperor is the Pope, or the Pope the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">-291-</a></span>
+Emperor. Nor again can it be said that they are connected in species,
+for the idea of the Pope is quite other than the idea of the Emperor,
+in so far as they are Pope and Emperor. Therefore they must be reduced
+to some single thing above them.</p>
+
+<p>Now it must be understood that the relative is to the relative as the
+relation to the relation. If, therefore, the Papacy and the Empire,
+seeing that they are relations of paramount superiority, have to be
+carried back to some higher point of superiority from which they, with
+the features which make them different,<a name="FNanchor_306_307" id="FNanchor_306_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_307" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> branch off, the Pope and
+Emperor, being relative to one another, must be brought back to some
+one unity in which the higher point of superiority, without this
+characteristic difference, is found. And this will be either God, to
+whom all things unite in looking up, or something below God, which is
+higher in the scale of superiority, while differing from the simple
+and absolute superiority of God. Thus it is evident that the Pope and
+the Emperor, in so far as they are men, have to be brought under some
+one head; while, in so far as they are Pope and Emperor, they have to
+be brought under another head, and so far is clear, as regards the
+argument from reason.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_XIII" id="III_XIII"></a>XIII.&mdash;We have now stated and put on one side<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">-292-</a></span> those erroneous
+reasonings on which they, who assert that the authority of the Roman
+Emperor depends on the Pope of Rome, do most chiefly rely. We have now
+to go back and show forth the truth in this third question, which we
+proposed in the beginning to examine. The truth will appear plainly
+enough if I start in my inquiry from the principle which I laid down,
+and then show that the authority of the Empire springs immediately
+from the head of all being, who is God. This truth will be made
+manifest, either if it be shown that the authority of the Empire does
+not spring from the authority of the Church; for there is no argument
+concerning any other authority. Or again, if it be shown by direct
+proof that the authority of the Empire springs immediately from God.</p>
+
+<p>We prove that the authority of the Church is not the cause of the
+authority of the Empire in the following manner. Nothing can be the
+cause of power in another thing when that other thing has all its
+power, while the first either does not exist, or else has no power of
+action.<a name="FNanchor_307_308" id="FNanchor_307_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_308" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> But the Empire had its power while the Church was either
+not existing at all, or else had no power of acting. Therefore the
+Church is not the cause of the power of the Empire, and therefore not
+of its authority either, for power<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">-293-</a></span> and authority mean the same thing.
+Let A be the Church, B the Empire, C the authority or power of the
+Empire. If C is in B while A does not exist, A cannot be the cause of
+C being in B, for it is impossible for an effect to exist before its
+cause. Further, if C is in B while A does not act, it cannot be that A
+is the cause of C being in B; for, to produce an effect, it is
+necessary that the cause, especially the efficient cause of which we
+are speaking, should have been at work first. The major premiss of
+this argument is self-evident, and the minor premiss is confirmed by
+Christ and the Church. Christ confirms it by His birth and His death,
+as we have said; the Church confirms it in the words which Paul spake
+to Festus in the Acts of the Apostles: "I stand at Cæsar's
+judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged," and by the words which an
+angel of God spake to Paul a little afterwards: "Fear not, Paul; thou
+must be brought before Cæsar;" and again by Paul's words to the Jews
+of Italy: "But when the Jews spake against it, I was constrained to
+appeal unto Cæsar; not that I had aught to accuse my nation of," but
+"to deliver my soul from death." But if Cæsar had not at that time had
+the authority to judge in temporal matters, Christ would not have
+argued thus; nor would the angel have brought these words; nor would
+he, who spake of himself as "having a desire to depart<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">-294-</a></span> and to be with
+Christ," have made an appeal to a judge not having authority.<a name="FNanchor_308_309" id="FNanchor_308_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_309" class="fnanchor">[308]</a></p>
+
+<p>And if Constantine had not had the authority over the patronage of the
+Church, those things which he allotted from the Empire he could not
+have had the right to allot; and so the Church would be using this
+gift against right; whereas God wills that offerings should be pure,
+as is commanded in Leviticus: "No meat offering that ye shall bring
+unto the Lord shall be made with leaven." And though this command
+appears to regard those who offer, nevertheless it also regards those
+who receive an offering. For it is folly to suppose that God wishes to
+be received that which He forbids to be offered, for in the same book
+there is a command to the Levites: "Ye shall not make yourselves
+abominable with any creeping thing that creepeth; neither shall ye
+make yourselves unclean with them, that ye shall be defiled
+thereby."<a name="FNanchor_309_310" id="FNanchor_309_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_310" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> But to say that the Church so misuses the patrimony
+assigned to her is very unseemly; therefore the premiss from which
+this conclusion followed is false.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_XIV" id="III_XIV"></a>XIV.&mdash;Again, if the Church had power to bestow authority on the Roman
+Prince, she would have it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">-295-</a></span> either from God, or from herself, or from
+some Emperor, or from the universal consent of mankind, or at least of
+the majority of mankind. There is no other crevice by which this power
+could flow down to the Church. But she has it not from any of these
+sources; therefore she has it not at all.</p>
+
+<p>It is manifest that she has it from none of these sources; for if she
+had received it from God, she would have received it either by the
+divine or by the natural law: because what is received from nature is
+received from God; though the converse of this is not true. But this
+power is not received by the natural law; for nature lays down no law,
+save for the effects of nature, for God cannot fail in power, where he
+brings anything into being without the aid of secondary agents. Since
+therefore the Church is not an effect of nature, but of God who said:
+"Upon this rock I will build my Church," and elsewhere: "I have
+finished the work which Thou gavest me to do," it is manifest that
+nature did not give the Church this law.</p>
+
+<p>Nor was this power bestowed by the divine law; for the whole of the
+divine law is contained in the bosom of the Old or of the New
+Testament, and I cannot find therein that any thought or care for
+worldly matters was commanded, either to the early or to the latter
+priesthood. Nay, I find rather<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">-296-</a></span> such care taken away from the priests
+of the Old Testament by the express command of God to Moses,<a name="FNanchor_310_311" id="FNanchor_310_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_311" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> and
+from the priests of the New Testament by the express command of Christ
+to His disciples.<a name="FNanchor_311_312" id="FNanchor_311_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_312" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> But it could not be that this care was taken
+away from them, if the authority of the temporal power flowed from the
+priesthood; for at least in giving the authority there would be an
+anxious watchfulness of forethought, and afterwards continued
+precaution, lest he to whom authority had been given should leave the
+straight way.</p>
+
+<p>Then it is quite plain that the Church did not receive this power from
+herself; for nothing can give what it has not. Therefore all that does
+anything, must be such in its doing, as that which it intends to do,
+as is stated in the book "of Simple Being."<a name="FNanchor_312_313" id="FNanchor_312_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_313" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> But it is plain that
+if the Church gave to herself this power, she had it not before she
+gave it. Thus she would have given what she had not, which is
+impossible.</p>
+
+<p>But it is sufficiently manifest from what we have previously made
+evident that the Church has received not this power from any Emperor.</p>
+
+<p>And further, that she had it not from the consent of all, or even of
+the greater part of mankind, who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">-297-</a></span> can doubt? seeing that not only all
+the inhabitants of Asia and Africa, but even the greater number of
+Europeans, hold the thought in abhorrence. It is mere weariness to
+adduce proofs in matters which are so plain.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_XV" id="III_XV"></a>XV.&mdash;Again, that which is contrary to the nature of a thing cannot be
+counted as one of its essential powers; for the essential powers of
+each individual follow on its nature, in order to gain its end. But
+the power to grant authority in that which is the realm of our mortal
+state is contrary to the nature of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_313_314" id="FNanchor_313_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_314" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> Therefore it is
+not in the number of its essential powers. For the proof of the minor
+premiss we must know that the nature of the Church means the form [or
+essence]<a name="FNanchor_314_315" id="FNanchor_314_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_315" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> of the Church. For although men use the word nature not
+only of the form of a thing, but also of its matter, nevertheless, it
+is of the form that they use it more properly, as is proved in the
+book "of Natural Learning."<a name="FNanchor_315_316" id="FNanchor_315_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_316" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> But the [essence or] form of the
+Church is nothing else than the life of Christ, as it is contained
+both in His sayings and in His deeds. For His life was the example and
+ideal of the militant Church, especially of its pastors, and above all
+of its chief pastor, to whom it belongs to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">-298-</a></span> feed the sheep and the
+lambs of Christ. And therefore when Christ left His life unto men for
+an example He said in John's Gospel: "I have given you an example that
+ye should do as I have done to you." And He said unto Peter specially,
+after that He had committed unto him the office of shepherd, the words
+which John also reports: "Peter, follow me." But Christ denied before
+Pilate that His rule was of this sort, saying: "My kingdom is not of
+this world: if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants
+fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews; but now is my
+kingdom not from hence."<a name="FNanchor_316_317" id="FNanchor_316_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_317" class="fnanchor">[316]</a></p>
+
+<p>But this saying must not be understood to mean that Christ, who is
+God, is not the lord of this kingdom, for the Psalmist says: "The sea
+is His, and He made it, and His hands formed the dry land."<a name="FNanchor_317_318" id="FNanchor_317_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_318" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> We
+must understand it to mean that, as <i>the pattern of the Church</i>, He
+had not the care of this kingdom. It is as if a golden seal were to
+speak of itself, and say: "I am not the standard for such and such a
+class of things;" for in so far as it is gold, this saying is untrue,
+seeing that gold is the standard of all metals; but it is true in so
+far as it is a sign capable of being received by impression.</p>
+
+<p>It belongs, then, to the very form of the Church<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">-299-</a></span> always to speak the
+same, always to think the same; and to do the opposite of this is
+evidently contrary to its essential form&mdash;that is to say, to its
+nature. And from this it may be collected that the power of bestowing
+authority on this kingdom is contrary to the nature of the Church; for
+contrariety which is in thought or word follows from contrariety which
+is in the thing thought and the thing said; just as truth and
+falsehood in speech come from the being or the not-being of the thing,
+as we learn from the doctrine of the <i>Categories</i>. It has then become
+manifest enough by means of the preceding arguments, by which the
+contention of our opponents has been shown to lead to an absurd
+result, that the authority of the Empire is not in any way dependent
+on the authority of the Church.</p>
+
+
+<p class="tp"><a name="III_XVI" id="III_XVI"></a>XVI.&mdash;Although it has been proved in the preceding chapter that the
+authority of the Empire has not its cause in the authority of the
+Supreme Pontiff; for we have shown that this argument led to absurd
+results; yet it has not been entirely shown that the authority of the
+Empire depends directly upon God, except as a result from our
+argument. For it is a consequence that, if the authority comes not
+from the vicar of God, it must come from God Himself. And therefore,
+for the complete determination of the question proposed, we have to
+prove<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">-300-</a></span> directly that the emperor or monarch of the world stands in an
+immediate relation to the King of the universe, who is God.</p>
+
+<p>For the better comprehending of this, it must be recognised that man
+alone, of all created things, holds a position midway between things
+corruptible and things incorruptible; and therefore<a name="FNanchor_318_319" id="FNanchor_318_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_319" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> philosophers
+rightly liken him to a dividing line between two hemispheres. For man
+consists of two essential parts, namely, the soul and the body. If he
+be considered in relation to his body only, he is corruptible; but if
+he be considered in relation to his soul only, he is incorruptible.
+And therefore the Philosopher spoke well concerning the incorruptible
+soul when he said in the second book "of the Soul:" "It is this alone
+which may be separated, as being eternal, from the corruptible."<a name="FNanchor_319_320" id="FNanchor_319_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_320" class="fnanchor">[319]</a></p>
+
+<p>If, therefore, man holds this position midway between the corruptible
+and the incorruptible, since every middle nature partakes of both
+extremes, man must share something of each nature. And since every
+nature is ordained to gain some final end, it follows that for man
+there is a double end. For as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">-301-</a></span> he alone of all beings participates
+both in the corruptible and the incorruptible, so he alone of all
+beings is ordained to gain two ends, whereby one is his end in so far
+as he is corruptible, and the other in so far as he is incorruptible.</p>
+
+<p>Two ends, therefore, have been laid down by the ineffable providence
+of God for man to aim at: the blessedness of this life, which consists
+in the exercise of his natural powers, and which is prefigured in<a name="FNanchor_320_321" id="FNanchor_320_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_321" class="fnanchor">[320]</a>
+the earthly Paradise; and next, the blessedness of the life eternal,
+which consists in the fruition of the sight of God's countenance, and
+to which man by his own natural powers cannot rise, if he be not aided
+by the divine light; and this blessedness is understood by the
+heavenly Paradise.</p>
+
+<p>But to these different kinds of blessedness, as to different
+conclusions, we must come by different means. For at the first we may
+arrive by the lessons of philosophy, if only we will follow them, by
+acting in accordance with the moral and intellectual virtues. But at
+the second we can only arrive by spiritual lessons, transcending human
+reason, so that we follow them in accordance with the theological
+virtues, faith, hope, and charity. The truth of the first of these
+conclusions and of these means is made manifest by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">-302-</a></span> human reason,
+which by the philosophers has been all laid open to us. The other
+conclusions and means are made manifest by the Holy Spirit, who by the
+mouth of the Prophets and holy writers, and by Jesus Christ, the
+co-eternal Son of God, and His disciples, has revealed to us
+supernatural truth of which we have great need. Nevertheless human
+passion would cast them all behind its back, if it were not that men,
+going astray like the beasts that perish,<a name="FNanchor_321_322" id="FNanchor_321_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_322" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> were restrained in
+their course by bit and bridle, like horses and mules.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore man had need of two guides for his life, as he had a twofold
+end in life; whereof one is the Supreme Pontiff, to lead mankind to
+eternal life, according to the things revealed to us; and the other is
+the Emperor, to guide mankind to happiness in this world, in
+accordance with the teaching of philosophy. And since none, or but a
+few only, and even they with sore difficulty, could arrive at this
+harbour of happiness, unless the waves and blandishments of human
+desires were set at rest, and the human race were free to live in
+peace and quiet, this therefore is the mark at which he who is to care
+for the world, and whom we call the Roman Prince, must most chiefly
+aim at: I mean, that in this little plot of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">-303-</a></span> earth<a name="FNanchor_322_323" id="FNanchor_322_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_323" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> belonging to
+mortal men, life may pass in freedom and with peace. And since the
+order of this world follows the order of the heavens, as they run
+their course, it is necessary, to the end that the learning which
+brings liberty and peace may be duly applied by this guardian of the
+world in fitting season and place, that this power should be dispensed
+by Him who is ever present to behold the whole order of the heavens.
+And this is He who alone has preordained this, that by it in His
+providence He might bind all things together, each in their own order.</p>
+
+<p>But if this is so, God alone elects, God alone confirms: for there is
+none higher than God. And hence there is the further conclusion, that
+neither those who now are, nor any others who may, in whatsoever way,
+have been called "Electors," ought to have that name; rather they are
+to be held as declarers and announcers of the providence of God. And,
+therefore, it is that they to whom is granted the privilege of
+announcing God's will sometimes fall into disagreement; because that,
+all of them or some of them have been blinded by their evil desires,
+and have not discerned the face of God's appointment.<a name="FNanchor_323_324" id="FNanchor_323_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_324" class="fnanchor">[323]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is therefore clear that the authority of temporal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">-304-</a></span> Monarchy comes
+down, with no intermediate will, from the fountain of universal
+authority; and this fountain, one in its unity, flows through many
+channels out of the abundance of the goodness of God.</p>
+
+<p>And now, methinks, I have reached the goal which I set before me. I
+have unravelled the truth of the questions which I asked: whether the
+office of Monarchy was necessary to the welfare of the world; whether
+it was by right that the Roman people assumed to themselves the office
+of Monarchy; and, further, that last question, whether the authority
+of the Monarch springs immediately from God, or from some other. Yet
+the truth of this latter question must not be received so narrowly as
+to deny that in certain matters the Roman Prince is subject to the
+Roman Pontiff. For that happiness, which is subject to mortality, in a
+sense is ordered with a view to the happiness which shall not taste of
+death. Let, therefore, Cæsar be reverent to Peter, as the first-born
+son should be reverent to his father, that he may be illuminated with
+the light of his father's grace, and so may be stronger to lighten the
+world over which he has been placed by Him alone, who is the ruler of
+all things spiritual as well as temporal.</p>
+
+
+<p class="centertp"><b>THE END.</b></p>
+
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">-305-</a></span></p>
+
+<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS<br />
+<br />
+<span class="sm">OF</span><br />
+<br />
+<span class="lg">DE MONARCHIA.</span></h2>
+
+
+<h3 class="tp"><a href="#BOOK_I">BOOK I.</a></h3>
+
+<h4>WHETHER A TEMPORAL MONARCHY IS NECESSARY FOR THE<br />
+WELL-BEING OF THE WORLD?</h4>
+
+
+<table style="width: 100%" border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="contents">
+<tr><td><span class="sm">CHAP.</span></td><td class="right"><span class="sm">PAGE</span></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_I">I.</a>&mdash;Introduction</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_177'>177</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_II">II.</a>&mdash;What is the end of the civil order of mankind?</td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_178">178</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_III">III.</a>&mdash;It is to cause the whole power of the human intellect to act in speculation and operation</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_180'>180</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_IV">IV.</a>&mdash;To attain this end, mankind needs universal peace</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_184'>184</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_V">V.</a>&mdash;When several means are ordained to gain an end, one of them must be supreme over the others</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_185'>185</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_VI">VI.</a>&mdash;The order which is found in the parts of mankind ought to be found in mankind as a whole</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_188'>188</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_VII">VII.</a>&mdash;Kingdoms and nations ought to stand in the same relation to the monarch as mankind to God</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_189'>189</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_VIII">VIII.</a>&mdash;Men were made in the image of God; but God is one</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_189'><i>ib.</i></a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_IX">IX.</a>&mdash;Men are the children of Heaven, and they ought to imitate the footprints of Heaven</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_190'>190</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_X">X.</a>&mdash;There is need of a Supreme Judge for the decision of all quarrels</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_191'>191</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">-306-</a></span></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_XI">XI.</a>&mdash;The world is best ordered when justice is strongest therein</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_192'>192</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_XII">XII.</a>&mdash;Men are at their best in freedom</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_198'>198</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_XIII">XIII.</a>&mdash;He who is best qualified to rule can best order others</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_201'>201</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_XIV">XIV.</a>&mdash;When it is possible, it is better to gain an end by one agent than by many</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_203'>203</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_XV">XV.</a>&mdash;That which is most one is everywhere best</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_206'>206</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#I_XVI">XVI.</a>&mdash;Christ willed to be born in the fulness of time, when Augustus was monarch</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_209'>209</a></td></tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<h3 class="tp"><a href="#BOOK_II">BOOK II.</a></h3>
+
+<h4>WHETHER THE ROMAN PEOPLE ASSUMED TO ITSELF BY RIGHT THE<br />
+DIGNITY OF EMPIRE?</h4>
+
+
+<table style="width: 100%" border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="contents">
+<tr><td><span class="sm">CHAP.</span></td><td class="right"><span class="sm">PAGE</span></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_I">I.</a>&mdash;Introduction</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_211'>211</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_II">II.</a>&mdash;That which God wills in human society is to be held as Right</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_213'>213</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_III">III.</a>&mdash;It was fitting for the Romans, as being the noblest nation, to be preferred before all others</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_216'>216</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_IV">IV.</a>&mdash;The Roman Empire was helped by miracles, and therefore was willed by God</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_220'>220</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_V">V.</a>&mdash;The Romans, in bringing the world into subjection, aimed at the good of the state, and therefore at the end of Right</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_223'>223</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_VI">VI.</a>&mdash;All men, who aim at Right, walk according to Right</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_229'>229</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_VII">VII.</a>&mdash;The Romans were ordained for empire by Nature</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_232'>232</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_VIII">VIII.</a>&mdash;The judgment of God showed that empire fell to the lot of the Romans</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_235'>235</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">-307-</a></span></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_IX">IX.</a>&mdash;The Romans prevailed when all nations were striving for empire</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_239'>239</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_X">X.</a>&mdash;What is acquired by single combat is acquired as of Right</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_243'>243</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_XI">XI.</a>&mdash;The single combats of Rome</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_247'>247</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_XII">XII.</a>&mdash;Christ, by being born, proves to us that the authority of the Roman Empire was just</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_250'>250</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#II_XIII">XIII.</a>&mdash;Christ, by dying, confirmed the jurisdiction of the Roman Empire over all mankind</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_253'>253</a></td></tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<h3 class="tp"><a href="#BOOK_III">BOOK III.</a></h3>
+
+<h4>WHETHER THE AUTHORITY OF THE MONARCH COMES DIRECTLY<br />
+FROM GOD, OR FROM SOME VICAR OF GOD?</h4>
+
+<table style="width: 100%" border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="contents">
+<tr><td><span class="sm">CHAP.</span></td><td class="right"><span class="sm">PAGE</span></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_I">I.</a>&mdash;Introduction</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_256'>256</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_II">II.</a>&mdash;God wills not that which is repugnant to the intention of Nature</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_257'>257</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_III">III.</a>&mdash;Of the three classes of our opponents, and of the too great authority which many ascribe to tradition</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_259'>259</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_IV">IV.</a>&mdash;The argument drawn by our opponents from the sun and the moon</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_264'>264</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_V">V.</a>&mdash;The argument drawn from the precedence of Levi over Judah</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_270'>270</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_VI">VI.</a>&mdash;The argument drawn from the crowning and deposition of Saul by Samuel</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_271'>271</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_VII">VII.</a>&mdash;The argument drawn from the oblation of the Magi</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_273'>273</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_VIII">VIII.</a>&mdash;The argument drawn from the power of the keys given to Peter</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_275'>275</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">-308-</a></span></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_IX">IX.</a>&mdash;The argument drawn from the two swords</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_278'>278</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_X">X.</a>&mdash;The argument drawn from the donation of Constantine</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_282'>282</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_XI">XI.</a>&mdash;The argument drawn from the summoning of Charles the Great by Pope Hadrian</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_287'>287</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_XII">XII.</a>&mdash;The argument drawn from reason</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_288'>288</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_XIII">XIII.</a>&mdash;The authority of the Church is not the cause of the authority of the Empire</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_291'>291</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_XIV">XIV.</a>&mdash;The Church has power to bestow such authority neither from God, nor from itself, nor from any emperor</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_294'>294</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_XV">XV.</a>&mdash;The power of giving authority to the Empire is against the nature of the Church</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_297'>297</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#III_XVI">XVI.</a>&mdash;The authority of the Empire comes directly from God</td><td class="right"><a href='#Page_299'>299</a></td></tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<hr class="med" />
+
+<p class="center"><span class="sm">CHARLES DICKENS AND EVANS, CRYSTAL PALACE PRESS.</span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_1" id="Page_A_1">-A1-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Bedford Street, Strand, London, W.C.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-right: 5em;"><i>May</i>, 1885.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><i><span class="smcap">Macmillan &amp; Co.&#8217;s Catalogue</span> of Works in the Departments of
+History, Biography, Travels, Critical and Literary Essays,
+Politics, Political and Social Economy, Law, etc.; and Works
+connected with Language.</i></span></p>
+
+
+<hr class="med" />
+<h2>HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, &amp;c.</h2>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ADDISON.</b></span>&mdash;ESSAYS OF JOSEPH ADDISON. Chosen and edited by <span class="smcap">John Richard
+Green</span>, M.A., LL.D., late Honorary Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford.
+18mo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> (Golden Treasury Series.)</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ALBEMARLE.</b></span>&mdash;FIFTY YEARS OF MY LIFE. By <span class="smcap">George Thomas</span>, Earl of
+Albemarle. With Steel Portrait of the First Earl of Albemarle,
+engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. Third and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ALFRED THE GREAT.</b></span>&mdash;By <span class="smcap">Thomas Hughes</span>, Q.C. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i>
+(Biographical Series.)</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>APPLETON.</b></span>&mdash;A NILE JOURNAL. By <span class="smcap">T.G. Appleton</span>. Illustrated by <span class="smcap">Eugene
+Benson</span>. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ARNOLD (MATTHEW.)</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Matthew Arnold</span>, D.C.L.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">ESSAYS IN CRITICISM. New Edition, Revised and Enlarged.
+Crown 8vo. 9<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">HIGHER SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES IN GERMANY. Second Edition.
+Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE POPULAR EDUCATION OF FRANCE. With Notices of that of
+Holland and Switzerland. Demy 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ARNOLD (W.T.)</b></span>&mdash;THE ROMAN SYSTEM OF PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION TO THE
+ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. Being the Arnold Prize Essay for
+1879. By <span class="smcap">W.T. Arnold</span>, B.A. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ART.</b></span>&mdash;THE YEAR'S ART: A concise Epitome of all Matters relating to the
+Arts of Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture, which have occurred
+during the Year 1880, together with Information respecting the Events
+of the Year 1881. Compiled by <span class="smcap">Marcus B. Huish</span>. Crown 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE SAME, 1879-1880. Crown 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ARTEVELDE.</b></span>&mdash;JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELDE. By <span class="smcap">W.J. Ashley</span>, B.A., late
+Scholar of Balliol College, Oxford. Being the Lothian Prize Essay for
+1882. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ATKINSON.</b></span>&mdash;AN ART TOUR TO NORTHERN CAPITALS OF EUROPE, including
+Descriptions of the Towns, the Museums, and other Art Treasures of
+Copenhagen, Christiana, Stockholm, Abo, Helsingfors, Wiborg, St.
+Petersburg, Moscow, and Kief. By <span class="smcap">J. Beavington Atkinson</span>. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BAILEY.</b></span>&mdash;THE SUCCESSION TO THE ENGLISH CROWN. A Historical Sketch. By
+<span class="smcap">A. Bailey</span>, M.A., Barrister-at-Law. Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_2" id="Page_A_2">-A2-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BAKER (SIR SAMUEL W.)</b></span>&mdash;Works by Sir <span class="smcap">Samuel Baker</span>, Pacha, M.A., F.R.S.,
+F.R.G.S.:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">CYPRUS AS I SAW IT IN 1879. With Frontispiece. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">ISMAILÏA: A Narrative of the Expedition to Central Africa
+for the Suppression of the Slave Trade, organised by Ismail,
+Khedive of Egypt. With Portraits, Map, and numerous
+Illustrations. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE ALBERT N'YANZA, Great Basin of the Nile, and Exploration
+of the Nile Sources. With Maps and Illustrations. Fifth
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE NILE TRIBUTARIES OF ABYSSINIA, and the Sword Hunters of
+the Hamran Arabs. With Maps and Illustrations. Sixth
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE EGYPTIAN QUESTION. Being Letters to the <i>Times</i> and the
+<i>Pall Mall Gazette</i>. With Map. Demy 8vo. 2<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BANCROFT.</b></span>&mdash;THE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, FROM THE
+DISCOVERY OF THE CONTINENT. By <span class="smcap">George Bancroft</span>. New and thoroughly
+Revised Edition. Six Vols. Crown 8vo. 54<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BARKER (LADY).</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Lady Barker</span>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">A YEAR'S HOUSEKEEPING IN SOUTH AFRICA. By <span class="smcap">Lady Barker</span>. With
+Illustrations. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">STATION LIFE IN NEW ZEALAND. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">LETTERS TO GUY. Crown 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BATH.</b></span>&mdash;OBSERVATIONS ON BULGARIAN AFFAIRS. By the <span class="smcap">Marquis of Bath</span>.
+Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BEESLY.</b></span>&mdash;STORIES FROM THE HISTORY OF ROME. By Mrs. <span class="smcap">Beesly</span>. Extra fcap.
+8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BECKER.</b></span>&mdash;DISTURBED IRELAND, being the Letters Written during the
+Winter of 1880-1881. By <span class="smcap">Bernard H. Becker</span>, Special Commissioner of
+<i>The Daily News</i>. With Route Maps. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BERLIOZ, HECTOR,</b></span> AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF, Member of the Institute of France
+from 1803-1865; comprising his Travels in Italy, Germany, Russia, and
+England. Translated entire from the second Paris Edition by <span class="smcap">Rachel</span>
+(Scott Russell) <span class="smcap">Holmes</span> and <span class="smcap">Eleanor Holmes</span>. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 21<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BERNARD (ST.)</b></span>&mdash;THE LIFE AND TIMES OF ST. BERNARD, Abbot of Clairvaux.
+By <span class="smcap">J.C. Morison</span>, M.A. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i> (Biographical
+Series.)</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, 1852-1875.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Harriet Martineau</span>. With four
+Additional Sketches, and Autobiographical Sketch. Fifth Edition. Crown
+8vo. 6<i>s.</i> (Biographical Series.)</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BISMARCK</b></span>&mdash;IN THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR. An Authorized Translation from the
+German of Dr. <span class="smcap">Moritz Busch</span>. Two Vols. Crown 8vo. 18<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BISMARCK</b></span>&mdash;OUR CHANCELLOR. Sketches for a Historical Picture by Dr.
+<span class="smcap">Moritz Busch</span>. Translated from the German by <span class="smcap">William Beatty-Kingston</span>,
+Author of "William I., German Emperor," "The Battle of Berlin," &amp;c. 2
+vols. Crown 8vo. 18<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BLACKBURNE.</b></span>&mdash;BIOGRAPHY OF THE RIGHT HON. FRANCIS BLACKBURNE, Late Lord
+Chancellor of Ireland. Chiefly in connection with his Public and
+Political Career. By his Son, <span class="smcap">Edward Blackburne</span>, Q.C. With Portrait
+engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BLAKE.</b></span>&mdash;LIFE OF WILLIAM BLAKE. With Selections from his Poems and
+other Writings. Illustrated from Blake's own Works. By <span class="smcap">Alexander
+Gilchrist</span>. A new and Enlarged Edition, with additional Letters, and a
+Memoir of the Author. Printed on hand-made paper, the Illustrations on
+India paper, and mounted in the text. 2 vols. Cloth elegant, gilt,
+with Designs after Blake by <span class="smcap">Frederick J. Shields</span>. Medium 8vo. £2
+2<i>s.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_3" id="Page_A_3">-A3-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BLANDFORD (W.T.)</b></span>&mdash;GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY OF ABYSSINIA. By <span class="smcap">W.T. Blandford</span>.
+8vo. 21<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BOLEYN, ANNE:</b></span> A Chapter of English History, 1527-1536. By <span class="smcap">Paul
+Friedmann</span>. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. 28<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BOUGHTON&mdash;ABBEY.</b></span>&mdash;SKETCHING RAMBLES IN HOLLAND. By <span class="smcap">G.H. Boughton</span>,
+A.R.A., and <span class="smcap">E.A. Abbey</span>. With numerous Illustrations. Fcap. 4to. 21<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BRIMLEY.</b></span>&mdash;ESSAYS. By the late <span class="smcap">George Brimley</span>, M.A., Librarian of
+Trinity College, Cambridge. Edited by <span class="smcap">W.G. Clark</span>, M.A., Fellow and
+Tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge. New Edition. Globe 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Contents.</span>&mdash;Tennyson's Poems&mdash;Wordsworth's Poems&mdash;Poetry and
+Criticism&mdash;Carlyle's Life of Sterling&mdash;"Esmond"&mdash;"Westward
+Ho!"&mdash;Wilson's "Noctes Ambrosianæ"&mdash;Comte's "Positive
+Philosophy," &amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BRONTË.</b></span>&mdash;CHARLOTTE BRONTË. A Monograph. By <span class="smcap">T. Wemyss Reid</span>. With
+Illustrations. Third Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i> (Biographical Series.)</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BROOK.</b></span>&mdash;FRENCH HISTORY FOR ENGLISH CHILDREN. By <span class="smcap">Sarah Brook</span>. With
+Coloured Maps. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BROOKE.</b></span>&mdash;THE RAJA OF SARAWAK: an Account of Sir James Brooke, K.C.B.,
+LL.D. Given chiefly through Letters or Journals. By <span class="smcap">Gertrude L. Jacob</span>.
+With Portrait and Maps. Two Vols. 8vo. 25<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BRYCE.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">James Bryce</span>, M.P., D.C.L., Regius Professor of Civil
+Law, Oxford:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE. Seventh Edition, Revised and
+Enlarged. Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">TRANSCAUCASIA AND ARARAT: being notes of a Vacation Tour in
+the Autumn of 1876. With an Illustration and Map. Third
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 9<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BURGOYNE.</b></span>&mdash;POLITICAL AND MILITARY EPISODES DURING THE FIRST HALF OF
+THE REIGN OF GEORGE III. Derived from the Life and Correspondence of
+the Right Hon. J. Burgoyne, Lieut.-General in his Majesty's Army, and
+M.P. for Preston. By <span class="smcap">E.B. de Fonblanque</span>. With Portrait, Heliotype
+Plate, and Maps. 8vo. 16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BURKE.</b></span>&mdash;LETTERS, TRACTS, AND SPEECHES ON IRISH AFFAIRS. By <span class="smcap">Edmund
+Burke</span>. Arranged and Edited by <span class="smcap">Matthew Arnold</span>. With a Preface. Crown
+8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BUSCH.</b></span>&mdash;BISMARCK IN THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR, 1870-1871. Authorised
+Translation from the German of Dr. <span class="smcap">Moritz Busch</span>. 2 vols. Crown 8vo.
+18<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">OUR CHANCELLOR. Sketches for a Historical Picture. By <span class="smcap">Moritz
+Busch</span>. Translated from the German by <span class="smcap">William
+Beatty-Kingston</span>, Author of "William I., German Emperor,"
+"The Battle of Berlin," &amp;c. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 18<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CAMBRIDGE.</b></span>&mdash;MEMORIALS OF CAMBRIDGE. Greatly Enlarged and partly
+Rewritten (1851-66). By <span class="smcap">Charles Henry Cooper</span>, F.S.A. With Seventy-four
+Views of the Colleges, Churches, and other Public Buildings of the
+University and Town, engraved on steel by <span class="smcap">J. Le Keux</span>, together with
+about Forty-five of those engraved on Copper by <span class="smcap">Storer</span>, and a few
+Lithographs, with Twenty additional Etchings on Copper by <span class="smcap">Robert
+Farren</span>. 8vo. 3 vols. £3 3<i>s.</i> Also a Large Paper Edition. The
+Engravings and Etchings. Proofs on India Paper. 3 vols. 4to.
+half-morocco, £10 10<i>s.</i> Fifty copies of the Etchings, by <span class="smcap">R. Farren</span>,
+from the "Memorials of Cambridge," proofs signed in portfolio. £3
+3<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CAMERON.</b></span>&mdash;OUR FUTURE HIGHWAY. By <span class="smcap">V. Lovett Cameron</span>, C.B., Commander,
+R.N. With Illustrations. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 21<i>s.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_4" id="Page_A_4">-A4-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CAMPBELL.</b></span>&mdash;LOG-LETTERS FROM THE "CHALLENGER." By <span class="smcap">Lord George Campbell</span>.
+With Map. Fifth and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CAMPBELL.</b></span>&mdash;MY CIRCULAR NOTES; Extracts from Journals; Letters sent
+Home; Geological and other Notes, written while Travelling Westwards
+round the World, from July 6th, 1874, to July 6th, 1875. By <span class="smcap">J.F.
+Campbell</span>, Author of "Frost and Fire." Cheaper Issue. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CAMPBELL.</b></span>&mdash;TURKS AND GREEKS. Notes of a recent Excursion. By the Hon.
+<span class="smcap">Dudley Campbell</span>, M.A. With Coloured Map. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CARPENTER.</b></span>&mdash;THE LIFE AND WORK OF MARY CARPENTER. By <span class="smcap">J. Estlin
+Carpenter</span>, M.A. With Steel Portrait. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i> (Biographical
+Series.)</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CARR (J. COMYNS CARR).</b></span>&mdash;PAPERS ON ART. By <span class="smcap">J. Comyns Carr</span>. Extra Crown
+8vo. 8<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CARSTARES.</b></span>&mdash;WILLIAM CARSTARES: a Character and Career of the
+Revolutionary Epoch (1649-1715). By <span class="smcap">Robert Story</span>, Minister of
+Rosneath. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CASSEL.</b></span>&mdash;MANUAL OF JEWISH HISTORY AND LITERATURE; preceded by a Brief
+Summary of Bible History, by Dr. <span class="smcap">D. Cassel</span>. Translated by Mrs. <span class="smcap">Henry
+Lucas</span>. Fcap. 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CAUCASUS, NOTES ON THE.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Wanderer</span>. 8vo. 9<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CHALLENGER.</b></span>&mdash;REPORT ON THE SCIENTIFIC RESULTS OF THE VOYAGE OF H.M.S.
+"CHALLENGER," DURING THE YEARS 1873-76. Under the command of Captain
+Sir <span class="smcap">George Nares</span>, R.N., F.R.S., and Captain <span class="smcap">Frank Turle Thomson</span>, R.N.
+Prepared under the Superintendence of Sir <span class="smcap">C. Wyville Thomson</span>, Knt.,
+F.R.S., &amp;c., and now of <span class="smcap">John Murray</span>, F.R.S.E., one of the Naturalists
+of the Expedition. With Illustrations. <i>Published by order of Her
+Majesty's Government.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Volume I. Zoology. Royal, 37<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> Or</span><br />
+Part I. Report on the Brachiopoda, 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">II. Report on the Pennatulida, 4<i>s.</i></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1.3em;">III. Report on the Ostracoda, 15<i>s.</i></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1.3em;">IV. Report on the Bones of Cetacea, 2<i>s.</i></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">V. The Development of the Green Turtle, 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1.3em;">VI. Report on the Shore Fishes, 10<i>s.</i></span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Volume II. Zoology. 50<i>s.</i> Or</span><br />
+Part VII. Report on the Corals, 15<i>s.</i><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">VIII. Report on the Birds, 35<i>s.</i></span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Volume III. Zoology. 50<i>s.</i> Or</span><br />
+Part IX. Report on the Echinoidea, 36<i>s.</i><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">X. Report on the Pycnogonida, 14<i>s.</i></span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Volume IV. Zoology. 50<i>s.</i> Or</span><br />
+Part XI. Report on the Anatomy of the Tubinares, 6<i>s.</i><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">XII. Report on the Deep-sea Medusæ, 20<i>s.</i></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1.3em;">XIII. Report on the Holdthurioidea (Part I.), 24<i>s.</i></span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Volume V. Zoology. 50<i>s.</i> Or</span><br />
+Part XIV. Report on the Ophiuroidea.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.1em;">XV. Some points in the Anatomy of the Thylasine, Cuscus and Phascogale,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 4em;">with an account of the Comparative Anatomy of the Intrinsic Muscles</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 4em;">and Nerves of the Mammalian Pes.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Volume VI. Zoology. 30<i>s.</i> Or</span><br />
+Part XVI. Report on the Actiniaria, 12<i>s.</i><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">XVII. Report on the Tunicata, 30<i>s.</i></span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_5" id="Page_A_5">-A5-</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Volume VII. Zoology. 30<i>s.</i> Or</span><br />
+Part XVIII. Report on the Anatomy of the Spheniscidæ, 13<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">XIX. Report on the Pelagic Hemiptera, 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.9em;">XX. Report on the Hydroida (first part). Plumularidæ, 9<i>s.</i></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">XXI. Report on the Specimens of the Genus Orbitolites, 4<i>s.</i></span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Volume VIII. Zoology. 40<i>s.</i> Or</span><br />
+Part XXIII. Report on the Copepoda, 24<i>s.</i><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1.8em;">XXIV. Reports on the Calcarea, 6<i>s.</i></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.1em;">XXV. Report on the Cerripedia, Systematic Part, 10<i>s.</i></span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">PHYSICS AND CHEMISTRY. Volume I. 21<i>s.</i> Or</span><br />
+Part I. Report on Composition of Ocean Water, 9<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">II. Report on Specific Gravity of Ocean Water, 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1.3em;">III. Report on the Temperature of Ocean Water, 8<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">NARRATIVE. Volume II. Royal. 30<i>s.</i> Or</span><br />
+Magnetical and Meteorological Observations. 25<i>s.</i><br />
+Appendix A. Report on the Pressure Errors of the "Challenger" Thermometers, 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i><br />
+Appendix B. Report on the Petrology of St. Paul's Rocks. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i><br />
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CHATTERTON:</b></span> A BIOGRAPHICAL STUDY. By <span class="smcap">Daniel Wilson</span>, LL.D., Professor
+of History and English Literature in University College, Toronto Crown
+8vo. 6<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CHATTERTON:</b></span> A STORY OF THE YEAR 1770. By Professor <span class="smcap">Masson</span>, LL.D. Crown
+8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CICERO.</b></span>&mdash;THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO: being a New
+Translation of the Letters included in Mr. Watson's Selection. With
+Historical and Critical Notes, by Rev. <span class="smcap">G.E. Jeans</span>, M.A., Fellow of
+Hertford College, Oxford, Assistant-Master in Haileybury College, 8vo.
+10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CLARK.</b></span>&mdash;MEMORIALS FROM JOURNALS AND LETTERS OF SAMUEL CLARK, M.A.,
+formerly Principal of the National Society's Training College,
+Battersea. Edited with Introduction by his <span class="smcap">Wife</span>. With Portrait. Crown
+8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CLASSICAL WRITERS.</b></span>&mdash;Edited by <span class="smcap">John Richard Green</span>. Fcap. 8vo. Price
+1<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> each.</p>
+
+<ul>
+<li>EURIPIDES. By Professor <span class="smcap">Mahaffy</span>.</li>
+<li>MILTON. By the Rev. <span class="smcap">Stopford A. Brooke</span>.</li>
+<li>LIVY. By the Rev. <span class="smcap">W.W. Capes</span>, M.A.</li>
+<li>VERGIL. By Professor <span class="smcap">Nettleship</span>, M.A.</li>
+<li>SOPHOCLES. By Professor <span class="smcap">L. Campbell</span>, M.A.</li>
+<li>DEMOSTHENES. By Professor S.H. Butcher, M.A.</li>
+<li>TACITUS. By Rev. <span class="smcap">A.J. Church</span>, M.A., and <span class="smcap">W.J. Brodribb</span>, M.A.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="center"><i>Other Volumes to follow.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CLIFFORD (W.K.)</b></span>&mdash;LECTURES AND ESSAYS. Edited by <span class="smcap">Leslie Stephen</span> and
+<span class="smcap">Frederick Pollock</span>, with Introduction by <span class="smcap">F. Pollock</span>. Two Portraits. 2
+vols. 8vo. 25<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>COMBE.</b></span>&mdash;THE LIFE OF GEORGE COMBE, Author of "The Constitution of Man."
+By <span class="smcap">Charles Gibbon</span>. With Three Portraits engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. Two Vols.
+8vo. 32<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>COOPER.</b></span>&mdash;ATHENÆ CANTABRIGIENSES. By <span class="smcap">Charles Henry Cooper</span>, F.S.A., and
+<span class="smcap">Thompson Cooper</span>, F.S.A. Vol. I. 8vo., 1500-1585, 18<i>s.</i>; Vol. II.,
+1586-1609, 18<i>s.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_6" id="Page_A_6">-A6-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CORNWALL,</b></span> AN UNSENTIMENTAL JOURNEY THROUGH. By the Author of "John
+Halifax, Gentleman." With numerous Illustrations by <span class="smcap">C. Napier Hemy</span>.
+Medium 4to. 12<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>COUES.</b></span>&mdash;NORTH AMERICAN BIRDS, KEY TO. Containing a Concise Account of
+every Species of Living and Fossil Bird at present known from the
+Continent north of the Mexican and United States Boundary, inclusive
+of Greenland. Second Edition, revised to date, and entirely rewritten.
+With which are incorporated <span class="smcap">General Ornithology</span>, an Outline of the
+Structure and Classification of Birds; and <span class="smcap">Field Ornithology</span>, a Manual
+of Collecting, Preparing, and Preserving Birds. By <span class="smcap">Elliott Coues</span>,
+M.A., M.D., Ph.D., Member of the National Academy of Science, &amp;c. &amp;c.
+Profusely Illustrated. Demy 8vo. £2 2<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>COX (G.V.)</b></span>&mdash;RECOLLECTIONS OF OXFORD. By <span class="smcap">G.V. Cox</span>, M.A., New College,
+late Esquire Bedel and Coroner in the University of Oxford. Cheaper
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CUNYNGHAME (SIR A.T.)</b></span>&mdash;MY COMMAND IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1874-1878.
+Comprising Experiences of Travel in the Colonies of South Africa and
+the Independent States. By Sir <span class="smcap">Arthur Thurlow Cunynghame</span>, G.C.B., then
+Lieutenant-Governor and Commander of the Forces in South Africa. Third
+Edition. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>&#8220;DAILY NEWS.&#8221;</b></span>&mdash;THE DAILY NEWS' CORRESPONDENCE of the War between
+Russia and Turkey, to the fall of Kars. Including the letters of Mr.
+Archibald Forbes, Mr. J.E. McGahan, and other Special Correspondents
+in Europe and Asia. Second Edition, Enlarged. Cheaper Edition. Crown
+8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">FROM THE FALL OF KARS TO THE CONCLUSION OF PEACE. Cheaper
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DARWIN.</b></span>&mdash;CHARLES DARWIN: MEMORIAL NOTICES REPRINTED FROM "NATURE." By
+Professor <span class="smcap">Huxley</span>, F.R.S.; G.J. <span class="smcap">Romanes</span>, F.R.S.; <span class="smcap">Archibald Geikie</span>,
+F.R.S; and <span class="smcap">W.T. Thiselton Dyer</span>, F.R.S. With a Portrait engraved by
+<span class="smcap">C.H. Jeens</span>. Crown 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> <i>Nature Series.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DAVIDSON.</b></span>&mdash;THE LIFE OF A SCOTTISH PROBATIONER; being a Memoir of
+Thomas Davidson, with his Poems and Letters. By <span class="smcap">James Brown</span>, Minister
+of St. James's Street Church, Paisley. Second Edition, revised and
+enlarged, with Portrait. Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DAWSON.</b></span>&mdash;AUSTRALIAN ABORIGINES. The Language and Customs of Several
+Tribes of Aborigines in the Western District of Victoria, Australia.
+By <span class="smcap">James Dawson</span>. Small 4to. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DEAK.</b></span>&mdash;FRANCIS DEAK, HUNGARIAN STATESMAN: A Memoir. With a Preface, by
+the Right Hon. <span class="smcap">M.E. Grant Duff</span>, M.P. With Portrait. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DEAS.</b></span>&mdash;THE RIVER CLYDE. An Historical Description of the Rise and
+Progress of the Harbour of Glasgow, and of the Improvement of the
+River from Glasgow to Port Glasgow. By <span class="smcap">J. Deas</span>, M. Inst. C.E. 8vo.
+10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DELANE.</b></span>&mdash;LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN T. DELANE, late Editor of the
+<i>Times</i>. By Sir <span class="smcap">George W. Dasent</span>, D.C.L. 8vo. <i>In the Press.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DENISON.</b></span>&mdash;A HISTORY OF CAVALRY FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES. With Lessons
+for the Future. By Lieut.-Colonel <span class="smcap">George Denison</span>, Commanding the
+Governor-General's Body Guard, Canada, Author of "Modern Cavalry."
+With Maps and Plans. 8vo. 18<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DICKENS&#8217;S DICTIONARY OF PARIS, 1885.</b></span>&mdash;(Fourth Year.) An Unconventional
+Handbook. With Maps, Plans. &amp;c. 18mo. Paper Cover, 1<i>s.</i> Cloth, 1<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_7" id="Page_A_7">-A7-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DICKENS&#8217;S DICTIONARY OF LONDON, 1884.</b></span>&mdash;(Sixth Year.) An Unconventional
+Handbook. With Maps, Plans, &amp;c. 18mo. Paper Cover, 1<i>s.</i> Cloth, 1<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DICKENS&#8217;S DICTIONARY OF THE THAMES, 1885.</b></span>&mdash;An Unconventional Handbook.
+With Maps, Plans, &amp;c. Paper Cover, 1<i>s.</i> Cloth, 1<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DICKENS&#8217;S DICTIONARY OF THE UNIVERSITY</b></span> OF OXFORD. 18mo. paper cover,
+1<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DICKENS&#8217;S DICTIONARY OF THE UNIVERSITY</b></span> OF CAMBRIDGE. 18mo. paper
+cover, 1<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DICKENS&#8217;S DICTIONARY OF THE UNIVERSITIES</b></span> OF OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE.
+18mo. cloth. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DICKENS&#8217;S CONTINENTAL A.B.C. RAILWAY GUIDE.</b></span> Published on the 1st of
+each Month. 18mo. 1<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DILKE.</b></span>&mdash;GREATER BRITAIN. A Record of Travel in English-speaking
+Countries during 1865-67. (America, Australia, India.) By the Right
+Hon. Sir <span class="smcap">Charles Wentworth Dilke</span>, M.P. Sixth Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><a name="DILETTANTI" id="DILETTANTI"></a><span class="lg"><b>DILETTANTI SOCIETY&#8217;S PUBLICATIONS.</b></span> IONA, ANTIQUITIES OF. Vols. I. II.
+and III. £2 2<i>s.</i> each, or £5 5<i>s.</i> the set.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">PENROSE.&mdash;AN INVESTIGATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF ATHENIAN
+ARCHITECTURE; or, The Results of a recent Survey conducted
+chiefly with reference to the Optical refinements exhibited
+in the construction of the Ancient Buildings at Athens. By
+<span class="smcap">Francis Cranmer Penrose</span>, Archt., M.A., &amp;c. Illustrated by
+numerous Engravings. £7 7<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">SPECIMENS OF ANCIENT SCULPTURE; Egyptian, Etruscan, Greek,
+and Roman. Selected from different Collections in Great
+Britain by the Society of Dilettanti. Vol. II. £5 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">ANTIQUITIES OF IONIA. Part IV. Folio, half-morocco. £3
+13<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DOLET.</b></span>&mdash;ETIENNE DOLET: the Martyr of the Renaissance. A Biography.
+With a Biographical Appendix, containing a Descriptive Catalogue of
+the Books written, printed, or edited by Dolet. By <span class="smcap">Richard Copley
+Christie</span>, Lincoln College, Oxford, Chancellor of the Diocese of
+Manchester. With Illustrations. 8vo. 18<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DOYLE.</b></span>&mdash;HISTORY OF AMERICA. By <span class="smcap">J.A. Doyle</span>. With Maps. 18mo. 4<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i> <i>Historical Course.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DRUMMOND OF HAWTHORNDEN:</b></span> THE STORY OF HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS. By
+Professor <span class="smcap">Masson</span>. With Portrait and Vignette engraved by <span class="smcap">C.H. Jeens</span>.
+Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DUFF.</b></span>&mdash;Works by the Right Hon. <span class="smcap">M.E. Grant Duff</span>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">NOTES OF AN INDIAN JOURNEY. With Map. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">MISCELLANIES, POLITICAL AND LITERARY. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>EADIE.</b></span>&mdash;LIFE OF JOHN EADIE. D.D., LL.D. By <span class="smcap">James Brown</span>, D.D., Author
+of "The Life of a Scottish Probationer." With Portrait. Second
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>EGYPT.</b></span>&mdash;RECENSEMENT GÉNÉRAL DE L'EGYPTE. 15 Gamad Akhar 1299. 3 Mai,
+1882. Direction du Recensement ministère de l'Intérieur. Tome premier.
+Royal 4to. £2 2<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ELLIOTT.</b></span>&mdash;LIFE OF HENRY VENN ELLIOTT, of Brighton. By <span class="smcap">Josiah Bateman</span>,
+M.A. With Portrait, engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. Third and Cheaper Edition.
+Extra fcap. 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ELZE.</b></span>&mdash;ESSAYS ON SHAKESPEARE. By Dr. <span class="smcap">Karl Elze</span>. Translated with the
+Author's sanction by <span class="smcap">L. Dora Schmitz</span>. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_8" id="Page_A_8">-A8-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>EMERSON.</b></span>&mdash;THE COLLECTED WORKS OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON. (Uniform with
+the Eversley Edition of Charles Kingsley's Novels.) Globe 8vo. Price
+5<i>s.</i> each volume.</p>
+
+<ul>
+<li>1. MISCELLANIES. With an Introductory Essay by <span class="smcap">John Morley</span>.</li>
+<li>2. ESSAYS.</li>
+<li>3. POEMS.</li>
+<li>4. ENGLISH TRAITS; and REPRESENTATIVE MEN.</li>
+<li>5. CONDUCT OF LIFE; and SOCIETY and SOLITUDE.</li>
+<li>6. LETTERS; AND SOCIAL AIMS, &amp;c.</li>
+</ul>
+
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ENGLISH ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE, THE.</b></span> Profusely Illustrated. Published
+Monthly. Number I., October 1883. Price Sixpence. Yearly Volume.
+1883-1884, consisting of 792 closely-printed pages, and containing 428
+Woodcut Illustrations of various sizes. Bound in extra cloth, coloured
+edges. Royal 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> Cloth Covers for binding Volumes, 1<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i> each.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ENGLISH ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE.</b></span> PROOF IMPRESSIONS OF ENGRAVINGS
+ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN "THE ENGLISH ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE," 1884. In
+Portfolio. 4to. 21<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.</b></span>&mdash;Edited by <span class="smcap">John Morley</span>. A Series of Short
+Books to tell people what is best worth knowing as to the Life,
+Character, and Works of some of the great English Writers. In Crown
+8vo. price 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> each.</p>
+
+<ul>
+<li>I. DR. JOHNSON. By <span class="smcap">Leslie Stephen</span>.</li>
+<li>II. SIR WALTER SCOTT. By <span class="smcap">R.H. Hutton</span>.</li>
+<li>III. GIBBON. By <span class="smcap">J. Cotter Morison</span>.</li>
+<li>IV. SHELLEY. By <span class="smcap">J.A. Symonds</span>.</li>
+<li>V. HUME. By Professor <span class="smcap">Huxley</span>, P.R.S.</li>
+<li>VI. GOLDSMITH. By <span class="smcap">William Black</span>.</li>
+<li>VII. DEFOE. By <span class="smcap">W. Minto</span>.</li>
+<li>VIII. BURNS. By Principal <span class="smcap">Shairp</span>.</li>
+<li>IX. SPENSER. By the Very Rev. the <span class="smcap">Dean of St. Paul's</span>.</li>
+<li>X. THACKERAY. By <span class="smcap">Anthony Trollope</span>.</li>
+<li>XI. BURKE. By <span class="smcap">John Morley</span>.</li>
+<li>XII. MILTON. By <span class="smcap">Mark Pattison</span>.</li>
+<li>XIII. HAWTHORNE. By <span class="smcap">Henry James</span>.</li>
+<li>XIV. SOUTHEY. By Professor <span class="smcap">Dowden</span>.</li>
+<li>XV. BUNYAN. By <span class="smcap">J.A. Froude</span>.</li>
+<li>XVI. CHAUCER. By Professor <span class="smcap">A.W. Ward</span>.</li>
+<li>XVII. COWPER. By <span class="smcap">Goldwin Smith</span>.</li>
+<li>XVIII. POPE. By <span class="smcap">Leslie Stephen</span>.</li>
+<li>XIX. BYRON. By Professor <span class="smcap">Nichol</span>.</li>
+<li>XX. LOCKE. By Professor <span class="smcap">Fowler</span>.</li>
+<li>XXI. WORDSWORTH. By <span class="smcap">F.W.H. Myers</span>.</li>
+<li>XXII. DRYDEN. By <span class="smcap">G. Saintsbury</span>.</li>
+<li>XXIII. LANDOR. By Professor <span class="smcap">Sidney Colvin</span>.</li>
+<li>XXIV. DE QUINCEY. By Professor <span class="smcap">Masson</span>.</li>
+<li>XXV. CHARLES LAMB. By Rev. <span class="smcap">Alfred Ainger</span>.</li>
+<li>XXVI. BENTLEY. By Professor <span class="smcap">R.C. Jebb</span>.</li>
+<li>XXVII. DICKENS. By Professor <span class="smcap">A.W. Ward</span>.</li>
+<li>XXVIII. GRAY. By <span class="smcap">Edmund Gosse</span>.</li>
+<li>XXIX. SWIFT. By <span class="smcap">Leslie Stephen</span>.</li>
+<li>XXX. STERNE. By <span class="smcap">H.D. Traill</span>.</li>
+<li>XXXI. MACAULAY. By <span class="smcap">J. Cotter Morison</span>.</li>
+<li>XXXII. FIELDING. By <span class="smcap">Austin Dobson</span>.</li>
+<li>XXXIII. SHERIDAN. By Mrs. <span class="smcap">Oliphant</span>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_9" id="Page_A_9">-A9-</a></span></li>
+<li>XXXIV. ADDISON. By <span class="smcap">W.J. Courthope</span>.</li>
+<li>XXXV. BACON. By the Very Rev. the <span class="smcap">Dean of St. Paul's</span>.</li>
+<li>XXXVI. COLERIDGE. By <span class="smcap">H.D. Traill</span>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+
+<p class="center"><i>In Preparation</i>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<ul>
+<li>ADAM SMITH. By <span class="smcap">Leonard H. Courtney</span>, M.P.</li>
+<li>BERKELEY. By Professor <span class="smcap">Huxley</span>.</li>
+<li>SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. By <span class="smcap">J.A. Symonds</span>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="center"><i>Other Volumes to follow.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ENGLISH POETS:</b></span> SELECTIONS, with Critical Introductions by various
+Writers, and a General Introduction by <span class="smcap">Matthew Arnold</span>, Edited by <span class="smcap">T.H.
+Ward</span>, M.A., late Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. 4 vols. Crown
+8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> each.</p>
+
+<ul>
+<li>Vol. I. CHAUCER to DONNE.</li>
+<li>Vol. II. BEN JONSON to DRYDEN.</li>
+<li>Vol. III. ADDISON to BLAKE.</li>
+<li>Vol. IV. WORDSWORTH to ROSSETTI.</li>
+</ul>
+
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ENGLISH STATESMEN.</b></span>&mdash;Under the above title Messrs. <span class="smcap">Macmillan</span> and <span class="smcap">Co.</span>
+beg to announce a series of short biographies, not designed to be a
+complete roll of famous statesmen, but to present in historic order
+the lives and work of those leading actors in our affairs who by their
+direct influence have left an abiding mark on the policy, the
+institutions, and the position of Great Britain among states.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">The following list of subjects is the result of careful selection. The
+great movements of national history are made to follow one another in
+a connected course, and the series is intended to form a continuous
+narrative of English freedom, order, and power.</p>
+
+<ul>
+<li>WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.</li>
+<li>HENRY II.</li>
+<li>EDWARD I.</li>
+<li>HENRY VII.</li>
+<li>WOLSEY.</li>
+<li>ELIZABETH.</li>
+<li>OLIVER CROMWELL.</li>
+<li>WILLIAM III.</li>
+<li>WALPOLE.</li>
+<li>CHATHAM.</li>
+<li>PITT.</li>
+<li>PEEL.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<p>Among the writers will be:&mdash;</p>
+
+<ul>
+<li>MR. EDWARD A. FREEMAN,</li>
+<li>MR. FREDERICK POLLOCK,</li>
+<li>MR. J. COTTER MORISON,</li>
+<li>PROF. M. CREIGHTON,</li>
+<li>THE DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S,</li>
+<li>MR. FREDERIC HARRISON,</li>
+<li>MR. H.D. TRAILL,</li>
+<li>MR. LESLIE STEPHEN,</li>
+<li>AND</li>
+<li>MR. JOHN MORLEY.</li>
+</ul>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ETON COLLEGE, HISTORY OF.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">H.C. Maxwell Lyte</span>, M.A. With numerous
+Illustrations by Professor <span class="smcap">Delamotte</span>. Coloured Plates, and a Steel
+Portrait of the Founder, engraved by <span class="smcap">C.H. Jeens</span>. New and Cheaper
+Issue, with Corrections. Medium 8vo. Cloth elegant. 21<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>EUROPEAN HISTORY,</b></span> Narrated in a Series of Historical Selections from
+the best Authorities. Edited and arranged by <span class="smcap">E.M. Sewell</span>, and <span class="smcap">C.M.
+Yonge</span>. First Series, Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i>; Second Series, 1088-1228. Third
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FARADAY.</b></span>&mdash;MICHAEL FARADAY. By <span class="smcap">J.H. Gladstone</span>, Ph.D., F.R.S. New
+Edition, with Portrait engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span> from a photograph by <span class="smcap">J.
+Watkins</span>. Crown 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">PORTRAIT. Artist's Proof. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FENTON.</b></span>&mdash;A HISTORY OF TASMANIA. From its Discovery in 1642 to the
+Present Time. By <span class="smcap">James Fenton</span>. With Map of the Island, and Portraits
+of Aborigines in Chromo-lithography. 8vo. 16<i>s.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_10" id="Page_A_10">-A10-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FISKE.</b></span>&mdash;EXCURSIONS OF AN EVOLUTIONIST. By <span class="smcap">John Fiske</span>, M.A., LL.B.,
+formerly Lecturer on Philosophy at Harvard University. Crown 8vo.
+7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FISON AND HOWITT.</b></span>&mdash;KAMILAROI AND KURNAI GROUP. Marriage and
+Relationship, and Marriage by Elopement, drawn chiefly from the usage
+of the Australian Aborigines. Also THE KURNAI TRIBE, their Customs in
+Peace and War. By <span class="smcap">Lorimer Fison</span>, M.A., and <span class="smcap">A.W. Howitt</span>, F.G.S., with
+an Introduction by <span class="smcap">Lewis H. Morgan</span>, LL.D., Author of "System of
+Consanguinity," "Ancient Society," &amp;c. Demy 8vo. 15<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FORBES.</b></span>&mdash;LIFE AND LETTERS OF JAMES DAVID FORBES, F.R.S., late
+Principal of the United College in the University of St. Andrews. By
+<span class="smcap">J.C. Shairp</span>, LL.D., Principal of the United College in the University
+of St. Andrews; <span class="smcap">P.G. Tait</span>, M.A., Professor of Natural Philosophy in
+the University of Edinburgh; and <span class="smcap">A. Adams-Reilly</span>, F.R.G.S. With
+Portraits, Map, and Illustrations. 8vo. 16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FRAMJI.</b></span>&mdash;HISTORY OF THE PARSIS: Including their Manners, Customs,
+Religion, and Present Position. By <span class="smcap">Dosabhai Framji Karaka</span>, Presidency
+Magistrate and Chairman of Her Majesty's Bench of Justices, Bombay,
+Fellow of the Bombay University, Member Bombay Branch of the Royal
+Asiatic Society, &amp;c. 2 vols. Medium 8vo. With Illustrations. 36<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FRANCIS OF ASSISI.</b></span> By Mrs. <span class="smcap">Oliphant</span>. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i>
+(Biographical Series.)</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FREEMAN.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Edward A. Freeman</span>, D.C.L., LL.D., Regius Professor
+of Modern History in the University of Oxford:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE OFFICE OF THE HISTORICAL PROFESSOR. An Inaugural
+Lecture, read in the Museum at Oxford, October 15, 1884.
+Crown 8vo. 2<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION FROM THE EARLIEST
+TIMES. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Third Edition. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Contents</span>:&mdash;I. "The Mythical and Romantic Elements in Early
+English History;" II. "The Continuity of English History;"
+III. "The Relations between the Crowns of England and
+Scotland;" IV. "St. Thomas of Canterbury and his
+Biographers;" V. "The Reign of Edward the Third;" VI. "The
+Holy Roman Empire;" VII. "The Franks and the Gauls;" VIII.
+"The Early Sieges of Paris;" IX. "Frederick the First, King
+of Italy;" X. "The Emperor Frederick the Second;" XI.
+"Charles the Bold;" XII. "Presidential Government."</p>
+
+<p class="hang">HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Second Series. Second Edition, Enlarged.
+8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p>The principal Essays are:&mdash;"Ancient Greece and Mediæval
+Italy:" "Mr. Gladstone's Homer and the Homeric Ages:" "The
+Historians of Athens:" "The Athenian Democracy:" "Alexander
+the Great:" "Greece during the Macedonian Period:"
+"Mommsen's History of Rome:" "Lucius Cornelius Sulla:" "The
+Flavian Cæsars."</p>
+
+<p class="hang">HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Third Series. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Contents</span>:&mdash;"First Impressions of Rome." "The Illyrian
+Emperors and their Land." "Augusta Treverorum." "The Goths
+of Ravenna." "Race and Language." "The Byzantine Empire."
+"First Impressions of Athens." "Mediæval and Modern Greece."
+"The Southern Slaves." "Sicilian Cycles." "The Normans at
+Palermo."</p>
+
+<p class="hang">COMPARATIVE POLITICS.&mdash;Lectures at the Royal Institution. To
+which is added the "Unity of History," the Rede Lecture at
+Cambridge, 1872. 8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE HISTORY AND CONQUESTS OF THE SARACENS. Six Lectures.
+Third Edition, with New Preface. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">HISTORICAL AND ARCHITECTURAL SKETCHES: chiefly Italian. With
+Illustrations by the Author. Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">SUBJECT AND NEIGHBOUR LANDS OF VENICE. Being a Companion
+Volume to "Historical and Architectural Sketches." With
+Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_11" id="Page_A_11">-A11-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang">ENGLISH TOWNS AND DISTRICTS. A Series of Addresses and
+Essays. With Illustrations and Map. 8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">OLD ENGLISH HISTORY. With Five Coloured Maps. New Edition.
+Extra fcap. 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">HISTORY OF THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF WELLS, as illustrating
+the History of the Cathedral Churches of the Old Foundation.
+Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">GENERAL SKETCH OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. Being Vol. I. of a
+Historical Course for Schools, edited by <span class="smcap">E.A. Freeman</span>. New
+Edition, enlarged with Maps, Chronological Table, Index, &amp;c.
+18mo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">DISESTABLISHMENT AND DISENDOWMENT. WHAT ARE THEY? Second
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 1<i>s.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GEIKIE.</b></span>&mdash;GEOLOGICAL SKETCHES AT HOME AND ABROAD. By <span class="smcap">Archibald Geikie</span>,
+LL.D., F.R.S., Director General of the Geological Surveys of the
+United Kingdom. With illustrations. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GALTON.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Francis Galton</span>, F.R.S.:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">METEOROGRAPHICA: or, Methods of Mapping the Weather.
+Illustrated by upwards of 600 Printed and Lithographed
+Diagrams. 4to. 9<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">HEREDITARY GENIUS: An Inquiry into its Laws and
+Consequences. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">ENGLISH MEN OF SCIENCE: Their Nature and Nurture. 8vo. 8<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">INQUIRIES INTO HUMAN FACULTY AND ITS DEVELOPMENT. With
+Illustrations and Coloured and Plain Plates. Demy 8vo.
+16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">RECORD OF FAMILY FACULTIES. Consisting of Tabular Forms and
+Directions for Entering Data, with an Explanatory Preface.
+4to. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">LIFE HISTORY ALBUM; Being a Personal Note-book, combining
+the chief advantages of a Diary, Photograph Album, a
+Register of Height, Weight, and other Anthropometrical
+Observations, and a Record of Illnesses. Containing Tabular
+Forms, Charts, and Explanations especially designed for
+popular use. Prepared by the direction of the Collective
+Investigation Committee of the British Medical Association,
+and Edited by <span class="smcap">Francis Galton</span>, F.R.S., Chairman of the Life
+History Sub-Committee. 4to. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> Or, with Cards of
+Wools for Testing Colour Vision. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GARDNER.</b></span>&mdash;SAMOS AND SAMIAN COINS. By <span class="smcap">Percy Gardner</span>, M.A., F.S.A.
+British Museum, Disnay Professor of Archæology in the University of
+Cambridge, and Hon. Foreign Secretary of the Numismatic Society. Demy
+8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GEDDES.</b></span>&mdash;THE PROBLEM OF THE HOMERIC POEMS. By <span class="smcap">W.D. Geddes</span>, LL.D.,
+Professor of Greek in the University of Aberdeen. 8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GLADSTONE.</b></span>&mdash;HOMERIC SYNCHRONISM. An inquiry into the Time and Place of
+Homer. By the Right Hon. <span class="smcap">W.E. Gladstone</span>, M.P. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GOETHE AND MENDELSSOHN (1821-1831).</b></span> Translated from the German of <span class="smcap">Dr.
+Karl Mendelssohn</span>, Son of the Composer, by <span class="smcap">M.E. Von Glehn</span>. From the
+Private Diaries and Home Letters of Mendelssohn, with Poems and
+Letters of Goethe never before printed. Also with two New and Original
+Portraits, Fac-similes, and Appendix of Twenty Letters hitherto
+unpublished. Second Edition, enlarged. Crown 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GOETHE.</b></span>&mdash;A LIFE OF GOETHE. By <span class="smcap">Heinrich Düntzer</span>. Translated by <span class="smcap">T.W.
+Lyster</span>, Assistant Librarian, National Library of Ireland. With
+Illustrations. Two vols. Crown 8vo. 21<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GOLDSMID.</b></span>&mdash;TELEGRAPH AND TRAVEL. A Narrative of the Formation and
+Development of Telegraphic Communication between England and India,
+under the orders of Her Majesty's Government, with incidental Notices
+of the Countries traversed by the Lines. By Colonel <span class="smcap">Sir Frederick
+Goldsmid</span>, C.B., K.C.S.I., late Director of the Government
+Indo-European Telegraph. With numerous Illustrations and Maps. 8vo.
+21<i>s.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_12" id="Page_A_12">-A12-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GORDON.</b></span>&mdash;LAST LETTERS FROM EGYPT, to which are added Letters from the
+Cape. By <span class="smcap">Lady Duff Gordon</span>. With a Memoir by her Daughter, Mrs. <span class="smcap">Ross</span>,
+and Portrait engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 9<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GORDON (CHARLES GEORGE).</b></span> A SKETCH. By <span class="smcap">Reginald H. Barnes</span>, Vicar of
+Heavitree, and <span class="smcap">Charles E. Brown</span>, Major R.A. With Facsimile Letter.
+Crown 8vo. 1<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GORDON.</b></span>&mdash;REFLECTIONS IN PALESTINE, 1883. By <span class="smcap">Charles George Gordon</span>.
+Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GREAT CHRISTIANS OF FRANCE:</b></span> ST. LOUIS and CALVIN. By <span class="smcap">M. Guizot</span>, Member
+of the Institute of France. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i> (Biographical Series.)</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GREEN.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">John Richard Green</span>, M.A., LL.D.:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE MAKING OF ENGLAND. With Maps. Demy 8vo. 16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND. With Maps. Demy 8vo. 18<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. Vol. I.&mdash;Early
+England&mdash;Foreign Kings&mdash;The Charter&mdash;The Parliament. With 8
+Coloured Maps. 8vo. 16<i>s.</i> Vol. II.&mdash;The Monarchy,
+1461-1540; The Restoration, 1540-1603. 8vo. 16<i>s.</i> Vol.
+III.&mdash;Puritan England, 1603-1660; The Revolution, 1660-1688.
+With 4 Maps. 8vo. 16<i>s.</i> Vol. IV.&mdash;The Revolution,
+1683-1760; Modern England, 1760-1815. With Maps and Index.
+8vo. 16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. With Coloured Maps,
+Genealogical Tables, and Chronological Annals. Crown 8vo.
+8<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> 108th Thousand.</p>
+
+<p class="hang">STRAY STUDIES FROM ENGLAND AND ITALY. Crown 8vo. 8<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i>
+Containing: Lambeth and the Archbishops&mdash;The Florence of
+Dante&mdash;Venice and Rome&mdash;Early History of Oxford&mdash;The
+District Visitor&mdash;Capri&mdash;Hotels in the Clouds&mdash;Sketches in
+Sunshine, &amp;c.</p>
+
+<p class="hang">READINGS FROM ENGLISH HISTORY. Selected and Edited by <span class="smcap">John
+Richard Green</span>. In Three Parts. Fcap. 8vo. 1<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> each.
+Part I.&mdash;From Hengest to Cressy. Part II.&mdash;From Cressy to
+Cromwell. Part III.&mdash;From Cromwell to Balaklava.</p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GREEN (W.S.)</b></span>&mdash;THE HIGH ALPS OF NEW ZEALAND: or, a Trip to the Glaciers
+of the Antipodes, with an Ascent of Mount Cook. By <span class="smcap">William Spotswood
+Green</span>, M.A., Member of the English Alpine Club. With Maps. Crown 8vo.
+7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GROVE.</b></span>&mdash;A DICTIONARY OF MUSIC AND MUSICIANS (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1450-1884). By
+Eminent Writers, English and Foreign. With Illustrations and Woodcuts.
+Edited by Sir <span class="smcap">George Grove</span>, D.C.L., Director of the Royal College of
+Music. 8vo. Parts I. to XIV., XIX. and XX. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> each. Parts XV.
+and XVI. 7<i>s.</i> Parts XVII. and XVIII. 7<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">Vols. I., II., and III. 8vo. 21<i>s.</i> each.</p>
+
+<p class="hang">Vol. I. A to Impromptu.&mdash;Vol. II. Improperia to Plain
+Song.&mdash;Vol. III. Planché to Sumer is Icumen In.</p>
+
+<p class="hang">Cloth cases for binding Vols. I., II., and III. 1<i>s.</i> each.</p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GUEST.</b></span>&mdash;LECTURES ON THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By <span class="smcap">M.J. Guest</span>. With Maps.
+Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GUEST.</b></span>&mdash;ORIGINES CELTICAE (a Fragment) and other Contributions to the
+History of Britain. By <span class="smcap">Edwin Guest</span>, LL.D.. D.C.L., F.R.S., late Master
+of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge. With Maps, Plans, and a
+Portrait engraved on Steel by <span class="smcap">G.J. Stodart</span>. Two vols. Demy 8vo. 32<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HAMERTON.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">P.G. Hamerton</span>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">ETCHINGS AND ETCHERS. Third Edition, revised, with
+Forty-eight new Plates. Columbier 8vo.</p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE. With a Portrait of Leonardo da Vinci,
+etched by <span class="smcap">Leopold Flameng</span>. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THOUGHTS ABOUT ART. New Edition, revised, with an
+Introduction, Crown 8vo. 8<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_13" id="Page_A_13">-A13-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HANDEL.</b></span>&mdash;THE LIFE OF GEORGE FREDERICK HANDEL. By <span class="smcap">W.S. Rockstro</span>, Author
+of "A History of Music for Young Students." With an Introductory
+Notice by Sir <span class="smcap">George Grove</span>, D.C.L. With a Portrait. Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HARPER.</b></span>&mdash;THE METAPHYSICS OF THE SCHOOL. By <span class="smcap">Thomas Harper</span>, (S.J.) (In 5
+vols.) Vols. I. and II. 8vo. 18<i>s.</i> each.&mdash;Vol. III., Part I. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HEINE.</b></span>&mdash;A TRIP TO THE BROCKEN. By <span class="smcap">Heinrich Heine</span>. Translated by <span class="smcap">R.
+McLintock</span>. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HELLENIC STUDIES</b></span>&mdash;JOURNAL OF. 8vo. Parts I. and II., constituting Vol.
+I. with 4to. Atlas of Illustrations, 30<i>s.</i> Vol. II., with 4to. Atlas
+of Illustrations, 30<i>s.</i>, or in Two Parts, 15<i>s.</i> each. Vol. III., Two
+Parts, with 4to. Atlas of Illustrations, 15<i>s.</i> each. Vol. IV., Two
+Parts, with 4to. Atlas of Illustrations, 15<i>s.</i> each. Vol. V., Two
+Parts, with Illustrations, 15<i>s.</i> each.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">The Journal will be sold at a reduced price to Libraries
+wishing to subscribe, but official application must in each
+case be made to the Council. Information on this point, and
+upon the conditions of Membership, may be obtained on
+application to the Hon. Secretary, Mr. George Macmillan, 29,
+Bedford Street, Covent Garden.</p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HERODOTOS.</b></span>&mdash;BOOKS I. TO III.&mdash;THE ANCIENT EMPIRES OF THE EAST. Edited,
+with Notes, Introductions, and Appendices, by <span class="smcap">A.H. Sayce</span>, M.A. Oxford,
+Hon. LL.D. Dublin; Deputy-Professor of Comparative Philology. 8vo.
+16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HILL.</b></span>&mdash;THE RECORDER OF BIRMINGHAM. A Memoir of Matthew Davenport-Hill,
+with Selections from his Correspondence. By his daughters <span class="smcap">Rosamond</span> and
+<span class="smcap">Florence Davenport-Hill</span>. With Portrait engraved by <span class="smcap">C.H. Jeens</span>. 8vo.
+16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HILL.</b></span>&mdash;WHAT WE SAW IN AUSTRALIA. By <span class="smcap">Rosamond</span> and <span class="smcap">Florence Hill</span>. Crown
+8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HILL (O.)</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Octavia Hill</span></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">OUR COMMON LAND, and other Essays. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">HOMES OF THE LONDON POOR. Sewed. Crown 8vo. 1<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HODGSON.</b></span>&mdash;MEMOIR OF REV. FRANCIS HODGSON. B.D., Scholar, Poet, and
+Divine. By his son, the Rev. <span class="smcap">James T. Hodgson</span>, M.A. Containing
+numerous Letters from Lord Byron and others. With Portrait engraved by
+<span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. Two vols. Crown 8vo. 18<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HOLE.</b></span>&mdash;A GENEALOGICAL STEMMA OF THE KINGS OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE. By
+the Rev. <span class="smcap">C. Hole</span>, M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge. On Sheet, 1<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">A BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY. Compiled and Arranged by
+the Rev. <span class="smcap">Charles Hole</span>, M.A. Second Edition. 18mo. 4<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HOOKER AND BALL.</b></span>&mdash;MOROCCO AND THE GREAT ATLAS: Journal of a Tour in.
+By Sir <span class="smcap">Joseph D. Hooker</span>, K.C.S.I., C.B., F.R.S., &amp;c., and <span class="smcap">John Ball</span>,
+F.R.S. With an Appendix, including a Sketch of the Geology of Morocco,
+by <span class="smcap">G. Maw</span>, F.L.S., F.G.S. With Illustrations and Map. 8vo. 21<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HOUSE OF LORDS.</b></span>&mdash;FIFTY YEARS OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS. Reprinted from
+<i>The Pall Mall Gazette</i>. Crown 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i>&mdash;POPULAR EDITION.
+3<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HOZIER (H.M.)</b></span>&mdash;Works by Captain <span class="smcap">Henry M. Hozier</span>, late Assistant
+Military Secretary to Lord Napier of Magdala:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE SEVEN WEEKS' WAR; Its Antecedents and Incidents. New and
+Cheaper Edition. With New Preface, Maps, and Plans. Crown
+8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE INVASIONS OF ENGLAND: a History of the Past, with
+Lessons for the Future. Two Vols. 8vo. 28<i>s.</i></p></div><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_14" id="Page_A_14">-A14-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HÜBNER.</b></span>&mdash;A RAMBLE ROUND THE WORLD IN 1871. By <span class="smcap">M. Le Baron Hübner</span>,
+formerly Ambassador and Minister. Translated by <span class="smcap">Lady Herbert</span>. New and
+Cheaper Edition. With numerous Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HUGHES.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Thomas Hughes</span>, Q.C., Author of "Tom Brown's School
+Days."</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">MEMOIR OF A BROTHER. With Portrait of <span class="smcap">George Hughes</span>, after
+<span class="smcap">Watts</span>, Engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. Sixth Edition. Crown 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">ALFRED THE GREAT. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">MEMOIR OF DANIEL MACMILLAN. With Portrait after <span class="smcap">Lowes
+Dickinson</span>, Engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. Fifth Thousand. Crown 8vo.
+4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i>&mdash;POPULAR EDITION, 1<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">RUGBY, TENNESSEE. Being some account of the Settlement
+founded on the Cumberland Plateau by the Board of Aid to
+Land Ownership. With a report on the Soils of the Plateau by
+the Hon. <span class="smcap">F.W. Killebrew</span>, A.M., Ph.D., Commissioner for
+Agriculture for the State of Tennessee. Crown 8vo. 4<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">GONE TO TEXAS. Letters from Our Boys. Edited by <span class="smcap">Thomas
+Hughes</span>. Crown 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HUNT.</b></span>&mdash;HISTORY OF ITALY. By the Rev. <span class="smcap">W. Hunt</span>, M.A. Being the Fourth
+Volume of the Historical Course for Schools. Edited by <span class="smcap">Edward A.
+Freeman</span>, D.C.L. New Edition, with Coloured Maps. 18mo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HUTTON.</b></span>&mdash;ESSAYS THEOLOGICAL AND LITERARY. By <span class="smcap">R.H. Hutton</span>, M.A. Cheaper
+issue. 2 vols. 8vo. 18<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="smcap">Contents of Vol. I.</span>:&mdash;The moral significance of Atheism&mdash;The
+Atheistic Explanation of Religion&mdash;Science and
+Theism&mdash;Popular Pantheism&mdash;What is Revelation?&mdash;Christian
+Evidences, Popular and Critical&mdash;The Historical Problems of
+the Fourth Gospel&mdash;The Incarnation and Principles of
+Evidence&mdash;M. Renan's "Christ"&mdash;M. Renan's "St. Paul"&mdash;The
+Hard Church&mdash;Romanism, Protestantism, and Anglicanism.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Contents of Vol. II.</span>:&mdash;Goethe and his Influence&mdash;Wordsworth
+and his Genius&mdash;Shelley's Poetical Mysticism&mdash;Mr.
+Browning&mdash;The Poetry of the Old Testament&mdash;Arthur Hugh
+Clough&mdash;The Poetry of Matthew Arnold&mdash;Tennyson&mdash;Nathaniel
+Hawthorne.</p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>INGLIS (JAMES) (&#8220;MAORI&#8221;).</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">James Inglis</span> ("Maori"):&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">OUR AUSTRALIAN COUSINS. 8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">SPORT AND WORK ON THE NEPAUL FRONTIER; or, Twelve Years'
+Sporting Reminiscences of an Indigo Planter. By "<span class="smcap">Maori</span>."
+With Illustrations. 8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>IONIA.</b></span>&mdash;THE ANTIQUITIES OF IONIA, see under <a href="#DILETTANTI">Dilettanti Society's
+Publications</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>IRVING.</b></span>&mdash;THE ANNALS OF OUR TIME. A Diurnal of Events, Social and
+Political, Home and Foreign, from the Accession of Queen Victoria to
+the Peace of Versailles. By <span class="smcap">Joseph Irving</span>. New Edition, revised. 8vo.
+half-bound. 18<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">ANNALS OF OUR TIME. Supplement. From Feb. 28, 1871, to March
+16, 1874. 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> ANNALS OF OUR TIME. Second
+Supplement. From March, 1874, to the Occupation of Cyprus.
+8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>JAMES (Sir W.M.).</b></span>&mdash;THE BRITISH IN INDIA. By the late Right Hon. Sir
+<span class="smcap">William Milbourne James</span>, Lord Justice of Appeal. Edited by his
+Daughter, <span class="smcap">Mary J. Salis Schwabe</span>. Demy 8vo. 12<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>JAMES.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Henry James</span>:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">FRENCH POETS AND NOVELISTS. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 4<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i> <span class="smcap">Contents</span>:&mdash;Alfred de Musset: Théophile Gautier;
+Baudelaire; Honoré de Balzac; George Sand; The Two Ampères;
+Turgénieff, &amp;c.</p>
+
+<p class="hang">PORTRAITS OF PLACES. Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_15" id="Page_A_15">-A15-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>JEBB.</b></span>&mdash;MODERN GREECE. Two Lectures delivered before the Philosophical
+Institution of Edinburgh. With papers on "The Progress of Greece," and
+"Byron in Greece." By <span class="smcap">R.C. Jebb</span>, M.A., LL.D. Edin. Professor of Greek
+in the University of Glasgow. Crown 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>JOHNSON&#8217;S LIVES OF THE POETS.</b></span>&mdash;The Six Chief Lives&mdash;Milton, Dryden,
+Swift, Addison, Pope, Gray. With Macaulay's "Life of Johnson." Edited,
+with Preface, by <span class="smcap">Matthew Arnold</span>. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>JONES.</b></span>&mdash;THE LIFE'S WORK IN IRELAND OF A LANDLORD WHO TRIED TO DO HIS
+DUTY. By <span class="smcap">W. Bence Jones</span>, of Lisselan. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>KANT.</b></span>&mdash;THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT. By <span class="smcap">J.H. Stuckenberg</span>, D.D., late
+Professor in Wittenburg College, Ohio. With Portrait. 8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>KANT&mdash;MAX MÜLLER.</b></span>&mdash;CRITIQUE OF PURE REASON BY IMMANUEL KANT. In
+commemoration of the Centenary of its first Publication. Translated
+into English by <span class="smcap">F. Max Müller</span>. With an Historical Introduction by
+<span class="smcap">Ludwig Noiré</span>. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. 32<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>KEARY.</b></span>&mdash;ANNIE KEARY: a Memoir. By <span class="smcap">Eliza Keary</span>. With a Portrait. Third
+Thousand. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>KILLEN.</b></span>&mdash;ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND, from the Earliest Date to
+the Present Time. By <span class="smcap">W.D. Killen</span>, D.D., President of Assembly's
+College, Belfast, and Professor of Ecclesiastical History. Two Vols.
+8vo. 25<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>KINGSLEY (CHARLES).</b></span>&mdash;Works by the Rev. <span class="smcap">Charles Kingsley</span>, M.A., late
+Rector of Eversley and Canon of Westminster. (For other Works by the
+same Author, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap">Theological</span> and <span class="smcap">Belles Lettres Catalogues</span>.)</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">AT LAST: A CHRISTMAS in the WEST INDIES. With nearly Fifty
+Illustrations. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE ROMAN AND THE TEUTON. A Series of Lectures delivered
+before the University of Cambridge. New and Cheaper Edition,
+with Preface by Professor <span class="smcap">Max Müller</span>. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">PLAYS AND PURITANS, and other Historical Essays. With
+Portrait of Sir <span class="smcap">Walter Raleigh</span>. New Edition. Crown 8vo.
+6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p>In addition to the Essay mentioned in the title, this volume
+contains other two&mdash;one on "Sir Walter Raleigh and his
+Time," and one on Froude's "History of England."</p>
+
+<p class="hang">HISTORICAL LECTURES AND ESSAYS. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">SANITARY AND SOCIAL LECTURES AND ESSAYS. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">SCIENTIFIC LECTURES AND ESSAYS. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">LITERARY AND GENERAL LECTURES. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>KINGSLEY (HENRY).</b></span>&mdash;TALES OF OLD TRAVEL. Re-narrated by <span class="smcap">Henry Kingsley</span>,
+F.R.G.S. With Eight Illustrations by <span class="smcap">Huard</span>. Fifth Edition. Crown 8vo.
+5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LANG.</b></span>&mdash;CYPRUS: Its History, its Present Resources and Future
+Prospects. By <span class="smcap">R. Hamilton Lang</span>, late H.M. Consul for the Island of
+Cyprus. With Two Illustrations and Four Maps. 8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LAOCOON.</b></span>&mdash;Translated from the Text of Lessing, with Preface and Notes
+by the Right Hon. Sir <span class="smcap">Robert J. Phillimore</span>, D.C.L. With Photographs.
+8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LECTURES ON ART.</b></span>&mdash;Delivered in support of the Society for Protection
+of Ancient Buildings. By <span class="smcap">Regd. Stuart Poole</span>, Professor <span class="smcap">W.B. Richmond</span>,
+<span class="smcap">E.J. Poynter</span>, R.A., <span class="smcap">J.T. Micklethwaite</span>, and <span class="smcap">William Morris</span>. Crown 8vo.
+4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_16" id="Page_A_16">-A16-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LETHBRIDGE.</b></span>&mdash;A SHORT MANUAL OF THE HISTORY OF INDIA, with an account
+of INDIA AS IT IS. The Soil, Climate, and Productions; the
+People&mdash;their Races, Religions, Public Works, and Industries; the
+Civil Services and System of Administration. By <span class="smcap">Roper Lethbridge</span>,
+M.A., C.I.E., Press Commissioner with the Government of India, late
+Scholar of Exeter College, &amp;c. &amp;c. With Maps. Crown 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LIECHTENSTEIN.</b></span>&mdash;HOLLAND HOUSE. By Princess <span class="smcap">Marie Liechtenstein</span>. With
+Five Steel Engravings by <span class="smcap">C.H. Jeens</span>, after paintings by <span class="smcap">Watts</span> and
+other celebrated Artists, and numerous Illustrations drawn by
+Professor <span class="smcap">P.H. Delamotte</span>, and engraved on Wood by <span class="smcap">J.D. Cooper</span>, <span class="smcap">W.
+Palmer</span>, and <span class="smcap">Jewitt &amp; Co.</span>, about 40 Illustrations by the Woodbury-type
+process, and India Proofs of the Steel Engravings. Two vols. Medium
+4to., half morocco elegant. 4<i>l.</i> 4<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LLOYD.</b></span>&mdash;THE AGE OF PERICLES. A History of the Arts and Politics of
+Greece from the Persian to the Peloponnesian War. By <span class="smcap">W. Watkiss Lloyd</span>.
+Two Vols. 8vo. 21<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LOFTIE.</b></span>&mdash;A RIDE IN EGYPT FROM SIOOT TO LUXOR, IN 1879; with Notes on
+the Present State and Ancient History of the Nile Valley, and some
+account of the various ways of making the voyage out and home. By the
+Rev. <span class="smcap">W.J. Loftie</span>, B.A. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LUBBOCK.</b></span>&mdash;Works by Sir <span class="smcap">John Lubbock</span>, Bart., M.P., D.C.L., F.R.S.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">ADDRESSES, POLITICAL AND EDUCATIONAL. 8vo. 8<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">FIFTY YEARS OF SCIENCE. Being the address delivered at York
+to the British Association, August, 1881. 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MACDONELL.</b></span>&mdash;FRANCE SINCE THE FIRST EMPIRE. By <span class="smcap">James Macdonell</span>. Edited
+with Preface by his Wife. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MACARTHUR.</b></span>&mdash;HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. By <span class="smcap">Margaret Macarthur</span>. Being the
+Third Volume of the Historical Course for Schools, Edited by <span class="smcap">Edward A.
+Freeman</span>, D.C.L. Second Edition. 18mo. 2<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>McLENNAN.</b></span>&mdash;THE PATRIARCHAL THEORY. Based on Papers of the late <span class="smcap">John
+Ferguson McLennan</span>. Edited and completed by <span class="smcap">Donald McLennan</span>, of the
+Inner Temple, Barrister-at-Law, 8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MACMILLAN (REV. HUGH).</b></span>&mdash;For other Works by same Author, <i>see</i>
+<span class="smcap">Theological</span> and <span class="smcap">Scientific Catalogues</span>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">HOLIDAYS ON HIGH LANDS; or, Rambles and Incidents in search
+of Alpine Plants. Second Edition, revised and enlarged.
+Globe 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MACMILLAN (DANIEL).</b></span>&mdash;MEMOIR OF DANIEL MACMILLAN. By <span class="smcap">Thomas Hughes</span>,
+Q.C., Author of "Tom Brown's Schooldays," etc. With Portrait engraved
+on Steel by <span class="smcap">C.H. Jeens</span>, from a Painting by <span class="smcap">Lowes Dickinson</span>. Fifth
+Thousand. Crown 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i>&mdash;POPULAR EDITION, Paper Covers, 1<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MACREADY.</b></span>&mdash;MACREADY'S REMINISCENCES AND SELECTIONS FROM HIS DIARIES
+AND LETTERS. Edited by Sir <span class="smcap">F. Pollock</span>, Bart., one of his Executors.
+With Four Portraits engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown
+8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MAHAFFY.</b></span>&mdash;Works by the Rev. <span class="smcap">J.P. Mahaffy</span>, M.A., Fellow of Trinity
+College, Dublin:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">SOCIAL LIFE IN GREECE FROM HOMER TO MENANDER. Fifth Edition,
+revised and enlarged, with a new chapter on Greek Art. Crown
+8vo. 9<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">RAMBLES AND STUDIES IN GREECE. With Illustrations. New and
+enlarged Edition, with Map and Illustrations. Crown 8vo.
+10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MARGARY.</b></span>&mdash;THE JOURNEY OF AUGUSTUS RAYMOND MARGARY FROM SHANGHAE TO
+BHAMO AND BACK TO MANWYNE. From his Journals and Letters, with a brief
+Biographical Preface, a concluding chapter by Sir <span class="smcap">Rutherford Alcock</span>,
+K.C.B., and a Steel Portrait engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>, and Map. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_17" id="Page_A_17">-A17-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MARTEL.</b></span>&mdash;MILITARY ITALY. By <span class="smcap">Charles Martel</span>. With Map. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MARTIN.</b></span>&mdash;THE HISTORY OF LLOYD'S, AND OF MARINE INSURANCE IN GREAT
+BRITAIN. With an Appendix containing Statistics relating to Marine
+Insurance. By <span class="smcap">Frederick Martin</span>, Author of "The Statesman's Year Book."
+8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MARTINEAU.</b></span>&mdash;BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, 1852-75. By <span class="smcap">Harriet Martineau</span>. With
+Four Additional Sketches, and Autobiographical Sketch. Fifth Edition.
+Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i> (Biographical Series.)</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MASSON (DAVID).</b></span>&mdash;By <span class="smcap">David Masson</span>, LL.D., Professor of Rhetoric and
+English Literature in the University of Edinburgh. For other Works by
+same Author, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap">Philosophical</span> and <span class="smcap">Belles Lettres Catalogue</span>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">CHATTERTON: A Story of the Year 1770. Crown 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE THREE DEVILS: Luther's, Goethe's, and Milton's; and
+other Essays. Crown 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">WORDSWORTH, SHELLEY, AND KEATS; and other Essays. Crown 8vo.
+5<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MATHEWS.</b></span>&mdash;LIFE OF CHARLES J. MATHEWS. Chiefly Autobiographical. With
+Selections from his Correspondence and Speeches. Edited by <span class="smcap">Charles
+Dickens</span>. Two Vols. 8vo. 25<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MAURICE.</b></span>&mdash;LIFE OF FREDERICK DENISON MAURICE. Chiefly told in his own
+Letters. Edited by his Son, <span class="smcap">Frederick Maurice</span>. With Two Portraits.
+Third Edition. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. 36<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MAURICE.</b></span>&mdash;THE FRIENDSHIP OF BOOKS; AND OTHER LECTURES. By the Rev.
+<span class="smcap">F.D. Maurice</span>. Edited with Preface, by <span class="smcap">Thomas Hughes</span>, Q.C. Crown 8vo.
+4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MAXWELL.</b></span>&mdash;PROFESSOR CLERK MAXWELL, A LIFE OF. With a Selection from
+his Correspondence and Occasional Writings, and a Sketch of his
+Contributions to Science. By <span class="smcap">Lewis Campbell</span>, M.A., LL.D., Professor of
+Greek in the University of St. Andrews, and Professor <span class="smcap">William Garnett</span>,
+M.A., Principal of Durham College of Science, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. New
+Edition, Abridged and Revised. Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MAYOR (J.E.B.)</b></span>&mdash;Works edited by <span class="smcap">John E.B. Mayor</span>, M.A., Kennedy
+Professor of Latin at Cambridge:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">CAMBRIDGE IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. Part II. Autobiography
+of Matthew Robinson. Fcap. 8vo. 5<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">LIFE OF BISHOP BEDELL. By his <span class="smcap">Son</span>. Fcap. 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MELBOURNE.</b></span>&mdash;MEMOIRS OF THE RT. HON. WILLIAM, SECOND VISCOUNT
+MELBOURNE. By <span class="smcap">W.M. Torrens</span>, M.P. With Portrait after Sir T. Lawrence.
+Second Edition. Two Vols. 8vo. 32<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MIALL.</b></span>&mdash;LIFE OF EDWARD MIALL, formerly M.P. for Rochdale and Bradford.
+By his Son, <span class="smcap">Arthur Miall</span>. With a Portrait. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MICHELET.</b></span>&mdash;A SUMMARY OF MODERN HISTORY. Translated from the French of
+<span class="smcap">M. Michelet</span>, and continued to the present time by <span class="smcap">M.C.M. Simpson</span>.
+Globe 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MILLET.</b></span>&mdash;JEAN FRANÇOIS MILLET; Peasant and Painter. Translated from
+the French of <span class="smcap">Alfred Sensier</span>. With numerous Illustrations. Globe 4to.
+16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MILTON.</b></span>&mdash;LIFE OF JOHN MILTON. Narrated in connection with the
+Political, Ecclesiastical, and Literary History of his Time. By <span class="smcap">David
+Masson</span>, M.A., LL.D., Professor of Rhetoric and English Literature in
+the University of Edinburgh. With Portraits. Vol. I. 1608-1639. New
+and Revised Edition. 8vo. 21<i>s.</i> Vol. II. 1638-1643. 8vo. 16<i>s.</i> Vol.
+III. 1643-1649. 8vo. 18<i>s.</i> Vols. IV and V. 1649-1660. 32<i>s.</i> Vol. VI.
+1660-1674. With Portrait. 21<i>s.</i> <i>Index Volume in preparation.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>This work is not only a Biography, but also a continuous
+Political, Ecclesiastical, and Literary History of England
+through Milton's whole time.</p></div><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_18" id="Page_A_18">-A18-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MITFORD (A.B.)</b></span>&mdash;TALES OF OLD JAPAN. By <span class="smcap">A.B. Mitford</span>, Second Secretary
+to the British Legation in Japan. With upwards of 30 Illustrations,
+drawn and cut on Wood by Japanese Artists. New and Cheaper Edition.
+Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MURRAY.</b></span>&mdash;ROUND ABOUT FRANCE. By <span class="smcap">E.C. Grenville Murray</span>. Crown 8vo.
+7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MUSIC.</b></span>&mdash;DICTIONARY OF MUSIC AND MUSICIANS (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1450-1885). By Eminent
+Writers, English and Foreign. Edited by <span class="smcap">Sir George Grove</span>, D.C.L.,
+Director of the Royal College of Music. Three Vols. 8vo. With
+Illustrations and Woodcuts. Parts I. to XIV., XIX. and XX., 3<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i> each. Parts XV. and XVI., 7<i>s.</i> Parts XVII. and XVIII., 7<i>s.</i>
+Vols. I., II., and III. 8vo. 21<i>s.</i> each.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">Vol. I.&mdash;A to Impromptu. Vol. II.&mdash;Improperia to Plain Song.
+Vol. III. Planché to Sumer is Icumen in.</p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MYERS.</b></span>&mdash;ESSAYS BY FREDERIC W.H. MYERS. 2 vols. I. Classical. II.
+Modern. Crown 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> each.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>NAPOLEON.</b></span>&mdash;THE HISTORY OF NAPOLEON I. By <span class="smcap">P. Lanfrey</span>. A Translation
+with the sanction of the Author. Four Vols. 8vo. Vols. II. and III.
+price 12<i>s.</i> each. Vol. IV. With Index. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>NEWTON.</b></span>&mdash;ESSAYS ON ART AND ARCHÆOLOGY. By <span class="smcap">Charles Thomas Newton</span>, C.D.,
+Ph.D., D.C.L., L.L.D., Keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities at the
+British Museum, &amp;c. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>NICHOL.</b></span>&mdash;TABLES OF EUROPEAN LITERATURE AND HISTORY, <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 200-1876. By
+<span class="smcap">J. Nichol</span>, L.L.D., Professor of English Language and Literature,
+Glasgow. 4to. 6<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">TABLES OF ANCIENT LITERATURE AND HISTORY, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 1500&mdash;<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>
+200. By the same Author. 4to. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>NORDENSKIÖLD&#8217;S ARCTIC VOYAGES, 1858-79.</b></span>&mdash;With Maps and numerous
+Illustrations. 8vo. 16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">VOYAGE OF THE <i>VEGA</i>. By <span class="smcap">Adolf Erik Nordenskiöld</span>. Translated
+by <span class="smcap">Alexander Leslie</span>. With numerous Illustrations, Maps, &amp;c.
+Popular and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>OLIPHANT (MRS.).</b></span>&mdash;Works by Mrs. <span class="smcap">Oliphant</span>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE MAKERS OF FLORENCE: Dante, Giotto, Savonarola, and their
+City. With numerous Illustrations from drawings by Professor
+<span class="smcap">Delamotte</span>, and portrait of Savonarola, engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>.
+New and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE LITERARY HISTORY OF ENGLAND IN THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH
+AND BEGINNING OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. New Issue, with a
+Preface. 3 vols. Demy 8vo. 21<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>OLIPHANT.</b></span>&mdash;THE DUKE AND THE SCHOLAR: and other Essays By <span class="smcap">T.L. Kington
+Oliphant</span>. 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>OTTE.</b></span>&mdash;SCANDINAVIAN HISTORY. By <span class="smcap">E.C. Otte</span>. With Maps. Extra fcap. 8vo.
+6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>OWENS COLLEGE ESSAYS AND ADDRESSES.</b></span>&mdash;By <span class="smcap">Professors and Lecturers of
+Owens College, Manchester</span>. Published in Commemoration of the Opening
+of the New College Buildings, October 7th, 1873. 8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PALGRAVE (R.F.D.)</b></span>&mdash;THE HOUSE OF COMMONS; Illustrations of its History
+and Practice. By <span class="smcap">Reginald F.D. Palgrave</span>, Clerk Assistant of the House
+of Commons. New and Revised Edition. Crown 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PALGRAVE (SIR F.)</b></span>&mdash;HISTORY OF NORMANDY AND OF ENGLAND. By Sir <span class="smcap">Francis
+Palgrave</span>, Deputy Keeper of Her Majesty's Public Records. Completing
+the History to the Death of William Rufus. 4 Vols. 8vo. 4<i>l.</i> 4<i>s.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_19" id="Page_A_19">-A19-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PALGRAVE (W.G.)</b></span>&mdash;A NARRATIVE OF A YEAR'S JOURNEY THROUGH CENTRAL AND
+EASTERN ARABIA, 1862-3. By <span class="smcap">William Gifford Palgrave</span>, late of the
+Eighth Regiment Bombay N.I. Sixth Edition. With Maps, Plans, and
+Portrait of Author, engraved on steel by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">ESSAYS ON EASTERN QUESTIONS. By <span class="smcap">W. Gifford Palgrave</span>. 8vo.
+10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">DUTCH GUIANA. With Maps and Plans. 8vo. 9<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PARKMAN.</b></span>&mdash;MONTCALM AND WOLFE. By <span class="smcap">Francis Parkman</span>. With Portraits and
+Maps. 2 vols. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> each.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PATTESON.</b></span>&mdash;LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN COLERIDGE PATTESON, D.D.,
+Missionary Bishop of the Melanesian Islands. By <span class="smcap">Charlotte M. Yonge</span>,
+Author of "The Heir of Redclyffe." With Portraits after <span class="smcap">Richmond</span> and
+from Photograph, engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. With Map. Fifth Edition. Two Vols.
+Crown 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PATTISON.</b></span>&mdash;MEMOIRS. By <span class="smcap">Mark Pattison</span>, late Rector of Lincoln College,
+Oxford. Crown 8vo. 8<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PAYNE.</b></span>&mdash;A HISTORY OF EUROPEAN COLONIES. By <span class="smcap">E.J. Payne</span>, M.A. With Maps.
+18mo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> <i>Historical Course for Schools.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PERSIA.</b></span>&mdash;EASTERN PERSIA. An Account of the Journeys of the Persian
+Boundary Commission, 1870-1-2.&mdash;Vol. I. The Geography, with Narratives
+by Majors <span class="smcap">St. John</span>, <span class="smcap">Lovett</span>, and <span class="smcap">Euan Smith</span>, and an Introduction by
+Major-General Sir <span class="smcap">Frederic Goldsmid</span>, C.B., K.C.S.I., British
+Commissioner and Arbitrator. With Maps and Illustrations.&mdash;Vol. II.
+The Zoology and Geology. By <span class="smcap">W.T. Blandford</span>, A.R.S.M., F.R.S. With
+Coloured Illustrations. Two Vols. 8vo. 42<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PHEAR.</b></span>&mdash;THE ARYAN VILLAGE IN INDIA AND CEYLON. By Sir <span class="smcap">John B. Phear</span>.
+Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>POOLE.</b></span>&mdash;A HISTORY OF THE HUGUENOTS OF THE DISPERSION AT THE RECALL OF
+THE EDICT OF NANTES. By <span class="smcap">Reginald Lane Poole</span>. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PRICHARD.</b></span>&mdash;THE ADMINISTRATION OF INDIA. From 1859 to 1868. The First
+Ten Years of Administration under the Crown. By <span class="smcap">I.T. Prichard</span>,
+Barrister-at-Law. Two Vols. Demy 8vo. With Map. 21<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>REED (SIR CHAS.).</b></span>&mdash;SIR CHARLES REED. A Memoir by <span class="smcap">Charles E.B. Reed</span>,
+M.A. Crown 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>REMBRANDT.</b></span>&mdash;THE ETCHED WORK OF REMBRANDT. A MONOGRAPH. By <span class="smcap">Francis
+Seymour Haden</span>. With three Plates. 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ROGERS (JAMES E. THOROLD).</b></span>&mdash;HISTORICAL GLEANINGS:&mdash;A Series of
+Sketches. Montague, Walpole, Adam Smith, Cobbett. By Prof. <span class="smcap">Rogers</span>,
+M.P. Crown 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> Second Series. Wiklif, Laud, Wilkes, and
+Horne Tooke. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ROSSETTI.</b></span>&mdash;DANTE GABRIEL ROSSETTI: a Record and a Study. By <span class="smcap">William
+Sharp</span>. With an Illustration after Dante Gabriel Rossetti. Crown 8vo.
+10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ROUTLEDGE.</b></span>&mdash;CHAPTERS IN THE HISTORY OF POPULAR PROGRESS IN ENGLAND,
+chiefly in Relation to the Freedom of the Press and Trial by Jury,
+1660-1820. With application to later years. By <span class="smcap">J. Routledge</span>. 8vo.
+16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>RUMFORD.</b></span>&mdash;COUNT RUMFORD'S COMPLETE WORKS, with Memoir, and Notices of
+his Daughter. By <span class="smcap">George Ellis</span>. Five Vols. 8vo. 4<i>l.</i> 14<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_20" id="Page_A_20">-A20-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>RUSSELL.</b></span>&mdash;NEW VIEWS ON IRELAND, OR IRISH LAND GRIEVANCES AND REMEDIES.
+By <span class="smcap">Charles Russell</span>, Q.C., M.P. Third Edition. Crown 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SAYCE.</b></span>&mdash;THE ANCIENT EMPIRES OF THE EAST. By <span class="smcap">A.H. Sayce</span>,
+Deputy-Professor of Comparative Philology, Oxford; Hon. LL.D. Dublin.
+Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SCHILLER.</b></span>&mdash;THE LIFE OF SCHILLER. By <span class="smcap">Heinrich Düntzer</span>. Translated by
+<span class="smcap">Percy E. Pinkerton</span>. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SEELEY.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">J.R. Seeley</span>, M.A., Regius Professor of Modern
+History in the University of Cambridge, Fellow of Gonville and Caius
+College, Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, and Honorary Member
+of the Historical Society of Massachusetts:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE EXPANSION OF ENGLAND. Two Courses of Lectures. Crown
+8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">LECTURES AND ESSAYS. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Contents</span>:&mdash;Roman Imperialism: 1. The Great Roman Revolution;
+2. The Proximate Cause of the Fall of the Roman Empire; The
+Later Empire.&mdash;Milton's Political Opinions&mdash;Milton's
+Poetry&mdash;Elementary Principles in Art&mdash;Liberal Education in
+Universities&mdash;English in Schools&mdash;The Church as a Teacher of
+Morality&mdash;The Teaching of Politics: an Inaugural Lecture
+delivered at Cambridge.</p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SHELBURNE.</b></span>&mdash;LIFE OF WILLIAM, EARL OF SHELBURNE, AFTERWARDS FIRST
+MARQUIS OF LANDSDOWNE. With Extracts from his Papers and
+Correspondence. By Lord <span class="smcap">Edmond Fitzmaurice</span>. In Three Vols. 8vo. Vol.
+I. 1737-1766, 12<i>s.</i>; Vol. II. 1766-1776, 12<i>s.</i>; Vol. III. 1776-1805,
+16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SIBSON.</b></span>&mdash;COLLECTED WORKS OF FRANCIS SIBSON, M.D., Lond., Fellow of the
+Royal Society, Honorary M.D. Trinity College, Dublin, and D.C.L.
+Durham, Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, &amp;c. Edited by
+<span class="smcap">William M. Ord</span>, M.D. With Illustrations. Four Volumes. 8vo. 3<i>l.</i>
+3<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SIME.</b></span>&mdash;HISTORY OF GERMANY. By <span class="smcap">James Sime</span>, M.A. 18mo. 3<i>s.</i> Being Vol.
+V. of the Historical Course for Schools. Edited by <span class="smcap">Edward A. Freeman</span>,
+D.C.L.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SMITH (GOLDWIN).</b></span>&mdash;THREE ENGLISH STATESMEN. A Course of Lectures on the
+Political History of England. By <span class="smcap">Goldwin Smith</span>, M.A., D.C.L. New
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SPINOZA.</b></span>&mdash;SPINOZA: a Study of. By <span class="smcap">James Martineau</span>, LL.D., D.D. Fellow
+of Manchester New College, London. With Portrait. Second Edition.
+Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ST. ANSELM.</b></span>&mdash;By the Very Rev. <span class="smcap">R.W. Church</span>, M.A., Dean of St. Paul's.
+New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i> (Biographical Series.)</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>STATESMAN&#8217;S YEAR-BOOK, THE.</b></span>&mdash;A Statistical and Historical Annual of
+the States of the Civilised World for the Year 1885. Twenty-second
+Annual Publication. Revised after Official Returns. Edited by <span class="smcap">J. Scott
+Keltie</span>. Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>STATHAM.</b></span>&mdash;BLACKS, BOERS, AND BRITISH: A Three-Cornered Problem. By
+<span class="smcap">F.R. Statham</span>. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>STEVENSON.</b></span>&mdash;HOUSE ARCHITECTURE. By <span class="smcap">J.J. Stevenson</span>, Fellow of the Royal
+Institution of British Architects. With numerous Illustrations. Royal
+8vo. 2 Vols. 18<i>s.</i> each. Vol. I. Architecture. Vol. II. House
+Planning.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ST. JOHNSTON.</b></span>&mdash;CAMPING AMONG CANNIBALS. By <span class="smcap">Alfred St. Johnston</span>. Crown
+8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>STRANGFORD.</b></span>&mdash;EGYPTIAN SHRINES AND SYRIAN SEPULCHRES, including a Visit
+to Palmyra. By <span class="smcap">Emily A. Beaufort</span> (Viscountess Strangford), Author of
+"The Eastern Shores of the Adriatic." New Edition. Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_21" id="Page_A_21">-A21-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TAIT.</b></span>&mdash;AN ANALYSIS OF ENGLISH HISTORY, based upon Green's "Short
+History of the English People." By <span class="smcap">C.W.A. Tait</span>, M.A., Assistant
+Master, Clifton College. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TAIT.</b></span>&mdash;CATHARINE AND CRAUFURD TAIT, WIFE AND SON OF ARCHIBALD
+CAMPBELL, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY: a Memoir, Edited, at the request
+of the Archbishop, by the Rev. <span class="smcap">W. Benham</span>, B.D., Rector of St.
+Edmund-the-King and St. Nicholas Acons, One of the Six Preachers of
+Canterbury Cathedral. With Two Portraits engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. New and
+Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i> (Biographical Series.)</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Abridged Edition. Crown 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TERESA.</b></span>&mdash;THE LIFE OF ST. TERESA. By <span class="smcap">Maria Trench</span>. With Portrait
+engraved by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. Crown 8vo., cloth extra. 8<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THOMPSON.</b></span>&mdash;HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By <span class="smcap">Edith Thompson</span>. Being Vol. II. of
+the Historical Course for Schools, Edited by <span class="smcap">Edward A. Freeman</span>, D.C.L.
+New Edition, revised and enlarged, with Coloured Maps. 18mo. 2<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THROUGH THE RANKS TO A COMMISSION.</b></span>&mdash;New and Popular Edition. Crown
+8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TODHUNTER.</b></span>&mdash;THE CONFLICT OF STUDIES; AND OTHER ESSAYS ON SUBJECTS
+CONNECTED WITH EDUCATION. By <span class="smcap">Isaac Todhunter</span>, M.A., F.R.S., late
+Fellow and Principal Mathematical Lecturer of St. John's College,
+Cambridge. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TRENCH (R. CHENEVIX).</b></span>&mdash;For other Works by the same Author, see
+<span class="smcap">Theological</span> and <span class="smcap">Belles Lettres Catalogues</span>, and <a href="#Page_A_28">page 28</a> of this
+Catalogue.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS IN GERMANY, and other Lectures on the
+Thirty Years' War. Second Edition, revised and enlarged.
+Fcap. 8vo. 4<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">PLUTARCH, HIS LIFE, HIS LIVES, AND HIS MORALS. Five
+Lectures. Second Edition, enlarged. Fcap. 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">LECTURES ON MEDIEVAL CHURCH HISTORY. Being the substance of
+Lectures delivered in Queen's College, London. Second
+Edition, revised. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">AN ESSAY ON THE LIFE AND GENIUS OF CALDERON. With
+Translations from his "Life's a Dream" and "Great Theatre of
+the World." Second Edition, revised and improved. Fcap. 8vo.
+5<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TRENCH (MRS. R.).</b></span>&mdash;REMAINS OF THE LATE MRS. RICHARD TRENCH. Being
+Selections from her Journals, Letters, and other Papers. Edited by <span class="smcap">R.
+Chenevix Trench</span>, D.D. New and Cheaper Issue. 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TREVELYAN.</b></span>&mdash;THE IRISH CRISIS. Being a Narrative of the Measures for
+the Relief of the Distress caused by the Great Irish Famine of 1846-7.
+By Sir <span class="smcap">Charles Trevelyan</span>, Bart., K.C.B. 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TROLLOPE.</b></span>&mdash;A HISTORY OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF FLORENCE FROM THE EARLIEST
+INDEPENDENCE OF THE COMMUNE TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC IN 1831. By <span class="smcap">T.
+Adolphus Trollope</span>. 4 Vols. 8vo. Cloth, 21<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TURNER.</b></span>&mdash;SAMOA. A Hundred Years ago and long before, together with
+Notes on the Cults and Customs of Twenty-three other Islands in the
+Pacific. By <span class="smcap">George Turner</span>, LL.D., of the London Missionary Society.
+With a Preface by <span class="smcap">E.B. Tylor</span>, F.R.S. With Maps. Crown 8vo. 9<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TYLOR.</b></span>&mdash;ANTHROPOLOGY: an Introduction to the Study of Man and
+Civilisation. By <span class="smcap">E.B. Tylor</span>, D.C.L., F.R.S. With Illustrations. Crown
+8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>UPPINGHAM BY THE SEA.</b></span>&mdash;A NARRATIVE OF THE YEAR AT BORTH. By J.H.S.
+Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_22" id="Page_A_22">-A22-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>VICTOR EMMANUEL II., FIRST KING OF ITALY.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">G.S. Godkin</span>. New Edition.
+Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i> (Biographical Series.)</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WALLACE.</b></span>&mdash;THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO: the Land of the Orang Utan and the
+Bird of Paradise. By <span class="smcap">Alfred Russel Wallace</span>. A Narrative of Travel with
+Studies of Man and Nature. With Maps and numerous Illustrations. Sixth
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WALLACE (D.M.)</b></span>&mdash;EGYPT: and the Egyptian Question. By <span class="smcap">D. Mackenzie
+Wallace</span>, M.A., Author of "Russia: a Six Years' Residence," &amp;c. 8vo.
+14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WARD.</b></span>&mdash;A HISTORY OF ENGLISH DRAMATIC LITERATURE TO THE DEATH OF QUEEN
+ANNE. By <span class="smcap">A.W. Ward</span>, M.A., Professor of History and English Literature
+in Owens College, Manchester. Two Vols. 8vo. 32<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WARD (J.)</b></span>&mdash;EXPERIENCES OF A DIPLOMATIST. Being recollections of
+Germany founded on Diaries kept during the years 1840-1870. By <span class="smcap">John
+Ward</span>, C.B., late H.M. Minister-Resident to the Hanse Towns. 8vo.
+10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WARD.</b></span>&mdash;ENGLISH POETS. Selections, with Critical Introductions by
+various writers, and a General Introduction by <span class="smcap">Matthew Arnold</span>. Edited
+by <span class="smcap">T.H. Ward</span>, M.A. 4 vols. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> each.</p>
+
+<ul>
+<li>Vol. I. CHAUCER to DONNE.</li>
+<li>Vol. II. BEN JONSON to DRYDEN.</li>
+<li>Vol. III. ADDISON to BLAKE.</li>
+<li>Vol. IV. WORDSWORTH to ROSSETTI.</li>
+</ul>
+
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WATERTON (C.)</b></span>&mdash;WANDERINGS IN SOUTH AMERICA, THE NORTH-WEST OF THE
+UNITED STATES, AND THE ANTILLES IN 1812, 1816, 1820, and 1824. With
+Original Instructions for the perfect Preservation of Birds, etc., for
+Cabinets of Natural History. By <span class="smcap">Charles Waterton</span>. New Edition, edited
+with Biographical Introduction and Explanatory Index by the Rev. <span class="smcap">J.G.
+Wood</span>, M.A. With 100 Illustrations. Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">People's Illustrated Edition.</span> Demy 4to. 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WATSON.</b></span>&mdash;A VISIT TO WAZAN, THE SACRED CITY OF MOROCCO. By <span class="smcap">Robert
+Spence Watson</span>. With Illustrations. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WATSON (ELLEN.)</b></span>&mdash;A RECORD OF ELLEN WATSON. Arranged and Edited by <span class="smcap">Anna
+Buckland</span>. With Portrait. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WESLEY.</b></span>&mdash;JOHN WESLEY AND THE EVANGELICAL REACTION of the Eighteenth
+Century. By <span class="smcap">Julia Wedgwood</span>. Crown 8vo. 8<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WHEELER.</b></span>&mdash;A SHORT HISTORY OF INDIA, AND OF THE FRONTIER STATES OF
+AFGHANISTAN, NEPAUL, AND BURMA. By <span class="smcap">J. Talboys Wheeler</span>, late
+Assistant-Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign Department,
+and late Secretary to the Government of British Burma. With Maps and
+Tables. Crown 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WHEWELL.</b></span>&mdash;WILLIAM WHEWELL, D.D., late Master of Trinity College,
+Cambridge. An account of his Writings, with Selections from his
+Literary and Scientific correspondence. By <span class="smcap">I. Todhunter</span>, M.A., F.R.S.
+Two Vols. 8vo. 25<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WHITE.</b></span>&mdash;THE NATURAL HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF SELBORNE. By <span class="smcap">Gilbert
+White</span>. Edited, with Memoir and Notes, by <span class="smcap">Frank Buckland</span>, A Chapter on
+Antiquities by <span class="smcap">Lord Selborne</span>, and numerous Illustrations by <span class="smcap">P.H.
+Delamotte</span>. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">Also a Large Paper Edition, containing, in addition to the
+above, upwards of Thirty Woodbury-type Illustrations from
+Drawings by Prof. <span class="smcap">Delamotte</span>. Two Vols. 4to. Half morocco,
+elegant. 4<i>l.</i> 4<i>s.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WILSON.</b></span>&mdash;A MEMOIR OF GEORGE WILSON, M.D., F.R.S.E., Regius Professor
+of Technology in the University of Edinburgh. By his <span class="smcap">Sister</span>. New
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_23" id="Page_A_23">-A23-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WILSON (DANIEL, LL.D.)</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Daniel Wilson</span>, LL.D., Professor of
+History and English Literature in University College. Toronto:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">PREHISTORIC ANNALS OF SCOTLAND. New Edition, with numerous
+Illustrations. Two Vols. Demy 8vo. 36<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">PREHISTORIC MAN: Researches into the Origin of Civilization
+in the Old and New World. New Edition, revised and enlarged
+throughout, with numerous Illustrations and Two Coloured
+Plates. Two Vols. 8vo. 36<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">CHATTERTON: A Biographical Study. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>YOE.</b></span>&mdash;THE BURMAN: His Life and Notions. By <span class="smcap">Shway Yoe</span>. Two Vols. Crown
+8vo. 9<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>YONGE (CHARLOTTE M.)</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Charlotte M. Yonge</span>, Author of the "Heir
+of Redclyffe," &amp;c. &amp;c.:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">CAMEOS FROM ENGLISH HISTORY. From Rollo to Edward II. Extra
+Fcap. 8vo. Third Edition. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Second Series</span>, THE WARS IN FRANCE. Extra fcap. 8vo. Third
+Edition. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Third Series</span>, THE WARS OF THE ROSES. Extra fcap. 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Fourth Series</span>, REFORMATION TIMES. Extra fcap. 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="smcap">Fifth Series</span>, ENGLAND AND SPAIN. Extra fcap. 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">HISTORY OF FRANCE. Maps. 18mo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> <i>Historical
+Course for Schools.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN NAMES. New Edition, Revised. Crown 8vo.
+7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr class="med" />
+
+<h2>POLITICS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ECONOMY,<br />
+LAW, AND KINDRED SUBJECTS.</h2>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ANGLO-SAXON LAW.</b></span>&mdash;ESSAYS IN. Contents: Law Courts&mdash;Land and Family
+Laws and Legal Procedure generally. With Select cases. Medium 8vo.
+18<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ARNOLD.</b></span>&mdash;THE ROMAN SYSTEM OF PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION TO THE
+ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. Being the Arnold Prize Essay for
+1879. By <span class="smcap">W.T. Arnold</span>, B.A. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BERNARD.</b></span>&mdash;FOUR LECTURES ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH DIPLOMACY. By
+<span class="smcap">Montague Bernard</span>, M.A., Chichele Professor of International Law and
+Diplomacy, Oxford. 8vo. 9<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BIGELOW.</b></span>&mdash;HISTORY OF PROCEDURE IN ENGLAND, FROM THE NORMAN CONQUEST.
+The Norman Period, 1066-1204. By <span class="smcap">Melville Madison Bigelow</span>, Ph.D.,
+Harvard University. 8vo. 16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BRIGHT (JOHN, M.P.).</b></span>&mdash;Works by the Right Hon. <span class="smcap">John Bright</span>, M.P.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">SPEECHES ON QUESTIONS OF PUBLIC POLICY. Edited by Professor
+<span class="smcap">Thorold Rogers</span>, M.P. Author's Popular Edition. Globe 8vo.
+3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">LIBRARY EDITION. Two Vols. 8vo. With Portrait. 25<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">PUBLIC ADDRESSES. Edited by <span class="smcap">J. Thorold Rogers</span>, M.P. 8vo.
+14<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BUCKNILL.</b></span>&mdash;THE CARE OF THE INSANE, AND THEIR LEGAL CONTROL. By <span class="smcap">J.C.
+Bucknill</span>, M.D., F.R.S., late Lord Chancellor's Visitor of Lunatics.
+Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CAIRNES.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">J.E. Cairnes</span>, M.A., sometime Professor of Political
+Economy in University College, London:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">POLITICAL ESSAYS. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE CHARACTER AND LOGICAL METHOD OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. New
+Edition, enlarged. 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_24" id="Page_A_24">-A24-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>COBDEN (RICHARD).</b></span>&mdash;SPEECHES ON QUESTIONS OF PUBLIC POLICY. By <span class="smcap">Richard
+Cobden</span>. Edited by the Right Hon. John Bright, M.P., and J.E. Thorold
+Rogers, M.P. Popular Edition. 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>COSSA.</b></span>&mdash;GUIDE TO THE STUDY OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. By <span class="smcap">Dr. Luigi Cossa</span>,
+Professor of Political Economy in the University of Pavia. Translated
+from the Second Italian Edition. With a Preface by <span class="smcap">W. Stanley Jevons</span>,
+F.R.S. Crown 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FAWCETT.</b></span>&mdash;Works by Right Hon. <span class="smcap">Henry Fawcett</span>, M.A., M.P., F.R.S., late
+Fellow of Trinity Hall, and Professor of Political Economy in the
+University of Cambridge:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE ECONOMIC POSITION OF THE BRITISH LABOURER. Extra fcap.
+8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">MANUAL OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. Sixth Edition, revised, with a
+Chapter on State Socialism and the Nationalisation of the
+Land, and an Index, etc. Crown 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">SPEECHES ON SOME CURRENT POLITICAL QUESTIONS. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">FREE TRADE AND PROTECTION: an Inquiry into the Causes which
+have retarded the general adoption of Free Trade since its
+introduction into England. Sixth and Cheaper Edition. Crown
+8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">INDIAN FINANCE. Three Essays, with Introduction and
+Appendix. 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">ESSAYS ON POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SUBJECTS. By Right Hon. <span class="smcap">Henry
+Fawcett</span>, M.P., and <span class="smcap">Millicent Garrett Fawcett</span>. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FAWCETT (MRS.)</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Millicent Garrett Fawcett</span>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">POLITICAL ECONOMY FOR BEGINNERS. WITH QUESTIONS. New
+Edition. 18mo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">TALES IN POLITICAL ECONOMY. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FISKE.</b></span>&mdash;AMERICAN POLITICAL IDEAS VIEWED FROM THE STANDPOINT OF
+UNIVERSAL HISTORY. Three Lectures delivered at the Royal Institution
+of Great Britain. By <span class="smcap">John Fiske</span>, Author of "Darwinism: and other
+Essays," "Excursions of an Evolutionist," &amp;c. Crown 8vo. 4<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GOSCHEN.</b></span>&mdash;REPORTS AND SPEECHES ON LOCAL TAXATION. By <span class="smcap">George J.
+Goschen</span>, M.P. Royal 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GUIDE TO THE UNPROTECTED,</b></span> in Every Day Matters Relating to Property
+and Income. By a <span class="smcap">Banker's Daughter</span>. Fifth Edition, Revised. Extra
+fcap. 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HAMILTON.</b></span>&mdash;MONEY AND VALUE: an Inquiry into the Means and Ends of
+Economic Production, with an Appendix on the Depreciation of Silver
+and Indian Currency. By <span class="smcap">Rowland Hamilton</span>. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HARWOOD.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">George Harwood</span>, M.A.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">DISESTABLISHMENT: a Defence of the Principle of a National
+Church. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE COMING DEMOCRACY. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HILL.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Octavia Hill</span>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">OUR COMMON LAND; and other Short Essays. Extra fcap. 8vo.
+3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Contents</span>:&mdash;Our Common Land. District Visiting. A more
+Excellent Way of Charity. A Word on Good Citizenship. Open
+Spaces. Effectual Charity. The Future of our Commons.</p>
+
+<p class="hang">HOMES OF THE LONDON POOR. Popular Edition. Cr. 8vo. Sewed,
+1<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HOLLAND.</b></span>&mdash;THE TREATY RELATIONS OF RUSSIA AND TURKEY FROM 1774 TO 1853.
+A Lecture delivered at Oxford, April 1877. By <span class="smcap">T.E. Holland</span>, D.C.L.,
+Professor of International Law and Diplomacy, Oxford. Crown 8vo.
+2<i>s.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_25" id="Page_A_25">-A25-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>JEVONS.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">W. Stanley Jevons</span>, LL.D., M.A., F.R.S. (For other
+Works by the same Author, see <span class="smcap">Educational</span> and <span class="smcap">Philosophical
+Catalogues</span>.):&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE THEORY OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. Second Edition, revised,
+with new Preface and Appendices. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">PRIMER OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. 18mo. 1<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">METHODS OF SOCIAL REFORM, and other Papers. Demy 8vo. 10<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">INVESTIGATIONS IN CURRENCY AND FINANCE. Edited, with an
+Introduction, by <span class="smcap">H.S. Foxwell</span>, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer of
+St. John's College, Cambridge, and Professor of Political
+Economy at University College, London. Illustrated by 20
+Diagrams. Demy 8vo. 21<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LAVELEYE.</b></span>&mdash;PRIMITIVE PROPERTY. By <span class="smcap">Emile de Laveleye</span>. Translated by
+<span class="smcap">G.R.L. Marriott</span>, LL.B., with an Introduction by <span class="smcap">T.E. Cliffe Leslie</span>,
+LL.B. 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LIGHTWOOD.</b></span>&mdash;THE NATURE OF POSITIVE LAW. By <span class="smcap">John M. Lightwood</span>, M.A., of
+Lincoln's Inn, Barrister-at-Law, Fellow of Trinity Hall, Cambridge.
+Demy 8vo. 12<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LUBBOCK.</b></span>&mdash;ADDRESSES, POLITICAL AND EDUCATIONAL. By Sir <span class="smcap">John Lubbock</span>,
+Bart., M.P., &amp;c., &amp;c. 8vo. 8<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MACDONELL.</b></span>&mdash;THE LAND QUESTION, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO ENGLAND AND
+SCOTLAND. By <span class="smcap">John Macdonell</span>, Barrister-at-Law. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MAITLAND.</b></span>&mdash;PLEAS OF THE CROWN FOR THE COUNTY OF GLOUCESTER, BEFORE THE
+ABBOT OF READING AND HIS FELLOW JUSTICES ITINERANT, IN THE FIFTH YEAR
+OF THE REIGN OF KING HENRY THE THIRD AND THE YEAR OF GRACE, 1221.
+Edited by <span class="smcap">F.W. Maitland</span>. 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MARSHALL.</b></span>&mdash;THE ECONOMICS OF INDUSTRY. By <span class="smcap">A. Marshall</span>, M.A., Professor
+of Political Economy in the University of Cambridge, late Principal of
+University College Bristol, and <span class="smcap">Mary Paley Marshall</span>, late Lecturer at
+Newnham Hall, Cambridge. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MONAHAN.</b></span>&mdash;THE METHOD OF LAW: an Essay on the Statement and Arrangement
+of the Legal Standard of Conduct. By <span class="smcap">J.H. Monahan</span>, Q.C. Crown 8vo.
+6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PATERSON.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">James Paterson</span>, M.A., Barrister-at-Law, sometime
+Commissioner for English and Irish Fisheries, &amp;c.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE LIBERTY OF THE SUBJECT AND THE LAWS OF ENGLAND RELATING
+TO THE SECURITY OF THE PERSON. Commentaries on. Cheaper
+issue. Crown 8vo. 21<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS, OF SPEECH, AND OF PUBLIC WORSHIP.
+Being Commentaries on the Liberty of the Subject and the
+Laws of England. Crown 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PHEAR.</b></span>&mdash;INTERNATIONAL TRADE, AND THE RELATION BETWEEN EXPORTS AND
+IMPORTS. A Paper read before the Exmouth Liberal Association, on July
+22, 1881. By Sir <span class="smcap">John B. Phear</span>. Crown 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PHILLIMORE.</b></span>&mdash;PRIVATE LAW AMONG THE ROMANS, from the Pandects. By <span class="smcap">John
+George Phillimore</span>, Q.C. 8vo. 16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>POLLOCK (F.).</b></span>&mdash;ESSAYS IN JURISPRUDENCE AND ETHICS. By <span class="smcap">Frederick
+Pollock</span>, M.A., LL.D., Corpus Christi Professor of Jurisprudence in the
+University of Oxford; late Fellow of Trinity College, Camb. 8vo.
+10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PRACTICAL POLITICS.</b></span>&mdash;ISSUED BY THE NATIONAL LIBERAL FEDERATION.
+Complete in one volume. 8vo. 6<i>s.</i> Or:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">I. THE TENANT FARMER: Land Laws and Landlords. By <span class="smcap">James
+Howard</span>. 8vo. 1<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">II. FOREIGN POLICY. By Right Hon. <span class="smcap">M.E. Grant Duff</span>, M.P. 8vo.
+1<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">III. FREEDOM OF LAND. By <span class="smcap">G. Shaw Lefevre</span>, M.P. 8vo. 2<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">IV. BRITISH COLONIAL POLICY. By Sir <span class="smcap">David Wedderburn</span>, Bart.,
+M.P. 8vo. 1<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_26" id="Page_A_26">-A26-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>RICHEY.</b></span>&mdash;THE IRISH LAND LAWS. By <span class="smcap">Alexander G. Richey</span>, Q.C., LL.D.,
+Deputy Regius Professor of Feudal and English Law in the University of
+Dublin. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SIDGWICK.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Henry Sidgwick</span>, M.A., LL.D., Knightbridge
+Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Cambridge, &amp;c.:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. Demy 8vo. 16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE METHODS OF ETHICS. Third Edition, Revised and Enlarged.
+Demy 8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">A SUPPLEMENT TO THE SECOND EDITION. Containing all the
+Important Additions and Alterations in the Third Edition.
+Demy 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>STATESMAN&#8217;S YEAR-BOOK, THE:</b></span> A STATISTICAL AND HISTORICAL ANNUAL OF THE
+STATES OF THE CIVILIZED WORLD, FOR THE YEAR 1885. Twenty-second Annual
+Publication. Revised after Official Returns. Edited by <span class="smcap">J. Scott
+Keltie</span>. Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>STEPHEN (C.E.)</b></span>&mdash;THE SERVICE OF THE POOR: Being an Inquiry into the
+Reasons for and against the Establishment of Religious Sisterhoods for
+Charitable Purposes. By <span class="smcap">Caroline Emilia Stephen</span>. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>STEPHEN.</b></span>&mdash;Works by Sir <span class="smcap">James Fitzjames Stephen</span>, K.C.S.I., D.C.L. A
+Judge of the High Court of Justice, Queen's Bench Division.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">A DIGEST OF THE LAW OF EVIDENCE. Fourth Edition, with new
+Preface. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">A HISTORY OF THE CRIMINAL LAW OF ENGLAND. Three Vols. Demy
+8vo. 48<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">A DIGEST OF THE CRIMINAL LAW. (Crimes and Punishments.) 8vo.
+16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">A DIGEST OF THE LAW OF CRIMINAL PROCEDURE IN INDICTABLE
+OFFENCES. By Sir <span class="smcap">James F. Stephen</span>, K.C.S.I., a Judge of the
+High Court of Justice, Queen's Bench Division, and <span class="smcap">Herbert
+Stephen</span>, LL.M., of the Middle Temple, Barrister-at-Law. 8vo.
+12<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">LETTERS ON THE ILBERT BILL. Reprinted from <i>The Times</i>. 8vo.
+2<i>s.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>STEPHEN (J.K.).</b></span>&mdash;INTERNATIONAL LAW AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: an
+Attempt to Ascertain the Best Method of Discussing the Topics of
+International Law. By <span class="smcap">J.K. Stephen</span>, B.A., of the Inner Temple,
+Barrister-at-Law. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>STUBBS.</b></span>&mdash;VILLAGE POLITICS. Addresses and Sermons on the Labour
+Question. By <span class="smcap">C.W. Stubbs</span>, M.A., Vicar of Granborough, Bucks. Extra
+fcap. 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THORNTON.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">W.T. Thornton</span>, C.B., Secretary for Public Works in
+the India Office:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">A PLEA FOR PEASANT PROPRIETORS: With the Outlines of a Plan
+for their Establishment in Ireland. New Edition, revised.
+Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">INDIAN PUBLIC WORKS AND COGNATE INDIAN TOPICS. With Map of
+Indian Railways. Crown 8vo. 8<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WALKER.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">F.A. Walker</span>, M.A., Ph.D., Professor of Political
+Economy and History, Yale College:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE WAGES QUESTION. A Treatise on Wages and the Wages Class.
+8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">MONEY. 8vo. 16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">MONEY IN ITS RELATIONS TO TRADE AND INDUSTRY. Crown 8vo.
+7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">POLITICAL ECONOMY. 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">LAND AND ITS RENT. Fcap. 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WILSON.</b></span>&mdash;RECIPROCITY, BI-METALLISM, AND LAND-TENURE REFORM. By <span class="smcap">A.J.
+Wilson</span>, Author of "The Resources of Modern Countries." 8vo. 7<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+
+
+<hr class="med" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_27" id="Page_A_27">-A27-</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>WORKS CONNECTED WITH THE SCIENCE OR THE<br />
+HISTORY OF LANGUAGE.</h2>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ABBOTT.</b></span>&mdash;A SHAKESPERIAN GRAMMAR: An Attempt to illustrate some of the
+Differences between Elizabethan and Modern English. By the Rev. <span class="smcap">E.A.
+Abbott</span>, D.D., Head Master of the City of London School. New and
+Enlarged Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BREYMANN.</b></span>&mdash;A FRENCH GRAMMAR BASED ON PHILOLOGICAL PRINCIPLES. By
+<span class="smcap">Hermann Breymann</span>, Ph.D., Professor of Philology in the University of
+Munich, late Lecturer on French Language and Literature in Owens
+College, Manchester. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ELLIS.</b></span>&mdash;PRACTICAL HINTS ON THE QUANTITATIVE PRONUNCIATION OF LATIN,
+FOR THE USE OF CLASSICAL TEACHERS AND LINGUISTS. By <span class="smcap">A.J. Ellis</span>, B.A.,
+F.R.S.. &amp;c. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FASNACHT.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">G. Eugene Fasnacht</span>, Author of "Macmillan's
+Progressive French Course," Editor of "Macmillan's Foreign School
+Classics," &amp;c.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE ORGANIC METHOD OF STUDYING LANGUAGES. I. French. Crown
+8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">A SYNTHETIC FRENCH GRAMMAR FOR SCHOOLS. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FLEAY.</b></span>&mdash;A SHAKESPEARE MANUAL. By the Rev. <span class="smcap">F.G. Fleay</span>, M.A., Head
+Master of Skipton Grammar School. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GOODWIN.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">W.W. Goodwin</span>, Professor of Greek Literature in
+Harvard University:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">SYNTAX OF THE GREEK MOODS AND TENSES. New Edition. Crown
+8vo. 6<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">A SCHOOL GREEK GRAMMAR. Crown 8vo. 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">A GREEK GRAMMAR. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GREEK TESTAMENT.</b></span>&mdash;THE NEW TESTAMENT IN THE ORIGINAL GREEK. The Text
+revised by <span class="smcap">B.F. Westcott</span>, D.D., Regius Professor of Divinity, and
+<span class="smcap">F.J.A. Hort</span>, D.D., Hulsean Professor of Divinity, Fellow of Emmanuel
+College, Cambridge; late Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge. Two
+Vols. Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">Vol. I. Text.&mdash;Vol. II. Introduction and Appendix.</p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE REVISERS AND THE GREEK TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By Two
+Members of the New Testament Company. 8vo. 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HADLEY.</b></span>&mdash;ESSAYS PHILOLOGICAL AND CRITICAL. Selected from the Papers of
+<span class="smcap">James Hadley</span>, LL.D., Professor of Greek in Yale College, &amp;c. 8vo.
+16<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HALES.</b></span>&mdash;LONGER ENGLISH POEMS. With Notes, Philological and
+Explanatory, and an Introduction on the Teaching of English. Chiefly
+for use in Schools. Edited by <span class="smcap">J.W. Hales</span>, M.A., Professor of English
+Literature at King's College, London, &amp;c. &amp;c. Fifth Edition. Extra
+fcap. 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HELFENSTEIN (JAMES).</b></span>&mdash;A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF THE TEUTONIC LANGUAGES:
+Being at the same time a Historical Grammar of the English Language,
+and comprising Gothic, Anglo-Saxon, Early English, Modern English,
+Icelandic (Old Norse), Danish, Swedish, Old High German, Middle High
+German, Modern German, Old Saxon, Old Frisian, and Dutch. By <span class="smcap">James
+Helfenstein</span>, Ph.D. 8vo. 18<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MASSON (GUSTAVE).</b></span>&mdash;A COMPENDIOUS DICTIONARY OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE
+(French-English and English-French). Adapted from the Dictionaries of
+Professor <span class="smcap">Alfred Elwall</span>. Followed by a List of the Principal Diverging
+Derivations, and preceded by Chronological and Historical Tables. By
+<span class="smcap">Gustave Masson</span>, Assistant-Master and Librarian, Harrow School. Fourth
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_28" id="Page_A_28">-A28-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MAYOR.</b></span>&mdash;A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL CLUE TO LATIN LITERATURE. Edited after Dr.
+<span class="smcap">E. Hubner</span>. With large Additions by <span class="smcap">John E.B. Mayor</span>, M.A., Professor of
+Latin in the University of Cambridge. Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MORRIS.</b></span>&mdash;Works by the Rev. <span class="smcap">Richard Morris</span>, LL.D., President of the
+Philological Society, Editor of "Specimens of Early English," &amp;c.,
+&amp;c.:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">HISTORICAL OUTLINES OF ENGLISH ACCIDENCE, comprising
+Chapters on the History and Development of the Language, and
+on Word-formation. New Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">ELEMENTARY LESSONS IN HISTORICAL ENGLISH GRAMMAR, containing
+Accidence and Word-formation. Third Edition. 18mo. 2<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>OLIPHANT.</b></span>&mdash;THE OLD AND MIDDLE ENGLISH. By <span class="smcap">T.L. Kington Oliphant</span>, M.A.,
+of Balliol College, Oxford. A New Edition, revised and greatly
+enlarged, of "The Sources of Standard English." Extra fcap. 8vo. 9<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PHILOLOGY.</b></span>&mdash;THE JOURNAL OF SACRED AND CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY. Four Vols.
+8vo. 12<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> each.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">THE JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. New Series. Edited by <span class="smcap">John E.B.
+Mayor</span>, M.A., and <span class="smcap">W. Aldis Wright</span>, M.A. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i>
+(Half-yearly.)</p>
+
+<p class="hang">THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. Edited by <span class="smcap">Basil L.
+Gildersleeve</span>, Professor of Greek in the Johns Hopkins
+University. 8vo. 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> (Quarterly.)</p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>PHRYNICHUS.</b></span>&mdash;THE NEW PHRYNICHUS. Being a Revised Text of <i>The Ecloga</i>
+of the Grammarian <i>Phrynichus</i>. With Introductions and Commentary. By
+<span class="smcap">W. Gunion Rutherford</span>, M.A., LL.D. of Balliol College, Head Master of
+Westminster School. 8vo. 18<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ROBY (H.J.)</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">Henry John Roby</span>, M.A., late Fellow of St. John's
+College, Cambridge.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">A GRAMMAR OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE, FROM PLAUTUS TO SUETONIUS.
+In Two Parts. Second Edition. Part I. containing:&mdash;Book I.
+Sounds. Book II. Inflexions. Book III. Word Formation.
+Appendices. Crown 8vo. 8<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> Part II.&mdash;Syntax,
+Prepositions, &amp;c. Crown 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">A LATIN GRAMMAR FOR SCHOOLS. Crown 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SCHAFF.</b></span>&mdash;THE GREEK TESTAMENT AND THE ENGLISH VERSION, A COMPANION TO.
+By <span class="smcap">Philip Schaff</span>, D.D., President of the American Committee of
+Revision. With Facsimile Illustrations of MSS. and Standard Editions
+of the New Testament. Crown 8vo. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SCHMIDT.</b></span>&mdash;THE RHYTHMIC AND METRIC OF THE CLASSICAL LANGUAGES. To which
+are added, the Lyric Parts of the "Medea" of Euripides and the
+"Antigone" of Sophocles; with Rhythmical Scheme and Commentary. By Dr.
+<span class="smcap">J.H. Schmidt</span>. Translated from the German by <span class="smcap">J.W. White</span>, D.D. 8vo.
+10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TAYLOR.</b></span>&mdash;Works by the Rev. <span class="smcap">Isaac Taylor</span>, M.A.:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">ETRUSCAN RESEARCHES. With Woodcuts. 8vo. 14<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">WORDS AND PLACES; or, Etymological Illustrations of History,
+Ethnology and Geography. By the Rev. <span class="smcap">Isaac Taylor</span>. Third
+Edition, revised and compressed. With Maps. Globe 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">GREEKS AND GOTHS: a Study on the Runes. 8vo. 9<i>s.</i></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TRENCH.</b></span>&mdash;Works by <span class="smcap">R. Chenevix Trench</span>, D.D. (For other Works by the
+same Author, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap">Theological Catalogue</span>.)</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. Ninth Edition, enlarged. 8vo.
+cloth. 12<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">ON THE STUDY OF WORDS. Lectures Addressed (originally) to
+the Pupils at the Diocesan Training School, Winchester.
+Eighteenth Edition, enlarged. Fcap. 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">ENGLISH PAST AND PRESENT. Eleventh Edition, revised and
+improved. Fcap. 8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang">A SELECT GLOSSARY OF ENGLISH WORDS USED FORMERLY IN SENSES
+DIFFERENT FROM THEIR PRESENT. Fifth Edition, enlarged. Fcap.
+8vo. 5<i>s.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_29" id="Page_A_29">-A29-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>VINCENT AND DICKSON.</b></span>&mdash;A HANDBOOK TO MODERN GREEK. By <span class="smcap">Edgar Vincent</span>,
+M.A., and <span class="smcap">T.G. Dickson</span>. Second Edition revised and enlarged. With an
+Appendix on the Relation of Modern Greek to Classical Greek. By
+Professor <span class="smcap">R.C. Jebb</span>. Crown 8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WHITNEY.</b></span>&mdash;A COMPENDIOUS GERMAN GRAMMAR. By <span class="smcap">W.D. Whitney</span>, Professor of
+Sanskrit and Instructor in Modern Languages in Yale College. Crown
+8vo. 6<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WHITNEY AND EDGREN.</b></span>&mdash;A COMPENDIOUS GERMAN AND ENGLISH DICTIONARY, with
+Notation of Correspondences and Brief Etymologies. By Professor <span class="smcap">W.D.
+Whitney</span>, assisted by <span class="smcap">A.H. Edgren</span>. Crown 8vo. 7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class="hang">The GERMAN-ENGLISH Part may be had separately. Price 5<i>s.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>WRIGHT (ALDIS).</b></span>&mdash;THE BIBLE WORD-BOOK: a Glossary of Archaic Words and
+Phrases in the Authorised Version of the Bible and the Book of Common
+Prayer. By <span class="smcap">W. Aldis Wright</span>, M.A., Fellow and Bursar of Trinity
+College, Cambridge. Second Edition, revised and enlarged. Crown 8vo.
+7<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ZECHARIAH.</b></span>&mdash;THE HEBREW STUDENT'S COMMENTARY ON HEBREW AND LXX. With
+Excursus on Several Grammatical Subjects. By <span class="smcap">W.H. Lowe</span>, M.A., Hebrew
+Lecturer at Christ's College, Cambridge. Demy 8vo. 10<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p>
+
+
+
+<hr class="med" />
+
+<h2>THE GOLDEN TREASURY SERIES.</h2>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Uniformly</span> printed in 18mo., with Vignette Titles by <span class="smcap">J.E. Millais</span>, <span class="smcap">T.
+Woolner</span>, <span class="smcap">W. Holman Hunt</span>, <span class="smcap">Sir Noel Paton</span>, <span class="smcap">Arthur Hughes</span>, &amp;c. Engraved
+on Steel by <span class="smcap">Jeens</span>. Bound in extra cloth, 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> each volume.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"Messrs. Macmillan have, in their Golden Treasury Series,
+especially provided editions of standard works, volumes of
+selected poetry, and original compositions, which entitle
+this series to be called classical. Nothing can be better
+than the literary execution, nothing more elegant than the
+material workmanship."&mdash;<span class="smcap">British Quarterly Review.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE GOLDEN TREASURY OF THE BEST SONGS AND LYRICAL POEMS IN THE ENGLISH
+LANGUAGE.</b></span> Selected and arranged, with Notes, by <span class="smcap">Francis Turner
+Palgrave</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE CHILDREN&#8217;S GARLAND FROM THE BEST POETS.</b></span> Selected and arranged by
+<span class="smcap">Coventry Patmore</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE BOOK OF PRAISE.</b></span> From the best English Hymn Writers. Selected and
+arranged by the Right Hon. the <span class="smcap">Earl of Selborne</span>. <i>A New and Enlarged
+Edition.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE FAIRY BOOK;</b></span> the Best Popular Fairy Stories. Selected and rendered
+anew by the Author of "<span class="smcap">John Halifax, Gentleman</span>."</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"A delightful selection, in a delightful external form; full
+of the physical splendour and vast opulence of proper fairy
+tales."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Spectator.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE BALLAD BOOK.</b></span> A Selection of the Choicest British Ballads. Edited
+by <span class="smcap">William Allingham</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE JEST BOOK.</b></span> The Choicest Anecdotes and Sayings. Selected and
+arranged by <span class="smcap">Mark Lemon</span>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"The fullest and best jest book that has yet
+appeared."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Saturday Review.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_30" id="Page_A_30">-A30-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>BACON&#8217;S ESSAYS AND COLOURS OF GOOD AND EVIL.</b></span> With Notes and Glossarial
+Index. By <span class="smcap">W. Aldis Wright</span>, M.A.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"The beautiful little edition of Bacon's Essays, now before
+us, does credit to the taste and scholarship of Mr. Aldis
+Wright."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Spectator.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE PILGRIM&#8217;S PROGRESS</b></span> from this World to that which is to come. By
+<span class="smcap">John Bunyan</span>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"A beautiful and scholarly reprint."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Spectator.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE SUNDAY BOOK OF POETRY FOR THE YOUNG.</b></span> Selected and arranged by <span class="smcap">C.F.
+Alexander</span>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"A well-selected volume of sacred poetry."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Spectator.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>A BOOK OF GOLDEN DEEDS</b></span> of All Times and All Countries. Gathered and
+Narrated Anew. By the Author of "<span class="smcap">The Heir of Redclyffe</span>."</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"... To the young, for whom it is especially intended, as a
+most interesting collection of thrilling tales well told;
+and to their elders as a useful handbook of reference, and a
+pleasant one to take up when their wish is to while away a
+weary half-hour. We have seen no prettier gift-book for a
+long time."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Athenæum.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE ADVENTURES OF ROBINSON CRUSOE.</b></span> Edited, from the Original Edition,
+by <span class="smcap">J.W. Clark</span>, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO,</b></span> <span class="smcap">Translated into English</span>, with Notes by <span class="smcap">J. Ll.
+Davies</span>, M.A., and <span class="smcap">D.J. Vaughan</span>, M.A.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"A dainty and cheap little edition."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Examiner.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE SONG BOOK.</b></span> Words and tunes from the best Poets and Musicians.
+Selected and arranged by <span class="smcap">John Hullah</span>, late Professor of Vocal Music in
+King's College, London.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"A choice collection of the sterling songs of England,
+Scotland, and Ireland, with the music of each prefixed to
+the words. How much true wholesome pleasure such a book can
+diffuse, and will diffuse, we trust, through many thousand
+families."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Examiner.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LA LYRE FRANÇAISE.</b></span> Selected and arranged, with Notes, by <span class="smcap">Gustave
+Masson</span>, French Master in Harrow School.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"We doubt whether even in France itself so interesting and
+complete a repertory of the best French Lyrics could be
+found."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Notes and Queries.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>TOM BROWN&#8217;S SCHOOL DAYS.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">an Old Boy</span>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"A perfect gem of a book. The best and most healthy book
+about boys for boys that ever was written."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Illustrated
+Times.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>A BOOK OF WORTHIES.</b></span> Gathered from the Old Histories and written anew
+by the Author of "<span class="smcap">The Heir of Redclyffe</span>."</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"An admirable addition to an admirable series."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Westminster
+Review.</span></p></div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>GUESSES AT TRUTH.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Two Brothers</span>. <i>New Edition.</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE CAVALIER AND HIS LADY.</b></span> Selections from the Works of the First Duke
+and Duchess of Newcastle. With an Introductory Essay by <span class="smcap">Edward
+Jenkins</span>, Author of "Ginx's Baby," &amp;c.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"A charming little volume."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Standard.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SCOTCH SONG.</b></span> A Selection of the Choicest Lyrics of Scotland. Compiled
+and arranged, with brief Notes, by <span class="smcap">Mary Carlyle Aitkin</span>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"The book is one that should find a place in every library,
+we had almost said in every pocket."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Spectator.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>DEUTSCHE LYRIK:</b></span> The Golden Treasury of the best German Lyrical Poems.
+Selected and arranged, with Notes and Literary Introduction, by Dr.
+<span class="smcap">Buchheim</span>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"A book which all lovers of German poetry will
+welcome."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Westminster Review.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_31" id="Page_A_31">-A31-</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>HERRICK:</b></span> Selections from the Lyrical Poems. Arranged, with Notes, by
+<span class="smcap">F.T. Palgrave</span>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"For the first time the sweetest of English pastoral poets
+is placed within the range of the great world of
+readers."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Academy.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>POEMS OF PLACES.</b></span> Edited by <span class="smcap">H.W. Longfellow</span>. England and Wales. Two
+Vols.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"A very happy idea, thoroughly worked out by an editor who
+possesses every qualification for the task."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Spectator.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>MATTHEW ARNOLD&#8217;S SELECTED POEMS.</b></span></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"A volume which is a thing of beauty in itself."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Pall Mall
+Gazette.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE STORY OF THE CHRISTIANS AND MOORS IN SPAIN.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">C.M. Yonge</span>, Author
+of the "Heir of Redclyffe." With Vignette by <span class="smcap">Holman Hunt</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CHARLES LAMB&#8217;S TALES FROM SHAKESPEARE.</b></span> Edited by the Rev. <span class="smcap">A. Ainger</span>,
+M.A., Reader at the Temple.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>POEMS OF WORDSWORTH.</b></span> Chosen and Edited, with Preface by <span class="smcap">Matthew
+Arnold</span>. (Also a Large Paper Edition. Crown 8vo. 9<i>s.</i>)</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"A volume, every page of which is weighted with the golden
+fruit of poetry."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Pall Mall Gazette.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SHAKESPEARE&#8217;S SONNETS.</b></span> Edited by <span class="smcap">F.T. Palgrave</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>POEMS FROM SHELLEY.</b></span> Selected and arranged by <span class="smcap">Stopford A. Brooke</span>, M.A.
+(Also a Large Paper Edition. Crown 8vo. 12<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i>)</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"Full of power and true appreciation of
+Shelley."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Spectator.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>ESSAYS OF JOSEPH ADDISON.</b></span> Chosen and Edited by <span class="smcap">John Richard Green</span>,
+M.A., LL.D.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"This is a most welcome addition to a most excellent
+series."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Examiner.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>POETRY OF BYRON.</b></span> Chosen and arranged by <span class="smcap">Matthew Arnold</span>. (Also a Large
+Paper Edition, Crown 8vo.) 9<i>s.</i></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"It is written in Mr. Arnold's neatest vein, and in Mr.
+Arnold's most pellucid manner."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Athenæum.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR.</b></span>&mdash;Arranged and
+Edited by Professor <span class="smcap">Sidney Colvin</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SIR THOMAS BROWNE&#8217;S RELIGIO MEDICI;</b></span> Letter to a Friend, &amp;c., and
+Christian Morals. Edited by <span class="smcap">W.A. Greenhill</span>, M.D.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>"Dr. Greenhill's annotations display care and research to a
+degree rare among English editors. The bibliographical
+details furnished leave nothing to be desired."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Athenæum.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE SPEECHES AND TABLE-TALK OF THE PROPHET MOHAMMAD.</b></span>&mdash;Chosen and
+Translated, with an Introduction and Notes, by <span class="smcap">Stanley Lane-Poole</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>SELECTIONS FROM COWPER&#8217;S POEMS.</b></span>&mdash;With an Introduction by Mrs.
+<span class="smcap">Oliphant</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LETTERS OF WILLIAM COWPER.</b></span>&mdash;Edited, with Introduction. By the Rev. <span class="smcap">W.
+Benham</span>, B.D., Editor of the "Globe Edition" of Cowper's Poetical
+Works.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE POETICAL WORKS OF JOHN KEATS.</b></span>&mdash;Reprinted from the Original
+Editions, with Notes. By <span class="smcap">Francis Turner Palgrave</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LYRICAL POEMS.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Alfred, Lord Tennyson</span>. Selected and Annotated. By
+<span class="smcap">Francis Turner Palgrave</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="center">&#8258; <i>Other Volumes to follow.</i></p>
+
+
+
+<hr class="med" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_A_32" id="Page_A_32">-A32-</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p class="center"><i>Now Publishing, in Crown 8vo. Price 3s. 6d. each.</i></p>
+
+<h2><i><b>The English Citizen.</b></i></h2>
+
+<h3>A SERIES OF SHORT BOOKS ON HIS RIGHTS AND<br />
+RESPONSIBILITIES.</h3>
+
+<h3><span class="smcap">Edited by</span> HENRY CRAIK, M.A. (<span class="smcap">Oxon.</span>); LL.D. (<span class="smcap">Glasgow</span>).</h3>
+
+<p>This series is intended to meet the demand for accessible information
+on the ordinary conditions, and the current terms, of our political
+life. Ignorance of these not only takes from the study of history the
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+
+<p class="center"><i>The following Volumes are ready:&mdash;</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>CENTRAL GOVERNMENT.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">H.D. Traill</span>, D.C.L., late Fellow of St. John's
+College, Oxford.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE ELECTORATE AND THE LEGISLATURE.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Spencer Walpole</span>, Author of "The
+History of England from 1815."</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE NATIONAL BUDGET; THE NATIONAL DEBT;</b></span> TAXES AND RATES. By <span class="smcap">A.J.
+Wilson</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE POOR LAW.</b></span> By Rev. <span class="smcap">T.W. Fowle</span>, M.A.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE STATE AND ITS RELATION TO TRADE.</b></span> By Sir <span class="smcap">T.H. Farrer</span>, Bart.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE STATE IN RELATION TO LABOUR.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">W. Stanley Jevons</span>, LL.D., F.R.S.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE STATE AND THE CHURCH.</b></span> By the Hon. <span class="smcap">A. Arthur Elliott</span>, M.P.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>FOREIGN RELATIONS.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Spencer Walpole</span>, Author of "The History of
+England from 1815."</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>LOCAL GOVERNMENT.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">M.D. Chalmers</span>, M.A.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE STATE IN ITS RELATION TO EDUCATION.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Henry Craik</span>, M.A., LL.D.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE LAND LAWS.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Frederick Pollock</span>, M.A., late Fellow of Trinity
+College, Cambridge, Corpus Christi Professor of Jurisprudence in the
+University of Oxford.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES.</b></span>&mdash;I. INDIA. By <span class="smcap">J.S. Cotton</span>, M.A., late
+Fellow of Queen's College, Oxford. II. THE COLONIES. By <span class="smcap">E.J. Payne</span>,
+M.A., Fellow of University College, Oxford.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>JUSTICE AND POLICE.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">F.W. Maitland</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="center"><i>In Preparation:&mdash;</i></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE PENAL SYSTEM.</b></span> By Sir <span class="smcap">Edmund Du Cane</span>, K.C.B.</p>
+
+<p class="hang"><span class="lg"><b>THE NATIONAL DEFENCES.</b></span> By Lieut.-Colonel <span class="smcap">Maurice</span>, R.A.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="med" />
+
+<p class="center"><span class="sm">LONDON: RICHARD CLAY AND SONS, PRINTERS.</span></p>
+
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="FOOTNOTES" id="FOOTNOTES"></a>FOOTNOTES</h2>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> <i>Dante's Divine Comedy, the Inferno; a literal Prose
+Translation, with the Text of the Original.</i> By <span class="smcap">J.A. Carlyle, M.D.</span>,
+London: 1849. I have never quite forgiven myself for not having said
+more of the unpretending but honest and most useful volume which stood
+at the head of this essay when it first appeared as an article. It was
+placed there, according to what was then a custom of article writers,
+as a peg to hang remarks upon which might or might not be criticisms
+of the particular book so noticed. It did not offer itself specially
+to my use, and my attention was busy with my own work. But this was no
+excuse for availing myself of a good book, and not giving it the
+notice which it deserved. To an English student beginning Dante, and
+wishing to study him in a scholarly manner, it is really more useful
+than a verse translation can be; and I have always greatly regretted
+that the plan of translating the whole work was dropped for want of
+the appreciation which the first instalment ought to have had.
+(1878.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> May, 1265. (Pelli.) Benevento: Feb. 26, 1265/6. The
+Florentine year began March 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Maghinardo da Susinana (<i>il Demonio</i>, Purg. 14) fu uno
+grande e savio tiranno ... gran castellano, e con molti fedeli: savio
+fu di guerra e bene avventuroso in più battaglie, e al suo tempo fece
+gran cose. Ghibellino era di sua nazione e in sue opere; ma co'
+Fiorentini era Guelfo e nimico di tutti i loro nimici, o Guelfi o
+Ghibellini che fossono."&mdash;G. Vill. vii. 149. A Ghibelline by birth and
+disposition; yet, from circumstances, a close ally of the Guelfs of
+Florence.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> G. Villani, vi. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> G. Villani, vi. 33, 43; <i>Parad.</i> 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> G. Villani, vi. 33, iv. 10; <i>Inf.</i> 19; <i>Parad.</i> 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> G. Villani, vi. 39, 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> G. Villani, vi. 33, viii. 26; Vasari, <i>Arnolfo di Lapo</i>,
+i. 255 (Fir. 1846).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Dino Compagni</i>, p. 88.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Dino Compagni</i>, p. 107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Giotto painted in it: Vasari, <i>Vit. di Giotto</i>, p. 314.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> G. Villani, vii. 2, 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vii. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> G. Villani, vii. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> <i>Campaldino</i>, in 1289. G. Vill. vii. 131; <i>Dino Comp.</i>
+p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>Dino Comp.</i> pp. 32, 75, 94, 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> G. Vill. viii. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> <i>Dino Compagni</i>, pp. 32, 34, 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> See the curious letters of <i>John de Monte Corvino</i>,
+about his mission in Cathay, 1289-1305, in Wadding, vi. 69.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>E.g.</i> the <i>Mozzi</i>, of Greg. X.; <i>Peruzzi</i>, of Philip le
+Bel; <i>Spini</i>, of Boniface VIII.; <i>Cerchi del Garbo</i>, of Benedict XI.
+(G. Vill. vii. 42, viii. 63, 71; <i>Dino Comp.</i> p. 35).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Florence, confined within that ancient wall,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Whence still the chimes at noon and evening sound,</span><br />
+Was sober, modest, and at peace with all.<br />
+Myself have seen Bellincion Berti pace<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The street in leathern belt; his lady come</span><br />
+Forth from her toilet with unpainted face.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><br />
+Oh happy wives! each soon to lay her head<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In her own tomb; and no one yet compelled</span><br />
+To weep deserted in a lonely bed.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><br />
+To such pure life of beauty and repose&mdash;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Such faithful citizens&mdash;such happy men&mdash;</span><br />
+The virgin gave me, when my mother's throes<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Forced her with cries to call on Mary's name.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> G. Vill. vi. 69 (1259).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> G. Vill. vii. 89 (1283).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> <i>Vide</i> the opening of the <i>De Monarchia</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> The Bargello, a prison (1850); a museum (1878). <i>V.</i>
+Vasari, p. 311.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> He died in 1294. G. Vill. viii. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>Purgat.</i> c. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> c. 24.
+</p>
+<p class="center">
+My sister, good and beautiful&mdash;which most I know not.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Parad.</i> c. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> <i>Purg.</i> c. 24, 82-87.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> In 1300. G. Villani, viii. 38, 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>Dino Comp.</i> p. 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> <i>Inf.</i> c. 3, 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Pelli, <i>Memorie per servire alla vita di Dante.</i> Fir.
+1823, pp. 105, 106.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> See Dr. Barlow's <i>Sixth Centenary Festivals of Dante</i>.
+(1866.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> These notices have been carefully collected by <i>Pelli</i>,
+who seems to have left little to glean (<i>Memorie</i>, &amp;c. Ed. 2<span class="super">da</span>,
+1823). A few additions have been made by <i>Gerini</i> (<i>Mem. Stor. della
+Lunigiana</i>), and <i>Troya</i> (<i>Veltro Allegorico</i>), but they are not of
+much importance. <i>Arrivabene</i> (<i>Secolo di Dante</i>) has brought together
+a mass of illustration which is very useful, and would be more so, if
+he were more careful, and quoted his authorities. <i>Balbo</i> arranges
+these materials with sense and good feeling; though, as a writer, he
+is below his subject. A few traits and anecdotes may be found in the
+novelists&mdash;as Sacchetti.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 7em;">A death-like shade&mdash;</span><br />
+Like that beneath black boughs and foliage green<br />
+O'er the cool streams in Alpine glens display'd.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+O'er all the sandy desert falling slow,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Were shower'd dilated flakes of fire, like snow</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">On Alpine summits, when the wind is low.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <i>Inf.</i> 31, 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> 17, 16, 31; <i>Purg.</i> 24; <i>Par.</i> 2; <i>Inf.</i> 22;
+<i>Purg.</i> 30; <i>Par.</i> 25; <i>Inf.</i> 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>Purg.</i> 8. "Era già l'ora," &amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <i>Purg.</i> 19, 27, 1, 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+By ocean's shore we still prolonged our stay<br />
+Like men, who, thinking of a journey near,<br />
+Advance in thought, while yet their limbs delay.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+And like a pilgrim who with fond delight<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Surveys the temple he has vow'd to see,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And hopes one day its wonders to recite.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Like one who, from Croatia come to see<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Our Veronica (image long adored),</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gazes, as though content he ne'er could be&mdash;</span><br />
+Thus musing, while the relic is pourtray'd&mdash;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">"Jesus my God, my Saviour and my Lord,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">O were thy features these I see display'd?"&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>Quella imagine benedetta la quale Gesù Cristo lasciò a noi
+per esempio della sua bellissima figura.&mdash;<i>Vita Nuova</i>, p.
+353.</p>
+<p>He speaks of the pilgrims going to Rome to see it; compare also the
+sonnet to the pilgrims, p. 355:</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Deh peregrini, che pensosi andate<br />
+Forse di cosa, che non v'è presente,<br />
+Venite voi di sì lontana gente,<br />
+Com'alla vista voi ne dimostrate.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> <i>Vita Nuova</i>, last paragraph. See <i>Purg.</i> 30; <i>Parad.</i>
+30, 6, 28-33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> See <i>Convito</i>, 1, 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>Vide</i> Ozanam, <i>Dante</i>, pp. 535, <i>sqq.</i> Ed.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+O ye who fain would listen to my song,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Following in little bark full eagerly</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">My venturous ship, that chanting hies along,</span><br />
+<br />
+Turn back unto your native shores again;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tempt not the deep, lest haply losing me,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In unknown paths bewildered ye remain.</span><br />
+<br />
+I am the first this voyage to essay;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Minerva breathes&mdash;Apollo is my guide;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And new-born muses do the Bears display.</span><br />
+<br />
+Ye other few, who have look'd up on high<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">For angels' food betimes, e'en here supplied</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Largely, but not enough to satisfy,&mdash;</span><br />
+<br />
+Mid the deep ocean ye your course may take,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">My track pursuing the pure waters through,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ere reunites the quickly-closing wake.</span><br />
+<br />
+Those glorious ones, who drove of yore their prow<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">To Colchos, wonder'd not as ye will do,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">When they saw Jason working at the plough.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 12em;"><span class="smcap">Wright's</span> <i>Dante</i>.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Convito</i>, 1, 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+For now so rarely Poet gathers these,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Or Cæsar, winning an immortal praise</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(Shame unto man's degraded energies),</span><br />
+That joy should to the Delphic God arise<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">When haply any one aspires to gain</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The high reward of the Peneian prize.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Brunetto Latini's Prophecy, <i>Inf.</i> 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> See the grand ending of <i>Purg.</i> 27.
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tratto t'ho qui con ingegno e con arte;</span><br />
+Lo tuo piacere omai prendi per duce:<br />
+Fuor se' dell'erte vie, fuor se' dell'arte.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Vedi il sole che 'n fronte ti riluce.</span><br />
+Vede l'erbetta, i fiori, e gli arboscelli<br />
+Che questa terra sol da sè produce.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Mentre che vegnon lieti gli occhi belli</span><br />
+Che lagrimando a te venir mi fenno,<br />
+Seder ti puoi e puoi andar tra elli.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Non aspettar mio dir più nè mio cenno;</span><br />
+Libero, dritto, sano è tuo arbitrio,<br />
+E fallo fora non fare a suo senno:<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Perch'io te sopra te corono e mitrio.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> <i>Purg.</i> c. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Ceased had the voice&mdash;when in composed array<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Four mighty shades approaching I survey'd;&mdash;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nor joy, nor sorrow did their looks betray.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><br />
+Assembled thus, was offered to my sight<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The school of him, the Prince of poetry,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Who, eagle-like, o'er others takes his flight.</span><br />
+When they together had conversed awhile,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">They turned to me with salutation bland,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Which from my master drew a friendly smile:</span><br />
+And greater glory still they bade me share,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Making me join their honourable band&mdash;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The sixth united to such genius rare.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> "Dante che tutto vedea."&mdash;<i>Sacchetti</i>, Nov. 114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>Purg.</i> 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">La luce in che rideva il mio tesoro</span><br />
+Ch'io trovai lì, si fe' prima corrusca,<br />
+Quale a raggio di sole specchio d'oro;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Indi rispose: coscienza fusca</span><br />
+O della propria o dell'altrui vergogna<br />
+Pur sentirà la tua parola brusca;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ma nondimen, rimossa ogni menzogna,</span><br />
+Tutta tua vision fa manifesta,<br />
+E lascia pur grattar dov'è la rogna:<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che se la voce tua sarà molesta</span><br />
+Nel primo gusto, vital nutrimento<br />
+Lascerà poi quando sarà digesta.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Questo tuo grido farà come vento</span><br />
+Che le più alte cime più percuote:<br />
+E ciò non fia d'onor poco argomento.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Però ti son mostrate, in queste ruote,</span><br />
+Nel monte, e nella valle dolorosa,<br />
+Pur l'anime che son di fama note.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che l'animo di quel ch'ode non posa,</span><br />
+Nè ferma fede, per esemplo ch'aja<br />
+La sua radice incognito e nascosa,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nè per altro argumento che non paja.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 17.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Non creda Monna Berta e Ser Martino<br />
+Per vedere un furare, altro offerere,<br />
+Vederli dentro al consiglio divino:<br />
+Chè quel può surger, e quel può cadere.&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i> 13.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> <i>Inf.</i> 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Che in la mente m'è fitta, ed or m'accuora,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>La cara buona imagine paterna.</i>&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 15.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Charles of Anjou, his Guelf conqueror, is placed above
+him, in the valley of the kings (<i>Purg.</i> 7), "Colui dal maschio
+naso"&mdash;notwithstanding the charges afterwards made against him
+(<i>Purg.</i> 20).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> See the magnificent picture, <i>Inf.</i> 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Cunizza, Piccarda, Cacciaguida, Roméo. (<i>Parad.</i> 9, 3,
+15, 6, 10.)
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+&mdash;&mdash;La luce eterna di Sigieri<br />
+Che leggendo nel vico degli Strami<br />
+Sillogizzò invidiosi veri&mdash;&mdash;<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>in company with S. Thomas Aquinas, in the sphere of the Sun. Ozanam
+gives a few particulars of this forgotten professor of the "Rue du
+Fouarre," pp. 320-23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Vincendo me col lume d'un sorriso.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> For instance, his feeling of distress at gazing at the
+blind, who were not aware of his presence&mdash;
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+A me pareva andando fare oltraggio<br />
+Vedendo altrui, non essendo veduto:&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 13.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>and of shame, at being tempted to listen to a quarrel between two lost
+spirits:</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ad ascoltarli er'io del tutto fisso,</span><br />
+Quando 'l Maestro mi disse: or pur mira,<br />
+Che per poco è, che teco non mi risso.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quando io 'l senti' a me parlar con ira</span><br />
+Volsimi verso lui con tal vergogna,<br />
+Ch'ancor per la memoria mi si gira, &amp;c.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 30.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>and the burst,</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">O dignitosa coscienza e netta,</span><br />
+Come t'è picciol fallo amaro morso.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 3.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> <i>Parad.</i> 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> <i>Purg.</i> 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> <i>Parad.</i> 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> <i>Convito</i>, Tr. 2, c. 14, 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> In the <i>Remains of Arthur Henry Hallam</i> is a paper, in
+which he examines and disposes of this theory with a courteous and
+forbearing irony, which would have deepened probably into something
+more, on thinking over it a second time.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> <i>Dino Comp.</i> pp. 89-91.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> His name appears among the White delegates in 1307.
+Pelli, p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> <i>Parad.</i> 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Benvenuto da Imola.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Veggio in Alagna entrar lo fiordaliso,<br />
+E nel vicario suo Cristo esser catto;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Veggiolo un'altra volta esser deriso;</span><br />
+Veggio rinnovellar l'aceto e 'l fele,<br />
+E tra vivi ladroni essere anciso.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 20.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>G. Villani, viii. 63. Come magnanimo e valente, disse, <i>Dacchè per
+tradimento, come Gesù Cristo, voglio esser preso e mi conviene morire,
+almeno voglio morire come Papa</i>; e di presente si fece parare
+dell'ammanto di S. Piero, e colla corona di Constantino in capo, e
+colle chiavi e croce in mano, e in su la sedia papale si pose a
+sedere, e giunto a lui Sciarra e gli altri suoi nimici; con villane
+parole lo scherniro.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> <i>Dino Compagni</i>, p. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> <i>De Monarch.</i> lib. iii. p. 188, Ed. Fraticelli.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> <i>Parad.</i> c. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> <i>De Monarch.</i> lib. ii. pp. 62, 66, 78, 82, 84, 108-114,
+116, 72-76.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<i>Litera</i> gesta refert, quid credas <i>allegoria</i>,<br />
+<i>Moralis</i> quid agas, quid speres <i>anagogia</i>.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 8em;">De Witte's note from <i>Buti</i>.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Ep. ad <i>Kan Grand.</i> § 6, 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> <i>Convito</i>, Tr. 2, c. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 5em;">When we had run</span><br />
+O'er all the ladder to its topmost round,<br />
+As there we stood, on me the Mantuan fix'd<br />
+His eyes, and thus he spake: "Both fires, my son,<br />
+The temporal and the eternal, thou hast seen:<br />
+And art arrived, where of itself my ken<br />
+No further reaches. I with skill and art,<br />
+Thus far have drawn thee. Now thy pleasure take<br />
+For guide. Thou hast o'ercome the steeper way,<br />
+O'ercome the straiter. Lo! the sun, that darts<br />
+His beam upon thy forehead: lo! the herb,<br />
+The arborets and flowers, which of itself<br />
+This land pours forth profuse. Till those bright eyes<br />
+With gladness come, which, weeping, made me haste<br />
+To succour thee, thou mayest or seat thee down,<br />
+Or wander where thou wilt. Expect no more<br />
+Sanction of warning voice or sign from me,<br />
+Free of thine own arbitrement to choose,<br />
+Discreet, judicious. To distrust thy sense<br />
+Were henceforth error. I invest thee then<br />
+With crown and mitre, sovereign o'er thyself."<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 9em;"><i>Purg.</i> c. 27&mdash;<span class="smcap">Cary.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sempre a quel ver, ch'ha faccia di menzogna,</span><br />
+De' l'uom chiuder le labbra, quanto puote,<br />
+Però che senza colpa fa vergogna.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ma qui tacer nol posso; e per le note</span><br />
+Di questa <i>Commedia</i>, lettor, ti giuro<br />
+S'elle non sien di lunga grazia vote, &amp;c.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 16.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> <i>Inf.</i> 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> <i>Convito</i>, Tr. 3, c. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> "O tu ch'onori ogni scienza ed arte."&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 4. "Quel
+savio gentil che tutto seppe."&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 7. "Il mar di tutto 'l
+senno."&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> <i>De Monarchia.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Newman's <i>Arians</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Trench, Sacred Latin Poetry, 1849.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Hallam's <i>Middle Ages</i>, c. ix. vol. iii. p. 563.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> <i>Parad.</i> 3, 12, 17. <i>Convit.</i> p. 108. "A più
+<i>Latinamente</i> vedere la sentenza letterale."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> <i>Vid.</i> the <i>De Monarchia</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>Inf.</i> 10, and compare the <i>Vit. N.</i> p. 334, ed.
+Fraticelli.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> <i>Convito</i>, i. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Ep. ad Kan Grand. §9,&mdash;a curious specimen of the
+learning of the time: "Sciendum est, quod <i>Com&#339;dia</i> dicitur a
+<span lang="el" title="Greek: kômê">&#954;&#969;&#956;&#951;</span>, <i>villa</i> et <span lang="el" title="Greek: ôdê">&#969;&#948;&#951;</span>, quod est <i>cantus</i>, unde
+<i>Com&#339;dia</i> quasi <i>villanus cantus</i>. Et est <i>Com&#339;dia genus quoddam
+poeticæ narrationis</i>, ab omnibus aliis differens. Differt ergo a
+Trag&#339;dia in materia per hoc, quod Trag&#339;dia in principio est
+admirabilis et quieta, in fine f&#339;tida et horribilis; et dicitur
+propter hoc a <span lang="el" title="Greek: tragos">&#964;&#961;&#945;&#947;&#959;&#962;</span>, i.e. <i>hircus</i>, et <span lang="el" title="Greek: ôdê">&#969;&#948;&#951;</span>, quasi
+<i>cantus hircinus</i>, i.e. f&#339;tidus ad modum hirci, ut patet per
+Senecam in suis trag&#339;diis. <i>Com&#339;dia</i> vero inchoat asperitatem
+alicujus rei, sed ejus materia prospere terminatur, ut patet per
+Terentium in suis <i>Com&#339;diis</i>.... Similiter differunt in modo
+loquendi; elate et sublime Trag&#339;dia, <i>Com&#339;dia</i> vero remisse et
+humiliter sicut vult Horat. in Poët.... Et per hoc patet, quod
+<i>Com&#339;dia</i> diciter præsens opus. Nam si ad materiam respiciamus, a
+principio horribilis et f&#339;tida est, quia <i>Infernus</i>: in fine
+prospera, desiderabilis et grata, quia <i>Paradisus</i>. Si ad modum
+loquendi, remissus est modus et humilis, quia locutio Vulgaris, in qua
+et mulierculæ communicant. Et sic patet quia <i>Com&#339;dia</i> dicitur."
+Cf. de Vulg. Eloq. 2, 4, <i>Parad.</i> 30. He calls the Æneid, "<i>l'alta
+Tragedia</i>," <i>Inf.</i> 20, 113. Compare also Boccaccio's explanation of
+his mother's dream of the <i>peacock</i>. Dante, he says, is like the
+Peacock, among other reasons, "because the peacock has coarse feet,
+and a quiet gait;" and "the vulgar language, on which the <i>Commedia</i>
+supports itself, is coarse in comparison with the high and masterly
+literary style which every other poet uses, though it be more
+beautiful than others, being in conformity with modern minds. The
+quiet gait signifies the humility of the style, which is necessarily
+required in <i>Commedia</i>, as those know who understand what is meant by
+<i>Commedia</i>."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> <i>Convito</i>, i. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> <i>Convito</i>, i. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> G. Villani was at Rome in the year of jubilee 1300, and
+describes the great concourse and order of the pilgrims, whom he
+reckons at 200,000, in the course of the year. "And I," he proceeds,
+"finding myself in that blessed pilgrimage in the holy city of Rome,
+seeing the great and ancient things of the same, and reading the
+histories of the great deeds of the Romans, written by Virgil, and by
+Sallust, and Lucan, and Titus Livius, and Valerius, and Paulus
+Orosius, and other masters of histories, who wrote as well of the
+smaller matters as of the greater, concerning the exploits and deeds
+of the Romans; and further, of the strange things of the whole world,
+for memory and example's sake to those who should come after&mdash;I, too,
+took their style and fashion, albeit that, as their scholar, I be not
+worthy to execute such a work. But, considering that our city of
+Florence, the daughter and creation of Rome, was in its rising, and on
+the eve of achieving great things, as Rome was in its decline, it
+seemed to me convenient to bring into this volume and new chronicle
+all the deeds and beginnings of the city of Florence, so far as I have
+been able to gather and recover them; and for the future, to follow at
+large the doings of the Florentines, and the other notable things of
+the world briefly, as long as it may be God's pleasure; under which
+hope, rather by his grace than by my poor science, I entered on this
+enterprise: and so, in the year 1300, being returned from Rome, I
+began to compile this book, in reverence towards God and St. John, and
+commendation of our city of Florence."&mdash;<i>G. Vill.</i> viii. 36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> <i>Sacchetti</i>, Nov. 114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> <i>Vide</i> Ozanam.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+"Insensate he, who thinks with mortal ken<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">To pierce Infinitude, which doth enfold</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Three Persons in one Substance. Seek not then,</span><br />
+O mortal race, for reasons&mdash;but believe,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And be contented; for had all been seen,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">No need there was for Mary to conceive.</span><br />
+Men have ye known, who thus desired in vain;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And whose desires, that might at rest have been,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Now constitute a source of endless pain;</span><br />
+Plato, the Stagirite; and many more,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I here allude to;"&mdash;then his head he bent,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Was silent, and a troubled aspect wore.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> See an article in the <i>Brit. Critic</i>, No. 65, p. 120.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> See the form of benediction of the "Rosa d'oro."
+<i>Rituum Ecclesiæ Rom. Libri Tres.</i> fol. xxxv. Venet. 1516. Form of
+giving: "Accipe rosam de manibus nostris ... per quam designatus
+gaudium utriusque Hierusalem triumphantis scilicet et militantis
+ecclesiæ per quam omnibus Christi fidelibus manifestatur flos ipse
+pretiosissimus qui est gaudium et corona sanctorum omnium." He alludes
+to it in the <i>Convito</i>, iv. 29.
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+O isplendor di Dio, per cu' io vidi<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">L'alto trionfo del regno verace,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dammi virtù a dir com'io lo vidi.</span><br />
+Lume è lassù, che visibile face<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lo creatore a quella creatura,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che solo in lui vedere ha la sua pace:</span><br />
+E si distende in circular figura<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In tanto, che la sua circonferenza</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sarebbe al Sol troppo larga cintura.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><br />
+E come clivo in acqua di suo imo<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Si specchia quasi per vedersi adorno,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quanto è nel verde e ne' fioretti opimo;</span><br />
+Sì soprastando al lume intorno intorno<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Vidi specchiarsi in più di mille soglie,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quanto di noi lassù fatto ha ritorno.</span><br />
+E se l'infimo grado in sè raccoglie<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sì grande lume, quant'è la larghezza</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Di questa rosa nell'estreme foglie?</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><br />
+Nel giallo della rosa sempiterna,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che si dilata, rigrada, e redole</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Odor di lode al Sol, che sempre verna,</span><br />
+Qual'è colui, che tace e dicer vuole,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Mi trasse Beatrice, e disse; mira</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quanto è 'l convento delle bianche stole!</span><br />
+Vedi nostra Città quanto ella gira!<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Vedi li nostri scanni sì ripieni,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che poca gente omai ci si disira.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><br />
+In forma dunque di candida rosa<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Mi si mostrava la milizia santa,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che nel suo sangue Cristo fece sposa.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 30, 31.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Chi crederebbe giù nel mondo errante,<br />
+Che Rifèo Trojano<a name="FNanchor_A_110" id="FNanchor_A_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_A_110" class="fnanchor">[A]</a> in questo tondo<br />
+Fosse la quinta delle luci sante?<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ora conosce assai di quel, che 'l mondo</span><br />
+Veder non può della divina grazia;<br />
+Benchè sua vista non discerna il fondo.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> c. 20.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote2"><p><a name="Footnote_A_110" id="Footnote_A_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A_110"><span class="label">[A]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 5em;">Rhipeus justissimus unus</span><br />
+Qui fuit in Teucris, et servantissimus æqui.&mdash;<i>Æn.</i> ii.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_111" id="Footnote_110_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_111"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> <i>Inf.</i> c. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_112" id="Footnote_111_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_112"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> <i>Parad.</i> 7, 1-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_113" id="Footnote_112_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_113"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> To describe the pinched face of famine;&mdash;
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Parean l'occhiaje annella senza gemme.<br />
+Chi nel viso degli uomini legge OMO<br />
+Ben avria quivi conosciuto l'<i>emme</i> (M).&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 23.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>Again,</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Quella reverenza che s'indonna<br />
+Di tutto me, pur per B e per ICE.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 7.<br />
+<br />
+Nè O sì tosto mai, nè I si scrisse,<br />
+Com'ei s'accese ed arse.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 24.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_114" id="Footnote_113_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_114"><span class="label">[113]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Like to a sapling, lighted at one end,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Which at the other hisses with the wind,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And drops of sap doth from the outlet send:</span><br />
+So from the broken twig, both words and blood flow'd forth.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_115" id="Footnote_114_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_115"><span class="label">[114]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Like burning paper, when there glides before<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The advancing flame a brown and dingy shade,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Which is not black, and yet is white no more.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_116" id="Footnote_115_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_116"><span class="label">[115]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+On either hand I saw them haste their meeting,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And kiss each one the other&mdash;pausing not&mdash;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Contented to enjoy so short a greeting.</span><br />
+Thus do the ants among their dingy band,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Face one another&mdash;each their neighbour's lot</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Haply to scan, and how their fortunes stand.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_117" id="Footnote_116_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_117"><span class="label">[116]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+As in a trench, frogs at the water side<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sit squatting, with their noses raised on high,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The while their feet, and all their bulk they hide&mdash;</span><br />
+Thus upon either hand the sinners stood.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">But Barbariccia now approaching nigh,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quick they withdrew beneath the boiling flood.</span><br />
+I saw&mdash;and still my heart is thrill'd with fear&mdash;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">One spirit linger; as beside a ditch,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">One frog remains, the others disappear.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_118" id="Footnote_117_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_118"><span class="label">[117]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Had I a rhyme so rugged, rough, and hoarse<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">As would become the sorrowful abyss,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">O'er which the rocky circles wind their course,</span><br />
+Then with a more appropriate form I might<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Endow my vast conceptions; wanting this,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Not without fear I bring myself to write.</span><br />
+For no light enterprise it is, I deem,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">To represent the lowest depth of all;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nor should a childish tongue attempt the theme.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_119" id="Footnote_118_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_119"><span class="label">[118]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Ed egli a me: Come 'l mio corpo stea<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nel mondo sù, nulla scienzia porto.</span><br />
+Cotal vantaggio ha questa Tolommea,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che spesse volte l'anima ci cade</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Innanzi, ch'Atropòs mossa le dea.</span><br />
+E perchè tu più volontier mi rade<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Le 'nvetriate lagrime dal volto,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sappi, che tosto che l'anima trade,</span><br />
+Come fec'io, il corpo suo l'è tolto<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Da un Dimonio, che poscia il governa,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Mentre che 'l tempo suo tutto sia volto.</span><br />
+Ella ruina in sì fatta cisterna;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E forse pare ancor lo corpo suso</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dell'ombra, che di qua dietro mi verna.</span><br />
+Tu 'l dei saper, se tu vien pur mo giuso:<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Egli è ser Branca d'Oria, e son più anni</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Poscia passati, ch'ei fu sì racchiuso.</span><br />
+Io credo, diss'io lui, che tu m'inganni,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che Branca d'Oria non morì unquanche,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E mangia, e bee, e dorme, e veste panni.</span><br />
+Nel fosso sù, diss'ei, di Malebranche,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Là dove bolle la tenace pece,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Non era giunto ancora Michel Zanche;</span><br />
+Che questi lasciò 'l diavolo in sua vece<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nel corpo suo, e d'un suo prossimano,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che 'l tradimento insieme con lui fece.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 33.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_120" id="Footnote_119_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_120"><span class="label">[119]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+E'en as the bird that resting in the nest<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Of her sweet brood, the shelt'ring boughs among</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">While all things are enwrapt in night's dark vest&mdash;</span><br />
+Now eager to behold the looks she loves,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And to find food for her impatient young</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(Whence labour grateful to a mother proves),</span><br />
+Forestalls the time, high perch'd upon the spray,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And with impassion'd zeal the sun expecting,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Anxiously waiteth the first break of day.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_121" id="Footnote_120_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_121"><span class="label">[120]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+And as birds rising from a stream, whence they<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their pastures view, as though their joy confessing,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Now form a round, and now a long array.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_122" id="Footnote_121_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_122"><span class="label">[121]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+And as with one accord, at break of day,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The rooks bestir themselves, by nature taught</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">To chase the dew-drops from their wings away;</span><br />
+Some flying off, to reappear no more&mdash;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Others repairing to their nests again&mdash;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Some whirling round&mdash;then settling as before.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_123" id="Footnote_122_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_123"><span class="label">[122]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+What time the swallow pours her plaintive strain,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Saluting the approach of morning gray,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Thus haply mindful of her former pain.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_124" id="Footnote_123_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_124"><span class="label">[123]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+E'en as the lark high soaring pours its throat<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Awhile, then rests in silence, as though still</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">It dwelt enamour'd of its last sweet note.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_125" id="Footnote_124_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_125"><span class="label">[124]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+As when unto his partner's side, the dove<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Approaches near&mdash;both fondly circling round,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And cooing, show the fervour of their love;</span><br />
+So these great heirs of immortality<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Receive each other; while they joyful sound</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The praises of the food they share on high.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_126" id="Footnote_125_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_126"><span class="label">[125]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+And, as a falcon, which first scans its feet,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Then turns him to the call, and forward flies,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In eagerness to catch the tempting meat.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_127" id="Footnote_126_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_127"><span class="label">[126]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Lo, as a falcon, from the hood released,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Uplifts his head, and joyous flaps his wings,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His beauty and his eagerness increased.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_128" id="Footnote_127_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_128"><span class="label">[127]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+E'en as a falcon, long upheld in air,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Not seeing lure or bird upon the wing,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">So that the falconer utters in despair</span><br />
+"Alas, thou stoop'st!" fatigued descends from high;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And whirling quickly round in many a ring,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Far from his master sits&mdash;disdainfully.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_129" id="Footnote_128_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_129"><span class="label">[128]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+As leaves in autumn, borne before the wind,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Drop one by one, until the branch laid bare,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sees all its honours to the earth consign'd:</span><br />
+So cast them downward at his summons all<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The guilty race of Adam from that strand&mdash;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Each as a falcon answering to the call.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_130" id="Footnote_129_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_130"><span class="label">[129]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+As doves, by strong affection urged, repair<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">With firm expanded wings to their sweet nest,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Borne by the impulse of their will through air.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>It is impossible not to be reminded at every step, in spite of the
+knowledge and taste which Mr. Cary and Mr. Wright have brought to
+their most difficult task, of the truth which Dante has expressed with
+his ordinary positiveness.</p>
+<p>He is saying that he does not wish his Canzoni to be explained in
+Latin to those who could not read them in Italian: "Che sarebbe sposta
+la loro sentenzia colà dove elle <i>non la potessono colla loro bellezza
+portare</i>. E però sappia ciascuno che nulla cosa per legame musaico
+(<i>i.e.</i> poetico) armonizzata, si può della sua loquela in altra
+trasmutare senza rompere tutta la sua dolcezza e armonia. E questa è
+la ragione per che Omero non si mutò mai di Greco in Latino, come
+l'altre scritture che avemo da loro."&mdash;<i>Convito</i>, i. c. 8, p. 49.
+</p>
+<p>Dr. Carlyle has given up the idea of attempting to represent Dante's
+verse by English verse, and has confined himself to assisting
+Englishmen to read him in his own language. His prose translation is
+accurate and forcible. And he has added sensible and useful notes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_131" id="Footnote_130_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_131"><span class="label">[130]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+And lo, on high, and lurid as the one<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Now there, encircling it, a light arose,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Like heaven when re-illumined by the sun:</span><br />
+And as at the first lighting up of eve<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The sky doth new appearances disclose,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">That now seem real, now the sight deceive.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_132" id="Footnote_131_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_132"><span class="label">[131]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+When he, who with his universal ray<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The world illumines, quits our hemisphere,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And, from each quarter, daylight wears away;</span><br />
+The heaven, erst kindled by his beam alone,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sudden its lost effulgence doth repair</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">By many lights illumined but by one.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_133" id="Footnote_132_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_133"><span class="label">[132]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+As oft along the pure and tranquil sky<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A sudden fire by night is seen to dart,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Attracting forcibly the heedless eye;</span><br />
+And seems to be a star that changes place,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Save that no star is lost from out the part</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">It quits, and that it lasts a moment's space.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_134" id="Footnote_133_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_134"><span class="label">[133]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+As in that season when the sun least veils<br />
+His face that lightens all, what time the fly<br />
+Gives place to the shrill gnat, the peasant then,<br />
+Upon some cliff reclined, beneath him sees<br />
+Fire-flies innumerous spangling o'er the vale,<br />
+Vineyard or tilth, where his day-labour lies.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Cary.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_135" id="Footnote_134_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_135"><span class="label">[134]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+As underneath the dog-star's scorching ray<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The lizard, darting swift from fence to fence,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Appears like lightning, if he cross the way.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_136" id="Footnote_135_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_136"><span class="label">[135]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+As when, announcing the approach of day,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Impregnated with herbs and flowers of Spring,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Breathes fresh and redolent the air of May&mdash;</span><br />
+Such was the breeze that gently fann'd my head;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And I perceived the waving of a wing</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Which all around ambrosial odours shed.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_137" id="Footnote_136_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_137"><span class="label">[136]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+When lo! like Mars, in aspect fiery red<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Seen through the vapour, when the morn is nigh</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Far in the west above the briny bed,</span><br />
+So (might I once more see it) o'er the sea<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A light approach'd with such rapidity,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Flies not the bird that might its equal be.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_138" id="Footnote_137_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_138"><span class="label">[137]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Now 'gan the vanquish'd matin hour to flee;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And seen from far, as onward came the day,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I recognised the trembling of the sea.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_139" id="Footnote_138_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_139"><span class="label">[138]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Erewhile the eastern regions have I seen<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">At daybreak glow with roseate colours, and</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The expanse beside all beauteous and serene:</span><br />
+And the sun's face so shrouded at its rise,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And temper'd by the mists which overhung,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">That I could gaze on it with stedfast eyes.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_140" id="Footnote_139_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_140"><span class="label">[139]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+On every side the sun shot forth the day,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And had already with his arrows bright</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">From the mid-heaven chased Capricorn away.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ibid.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_141" id="Footnote_140_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_141"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> <i>Parad.</i> 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_142" id="Footnote_141_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_142"><span class="label">[141]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+In the new year, when Sol his tresses gay<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dips in Aquarius, and the tardy night</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Divides her empire with the lengthening day&mdash;</span><br />
+When o'er the earth the hoar-frost pure and bright<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Assumes the image of her sister white,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Then quickly melts before the genial light&mdash;</span><br />
+The rustic, now exhausted his supply,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Rises betimes&mdash;looks out&mdash;and sees the land</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">All white around, whereat he strikes his thigh&mdash;</span><br />
+Turns back&mdash;and grieving&mdash;wanders here and there,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Like one disconsolate and at a stand;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Then issues forth, forgetting his despair,</span><br />
+For lo! the face of nature he beholds<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Changed on a sudden&mdash;takes his crook again,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And drives his flock to pasture from the folds.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Wright.</span></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_143" id="Footnote_142_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_143"><span class="label">[142]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Like goats that having over the crags pursued<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their wanton sports, now, quiet pass the time</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In ruminating&mdash;sated with their food,</span><br />
+Beneath the shade, while glows the sun on high&mdash;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Watched by the goatherd with unceasing care,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">As on his staff he leans, with watchful eye.&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i></span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_144" id="Footnote_143_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_144"><span class="label">[143]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Indi come orologio che ne chiami</span><br />
+Nell'ora che la sposa di Dio surge<br />
+A mattinar lo sposo perchè l'ami,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che l'una parte e l'altra tira ed urge</span><br />
+Tin tin sonando con sì dolce nota<br />
+Che 'l ben disposto spirto d'amor turge;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Così vid'io la gloriosa ruota</span><br />
+Muoversi e render voce a voce, in tempra<br />
+Ed in dolcezza ch'esser non può nota<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Se non colà dove 'l gioir s'insempra.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 10.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_145" id="Footnote_144_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_145"><span class="label">[144]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E come surge, e va, ed entra in ballo</span><br />
+Vergine lieta, sol per farne onore<br />
+Alla novizia, e non per alcun fallo.&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i> 25.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_146" id="Footnote_145_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_146"><span class="label">[145]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Donne mi parver, non da ballo sciolte,</span><br />
+Ma che s'arrestin tacite ascoltando<br />
+Fin che le nuove note hanno ricolte.&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i> 10.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_147" id="Footnote_146_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_147"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> For instance:&mdash;<i>thoughts upon thoughts, ending in sleep
+and dreams</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Nuovo pensier dentro de me si mise,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dal qual più altri nacquero e diversi:</span><br />
+<i>E tanto d'uno in altro vaneggiai<br />
+Che gli occhi per vaghezza ricopersi,</i><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>E 'l pensamento in sogno trasmutai</i>.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 18.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>sleep stealing off when broken by light</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come si frange il sonno, ove di butto</span><br />
+Nuova luce percuote 'l viso chiuso,<br />
+<i>Che fratto guizza pria che muoja tutto</i>.&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i> 17.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>the shock of sudden awakening</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come al lume acuto si disonna,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>E lo svegliato ciò che vede abborre,</i></span><br />
+Sì nescia è la subita vigilia,<br />
+Finchè la stimativa nol soccorre.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 26.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>uneasy feelings produced by sight or representation of something
+unnatural</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come per sostentar solajo o tetto</span><br />
+Per mensola talvolta una figura<br />
+Si vede giunger le ginocchia al petto,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>La qual fa del non ver vera rancura</i></span><br />
+<i>Nascer a chi la vede</i>; così fatti<br />
+Vid'io color.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 10.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>blushing in innocent sympathy for others</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E come donna onesta che permane</span><br />
+Di sè sicura, e <i>per l'altrui fallanza<br />
+Pure ascoltando timida si fane</i>:<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Così Beatrice trasmutò sembianza.&mdash;<i>Par.</i> 27.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>asking and answering by looks only</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Volsi gli occhi agli occhi al signor mio;</span><br />
+Ond'elli m'assentì con lieto cenno<br />
+Ciò che chiedea la vista del disio.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 19.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>watching the effect of words</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Posto avea fine al suo ragionamento</span><br />
+L'alto dottore, ad attento guardava<br />
+Nella mia vista s'io parea contento.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ed io, cui nuova sete ancor frugava,</span><br />
+Di fuor taceva e dentro dicea: forse<br />
+Lo troppo dimandar ch'io fo, li grava.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ma quel padre verace, che s'accorse</span><br />
+Del timido voler che non s'apriva,<br />
+Parlando, di parlare ardir mi porse.&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i> 18.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>Dante betraying Virgil's presence to Statius, by his involuntary
+smile</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Volser Virgilio a me queste parole</span><br />
+Con viso che tacendo dicea: "taci;"<br />
+Ma non può tutto la virtù che vuole;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che riso e pianto son tanto seguaci</span><br />
+Alla passion da che ciascun si spicca,<br />
+<i>Che men segnon voler ne' più veraci.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Io pur sorrisi, come l'uom ch'ammicca:</span><br />
+Perchè l'ombra si tacque, e riguardommi<br />
+Negli occhi ove 'l sembiante più si ficca.</i><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E se tanto lavoro in bene assommi,</span><br />
+Disse, perchè la faccia tua testeso<br />
+<i>Un lampeggiar a' un riso</i> dimostrommi?&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 21.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>smiles and words together</i>:
+</p>
+<p class="center">
+Per le <i>sorrise parolette brevi</i>.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 1.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>eye meeting eye</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 3em;">Gli occhi ritorsi avanti</span><br />
+Dritti nel lume della dolce guida<br />
+Che sorridendo ardea negli occhi santi.&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i> 3.<br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come si vede qui alcuna volta</span><br />
+L'affetto nella vista, s'ello è tanto<br />
+Che da lui sia tutta l'anima tolta:<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Così nel fiammeggiar del fulgor santo</span><br />
+A cui mi volsi, conobbi la voglia<br />
+In lui di ragionarmi ancora alquanto.&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i> 18.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>gentleness of voice</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+E cominciommi a dir soave e piana<br />
+Con angelica voce in sua favella.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 2.<br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E come agli occhi miei si fe' più bella,</span><br />
+Così con voce più dolce e soave,<br />
+Ma non con questa moderna favella,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dissemi;&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 16.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>chanting</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Te lucis ante</i> sì divotamente</span><br />
+Le uscì di bocca e con sì dolce note,<br />
+Che fece me a me uscir di mente.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E l'altre poi dolcemente e divote</span><br />
+Seguitar lei per tutto l'inno intero,<br />
+Avendo gli occhi alle superne ruote.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 8.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>chanting blended with the sound of the organ</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Io mi rivolsi attento al primo tuono,</span><br />
+E <i>Te Deum laudamus</i> mi parea<br />
+Udire in voce mista al dolce suono.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tale imagine appunto mi rendea</span><br />
+Ciò ch'io udiva, qual prender si suole<br />
+<i>Quando a cantar con organi si stea;</i><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Ch'or sì, or no, s'intendon le parole</i>.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 9.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>voices in concert</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E come in voce voce si discerne</span><br />
+<i>Quando una è ferma, e' l altra va e riede</i>.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i> 8.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>attitudes and gestures: e.g. Beatrice addressing him</i>,
+</p>
+<p class="center">
+Con atto e voce di spedito duce.&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i> 30.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>Sordello eyeing the travellers</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Venimmo a lei: o anima Lombarda,</span><br />
+Come ti stavi altera e disdegnosa,<br />
+E nel muover degli occhi onesta e tarda.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ella non ci diceva alcuna cosa,</span><br />
+Ma lasciavane gir, solo guardando,<br />
+A guisa di leon quando si posa.&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 6.<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+<i>the angel moving "dry-shod" over the Stygian pool</i>:
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Dal volto rimovea quell'aer grasso</i></span><br />
+<i>Menando la sinistra innanzi spesso</i>,<br />
+E sol di quell'angoscia parea lasso.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ben m'accorsi ch'egli era del ciel messo,</span><br />
+E volsimi al maestro; e quei fe' segno<br />
+Ch'io stessi cheto ed inchinassi ed esso.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ahi quanto mi parea pien di disdegno.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Poi si rivolse per la strada lorda,</span><br />
+E non fe' motto a noi, ma fe' sembiante<br />
+D'uomo cui altra cura stringa e morda<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che quella di colui che gli è davante.&mdash;<i>Inf.</i> 9.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_148" id="Footnote_147_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_148"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> <i>La maggior valle</i>, in che l'acqua si spandi.&mdash;<i>Parad.</i>
+9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_149" id="Footnote_148_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_149"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> <i>E.g.</i> <i>Purg.</i> 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_150" id="Footnote_149_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_150"><span class="label">[149]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+Io vidi già nel cominciar del giorno<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">La parte oriental tutta rosata,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E l'altro ciel di bel sereno adorno,</span><br />
+E la faccia del sol nascere ombrata,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sì che per temperanza di vapori</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">L'occhio lo sostenea lunga fiata;</span><br />
+Così dentro una nuvola di fiori,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Che dalle mani angeliche saliva,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E ricadeva giù dentro e di fuori,</span><br />
+Sovra candido vel cinta d'oliva<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Donna m'apparve sotto verde manto</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Vestita di color di fiamma viva.</span><br />
+E lo spirito mio, che già cotanto<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tempo era stato che alla sua presenza</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Non era di stupor, tremando, affranto.</span><br />
+Senza degli occhi aver più conoscenza,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Per occulta virtù, che da lei mosse,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">D'antico amor senti' la gran potenza.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><br />
+Volsimi alla sinistra col rispitto,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Col quale il fantolin corre alla mamma,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Quando ha paura, o quando egli è afflitto,</span><br />
+Per dicere a Virgilio: Men che dramma<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Di sangue m'è rimasa, che non tremi:</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Conosco i segni dell'antica fiamma.</span><br />
+Ma Virgilio n'avea lasciati scemi<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Di sè, Virgilio dolcissimo padre,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Virgilio, a cui per mia salute diemi:</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><br />
+Dante, perchè Virgilio se ne vada,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Non piangere anche, non piangere ancora</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Chè pianger ti convien per altra spada.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><span style="margin-left: 3em;">*</span><br />
+Regalmente nell'atto ancor proterva<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Continuò, come colui che dice,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">E il più caldo parlar dietro reserva,</span><br />
+Guardami ben: ben son, ben son Beatrice:<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Come degnasti d'accedere al monte?</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Non sapei tu, che qui è l'uom felice?&mdash;<i>Purg.</i> 30.</span><br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+But extracts can give but an imperfect notion of this grand and
+touching canto.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_151" id="Footnote_150_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_151"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> It is necessary to state, that these remarks were
+written before we had seen the chapter on Dante in "Italy, past and
+present, by L. Mariotti." Had we become acquainted with it earlier, we
+should have had to refer to it often, in the way of acknowledgment,
+and as often in the way of strong protest.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_152" id="Footnote_151_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_152"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> "<i>In quos veritatis amorem natura superior impressit.</i>"
+On the ancient idea (Aug. <i>De Trin.</i> iii. 4; Aquin. <i>Summ.</i> 1, 66, 3)
+of the influence or impression of higher natures on lower, cf.
+<i>Parad.</i> i. 103, x. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_153" id="Footnote_152_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_153"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> The common title for Aristotle from the first half of
+the thirteenth century. <i>Vide</i> Jourdain, <i>Recherches sur les
+traductions d'Aristote</i>, p. 212, note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_154" id="Footnote_153_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_154"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Arist. <i>Ethics</i>, i. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_155" id="Footnote_154_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_155"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> "<i>Esse complexionatum.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_156" id="Footnote_155_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_156"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> "<i>Apprehensivum per intellectum possibilem.</i>" <i>V.
+Aquin.</i> I. 79, 1, 2, 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_157" id="Footnote_156_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_157"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> "<i>Generabilium.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_158" id="Footnote_157_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_158"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> Arist. <i>Polit.</i> i. 5, 6.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_159" id="Footnote_158_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_159"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> Arist. <i>Polit.</i> i. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_160" id="Footnote_159_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_160"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> i. 2, 6, quoting Hom. <i>Od.</i> ix. 114.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_161" id="Footnote_160_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_161"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Ficinus translates: "Uno proverbio che quasi
+bestemmiando dice, <i>Abbi pari in casa</i>."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_162" id="Footnote_161_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_162"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> "<i>Obliqua</i>" = <span lang="el" title="Greek: parekbaseis">&#960;&#945;&#961;&#949;&#954;&#946;&#940;&#963;&#949;&#953;&#962;</span>. <i>V.</i> Arist. <i>Eth.</i>
+viii. 10; <i>Pol.</i> iii. 7.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_163" id="Footnote_162_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_163"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Arist. <i>Phys. Ausc.</i> ii. 2.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_164" id="Footnote_163_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_164"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> <i>De Consol. Phil.</i> ii. met. 8.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_165" id="Footnote_164_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_165"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> "<i>Sine proprio perfectivo.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_166" id="Footnote_165_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_166"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> Arist. <i>Metaphys.</i> xii. 10, who quotes from Hom. <i>Il.</i>
+ii. 204.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_167" id="Footnote_166_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_167"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> <i>Ecl.</i> iv. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_168" id="Footnote_167_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_168"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> Gilbert de la Porrée, &#8224;1154. The "Six
+Principles" were the last six of the Ten Categories of Aristotle, and
+the book became one of the chief elementary logic-books of the Middle
+Ages. <i>Vide</i> Hauréau, <i>Philosophie Scolastique</i>, 1<span class="super">e</span> Partie, p.
+452.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_169" id="Footnote_168_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_169"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> From Arist. <i>Ethics</i>, v. 1.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_170" id="Footnote_169_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_170"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> "<i>Quantum ad habitum.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_171" id="Footnote_170_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_171"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> "<i>Passionare.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_172" id="Footnote_171_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_172"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> "<i>Quantum ad operationem.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_173" id="Footnote_172_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_173"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> <i>Eth.</i> v. 2.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_174" id="Footnote_173_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_174"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> <i>Rhetoric</i>, i. 1.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_175" id="Footnote_174_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_175"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> "<i>Perseitas hominum</i>" = "<i>facultas per se
+subsistendi</i>."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ducange.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_176" id="Footnote_175_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_176"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> "<i>Secundum totum.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_177" id="Footnote_176_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_177"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> A compilation from the Arabians, or perhaps Aristotle
+or Proclus, which, under various names, passed for a work of
+Aristotle, and is ascribed by Albert the Great to a certain David the
+Jew. It is quoted in the twelfth century, and was commented on by
+Albert and Thomas Aquinas. <i>Vide</i> Jourdain, <i>Recherches sur les
+traductions d'Aristote</i> (1842), pp. 114, 184, 193, 195, 445;
+<i>Philosophie de S. Thomas</i> (1858), i. 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_178" id="Footnote_177_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_178"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> Cf. Arist. <i>Magna Moral.</i> i. 1: "It would be absurd if
+a man, wishing to prove that the angles of a triangle were equal to
+two right angles, assumed as his principle that the soul is
+immortal."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Witte.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_179" id="Footnote_178_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_179"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> Cf. <i>Purgatorio</i>, xviii. 22.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Witte.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_180" id="Footnote_179_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_180"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> "<i>Felicitamur.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_181" id="Footnote_180_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_181"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> "<i>Ut Dii</i>;" cf. <i>Paradiso</i>, v. 19.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Witte.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_182" id="Footnote_181_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_182"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> <i>I.e.</i> <i>Metaphys.</i> 1, 2.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_183" id="Footnote_182_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_183"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> "<i>Politizant reges.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_184" id="Footnote_183_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_184"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> "<i>Oblique politizantes.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_185" id="Footnote_184_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_185"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> <i>Polit.</i> iii. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_186" id="Footnote_185_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_186"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> iii. 16, 17.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_187" id="Footnote_186_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_187"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> "<i>Respectu viæ ... respectu termini.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_188" id="Footnote_187_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_188"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> <i>Metaphys.</i> ix. 8.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_189" id="Footnote_188_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_189"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> Arist. <i>Eth.</i> x. 1.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_190" id="Footnote_189_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_190"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> <i>De cognosc. animi morbis</i>, c. 10.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Witte.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_191" id="Footnote_190_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_191"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> Cf. <i>Parad.</i> xiii. 95.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_192" id="Footnote_191_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_192"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> <i>Eth.</i> v. 14.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_193" id="Footnote_192_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_193"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> Ptolemy, the mediæval authority on geography, divided
+the known world into <span lang="el" title="Greek: klimata">&#954;&#955;&#943;&#956;&#945;&#964;&#945;</span>, zones of slope towards the
+pole, or belts of latitude, eight of which from the equinoctial to the
+mouths of the Tanais and the Riphæan mountains. The seventh "clima"
+passed over the mouths of the Borysthenes. See Mercator's map in
+Bertius' <i>Theatrum Geographiæ Veteris</i> (1618), art. "Ptolemy" in
+Smith's <i>Dictionary of Biography</i>, p. 577. Dictionary of Antiquities,
+art. "Clima."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_194" id="Footnote_193_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_194"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> Arist. <i>Categ.</i>, <i>e.g.</i>: Priority is said in five
+ways&mdash;1. First in <i>time</i>. 2. First in <i>pre-supposition</i>. 3. First in
+<i>order</i>. 4. First in <i>excellence</i>. 5. First in <i>logical sequence</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_195" id="Footnote_194_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_195"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> <i>V.</i> Arist. <i>Metaph.</i> 1, 5; <i>Ethics</i> i. 4; cf. Ritter
+and Preller, <i>Hist. Philos.</i> sec. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_196" id="Footnote_195_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_196"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> Ps. iv. 8 (vulg.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_197" id="Footnote_196_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_197"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> On the scholastic doctrine of forms, <i>v.</i> Thom. Aquin.
+<i>Summ.</i> I. 105, art. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_198" id="Footnote_197_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_198"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> Arist. <i>Eth.</i> x. 5.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_199" id="Footnote_198_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_199"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Ps. cxxxii. 1.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_200" id="Footnote_199_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_200"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> Ps. ii. 1-3.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_201" id="Footnote_200_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_201"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> "<i>Fluitantem.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_202" id="Footnote_201_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_202"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> "<i>Dei naturantis.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_203" id="Footnote_202_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_203"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> Witte refers to <i>Parad.</i> xiii. 67, xxix. 32, i.
+127-130. Cf. Thom. Aquin. <i>Summ.</i> I., q. 66, art. 1-3; q. 110, art. 2;
+q. 115, art. 3-6. This view satisfied thinkers to the time of Hooker
+(<i>E.P.</i> I. iii.), but was criticised by Bacon, <i>Nov. Org.</i> i. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_204" id="Footnote_203_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_204"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> "<i>Jus.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_205" id="Footnote_204_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_205"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> St. John i. 3.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_206" id="Footnote_205_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_206"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> <i>Eth.</i> i. 7, from Thom. Aq. <i>Lect.</i> XI.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_207" id="Footnote_206_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_207"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> The image of the wax and seal was a favourite one. V.
+<i>Parad.</i> vii. 68, viii. 127, xiii. 67-75, quoted by Witte, who also
+refers to the <i>Epist. ad Reges</i>, § 8, p. 444, ed. Fraticelli.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_208" id="Footnote_207_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_208"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> Arist. <i>Pol.</i> iii. 12; Juv. viii. 20.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_209" id="Footnote_208_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_209"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> Witte refers to Dante's commentary on his own Canzone
+in the <i>Convito</i> iv. 3, and the <i>Parad.</i> xvi. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_210" id="Footnote_209_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_210"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> "Sed summa sequar vestigia rerum." Virg. <i>Æn.</i> i. 342
+("fastigia" in all good MSS. and edd.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_211" id="Footnote_210_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_211"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> <i>Æn.</i> i. 544, vi. 170. <i>Il.</i> xxiv. 258, quoted in
+Aristotle, <i>Ethics</i>, vii. 1.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_212" id="Footnote_211_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_212"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> <i>Æn.</i> iii. 1, viii. 134, iii. 163; Oros. i. 2.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_213" id="Footnote_212_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_213"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> III. 339. The best MSS. of Virgil omit "peperit fumante
+Creusa."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_214" id="Footnote_213_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_214"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> <i>Æn.</i> xii. 936.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_215" id="Footnote_214_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_215"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> <i>Contra Gent.</i> iii. 101.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_216" id="Footnote_215_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_216"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> Exod. vii. 12-15.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_217" id="Footnote_216_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_217"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> Witte refers to the <i>Ep. ad Reges</i>, § 8, for the same
+thought.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_218" id="Footnote_217_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_218"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> Luc. ix. 477.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_219" id="Footnote_218_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_219"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> V. Liv. v. 47, and the <i>Convito</i>, iv. 5.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_220" id="Footnote_219_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_220"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> <i>Æn.</i> viii. 652.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_221" id="Footnote_220_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_221"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> Liv. xxvi. 11; Oros. iv. 17.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_222" id="Footnote_221_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_222"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> Liv. ii. 13; Oros. ii. 5.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_223" id="Footnote_222_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_223"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Cf. Aristotle, <i>Ethics</i>, v. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_224" id="Footnote_223_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_224"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> "Jus est ars boni et æqui." L. 1, fr. <i>Dig. De Justitia
+et Jure</i>, i. 1.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_225" id="Footnote_224_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_225"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> <i>De Invent.</i> i. 38.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_226" id="Footnote_225_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_226"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Not Seneca, but Martin, Bp. of Braga, &#8224;580.&mdash;(W.) V. <i>Biog. Univ.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_227" id="Footnote_226_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_227"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> "<i>Romanum imperium de fonte nascitur
+pietatis.</i>"&mdash;(<span class="smcap">Witte.</span>) He has not been able to trace the saying.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_228" id="Footnote_227_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_228"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> <i>De Off.</i> ii. 8.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_229" id="Footnote_228_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_229"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> Liv. vi. 28, 29; Oros. ii. 12.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_230" id="Footnote_229_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_230"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> II. 4.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_231" id="Footnote_230_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_231"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> VI. 844.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_232" id="Footnote_231_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_232"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> Liv. v. 46; <i>Æn.</i> vi. 826.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_233" id="Footnote_232_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_233"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> <i>Æn.</i> vi. 821.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_234" id="Footnote_233_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_234"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> Witte quotes the <i>Convito</i>, iv. 5, where all these
+examples are recounted, almost in the same language. He compares
+<i>Parad.</i> vi. 46 (Cincinnatus), <i>Purgat.</i> xx. 25 (Fabricius), <i>Parad.</i>
+vi. 47 (Decii), <i>Purg.</i> i. where Cato guards the approach to
+Purgatory.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_235" id="Footnote_234_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_235"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> I. 31 (W.), carelessly quoted.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_236" id="Footnote_235_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_236"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> "<i>Levior</i>" al. "<i>lenior</i>."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_237" id="Footnote_236_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_237"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> "<i>Finem juris intendit.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_238" id="Footnote_237_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_238"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> "<i>Per se loquendo.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_239" id="Footnote_238_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_239"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> "<i>Inconveniens.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_240" id="Footnote_239_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_240"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> "<i>Construendo et destruendo.</i>" Technical terms of the
+conditional syllogism, <i>constructive</i> and <i>destructive</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_241" id="Footnote_240_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_241"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> <span lang="el" title="Greek: Euboulia">&#917;&#8016;&#946;&#959;&#965;&#955;&#943;&#945;</span>. <i>Ethics</i>, vi. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_242" id="Footnote_241_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_242"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> Arist. <i>Phys. Ausc.</i> ii. 1.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_243" id="Footnote_242_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_243"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> <i>I.e.</i> of the heavens. Witte quotes <i>Parad.</i> viii. 97,
+<i>Purg.</i> xiv. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_244" id="Footnote_243_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_244"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> I. 5, 11; 6, 9.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_245" id="Footnote_244_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_245"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> <i>Æn.</i> vi. 848, iv. 227.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_246" id="Footnote_245_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_246"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> Arist. <i>Pol.</i> i. 2, 12.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_247" id="Footnote_246_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_247"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> <i>Ethics</i>, i. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_248" id="Footnote_247_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_248"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> Cf. <i>Parad.</i> xix. 70.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_249" id="Footnote_248_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_249"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> Heb. ii. 6; Levit. xvii. 3, 4.&mdash;(W.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_250" id="Footnote_249_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_250"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> Witte quotes from Isidore of Seville, a writer much
+used in the middle ages, the following: "In a moral sense, we offer a
+calf when we conquer the pride of the flesh; a lamb, when we correct
+our irrational impulses; a kid, when we master impurity; a dove, when
+we are simple; a turtle-dove, when we observe chastity; unleavened
+bread, 'when we keep the feast not in the leaven of malice, but in the
+unleavened bread of sincerity and truth.'"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_251" id="Footnote_250_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_251"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> 2 Chron. xx. 12 (Vulg.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_252" id="Footnote_251_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_252"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> <i>Phars.</i> iv. 593; <i>Metam.</i> ix. 183, x. 569.&mdash;(W.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_253" id="Footnote_252_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_253"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> V. 335&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_254" id="Footnote_253_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_254"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> III. 10.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_255" id="Footnote_254_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_255"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> Witte only gives a query (?). The saying expresses the
+Ghibelline view of the relation of the Empire to the Pope; it may have
+originated with the coronation of Charles the Great.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_256" id="Footnote_255_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_256"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> I. 4.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_257" id="Footnote_256_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_257"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> <i>Metam.</i> iv. 58, 88.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_258" id="Footnote_257_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_258"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> Oros. i. 14.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_259" id="Footnote_258_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_259"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> "Athlothetæ." The judges or umpires in the Greek games,
+whose seats were opposite to the goal at the side of the stadium.
+<i>Vide</i> Smith's <i>Dictionary of Antiquities</i>, s.v. "stadium."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_260" id="Footnote_259_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_260"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> Oros. ii. 7.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_261" id="Footnote_260_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_261"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> <i>Phars.</i> ii. 692.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_262" id="Footnote_261_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_262"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> Not Livy. Cf. ix. 18, 3, where, speaking of Alexander
+and the Romans, he says: "Quem ne famâ quidem illis notum arbitror
+fuisse." The story is Greek in origin, coming from Cleitarchus
+(according to Pliny, <i>Hist. Nat.</i> iii. 9), who accompanied Alexander
+on his Asiatic expedition. Cf. Niebuhr, <i>Lectures on the History of
+Rome</i>, lect. 52, Grote, <i>History of Greece</i>, vol. xii. p. 70, note,
+who argue for its truth, and Mommsen, <i>History of Rome</i>, vol. i. p.
+394, who argues against it. Dante, says Witte, used legends about
+Alexander now lost. Cf. <i>Inf.</i> xiv. 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_263" id="Footnote_262_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_263"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> VIII. 692.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_264" id="Footnote_263_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_264"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> I. 234.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_265" id="Footnote_264_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_265"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> I. 109.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_266" id="Footnote_265_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_266"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> <i>De Consol. Phil.</i> ii. 6.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_267" id="Footnote_266_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_267"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> <i>De Off.</i> i. 12; <i>De Re Milit.</i> iii. <i>prol.</i>&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_268" id="Footnote_267_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_268"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> "Imperii <i>gloria</i>," not "<i>corona</i>," in <i>Cic. de Off.</i>
+i. 12.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_269" id="Footnote_268_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_269"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> Ennius in <i>Cic. de Off.</i> i. 12 (W.) "War-monger" is
+Spenser's word. <i>F.Q.</i> 3, 10, 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_270" id="Footnote_269_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_270"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> "<i>Il sacrosanto segno.</i>" V. <i>Parad.</i> vi. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_271" id="Footnote_270_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_271"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> Liv. i. 24; Oros. ii. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_272" id="Footnote_271_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_272"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> II. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_273" id="Footnote_272_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_273"><span class="label">[272]</span></a>
+</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="poem">
+<tr>
+<td>
+<span style="margin-left: 6em;">"Romanaque Samnis</span><br />
+Ultra Caudinas superavit vulnera furcas."<br />
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p>
+Another reading is "speravit."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_274" id="Footnote_273_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_274"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> <i>Eth.</i> x. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_275" id="Footnote_274_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_275"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> "<i>Ab ordinario judice.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_276" id="Footnote_275_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_276"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> Constantine the Great.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_277" id="Footnote_276_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_277"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> Dan. vi. 22. Vulg.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_278" id="Footnote_277_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_278"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> Prov. vii. 7. Vulg.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_279" id="Footnote_278_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_279"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> Arist. <i>Eth.</i> i. 4.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_280" id="Footnote_279_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_280"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> Ps. cxii. 7.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_281" id="Footnote_280_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_281"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> "<i>Scytharum Civilitatem.</i>" Cf. Arist. <i>Ethics</i>, iii. 5,
+where <span lang="el" title="Greek: to bouleuton">&#964;&#8056; &#946;&#959;&#965;&#955;&#949;&#965;&#964;&#8056;&#957;</span> is discussed, and thence come the first
+and the third example, a little altered, the Egyptian being
+substituted for the Spartan.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_282" id="Footnote_281_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_282"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> <i>Parad.</i> ix. 133.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_283" id="Footnote_282_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_283"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> Ps. cxi. 9. Cant. i. 3.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_284" id="Footnote_283_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_284"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> "<i>Scripturæ.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_285" id="Footnote_284_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_285"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> "<i>Regimina.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_286" id="Footnote_285_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_286"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> <i>Soph. El.</i> ii. 3.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_287" id="Footnote_286_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_287"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> Aristotle, <i>Phys.</i> i. 2.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_288" id="Footnote_287_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_288"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> "<i>Inopinabili.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_289" id="Footnote_288_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_289"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> Dante does not quote St. Augustine's words, but gives
+his meaning, xvii. 2.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_290" id="Footnote_289_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_290"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> I. 36, 37. Dante writes: "per gyrum." The Benedictine
+text has: "per agrum."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_291" id="Footnote_290_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_291"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> As quoted by Aristotle, <i>Ethics</i>, vi. 3.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_292" id="Footnote_291_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_292"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> Arist. <i>Anal. Prior.</i>, or rather, the <i>Summulæ Logicæ</i>,
+l. iv., of Petrus Hispanus.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_293" id="Footnote_292_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_293"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> Peter Lombard, "magister sententiarum," iv. dist. 5, f.
+2.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_294" id="Footnote_293_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_294"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> "Archimandrita nostro." Cf. <i>Parad.</i> xi. 99, of St.
+Francis.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_295" id="Footnote_294_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_295"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> On the Donation of Constantine, Witte refers to <i>Inf.</i>
+xxxviii. 94; xix. 115; <i>Purg.</i> xxxii. 124; <i>Parad.</i> xx. 35; <i>suprà</i>
+ii. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_296" id="Footnote_295_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_296"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> Each side in the controversy used the type of the
+"seamless robe," one of the Empire (<i>suprà</i> i. 16), the other of the
+Church; <i>e.g.</i>, in the Bull of Boniface VIII., "<i>Unam Sanctam</i>."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_297" id="Footnote_296_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_297"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> 1 Cor. iii. 11.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_298" id="Footnote_297_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_298"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> Cant. viii. 5.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_299" id="Footnote_298_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_299"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> <i>Eth.</i> iv. 1.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_300" id="Footnote_299_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_300"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> "<i>Dispositio; dispositus; indisposita.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_301" id="Footnote_300_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_301"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> A.D. 773.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_302" id="Footnote_301_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_302"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> "<i>Advocavit.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_303" id="Footnote_302_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_303"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> Otto I. (964) deposed Benedict V. and restored Leo
+VIII.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_304" id="Footnote_303_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_304"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> Arist. <i>Metaph.</i> x. 1.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_305" id="Footnote_304_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_305"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> "<i>Ad existentem maxime unum in genere suo.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_306" id="Footnote_305_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_306"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> <i>Eth.</i> x. 5, 7.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_307" id="Footnote_306_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_307"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> "<i>Cum differentialibus suis.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_308" id="Footnote_307_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_308"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> "<i>Non virtuante.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_309" id="Footnote_308_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_309"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> "<i>Incompetentem.</i>" Acts xxv. 10; xxvii. 24; xxviii. 19.
+Phil. i. 23.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_310" id="Footnote_309_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_310"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> Levit. ii. 11; xi. 43.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_311" id="Footnote_310_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_311"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> Numbers xviii. 20. Cf. <i>Purg.</i> xvi. 131.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_312" id="Footnote_311_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_312"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> Matt. x. 9.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_313" id="Footnote_312_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_313"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> Arist. <i>Metaph.</i> ix. 8.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_314" id="Footnote_313_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_314"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> "<i>Virtus auctorizandi regnum nostræ mortalitatis est
+contra naturam Ecclesiæ.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_315" id="Footnote_314_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_315"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> "<i>Forma.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_316" id="Footnote_315_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_316"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> Arist. <i>Phys. Ausc.</i> ii. 1.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_317" id="Footnote_316_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_317"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> John xiii. 15; xxi. 22; xviii. 36.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_318" id="Footnote_317_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_318"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> Ps. xcv. 5.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_319" id="Footnote_318_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_319"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> In the <i>De Causis</i> (<i>v.</i> above, i. 11), Propos. 9:
+"Intelligentia comprehendit generata et naturam, et horizontem naturæ,
+scilicet animam; nam ipsa est supra naturam."&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_320" id="Footnote_319_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_320"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> Arist. <i>De Anim.</i> ii. 2.&mdash;(W.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_321" id="Footnote_320_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_321"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> See <i>Purg.</i> xxviii.: and Mr. Longfellow's note ad loc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_322" id="Footnote_321_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_322"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> "<i>Sua bestialitate vagantes.</i>" <i>V.</i> Ps. xxxii. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_323" id="Footnote_322_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_323"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> Cf. <i>Parad.</i> xxii. 151. "<i>L'ajuola che ci fa tanto
+feroci.</i>"</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_324" id="Footnote_323_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_324"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> <i>V.</i> Hallam, <i>Middle Ages</i>, c. v. Bryce, <i>Roman
+Empire</i>, c. xiv. Witte, <i>Præf.</i> p. xxxiv. xlv.</p></div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
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+</pre>
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Dante. An essay., by R. W. Church
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Dante. An essay.
+       To which is added a translation of De Monarchia.
+
+Author: R. W. Church
+
+Translator: F. J. Church
+
+Release Date: October 30, 2010 [EBook #33896]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DANTE. AN ESSAY. ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Emanuela Piasentini, Linda Cantoni, and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+(This file was produced from images generously made
+available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries at
+http://www.archive.org/details/danteessaytowhic00chur.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+[Transcriber's Note: Spelling and punctuation have been retained as
+they appear in the original, but obvious printer errors have been
+corrected without note. Printer errors in Italian passages from _The
+Divine Comedy_ have been corrected using the Italian-English Princeton
+University Press edition (trans. Charles S. Singleton, 1973).
+
+A Table of Contents has been added for the reader's convenience. The
+original contains a separate Contents of De Monarchia at the end of De
+Monarchia.]
+
+
+
+
+DANTE
+
+AND
+
+DE MONARCHIA.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+
+
+
+DANTE.
+
+_An Essay._
+
+
+BY
+
+R. W. CHURCH, M.A., D.C.L.
+
+DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S, AND HONORARY FELLOW OF ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD.
+
+
+_To which is added_
+
+A TRANSLATION OF
+
+DE MONARCHIA.
+
+
+BY F. J. CHURCH.
+
+
+_London:_
+MACMILLAN AND CO.
+1879.
+
+
+CHARLES DICKENS AND EVANS,
+CRYSTAL PALACE PRESS.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+NOTICE
+DANTE
+DE MONARCHIA
+CONTENTS OF DE MONARCHIA
+PUBLISHER'S CATALOGUE
+
+
+
+
+NOTICE.
+
+
+The following Essay first appeared in the "Christian Remembrancer" of
+January, 1850, and it was reprinted in a volume of "Essays and
+Reviews," published in 1854.
+
+It was written before the appearance in Germany and England of the
+abundant recent literature on the subject. With the exception of a few
+trifling corrections, it is republished without change.
+
+By the desire of Mr. Macmillan, a translation of the _De Monarchia_ is
+subjoined. I am indebted for it to my son, Mr. F.J. Church, late
+Scholar of New College. It is made from the text of Witte's second
+edition of the _De Monarchia_, 1874. The _De Monarchia_ has been more
+than once translated into Italian and German, in earlier or later
+times. But I do not know that any English translation has yet
+appeared. It is analysed in the fifteenth chapter of Mr. Bryce's "Holy
+Roman Empire."
+
+Witte, with much probability, I think, places the composition of the
+work in the first part of Dante's life, before his exile in 1301,
+while the pretensions and arguments of Boniface VIII. (1294-1303) were
+being discussed by Guelf and Ghibelline partisans, but before they
+were formally embodied in the famous Bull _Unam Sanctam_, 1302. The
+character of the composition, for the most part, formal, general, and
+scholastic, sanguine in tone and with little personal allusion, is in
+strong contrast with the passionate and despairing language of
+resentment and disappointment which marks his later writings. As an
+example of the political speculation of the time, it should be
+compared with the "_De Regimine Principum_," ascribed to Thomas
+Aquinas. The whole subject of the mediaeval idea of the Empire is
+admirably discussed in Mr. Bryce's book referred to above.
+
+R.W.C.
+
+ST. PAUL'S,
+  _November_, 1878.
+
+
+
+
+DANTE.[1]
+
+[JAN. 1850.]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Dante's Divine Comedy, the Inferno; a literal Prose
+Translation, with the Text of the Original._ By J.A. CARLYLE, M.D.,
+London: 1849. I have never quite forgiven myself for not having said
+more of the unpretending but honest and most useful volume which stood
+at the head of this essay when it first appeared as an article. It was
+placed there, according to what was then a custom of article writers,
+as a peg to hang remarks upon which might or might not be criticisms
+of the particular book so noticed. It did not offer itself specially
+to my use, and my attention was busy with my own work. But this was no
+excuse for availing myself of a good book, and not giving it the
+notice which it deserved. To an English student beginning Dante, and
+wishing to study him in a scholarly manner, it is really more useful
+than a verse translation can be; and I have always greatly regretted
+that the plan of translating the whole work was dropped for want of
+the appreciation which the first instalment ought to have had.
+(1878.)]
+
+
+The _Divina Commedia_ is one of the landmarks of history. More than a
+magnificent poem, more than the beginning of a language and the
+opening of a national literature, more than the inspirer of art, and
+the glory of a great people, it is one of those rare and solemn
+monuments of the mind's power, which measure and test what it can
+reach to, which rise up ineffaceably and for ever as time goes on,
+marking out its advance by grander divisions than its centuries, and
+adopted as epochs by the consent of all who come after. It stands with
+the _Iliad_ and Shakspere's Plays, with the writings of Aristotle and
+Plato, with the _Novum Organon_ and the _Principia_, with Justinian's
+_Code_, with the Parthenon and S. Peter's. It is the first Christian
+poem; and it opens European literature, as the _Iliad_ did that of
+Greece and Rome. And, like the _Iliad_, it has never become out of
+date; it accompanies in undiminished freshness the literature which it
+began.
+
+We approach the history of such works, in which genius seems to have
+pushed its achievements to a new limit, with a kind of awe. The
+beginnings of all things, their bursting out from nothing, and gradual
+evolution into substance and shape, cast on the mind a solemn
+influence. They come too near the fount of being to be followed up
+without our feeling the shadows which surround it. We cannot but fear,
+cannot but feel ourselves cut off from this visible and familiar
+world--as we enter into the cloud. And as with the processes of
+nature, so it is with those offsprings of man's mind, by which he has
+added permanently one more great feature to the world, and created a
+new power which is to act on mankind to the end. The mystery of the
+inventive and creative faculty, the subtle and incalculable
+combinations by which it was led to its work, and carried through it,
+are out of the reach of investigating thought. Often the idea recurs
+of the precariousness of the result; by how little the world might
+have lost one of its ornaments--by one sharp pang, or one chance
+meeting, or any other among the countless accidents among which man
+runs his course. And then the solemn recollection supervenes, that
+powers were formed, and life preserved, and circumstances arranged,
+and actions controlled, that thus it should be: and the work which man
+has brooded over, and at last created, is the foster-child too of that
+"Wisdom which reaches from end to end, strongly and sweetly disposing
+all things."
+
+It does not abate these feelings, that we can follow in some cases and
+to a certain extent, the progress of a work. Indeed, the sight of the
+particular accidents among which it was developed--which belong
+perhaps to a heterogeneous and widely discordant order of things,
+which are out of proportion and out of harmony with it, which do not
+explain it, which have, as it may seem to us, no natural right to be
+connected with it, to bear on its character, or contribute to its
+accomplishment, to which we feel, as it were, ashamed to owe what we
+can least spare, yet on which its forming mind and purpose were
+dependent, and with which they had to conspire--affects the
+imagination even more than cases where we see nothing. We are tempted
+less to musing and wonder by the _Iliad_, a work without a history,
+cut off from its past, the sole relic and vestige of its age,
+unexplained in its origin and perfection, than by the _Divina
+Commedia_, destined for the highest ends and most universal sympathy,
+yet the reflection of a personal history, and issuing seemingly from
+its chance incidents.
+
+The _Divina Commedia_ is singular among the great works with which it
+ranks, for its strong stamp of personal character and history. In
+general we associate little more than the name--not the life--of a
+great poet with his works; personal interest belongs more usually to
+greatness in its active than its creative forms. But the whole idea
+and purpose of the _Commedia_, as well as its filling up and
+colouring, are determined by Dante's peculiar history. The loftiest,
+perhaps, in its aim and flight of all poems, it is also the most
+individual; the writer's own life is chronicled in it, as well as the
+issues and upshot of all things. It is at once the mirror to all time
+of the sins and perfections of men, of the judgments and grace of God,
+and the record, often the only one, of the transient names, and local
+factions, and obscure ambitions, and forgotten crimes, of the poet's
+own day; and in that awful company to which he leads us, in the most
+unearthly of his scenes, we never lose sight of himself. And when this
+peculiarity sends us to history, it seems as if the poem which was to
+hold such a place in Christian literature hung upon and grew out of
+chance events, rather than the deliberate design of its author.
+History indeed here, as generally, is but a feeble exponent of the
+course of growth in a great mind and great ideas. It shows us early a
+bent and purpose--the man conscious of power and intending to use
+it--and then the accidents among which he worked: but how that current
+of purpose threaded its way among them, how it was thrown back,
+deflected, deepened, by them, we cannot learn from history. It
+presents but a broken and mysterious picture. A boy of quick and
+enthusiastic temper grows up into youth in a dream of love. The lady
+of his mystic passion dies early. He dreams of her still, not as a
+wonder of earth, but as a Saint in Paradise, and relieves his heart in
+an autobiography, a strange and perplexing work of fiction--quaint and
+subtle enough for a metaphysical conceit; but, on the other hand, with
+far too much of genuine and deep feeling. It is a first essay; he
+closes it abruptly as if dissatisfied with his work, but with the
+resolution of raising at a future day a worthy monument to the memory
+of her whom he has lost. It is the promise and purpose of a great
+work. But a prosaic change seems to come over this half-ideal
+character. The lover becomes the student--the student of the 13th
+century--struggling painfully against difficulties, eager and hot
+after knowledge, wasting eyesight and stinting sleep, subtle,
+inquisitive, active-minded and sanguine, but omnivorous, overflowing
+with dialectical forms, loose in premiss and ostentatiously rigid in
+syllogism, fettered by the refinements of half-awakened taste, and the
+mannerisms of the Provencals. Boethius and Cicero, and the mass of
+mixed learning within his reach, are accepted as the consolation of
+his human griefs: he is filled with the passion of universal
+knowledge, and the desire to communicate it. Philosophy has become the
+lady of his soul--to write allegorical poems in her honour, and to
+comment on them with all the apparatus of his learning in prose, his
+mode of celebrating her. Further, he marries; it is said, not happily.
+The antiquaries, too, have disturbed romance by discovering that
+Beatrice also was married some years before her death. He appears, as
+time goes on, as a burgher of Florence, the father of a family, a
+politician, an envoy, a magistrate, a partisan, taking his full share
+in the quarrels of the day. At length we see him, at once an exile,
+and the poet of the _Commedia_. Beatrice reappears--shadowy, melting
+at times into symbol and figure--but far too living and real,
+addressed with too intense and natural feeling to be the mere
+personification of anything. The lady of the philosophical Canzoni
+has vanished. The student's dream has been broken, as the boy's had
+been; and the earnestness of the man, enlightened by sorrow,
+overleaping the student's formalities and abstractions, reverted in
+sympathy to the earnestness of the boy, and brooded once more on that
+Saint in Paradise, whose presence and memory had once been so
+soothing, and who now seemed a real link between him and that stable
+country, "where the angels are in peace." Round her image, the
+reflection of purity, and truth, and forbearing love, was grouped that
+confused scene of trouble and effort, of failure and success, which
+the poet saw round him; round her image it arranged itself in awful
+order--and that image, not a metaphysical abstraction, but the living
+memory, freshened by sorrow, and seen through the softening and
+hallowing vista of years, of Beatrice Portinari--no figment of
+imagination, but God's creature and servant. A childish love,
+dissipated by study and business, and revived in memory by heavy
+sorrow--a boyish resolution, made in a moment of feeling, interrupted,
+though it would be hazardous to say in Dante's case, laid aside, for
+apparently more manly studies, gave the idea and suggested the form of
+the "Sacred poem of earth and heaven."
+
+And the occasion of this startling unfolding of the poetic gift, of
+this passage of a soft and dreamy boy, into the keenest, boldest,
+sternest of poets, the free and mighty leader of European song, was,
+what is not ordinarily held to be a source of poetical inspiration,--the
+political life. The boy had sensibility, high aspirations, and a
+versatile and passionate nature; the student added to this energy,
+various learning, gifts of language, and noble ideas on the capacities
+and ends of man. But it was the factions of Florence which made Dante
+a great poet. But for them, he might have been a modern critic and
+essayist born before his time, and have held a high place among the
+writers of fugitive verses; in Italy, a graceful but trifling and idle
+tribe, often casting a deep and beautiful thought into a mould of
+expressive diction, but oftener toying with a foolish and glittering
+conceit, and whose languid genius was exhausted by a sonnet. He might
+have thrown into the shade the Guidos and Cinos of his day, to be
+eclipsed by Petrarch. But he learned in the bitter feuds of Italy not
+to trifle; they opened to his view, and he had an eye to see, the true
+springs and abysses of this mortal life--motives and passions stronger
+than lovers' sentiments, evils beyond the consolations of Boethius and
+Cicero; and from that fiery trial which without searing his heart,
+annealed his strength and purpose, he drew that great gift and power,
+by which he stands pre-eminent even among his high compeers, the gift
+of being real. And the idea of the _Commedia_ took shape, and expanded
+into its endless forms of terror and beauty, not under the roof-tree
+of the literary citizen, but when the exile had been driven out to the
+highways of the world, to study nature on the sea or by the river or
+on the mountain track, and to study men in the courts of Verona and
+Ravenna, and in the schools of Bologna and Paris--perhaps of Oxford.
+
+The connexion of these feuds with Dante's poem has given to the middle
+age history of Italy an interest of which it is not undeserving in
+itself, full as it is of curious exhibitions of character and
+contrivance, but to which politically it cannot lay claim, amid the
+social phenomena, so far grander in scale and purpose and more
+felicitous in issue, of the other western nations. It is remarkable
+for keeping up an antique phase, which, in spite of modern
+arrangements, it has not yet lost. It is a history of cities. In
+ancient history all that is most memorable and instructive gathers
+round cities; civilisation and empire were concentrated within walls;
+and it baffled the ancient mind to conceive how power should be
+possessed and wielded, by numbers larger than might be collected in a
+single market-place. The Roman Empire indeed aimed at being one in its
+administration and law; but it was not a nation, nor were its
+provinces nations. Yet everywhere but in Italy, it prepared them for
+becoming nations. And while everywhere else parts were uniting and
+union was becoming organisation--and neither geographical remoteness,
+nor unwieldiness of numbers, nor local interests and differences, were
+untractable obstacles to that spirit of fusion which was at once the
+ambition of the few and the instinct of the many; and cities, even
+where most powerful, had become the centres of the attracting and
+joining forces, knots in the political network--while this was going
+on more or less happily throughout the rest of Europe, in Italy the
+ancient classic idea lingered in its simplicity, its narrowness and
+jealousy, wherever there was any political activity. The history of
+Southern Italy indeed is mainly a foreign one, the history of modern
+Rome merges in that of the Papacy; but Northern Italy has a history of
+its own, and that is a history of separate and independent
+cities--points of reciprocal and indestructible repulsion, and within,
+theatres of action where the blind tendencies and traditions of
+classes and parties weighed little on the freedom of individual
+character, and citizens could watch and measure and study one another
+with the minuteness of private life.
+
+Two cities were the centres of ancient history in its most interesting
+time. And two cities of modern Italy represent, with entirely
+undesigned but curiously exact coincidence, the parts of Athens and
+Rome. Venice, superficially so unlike, is yet in many of its
+accidental features, and still more in its spirit, the counterpart of
+Rome, in its obscure and mixed origin, in its steady growth, in its
+quick sense of order and early settlement of its polity, in its grand
+and serious public spirit, in its subordination of the individual to
+the family, and the family to the state, in its combination of remote
+dominion with the liberty of a solitary and sovereign city. And though
+the associations and the scale of the two were so different--though
+Rome had its hills and its legions, and Venice its lagunes and
+galleys--the long empire of Venice, the heir of Carthage and
+predecessor of England on the seas, the great aristocratic republic of
+1000 years, is the only empire that has yet matched Rome in length and
+steadiness of tenure. Brennus and Hannibal were not resisted with
+greater constancy than Doria and Louis XII.; and that great
+aristocracy, long so proud, so high-spirited, so intelligent, so
+practical, who combined the enterprise and wealth of merchants, the
+self-devotion of soldiers and gravity of senators, with the uniformity
+and obedience of a religious order, may compare without shame its
+Giustiniani, and Zenos, and Morosini, with Roman Fabii and Claudii.
+And Rome could not be more contrasted with Athens than Venice with
+Italian and contemporary Florence--stability with fitfulness,
+independence impregnable and secure, with a short-lived and troubled
+liberty, empire meditated and achieved, with a course of barren
+intrigues and quarrels. Florence, gay, capricious, turbulent, the city
+of party, the head and busy patroness of democracy in the cities round
+her--Florence, where popular government was inaugurated with its
+utmost exclusiveness and most pompous ceremonial; waging her little
+summer wars against Ghibelline tyrants, revolted democracies, and her
+own exiles; and further, so rich in intellectual gifts, in variety of
+individual character, in poets, artists, wits, historians--Florence in
+its brilliant days recalled the image of ancient Athens, and did not
+depart from its prototype in the beauty of its natural site, in its
+noble public buildings, in the size and nature of its territory. And
+the course of its history is similar and the result of similar
+causes--a traditional spirit of freedom, with its accesses of fitful
+energy, its periods of grand display and moments of glorious
+achievement, but producing nothing politically great or durable, and
+sinking at length into a resigned servitude. It had its Peisistratidae
+more successful than those of Athens; it had, too, its Harmodius and
+Aristogeiton; it had its great orator of liberty, as potent and as
+unfortunate as the antagonist of Philip. And finally, like Athens, it
+became content with the remembrance of its former glory, with being
+the fashionable and acknowledged seat of refinement and taste, with
+being a favoured dependency on the modern heir of the Caesars. But if
+to Venice belongs a grander public history, Florentine names and
+works, like Athenian, will be living among men, when the Brenta shall
+have been left unchecked to turn the Lagunes into ploughland, and when
+Rome herself may no longer be the seat of the Popes.
+
+The year of Dante's birth was a memorable one in the annals of
+Florence, of Italy, and of Christendom.[2] The year 1265 was the year
+of that great victory of Benevento, where Charles of Anjou overthrew
+Manfred of Naples, and destroyed at one blow the power of the house of
+Swabia. From that time till the time of Charles V., the emperors had
+no footing in Italy. Further, that victory set up the French influence
+in Italy, which, transient in itself, produced such strange and
+momentous consequences, by the intimate connexion to which it led
+between the French kings and the Popes. The protection of France was
+dearly bought by the captivity of Avignon, the great western schism,
+and the consequent secularisation of the Papacy, which lasted on
+uninterrupted till the Council of Trent. Nearly three centuries of
+degradation and scandal, unrelieved by one heroic effort among the
+successors of Gregory VII., connected the Reformation with the triumph
+of Charles and the Pope at Benevento. Finally, by it the Guelf party
+was restored for good in Florence; the Guelf democracy, which had been
+trampled down by the Uberti and Manfred's chivalry at Monteaperti,
+once more raised its head; and fortune, which had long wavered between
+the rival lilies, finally turned against the white one, till the name
+of Ghibelline became a proscribed one in Florence, as Jacobite was
+once in Scotland, or Papist in England, or Royalist in France.
+
+[Footnote 2: May, 1265. (Pelli.) Benevento: Feb. 26, 1265/6. The
+Florentine year began March 25.]
+
+The names of Guelf and Ghibelline were the inheritance of a contest
+which, in its original meaning, had been long over. The old struggle
+between the priesthood and the empire was still kept up traditionally,
+but its ideas and interests were changed: they were still great and
+important ones, but not those of Gregory VII. It had passed over from
+the mixed region of the spiritual and temporal into the purely
+political. The cause of the popes was that of the independence of
+Italy--the freedom and alliance of the great cities of the north, and
+the dependence of the centre and south on the Roman See. To keep the
+Emperor out of Italy--to create a barrier of powerful cities against
+him south of the Alps--to form behind themselves a compact territory,
+rich, removed from the first burst of invasion, and maintaining a
+strong body of interested feudatories, had now become the great object
+of the popes. It may have been a wise policy on their part, for the
+maintenance of their spiritual influence, to attempt to connect their
+own independence with the political freedom of the Italian
+communities; but certain it is that the ideas and the characters which
+gave a religious interest and grandeur to the earlier part of the
+contest, appear but sparingly, if at all, in its later forms.
+
+The two parties did not care to keep in view principles which their
+chiefs had lost sight of. The Emperor and the Pope were both real
+powers, able to protect and assist; and they divided between them
+those who required protection and assistance. Geographical position,
+the rivalry of neighbourhood, family tradition, private feuds, and
+above all private interest, were the main causes which assigned
+cities, families, and individuals to the Ghibelline or Guelf party.
+One party called themselves the Emperor's liegemen, and their
+watchword was authority and law; the other side were the liegemen of
+Holy Church, and their cry was liberty; and the distinction as a broad
+one is true. But a democracy would become Ghibelline, without scruple,
+if its neighbour town was Guelf; and among the Guelf liegemen of the
+Church and liberty the pride of blood and love of power were not a
+whit inferior to that of their opponents. Yet, though the original
+principle of the contest was lost, and the political distinctions of
+parties were often interfered with by interest or accident, it is not
+impossible to trace in the two factions differences of temper, of
+moral and political inclinations, which though visible only on a large
+scale and in the mass, were quite sufficient to give meaning and
+reality to their mutual opposition. These differences had come down,
+greatly altered of course, from the quarrel in which the parties took
+their rise. The Ghibellines as a body reflected the worldliness, the
+licence, the irreligion, the reckless selfishness, the daring
+insolence, and at the same time the gaiety and pomp, the princely
+magnificence and generosity and largeness of mind of the house of
+Swabia; they were the men of the court and camp, imperious and haughty
+from ancient lineage or the Imperial cause, yet not wanting in the
+frankness and courtesy of nobility; careless of public opinion and
+public rights, but not dead to the grandeur of public objects and
+public services. Among them were found, or to them inclined, all who,
+whether from a base or a lofty ambition, desired to place their will
+above law[3]--the lord of the feudal castle, the robber-knight of the
+Apennine pass, the magnificent but terrible tyrants of the cities, the
+pride and shame of Italy, the Visconti and Scaligers. That renowned
+Ghibelline chief, whom the poet finds in the fiery sepulchres of the
+unbelievers with the great Ghibelline emperor and the princely
+Ghibelline cardinal--the disdainful and bitter but lofty spirit of
+Farinata degli Uberti, the conqueror, and then singly and at his own
+risk, the saviour of his country which had wronged him, represents the
+good as well as the bad side of his party.
+
+[Footnote 3: "Maghinardo da Susinana (_il Demonio_, Purg. 14) fu uno
+grande e savio tiranno ... gran castellano, e con molti fedeli: savio
+fu di guerra e bene avventuroso in piu battaglie, e al suo tempo fece
+gran cose. Ghibellino era di sua nazione e in sue opere; ma co'
+Fiorentini era Guelfo e nimico di tutti i loro nimici, o Guelfi o
+Ghibellini che fossono."--G. Vill. vii. 149. A Ghibelline by birth and
+disposition; yet, from circumstances, a close ally of the Guelfs of
+Florence.]
+
+The Guelfs, on the other hand, were the party of the middle classes;
+they rose out of and held to the people; they were strong by their
+compactness, their organisation in cities, their commercial relations
+and interests, their command of money. Further, they were professedly
+the party of strictness and religion, a profession which fettered them
+as little as their opponents were fettered by the respect they claimed
+for imperial law. But though by personal unscrupulousness and
+selfishness, and in instances of public vengeance, they sinned as
+deeply as the Ghibellines, they stood far more committed as a party to
+a public meaning and purpose--to improvement in law and the condition
+of the poor, to a protest against the insolence of the strong, to the
+encouragement of industry. The genuine Guelf spirit was austere,
+frugal, independent, earnest, religious, fond of its home and Church,
+and of those celebrations which bound together Church and home; but
+withal very proud, very intolerant; in its higher form intolerant of
+evil, but intolerant always to whatever displeased it. Yet there was a
+grave and noble manliness about it which long kept it alive in
+Florence. It had not as yet turned itself against the practical
+corruptions of the Church, which was its ally; but this also it was to
+do, when the popes had forsaken the cause of liberty, and leagued
+themselves with the brilliant tyranny of the Medici. Then Savonarola
+invoked, and not in vain, the stern old Guelf spirit of resistance, of
+domestic purity and severity, and of domestic religion, against
+unbelief and licentiousness even in the Church; and the Guelf
+"_Piagnoni_" presented, in a more simple and generous shape, a
+resemblance to our own Puritans, as the Ghibellines often recall the
+coarser and worse features of our own Cavaliers.
+
+In Florence, these distinctions had become mere nominal ones, confined
+to the great families who carried on their private feuds under the old
+party names, when Frederick II. once more gave them their meaning.
+"Although the accursed Guelf and Ghibelline factions lasted amongst
+the nobles of Florence, and they often waged war among themselves out
+of private grudges, and took sides for the said factions, and held one
+with another, and those who called themselves Guelfs desired the
+establishment of the Pope and Holy Church, and those who called
+themselves Ghibellines favoured the Emperor and his adherents, yet
+withal the people and commonalty of Florence maintained itself in
+unity, to the well-being and honour and establishment of the
+commonwealth."[4] But the appearance on the scene of an emperor of
+such talent and bold designs revived the languid contest, and gave to
+party a cause, and to individual passions and ambition an impulse and
+pretext. The division between Guelf and Ghibelline again became
+serious, involved all Florence, armed house against house, and
+neighbourhood against neighbourhood, issued in merciless and
+vindictive warfare, grew on into a hopeless and deadly breach, and
+finally lost to Florence, without remedy or repair, half her noble
+houses and the love of the greatest of her sons. The old badge of
+their common country became to the two factions the sign of their
+implacable hatred; the white lily of Florence, borne by the
+Ghibellines, was turned to red by the Guelfs, and the flower of two
+colours marked a civil strife as cruel and as fatal, if on a smaller
+scale, as that of the English roses.[5]
+
+[Footnote 4: G. Villani, vi. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 5: G. Villani, vi. 33, 43; _Parad._ 19.]
+
+It was waged with the peculiar characteristics of Italian civil war.
+There the city itself was the scene of battle. A thirteenth century
+city in Italy bore on its face the evidence that it was built and
+arranged for such emergencies. Its crowded and narrow streets were a
+collection of rival castles, whose tall towers, rising thick and close
+over its roofs, or hanging perilously over its close courts, attested
+the emulous pride and the insecurity of Italian civic life. There,
+within a separate precinct, flanked and faced by jealous friends or
+deadly enemies, were clustered together the dwellings of the various
+members of each great house--their common home and the monument of
+their magnificence and pride, and capable of being, as was so often
+necessary, their common refuge. In these fortresses of the leading
+families, scattered about the city, were the various points of onset
+and recovery in civic battle; in the streets barricades were raised,
+mangonels and crossbows were plied from the towers, a series of
+separate combats raged through the city, till chance at length
+connected the attacks of one side, or some panic paralysed the
+resistance of the other, or a conflagration interposed itself between
+the combatants, burning out at once Guelf and Ghibelline, and laying
+half Florence in ashes. Each party had their turn of victory; each,
+when vanquished, went into exile, and carried on the war outside the
+walls; each had their opportunity of remodelling the orders and
+framework of government, and each did so relentlessly at the cost of
+their opponents. They excluded classes, they proscribed families, they
+confiscated property, they sacked and burned warehouses, they levelled
+the palaces, and outraged the pride of their antagonists. To destroy
+was not enough, without adding to it the keenest and newest refinement
+of insult. Two buildings in Florence were peculiarly dear--among their
+"_cari luoghi_"--to the popular feeling and the Guelf party: the
+Baptistery of St. John, "il mio bel S. Giovanni," "to which all the
+good people resorted on Sundays,"[6] where they had all received
+baptism, where they had been married, where families were solemnly
+reconciled; and a tall and beautiful tower close by it, called the
+"Torre del Guardamorto," where the bodies of the "good people," who of
+old were all buried at S. Giovanni, rested on their way to the grave.
+The victorious Ghibellines, when they levelled the Guelf towers,
+overthrew this one, and endeavoured to make it crush in its fall the
+sacred church, "which," says the old chronicler, "was prevented by a
+miracle." The Guelfs, when their day came, built the walls of Florence
+with the stones of Ghibelline palaces.[7] One great family stands out
+pre-eminent in this fierce conflict as the victim and monument of
+party war. The head of the Ghibellines was the proud and powerful
+house of the Uberti, who shared with another great Ghibelline family,
+the Pazzi, the valley of the upper Arno. They lighted up the war in
+the Emperor's cause. They supported its weight and guided it. In time
+of peace they were foremost and unrestrained in defiance of law and in
+scorn of the people--in war, the people's fiercest and most active
+enemies. Heavy sufferers, in their property, and by the sword and axe,
+yet untamed and incorrigible, they led the van in that battle, so long
+remembered to their cost by the Guelfs, the battle of Monteaperti
+(1260)--
+
+     Lo strazio, e 'l gran scempio
+     Che fece l'Arbia colorata in rossa.--_Inf._ 10.
+
+[Footnote 6: G. Villani, vi. 33, iv. 10; _Inf._ 19; _Parad._ 25.]
+
+[Footnote 7: G. Villani, vi. 39, 65.]
+
+That the head of their house, Farinata, saved Florence from the
+vengeance of his meaner associates, was not enough to atone for the
+unpardonable wrongs which they had done to the Guelfs and the
+democracy. When the red lily of the Guelfs finally supplanted the
+white one as the arms of Florence, and the badge of Guelph triumph,
+they were proscribed for ever, like the Peisistratidae and the
+Tarquins. In every amnesty their names were excepted. The site on
+which their houses had stood was never again to be built upon, and
+remains the Great Square of Florence; the architect of the Palace of
+the People was obliged to sacrifice its symmetry, and to place it
+awry, that its walls might not encroach on the accursed ground.[8]
+"They had been," says a writer, contemporary with Dante, speaking of
+the time when he also became an exile; "they had been for more than
+forty years outlaws from their country, nor ever found mercy nor pity,
+remaining always abroad in great state, nor ever abased their honour,
+seeing that they ever abode with kings and lords, and to great things
+applied themselves."[9] They were loved as they were hated. When under
+the protection of a cardinal one of them visited the city, and the
+chequered blue and gold blazon of their house was, after an interval
+of half a century, again seen in the streets of Florence; "many
+ancient Ghibelline men and women pressed to kiss the arms,"[10] and
+even the common people did him honour.
+
+[Footnote 8: G. Villani, vi. 33, viii. 26; Vasari, _Arnolfo di Lapo_,
+i. 255 (Fir. 1846).]
+
+[Footnote 9: _Dino Compagni_, p. 88.]
+
+[Footnote 10: _Dino Compagni_, p. 107.]
+
+But the fortunes of Florentine factions depended on other causes than
+merely the address or vigour of their leaders. From the year of
+Dante's birth and Charles's victory, Florence, as far as we shall have
+to do with it, became irrevocably Guelf. Not that the whole commonalty
+of Florence formally called itself Guelf, or that the Guelf party was
+co-extensive with it; but the city was controlled by Guelf councils,
+devoted to the objects of the great Guelf party, and received in
+return the support of that party in curbing the pride of the nobles,
+and maintaining democratic forms. The Guelf party of Florence, though
+it was the life and soul of the republic, and irresistible in its
+disposal of the influence and arms of Florence, and though it embraced
+a large number of the most powerful families, is always spoken of as
+something distinct from, and external to, the governing powers, and
+the whole body of the people. It was a body with a separate and
+self-constituted existence;--in the state and allied to it, but an
+independent element, holding on to a large and comprehensive union
+without the state. Its organisation in Florence is one of the most
+curious among the many curious combinations which meet us in Italian
+history. After the final expulsion of the Ghibellines, the Guelf party
+took form as an institution, with definite powers, and a local
+existence. It appears with as distinct a shape as the Jacobin Club or
+the Orange Lodges, side by side with the government. It was a
+corporate body with a common seal, common property, not only in funds
+but lands--officers, archives, a common palace,[11] a great council, a
+secret committee, and last of all, a public accuser of the
+Ghibellines; of the confiscated Ghibelline estates one-third went to
+the republic, another third to compensate individual Guelfs, the rest
+was assigned to the Guelf party.[12] A pope, (Clement IV., 1265-68)
+had granted them his own arms[13]; and their device, a red eagle
+clutching a serpent, may be yet seen, with the red lily, and the
+party-coloured banner of the commonalty, on the battlements of the
+Palazzo Vecchio.
+
+[Footnote 11: Giotto painted in it: Vasari, _Vit. di Giotto_, p. 314.]
+
+[Footnote 12: G. Villani, vii. 2, 17.]
+
+[Footnote 13: _Ibid._ vii. 2.]
+
+But the expulsion of the Ghibellines did but little to restore peace.
+The great Guelf families, as old as many of the Ghibellines, had as
+little reverence as they for law or civic rights. Below these, the
+acknowledged nobility of Florence, were the leading families of the
+"people," houses created by successful industry or commerce, and
+pushing up into that privileged order, which, however ignored and
+even discredited by the laws, was fully recognised by feeling and
+opinion in the most democratic times of the republic. Rivalries and
+feuds, street broils and conspiracies, high-handed insolence from the
+great men, rough vengeance from the populace, still continued to vex
+jealous and changeful Florence. The popes sought in vain to keep in
+order their quarrelsome liegemen; to reconcile Guelf with Guelf, and
+even Guelf with Ghibelline. Embassies went and came, to ask for
+mediation and to proffer it; to apply the healing paternal hand; to
+present an obsequious and ostentatious submission. Cardinal legates
+came in state, and were received with reverential pomp; they formed
+private committees, and held assemblies, and made marriages; they
+harangued in honeyed words, and gained the largest promises; on one
+occasion the Great Square was turned into a vast theatre, and on this
+stage one hundred and fifty dissidents on each side came forward, and
+in the presence and with the benediction of the cardinal kissed each
+other on the mouth.[14] And if persuasion failed, the pope's
+representative hesitated not to excommunicate and interdict the
+faithful but obdurate city. But whether excommunicated or blessed,
+Florence could not be at peace; however wise and subtle had been the
+peace-maker's arrangements, his departing _cortege_ was hardly out of
+sight of the city before they were blown to the winds. Not more
+successful were the efforts of the sensible and moderate citizens who
+sighed for tranquillity within its walls. Dino Compagni's interesting
+though not very orderly narrative describes with great frankness, and
+with the perplexity of a simple-hearted man puzzled by the continual
+triumph of clever wickedness, the variety and the fruitlessness of the
+expedients devised by him and other good citizens against the resolute
+and incorrigible selfishness of the great Guelfs--ever, when checked
+in one form, breaking out in another; proof against all persuasion,
+all benefits; not to be bound by law, or compact, or oath; eluding or
+turning to its own account the deepest and sagest contrivances of
+constitutional wisdom.
+
+[Footnote 14: G. Villani, vii. 56.]
+
+A great battle won against Ghibelline Arezzo[15] raised the renown and
+the military spirit of the Guelf party, for the fame of the battle was
+very great; the hosts contained the choicest chivalry of either side,
+armed and appointed with emulous splendour. The fighting was hard,
+there was brilliant and conspicuous gallantry, and the victory was
+complete. It sealed Guelf ascendancy. The Ghibelline warrior-bishop
+of Arezzo fell, with three of the Uberti, and other Ghibelline chiefs.
+It was a day of trial. "Many that day who had been thought of great
+prowess were found dastards, and many who had never been spoken of
+were held in high esteem." It repaired the honour of Florence, and the
+citizens showed their feeling of its importance by mixing up the
+marvellous with its story. Its tidings came to Florence--so runs the
+tale in Villani, who declares what he "heard and saw" himself--at the
+very hour in which it was won. The Priors of the republic were resting
+in their palace during the noonday heat; suddenly the chamber door was
+shaken, and the cry heard: "Rise up! the Aretini are defeated." The
+door was opened, but there was no one; their servants had seen no one
+enter the palace, and no one came from the army till the hour of
+vespers, on a long summer's day. In this battle the Guelf leaders had
+won great glory. The hero of the day was the proudest, handsomest,
+craftiest, most winning, most ambitious, most unscrupulous Guelf noble
+in Florence--one of a family who inherited the spirit and recklessness
+of the proscribed Uberti, and did not refuse the popular epithet of
+"_Malefami_"--Corso Donati. He did not come back from the field of
+Campaldino, where he had won the battle by disobeying orders with any
+increased disposition to yield to rivals, or court the populace, or
+respect other men's rights. Those rivals, too--and they also had
+fought gallantly in the post of honour at Campaldino--were such as he
+hated from his soul--rivals whom he despised, and who yet were too
+strong for him. His blood was ancient, they were upstarts; he was a
+soldier, they were traders; he was poor, they the richest men in
+Florence. They had come to live close to the Donati, they had bought
+the palace of an old Ghibelline family, they had enlarged, adorned,
+and fortified it, and kept great state there. They had crossed him in
+marriages, bargains, inheritances. They had won popularity, honour,
+influence; and yet they were but men of business, while he had a part
+in all the political movements of the day. He was the friend and
+intimate of lords and noblemen, with great connexions and famous
+through all Italy; they were the favourites of the common people for
+their kindness and good nature; they even showed consideration for
+Ghibellines. He was an accomplished man of the world, keen and subtle,
+"full of malicious thoughts, mischievous and crafty;" they were
+inexperienced in intrigue, and had the reputation of being clumsy and
+stupid. He was the most graceful and engaging of courtiers; they were
+not even gentlemen. Lastly, in the debates of that excitable republic
+he was the most eloquent speaker, and they were tongue-tied.[16]
+
+[Footnote 15: _Campaldino_, in 1289. G. Vill. vii. 131; _Dino Comp._
+p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 16: _Dino Comp._ pp. 32, 75, 94, 133.]
+
+"There was a family," writes Dino Compagni, "who called themselves the
+Cerchi, men of low estate, but good merchants and very rich; and they
+dressed richly, and maintained many servants and horses, and made a
+brave show; and some of them bought the palace of the Conti Guidi,
+which was near the houses of the Pazzi and Donati, who were more
+ancient of blood but not so rich; therefore, seeing the Cerchi rise to
+great dignity, and that they had walled and enlarged the palace, and
+kept great state, the Donati began to have a great hatred against
+them." Villani gives the same account of the feud.[17] "It began in
+that quarter of scandal the Sesta of Porta S. Piero, between the
+Cerchi and Donati, on the one side through jealousy, on the other
+through churlish rudeness. Of the house of the Cerchi was head Messer
+Vieri de' Cerchi, and he and those of his house were people of great
+business, and powerful, and of great relationships, and most wealthy
+traders, so that their company was one of the greatest in the world;
+men they were of soft life, and who meant no harm; boorish and
+ill-mannered, like people who had come in a short time to great state
+and power. The Donati were gentlemen and warriors, and of no
+excessive wealth.... They were neighbours in Florence and in the
+country, and by the conversation of their jealousy with the peevish
+boorishness of the others, arose the proud scorn that there was
+between them." The glories of Campaldino were not as oil on these
+troubled waters. The conquerors flouted each other all the more
+fiercely in the streets on their return, and ill-treated the lower
+people with less scruple. No gathering for festive or serious purposes
+could be held without tempting strife. A marriage, a funeral, a ball,
+a gay procession of cavaliers and ladies--any meeting where one stood
+while another sat, where horse or man might jostle another, where
+pride might be nettled or temper shown, was in danger of ending in
+blood. The lesser quarrels meanwhile ranged themselves under the
+greater ones; and these, especially that between the Cerchi and
+Donati, took more and more a political character. The Cerchi inclined
+more and more to the trading classes and the lower people; they threw
+themselves on their popularity, and began to hold aloof from the
+meetings of the "Parte Guelfa," while this organised body became an
+instrument in the hands of their opponents, a club of the nobles.
+Corso Donati, besides mischief of a more substantial kind, turned his
+ridicule on their solemn dulness and awkward speech, and his friends
+the jesters, one Scampolino in particular, carried his gibes and
+nicknames all over Florence. The Cerchi received all in sullen and
+clogged indifference. They were satisfied with repelling attacks, and
+nursed their hatred.[18]
+
+[Footnote 17: G. Vill. viii. 39.]
+
+[Footnote 18: _Dino Compagni_, pp. 32, 34, 38.]
+
+Thus the city was divided, and the attempts to check the factions only
+exasperated them. It was in vain that, when at times the government
+and the populace lost patience, severe measures were taken. It was in
+vain that the reformer, Gian della Bella, carried for a time his harsh
+"orders of justice" against the nobles, and invested popular vengeance
+with the solemnity of law and with the pomp and ceremony of a public
+act--that when a noble had been convicted of killing a citizen, the
+great officer, "Standard-bearer," as he was called, "of justice,"
+issued forth in state and procession, with the banner of justice borne
+before him, with all his train, and at the head of the armed citizens,
+to the house of the criminal, and razed it to the ground. An
+eyewitness describes the effect of such chastisement:--"I, Dino
+Compagni, being Gonfalonier of Justice in 1293, went to their houses,
+and to those of their relations, and these I caused to be pulled down
+according to the laws. This beginning in the case of the other
+Gonfaloniers came to an evil effect; because, if they demolished the
+houses according to the laws, the people said that they were cruel;
+and if they did not demolish them completely, they said that they were
+cowards; and many distorted justice for fear of the people." Gian
+della Bella was overthrown with few regrets even on the part of the
+people. Equally vain was the attempt to keep the peace by separating
+the leaders of the disturbances. They were banished by a kind of
+ostracism; they departed in ostentatious meekness, Corso Donato to
+plot at Rome, Vieri de' Cerchi to return immediately to Florence.
+Anarchy had got too fast a hold on the city, and it required a
+stronger hand than that of the pope, or the signory of the republic,
+to keep it down.
+
+Yet Florence prospered. Every year it grew richer, more intellectual,
+more refined, more beautiful, more gay. With its anarchy there was no
+stagnation. Torn and divided as it was, its energy did not slacken,
+its busy and creative spirit was not deadened, its hopefulness not
+abated. The factions, fierce and personal as they were, did not hinder
+that interest in political ideas, that active and subtle study of the
+questions of civil government, that passion and ingenuity displayed in
+political contrivance, which now pervaded Northern Italy, everywhere
+marvellously patient and hopeful, though far from being equally
+successful. In Venice at the close of the thirteenth century, that
+polity was finally settled and consolidated, by which she was great as
+long as cities could be imperial, and which even in its decay survived
+the monarchy of Louis XIV. and existed within the memory of living
+men. In Florence, the constructive spirit of law and order only
+resisted, but never triumphed. Yet it was at this time resolute and
+sanguine, ready with experiment and change, and not yet dispirited by
+continual failure. Political interest, however, and party contests
+were not sufficient to absorb and employ the citizens of Florence.
+Their genial and versatile spirit, so keen, so inventive, so elastic,
+which made them such hot and impetuous partisans, kept them from being
+only this. The time was one of growth; new knowledge, new powers, new
+tastes were opening to men--new pursuits attracted them. There was
+commerce, there was the school philosophy, there was the science of
+nature, there was ancient learning, there was the civil law, there
+were the arts, there was poetry, all rude as yet, and unformed, but
+full of hope--the living parents of mightier offspring. Frederick II.
+had once more opened Aristotle to the Latin world; he had given an
+impulse to the study of the great monuments of Roman legislation which
+was responded to through Italy; himself a poet, his example and his
+splendid court had made poetry fashionable. In the end of the
+thirteenth century a great stride was made at Florence. While her
+great poet was growing up to manhood, as rapid a change went on in her
+streets, her social customs, the wealth of her citizens, their ideas
+of magnificence and beauty, their appreciation of literature. It was
+the age of growing commerce and travel; Franciscan missionaries had
+reached China, and settled there;[19] in 1294, Marco Polo returned to
+Venice, the first successful explorer of the East. The merchants of
+Florence lagged not; their field of operation was Italy and the West;
+they had their correspondents in London, Paris, and Bruges; they were
+the bankers of popes and kings.[20] And their city shows to this day
+the wealth and magnificence of the last years of the thirteenth
+century. The ancient buildings, consecrated in the memory of the
+Florentine people, were repaired, enlarged, adorned with marble and
+bronze--Or San Michele, the Badia, the Baptistery; and new buildings
+rose on a grander scale. In 1294 was begun the Mausoleum of the great
+Florentine dead, the Church of S. Croce. In the same year, a few
+months later, Arnolfo laid the deep foundations which were afterwards
+to bear up Brunelleschi's dome, and traced the plan of the magnificent
+cathedral. In 1298 he began to raise a Town-hall worthy of the
+Republic, and of being the habitation of its magistrates, the frowning
+mass of the Palazzo Vecchio. In 1299, the third circle of the walls
+was commenced, with the benediction of bishops, and the concourse of
+all the "lords and orders" of Florence. And Giotto was now beginning
+to throw Cimabue into the shade--Giotto, the shepherd's boy, painter,
+sculptor, architect, and engineer at once, who a few years later was
+to complete and crown the architectural glories of Florence by that
+masterpiece of grace, his marble Campanile.
+
+[Footnote 19: See the curious letters of _John de Monte Corvino_,
+about his mission in Cathay, 1289-1305, in Wadding, vi. 69.]
+
+[Footnote 20: _E.g._ the _Mozzi_, of Greg. X.; _Peruzzi_, of Philip le
+Bel; _Spini_, of Boniface VIII.; _Cerchi del Garbo_, of Benedict XI.
+(G. Vill. vii. 42, viii. 63, 71; _Dino Comp._ p. 35).]
+
+Fifty years made then all that striking difference in domestic habits,
+in the materials of dress, in the value of money, which they have
+usually made in later centuries. The poet of the fourteenth century
+describes the proudest nobleman of a hundred years before "with his
+leathern girdle and clasp of bone;" and in one of the most beautiful
+of all poetic celebrations of the good old time, draws the domestic
+life of ancient Florence in the household where his ancestor was born:
+
+     A cosi riposato, a cosi bello
+     Viver di cittadini, a cosi fida
+     Cittadinanza, a cosi dolce ostello
+     Maria mi die, chiamata in alte grida.--_Par._ c. 15.[21]
+
+[Footnote 21:
+
+     Florence, confined within that ancient wall,
+       Whence still the chimes at noon and evening sound,
+     Was sober, modest, and at peace with all.
+     Myself have seen Bellincion Berti pace
+       The street in leathern belt; his lady come
+     Forth from her toilet with unpainted face.
+           *      *      *      *
+     Oh happy wives! each soon to lay her head
+       In her own tomb; and no one yet compelled
+     To weep deserted in a lonely bed.
+           *      *      *      *
+     To such pure life of beauty and repose--
+       Such faithful citizens--such happy men--
+     The virgin gave me, when my mother's throes
+       Forced her with cries to call on Mary's name.--WRIGHT.]
+
+There high-born dames, he says, still plied the distaff and the loom;
+still rocked the cradle with the words which their own mothers had
+used; or working with their maidens, told them old tales of the
+forefathers of the city, "of the Trojans, of Fiesole, and of Rome."
+Villani still finds this rudeness within forty years of the end of the
+century, almost within the limits of his own and Dante's life; and
+speaks of that "old first people," _il primo Popolo Vecchio_, with
+their coarse food and expenditure, their leather jerkins, and plain
+close gowns, their small dowries and late marriages, as if they were
+the first founders of the city, and not a generation which had lasted
+on into his own.[22] Twenty years later, his story is of the gaiety,
+the riches, the profuse munificence, the brilliant festivities, the
+careless and joyous life, which attracted foreigners to Florence as
+the city of pleasure; of companies of a thousand or more, all clad in
+white robes, under a lord, styled "of Love," passing their time in
+sports and dances; of ladies and knights, "going through the city with
+trumpets and other instruments, with joy and gladness," and meeting
+together in banquets evening and morning; entertaining illustrious
+strangers, and honourably escorting them on horseback in their passage
+through the city; tempting by their liberality, courtiers, and wits,
+and minstrels, and jesters, to add to the amusements of Florence.[23]
+Nor were these the boisterous triumphs of unrefined and coarse
+merriment. How variety of character was drawn out, how its more
+delicate elements were elicited and tempered, how nicely it was
+observed, and how finely drawn, let the racy and open-eyed
+story-tellers of Florence testify.
+
+[Footnote 22: G. Vill. vi. 69 (1259).]
+
+[Footnote 23: G. Vill. vii. 89 (1283).]
+
+Not perhaps in these troops of revellers, but amid music and song, and
+in the pleasant places of social and private life, belonging to the
+Florence of arts and poetry, not to the Florence of factions and
+strife, should we expect to find the friend of the sweet singer,
+Casella, and of the reserved and bold speculator, Guido Cavalcanti;
+the mystic poet of the _Vita Nuova_, so sensitive and delicate,
+trembling at a gaze or a touch, recording visions, painting angels,
+composing Canzoni and commenting on them; finally devoting himself to
+the austere consolations of deep study. To superadd to such a
+character that of a democratic politician of the middle ages, seems an
+incongruous and harsh combination. Yet it was a real one in this
+instance. The scholar's life is, in our idea of it, far separated from
+the practical and the political; we have been taught by our experience
+to disjoin enthusiasm in love, in art, in what is abstract or
+imaginative, from keen interest and successful interference in the
+affairs and conflicts of life. The practical man may sometimes be also
+a _dilettante_; but the dreamer or the thinker, wisely or indolently,
+keeps out of the rough ways where real passions and characters meet
+and jostle, or if he ventures, seldom gains honour there. The
+separation, though a natural one, grows wider as society becomes more
+vast and manifold, as its ends, functions, and pursuits are
+disentangled, while they multiply. But in Dante's time, and in an
+Italian city, it was not such a strange thing that the most refined
+and tender interpreter of feeling, the popular poet, whose verses
+touched all hearts, and were in every mouth, should be also at once
+the ardent follower of all abstruse and difficult learning, and a
+prominent character among those who administered the State. In that
+narrow sphere of action, in that period of dawning powers and
+circumscribed knowledge, it seemed no unreasonable hope or unwise
+ambition to attempt the compassing of all science, and to make it
+subserve and illustrate the praise of active citizenship.[24] Dante,
+like other literary celebrities of the time, was not less from the
+custom of the day, than from his own purpose, a public man. He took
+his place among his fellow-citizens; he went out to war with them; he
+fought, it is said, among the skirmishers at the great Guelf victory
+of Campaldino; to qualify himself for office in the democracy, he
+enrolled himself in one of the Guilds of the people, and was
+matriculated in the "Art" of the Apothecaries; he served the State as
+its agent abroad; he went on important missions to the cities and
+courts of Italy--according to a Florentine tradition, which enumerates
+fourteen distinct embassies, even to Hungary and France. In the
+memorable year of Jubilee, 1300, he was one of the Priors of the
+Republic. There is no shrinking from fellowship and co-operation and
+conflict with the keen or bold men of the market-place and
+council-hall, in that mind of exquisite and, as drawn by itself,
+exaggerated sensibility. The doings and characters of men, the
+workings of society, the fortunes of Italy, were watched and thought
+of with as deep an interest as the courses of the stars, and read in
+the real spectacle of life with as profound emotion as in the
+miraculous page of Virgil; and no scholar ever read Virgil with such
+feeling--no astronomer ever watched the stars with more eager
+inquisitiveness. The whole man opens to the world around him; all
+affections and powers, soul and sense, diligently and thoughtfully
+directed and trained, with free and concurrent and equal energy, with
+distinct yet harmonious purposes, seek out their respective and
+appropriate objects, moral, intellectual, natural, spiritual, in that
+admirable scene and hard field where man is placed to labour and love,
+to be exercised, proved, and judged.
+
+[Footnote 24: _Vide_ the opening of the _De Monarchia_.]
+
+In a fresco in the chapel of the old palace of the Podesta[25] at
+Florence is a portrait of Dante, said to be by the hand of his
+contemporary Giotto. It was discovered in 1841 under the whitewash,
+and a tracing made by Mr. Seymour Kirkup has been reproduced in
+fac-simile by the Arundel Society. The fresco was afterwards restored
+or repainted with no happy success. He is represented as he might have
+been in the year of Campaldino (1289). The countenance is youthful yet
+manly, more manly than it appears in the engravings of the picture;
+but it only suggests the strong deep features of the well-known
+traditional face. He is drawn with much of the softness, and
+melancholy pensive sweetness, and with something also of the quaint
+stiffness of the _Vita Nuova_--with his flower and his book. With him
+is drawn his master, Brunetto Latini,[26] and Corso Donati. We do not
+know what occasion led Giotto thus to associate him with the great
+"Baron." Dante was, indeed, closely connected with the Donati. The
+dwelling of his family was near theirs, in the "Quarter of Scandal,"
+the Ward of the Porta S. Piero. He married a daughter of their house,
+Madonna Gemma. None of his friends are commemorated with more
+affection than the companion of his light and wayward days, remembered
+not without a shade of anxious sadness, yet with love and hope,
+Corso's brother, Forese.[27] No sweeter spirit sings and smiles in the
+illumined spheres of Paradise, than she whom Forese remembers as on
+earth one,
+
+     Che tra bella e buona
+     Non so qual fosse piu--[28]
+
+and who, from the depth of her heavenly joy, teaches the poet that in
+the lowest place among the blessed there can be no envy[29]--the
+sister of Forese and Corso, Piccarda. The _Commedia_, though it
+speaks, as if in prophecy, of Corso's miserable death, avoids the
+mention of his name.[30] Its silence is so remarkable as to seem
+significant. But though history does not group together Corso and
+Dante, the picture represents the truth--their fortunes were linked
+together. They were actors in the same scene--at this distance of time
+two of the most prominent; though a scene very different from that
+calm and grave assembly, which Giotto's placid pencil has drawn on the
+old chapel wall.
+
+[Footnote 25: The Bargello, a prison (1850); a museum (1878). _V._
+Vasari, p. 311.]
+
+[Footnote 26: He died in 1294. G. Vill. viii. 10.]
+
+[Footnote 27: _Purgat._ c. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 28: _Ibid._ c. 24.
+
+     My sister, good and beautiful--which most I know not.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 29: _Parad._ c. 3.]
+
+[Footnote 30: _Purg._ c. 24, 82-87.]
+
+The outlines of this part of Dante's history are so well known that it
+is not necessary to dwell on them; and more than the outlines we know
+not. The family quarrels came to a head, issued in parties, and the
+parties took names; they borrowed them from two rival factions in a
+neighbouring town, Pistoia, whose feud was imported into Florence; and
+the Guelfs became divided into the Black Guelfs who were led by the
+Donati, and the White Guelfs who sided with the Cerchi.[31] It still
+professed to be but a family feud, confined to the great houses; but
+they were too powerful and Florence too small for it not to affect the
+whole Republic. The middle classes and the artisans looked on, and
+for a time not without satisfaction, at the strife of the great men;
+but it grew evident that one party must crush the other, and become
+dominant in Florence; and of the two, the Cerchi and their White
+adherents were less formidable to the democracy than the unscrupulous
+and overbearing Donati, with their military renown and lordly tastes;
+proud not merely of being nobles, but Guelf nobles; always loyal
+champions, once the martyrs, and now the hereditary assertors, of the
+great Guelf cause. The Cerchi with less character and less zeal, but
+rich, liberal, and showy, and with more of rough kindness and vulgar
+good-nature for the common people, were more popular in Guelf Florence
+than the "Parte Guelfa;" and, of course, the Ghibellines wished them
+well. Both the contemporary historians of Florence lead us to think
+that they might have been the governors and guides of the Republic--if
+they had chosen, and had known how; and both, though condemning the
+two parties equally, seemed to have thought that this would have been
+the best result for the State. But the accounts of both, though they
+are very different writers, agree in their scorn of the leaders of the
+White Guelfs. They were upstarts, purse-proud, vain, and
+coarse-minded; and they dared to aspire to an ambition which they were
+too dull and too cowardly to pursue, when the game was in their
+hands. They wished to rule; but when they might, they were afraid. The
+commons were on their side, the moderate men, the party of law, the
+lovers of republican government, and for the most part the
+magistrates; but they shrank from their fortune, "more from cowardice
+than from goodness, because they exceedingly feared their
+adversaries."[32] Boniface VIII. had no prepossessions in Florence,
+except for energy and an open hand; the side which was most popular he
+would have accepted and backed; but "he would not lose," he said, "the
+men for the women." "_Io non voglio perdere gli uomini per le
+femminelle._"[33] If the Black party furnished types for the grosser
+or fiercer forms of wickedness in the poet's Hell, the White party
+surely were the originals of that picture of stupid and cowardly
+selfishness, in the miserable crowd who moan and are buffeted in the
+vestibule of the Pit, mingled with the angels who dared neither to
+rebel nor be faithful, but "_were for themselves_;" and whoever it may
+be who is singled out in the "setta dei cattivi," for deeper and
+special scorn--he,
+
+     Che fece per vilta il gran rifiuto--[34]
+
+the idea was derived from the Cerchi in Florence.
+
+[Footnote 31: In 1300. G. Villani, viii. 38, 39.]
+
+[Footnote 32: _Dino Comp._ p. 45.]
+
+[Footnote 33: _Ibid._ p. 62.]
+
+[Footnote 34: _Inf._ c. 3, 60.]
+
+A French prince was sent by the Pope to mediate and make peace in
+Florence. The Black Guelfs and Corso Donati came with him. The
+magistrates were overawed and perplexed. The White party were, step by
+step, amused, entrapped, led blindly into false plots, entangled in
+the elaborate subtleties, and exposed with all the zest and mockery,
+of Italian intrigue--finally chased out of their houses and from the
+city, condemned unheard, outlawed, ruined in name and property, by the
+Pope's French mediator. With them fell many citizens who had tried to
+hold the balance between the two parties: for the leaders of the Black
+Guelfs were guilty of no errors of weakness. In two extant lists of
+the proscribed--condemned by default, for corruption and various
+crimes, especially for hindering the entrance into Florence of Charles
+de Valois, to a heavy fine and banishment--then, two months after, for
+contumacy, to be burned alive if he ever fell into the hands of the
+Republic--appears the name of Dante Alighieri; and more than this,
+concerning the history of his expulsion, we know not.[35]
+
+[Footnote 35: Pelli, _Memorie per servire alla vita di Dante._ Fir.
+1823, pp. 105, 106.]
+
+Of his subsequent life, history tells us little more than the general
+character. He acted for a time in concert with the expelled party,
+when they attempted to force their way back to Florence; he gave them
+up at last in scorn and despair: but he never returned to Florence.
+And he found no new home for the rest of his days. Nineteen years,
+from his exile to his death, he was a wanderer. The character is
+stamped on his writings. History, tradition, documents, all scanty or
+dim, do but disclose him to us at different points, appearing here and
+there, we are not told how or why. One old record, discovered by
+antiquarian industry, shows him in a village church near Florence,
+planning, with the Cerchi and the White party, an attack on the Black
+Guelfs. In another, he appears in the Val di Magra, making peace
+between its small potentates: in another, as the inhabitant of a
+certain street in Padua. The traditions of some remote spots about
+Italy still connect his name with a ruined tower, a mountain glen, a
+cell in a convent. In the recollections of the following generation,
+his solemn and melancholy form mingled reluctantly, and for awhile, in
+the brilliant court of the Scaligers; and scared the women, as a
+visitant of the other world, as he passed by their doors in the
+streets of Verona. Rumour brings him to the West--with probability to
+Paris, more doubtfully to Oxford. But little certain can be made out
+about the places where he was an honoured and admired, but it may be,
+not always a welcome guest, till we find him sheltered, cherished,
+and then laid at last to rest, by the Lords of Ravenna. There he still
+rests, in a small, solitary chapel, built, not by a Florentine, but a
+Venetian. Florence, "that mother of little love," asked for his bones;
+but rightly asked in vain.[36] His place of repose is better in those
+remote and forsaken streets "by the shore of the Adrian Sea," hard by
+the last relics of the Roman Empire--the mausoleum of the children of
+Theodosius, and the mosaics of Justinian--than among the assembled
+dead of S. Croce, or amid the magnificence of S. Maria del Fiore.[37]
+
+[Footnote 36: See Dr. Barlow's _Sixth Centenary Festivals of Dante_.
+(1866.)]
+
+[Footnote 37: These notices have been carefully collected by _Pelli_,
+who seems to have left little to glean (_Memorie_, &c. Ed. 2da,
+1823). A few additions have been made by _Gerini_ (_Mem. Stor. della
+Lunigiana_), and _Troya_ (_Veltro Allegorico_), but they are not of
+much importance. _Arrivabene_ (_Secolo di Dante_) has brought together
+a mass of illustration which is very useful, and would be more so, if
+he were more careful, and quoted his authorities. _Balbo_ arranges
+these materials with sense and good feeling; though, as a writer, he
+is below his subject. A few traits and anecdotes may be found in the
+novelists--as Sacchetti.]
+
+The _Commedia_, at the first glance, shows the traces of its author's
+life. It is the work of a wanderer. The very form in which it is cast
+is that of a journey, difficult, toilsome, perilous, and full of
+change. It is more than a working out of that touching phraseology of
+the middle ages, in which "the way" was the technical theological
+expression for this mortal life; and "_viator_" meant man in his
+state of trial, as "_comprehensor_" meant man made perfect, having
+attained to his heavenly country. It is more than merely this. The
+writer's mind is full of the recollections and definite images of his
+various journeys. The permanent scenery of the _Inferno_ and
+_Purgatorio_, very variously and distinctly marked, is that of travel.
+The descent down the sides of the Pit, and the ascent of the Sacred
+Mountain, show one familiar with such scenes--one who had climbed
+painfully in perilous passes, and grown dizzy on the brink of narrow
+ledges over sea or torrent. It is scenery from the gorges of the Alps
+and Apennines, or the terraces and precipices of the Riviera. Local
+reminiscences abound:--the severed rocks of the Adige Valley--the
+waterfall of S. Benedetto--the crags of Pietra-pana and S. Leo, which
+overlook the plains of Lucca and Ravenna--the "fair river" that flows
+among the poplars between Chiaveri and Sestri--the marble quarries of
+Carrara--the "rough and desert ways between Lerici and Turbia," and
+those towery cliffs, going sheer into the deep sea at Noli, which
+travellers on the Corniche road some thirty years ago may yet remember
+with fear. Mountain experience furnished that picture of the traveller
+caught in an Alpine mist and gradually climbing above it; seeing the
+vapours grow thin, and the sun's orb appear faintly through them; and
+issuing at last into sunshine on the mountain top, while the light of
+sunset was lost already on the shores below:
+
+     Ai raggi, morti gia nei bassi lidi:--_Purg._ 17.
+
+or that image of the cold dull shadow over the torrent, beneath the
+Alpine fir--
+
+                   Un'ombra smorta
+     Qual sotto foglie verdi e rami nigri
+     Sovra suoi freddi rivi, l'Alpe porta:--_Purg._ 33.[38]
+
+or of the large snow-flakes falling without wind, among the
+mountains--
+
+             d'un cader lento
+     Piovean di fuoco dilatate falde
+     Come di neve in Alpe senza vento.--_Inferno_, 14.[39]
+
+[Footnote 38:
+
+                       A death-like shade--
+     Like that beneath black boughs and foliage green
+     O'er the cool streams in Alpine glens display'd.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 39:
+
+     O'er all the sandy desert falling slow,
+       Were shower'd dilated flakes of fire, like snow
+       On Alpine summits, when the wind is low.--IBID.]
+
+He delights in a local name and local image--the boiling pitch, and
+the clang of the shipwrights in the arsenal of Venice--the sepulchral
+fields of Arles and Pola--the hot-spring of Viterbo--the hooded monks
+of Cologne--the dykes of Flanders and Padua--the Maremma, with its
+rough brushwood, its wild boars, its snakes, and fevers. He had
+listened to the south wind among the pine tops, in the forest by the
+sea, at Ravenna. He had watched under the Carisenda tower at Bologna,
+and seen the driving clouds "give away their motion" to it, and make
+it seem to be falling; and had noticed how at Rome the October sun
+sets between Corsica and Sardinia.[40] His images of the sea are
+numerous and definite--the ship backing out of the tier in harbour,
+the diver plunging after the fouled anchor, the mast rising, the ship
+going fast before the wind, the water closing in its wake, the arched
+backs of the porpoises the forerunners of a gale, the admiral watching
+everything from poop to prow, the oars stopping altogether at the
+sound of the whistle, the swelling sails becoming slack when the mast
+snaps and falls.[41] Nowhere could we find so many of the most
+characteristic and strange sensations of the traveller touched with
+such truth. Everyone knows the lines which speak of the voyager's
+sinking of heart on the first evening at sea, and of the longings
+wakened in the traveller at the beginning of his journey by the
+distant evening bell[42]; the traveller's _morning_ feelings are not
+less delicately noted--the strangeness on first waking in the open air
+with the sun high; morning thoughts, as day by day he wakes nearer
+home; the morning sight of the sea-beach quivering in the early light;
+the tarrying and lingering, before setting out in the morning[43]--
+
+     Noi eravam lunghesso 'l mare ancora,
+     Come gente che pensa al suo cammino,
+     Che va col cuore, e col corpo dimora.[44]
+
+[Footnote 40: _Inf._ 31, 18.]
+
+[Footnote 41: _Ibid._ 17, 16, 31; _Purg._ 24; _Par._ 2; _Inf._ 22;
+_Purg._ 30; _Par._ 25; _Inf._ 7.]
+
+[Footnote 42: _Purg._ 8. "Era gia l'ora," &c.]
+
+[Footnote 43: _Purg._ 19, 27, 1, 2.]
+
+[Footnote 44:
+
+     By ocean's shore we still prolonged our stay
+     Like men, who, thinking of a journey near,
+     Advance in thought, while yet their limbs delay.--WRIGHT.]
+
+He has recorded equally the anxiety, the curiosity, the suspicion with
+which, in those times, stranger met and eyed stranger on the road; and
+a still more characteristic trait is to be found in those lines where
+he describes the pilgrim gazing around in the church of his vow, and
+thinking how he shall tell of it:
+
+       E quasi peregrin che si ricrea
+     Nel tempio del suo voto riguardando,
+     E spera gia ridir com'ello stea:--_Parad._ 31.[45]
+
+or again, in that description, so simple and touching, of his thoughts
+while waiting to see the relic for which he left his home:
+
+       Quale e colui che forse di Croazia
+     Viene a veder la Veronica nostra,
+     Che per l'antica fama non si sazia,
+       Ma dice nel pensier, fin che si mostra;
+     Signor mio Gesu Cristo, Dio verace,
+     Or fu si fatta la sembianza vostra?--_Parad._ 31.[46]
+
+[Footnote 45:
+
+     And like a pilgrim who with fond delight
+       Surveys the temple he has vow'd to see,
+       And hopes one day its wonders to recite.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 46:
+
+     Like one who, from Croatia come to see
+       Our Veronica (image long adored),
+       Gazes, as though content he ne'er could be--
+     Thus musing, while the relic is pourtray'd--
+       "Jesus my God, my Saviour and my Lord,
+       O were thy features these I see display'd?"--WRIGHT.
+
+     Quella imagine benedetta la quale Gesu Cristo lascio a noi
+     per esempio della sua bellissima figura.--_Vita Nuova_, p.
+     353.
+
+He speaks of the pilgrims going to Rome to see it; compare also the
+sonnet to the pilgrims, p. 355:
+
+     Deh peregrini, che pensosi andate
+     Forse di cosa, che non v'e presente,
+     Venite voi di si lontana gente,
+     Com'alla vista voi ne dimostrate.]
+
+Of these years then of disappointment and exile the _Divina Commedia_
+was the labour and fruit. A story in Boccaccio's life of Dante, told
+with some detail, implies indeed that it was begun, and some progress
+made in it, while Dante was yet in Florence--begun in Latin, and he
+quotes three lines of it--continued afterwards in Italian. This is not
+impossible; indeed the germ and presage of it may be traced in the
+_Vita Nuova_. The idealised saint is there, in all the grace of her
+pure and noble humbleness, the guide and safeguard of the poet's
+soul. She is already in glory with Mary the queen of angels. She
+already beholds the face of the Everblessed. And the _envoye_ of the
+_Vita Nuova_ is the promise of the _Commedia_. "After this sonnet,"
+(in which he describes how beyond the widest sphere of heaven his love
+had beheld a lady receiving honour, and dazzling by her glory the
+unaccustomed spirit)--"After this sonnet there appeared to me a
+marvellous vision, in which I saw things which made me resolve not to
+speak more of this blessed one, until such time as I should be able to
+indite more worthily of her. And to attain to this, I study to the
+utmost of my power, as she truly knows. So that, if it shall be the
+pleasure of Him, by whom all things live, that my life continue for
+some years, I hope to say of her that which never hath been said of
+any woman. And afterwards, may it please Him, who is the Lord of
+kindness, that my soul may go to behold the glory of her lady, that
+is, of that blessed Beatrice, who gloriously gazes on the countenance
+of Him, _qui est per omnia secula benedictus_."[47] It would be
+wantonly violating probability and the unity of a great life, to
+suppose that this purpose, though transformed, was ever forgotten or
+laid aside. The poet knew not indeed what he was promising, what he
+was pledging himself to--through what years of toil and anguish he
+would have to seek the light and the power he had asked; in what form
+his high venture should be realised. But the _Commedia_ is the work of
+no light resolve, and we need not be surprised at finding the resolve
+and the purpose at the outset of the poet's life. We may freely accept
+the key supplied by the words of the _Vita Nuova_. The spell of
+boyhood is never broken, through the ups and downs of life. His course
+of thought advances, alters, deepens, but is continuous. From youth to
+age, from the first glimpse to the perfect work, the same idea abides
+with him, "even from the flower till the grape was ripe." It may
+assume various changes--an image of beauty, a figure of philosophy, a
+voice from the other world, a type of heavenly wisdom and joy--but
+still it holds, in self-imposed and willing thraldom, that creative
+and versatile and tenacious spirit. It was the dream and hope of too
+deep and strong a mind to fade and come to naught--to be other than
+the seed of the achievement and crown of life. But with all faith in
+the star and the freedom of genius, we may doubt whether the
+prosperous citizen would have done that which was done by the man
+without a home. Beatrice's glory might have been sung in grand though
+barbarous Latin to the literati of the fourteenth century; or a poem
+of new beauty might have fixed the language and opened the literature
+of modern Italy; but it could hardly have been the _Commedia_. That
+belongs, in its date and its greatness, to the time when sorrow had
+become the poet's daily portion, and the condition of his life.
+
+[Footnote 47: _Vita Nuova_, last paragraph. See _Purg._ 30; _Parad._
+30, 6, 28-33.]
+
+The _Commedia_ is a novel and startling apparition in literature.
+Probably it has been felt by some, who have approached it with the
+reverence due to a work of such renown, that the world has been
+generous in placing it so high. It seems so abnormal, so lawless, so
+reckless of all ordinary proprieties and canons of feeling, taste, and
+composition. It is rough and abrupt; obscure in phrase and allusion,
+doubly obscure in purpose. It is a medley of all subjects usually kept
+distinct: scandal of the day and transcendental science, politics and
+confessions, coarse satire and angelic joy, private wrongs, with the
+mysteries of the faith, local names and habitations of earth, with
+visions of hell and heaven. It is hard to keep up with the
+ever-changing current of feeling, to pass as the poet passes, without
+effort or scruple, from tenderness to ridicule, from hope to bitter
+scorn or querulous complaint, from high-raised devotion to the
+calmness of prosaic subtleties or grotesque detail. Each separate
+element and vein of thought has its precedent, but not their
+amalgamation. Many had written visions of the unseen world, but they
+had not blended with them their personal fortunes. S. Augustine had
+taught the soul to contemplate its own history, and had traced its
+progress from darkness to light;[48] but he had not interwoven with it
+the history of Italy, and the consummation of all earthly destinies.
+Satire was no new thing; Juvenal had given it a moral, some of the
+Provencal poets a political turn; S. Jerome had kindled into it
+fiercely and bitterly even while expounding the Prophets; but here it
+streams forth in all its violence, within the precincts of the eternal
+world, and alternates with the hymns of the blessed. Lucretius had
+drawn forth the poetry of nature and its laws; Virgil and Livy had
+unfolded the poetry of the Roman empire; S. Augustine, the still
+grander poetry of the history of the City of God; but none had yet
+ventured to weave into one the three wonderful threads. And yet the
+scope of the Italian poet, vast and comprehensive as the issue of all
+things, universal as the government which directs nature and
+intelligence, forbids him not to stoop to the lowest caitiff he has
+ever despised, the minutest fact in nature that has ever struck his
+eye, the merest personal association which hangs pleasantly in his
+memory. Writing for all time, he scruples not to mix with all that is
+august and permanent in history and prophecy, incidents the most
+transient, and names the most obscure; to waste an immortality of
+shame or praise on those about whom his own generation were to inquire
+in vain. Scripture history runs into profane; Pagan legends teach
+their lesson side by side with Scripture scenes and miracles; heroes
+and poets of heathenism, separated from their old classic world, have
+their place in the world of faith, discourse with Christians of
+Christian dogmas, and even mingle with the Saints; Virgil guides the
+poet through his fear and his penitence to the gates of Paradise.
+
+[Footnote 48: See _Convito_, 1, 2.]
+
+This feeling of harsh and extravagant incongruity, of causeless and
+unpardonable darkness, is perhaps the first impression of many readers
+of the _Commedia_. But probably as they read on, there will mingle
+with this a sense of strange and unusual grandeur, arising not alone
+from the hardihood of the attempt, and the mystery of the subject, but
+from the power and the character of the poet. It will strike them that
+words cut deeper than is their wont; that from that wild uncongenial
+imagery, thoughts emerge of singular truth and beauty. Their
+dissatisfaction will be chequered, even disturbed--for we can often
+bring ourselves to sacrifice much for the sake of a clear and
+consistent view--by the appearance, amid much that repels them, of
+proofs undeniable and accumulating of genius as mighty as it is
+strange. Their perplexity and disappointment may grow into distinct
+condemnation, or it may pass into admiration and delight; but no one
+has ever come to the end of the _Commedia_ without feeling that if it
+has given him a new view and specimen of the wildness and
+unaccountable waywardness of the human mind, it has also added, as few
+other books have, to his knowledge of its feelings, its capabilities,
+and its grasp, and suggested larger and more serious thoughts, for
+which he may be grateful, concerning that unseen world of which he is
+even here a member.
+
+Dante would not have thanked his admirers for becoming apologists.
+Those in whom the sense of imperfection and strangeness overpowers
+sympathy for grandeur, and enthusiasm for nobleness, and joy in
+beauty, he certainly would have left to themselves. But neither would
+he teach any that he was leading them along a smooth and easy road.
+The _Commedia_ will always be a hard and trying book; nor did the
+writer much care that it should be otherwise. Much of this is no doubt
+to be set down to its age; much of its roughness and extravagance, as
+well as of its beauty--its allegorical spirit, its frame and scenery.
+The idea of a visionary voyage through the worlds of pain and bliss is
+no invention of the poet--it was one of the commonest and most
+familiar medieval vehicles of censure or warning; and those who love
+to trace the growth and often strange fortunes of popular ideas, or
+whose taste leads them to disbelieve in genius, and track the
+parentage of great inventions to the foolish and obscure, may find
+abundant materials in the literature of legends.[49] But his own
+age--the age which received the _Commedia_ with mingled enthusiasm and
+wonder, and called it the Divine, was as much perplexed as we are,
+though probably rather pleased thereby than offended. That within a
+century after its composition, in the more famous cities and
+universities of Italy, Florence, Venice, Bologna, and Pisa, chairs
+should have been founded, and illustrious men engaged to lecture on
+it, is a strange homage to its power, even in that time of quick
+feeling; but as strange and great a proof of its obscurity. What is
+dark and forbidding in it was scarcely more clear to the poet's
+contemporaries. And he, whose last object was amusement, invites no
+audience but a patient and confiding one.
+
+       O voi che siete in piccioletta barca,
+     Desiderosi di ascoltar, seguiti
+     Dietro al mio legno che cantando varca,
+
+       Tornate a riveder li vostri liti:
+     Non vi mettete in pelago, che forse
+     Perdendo me rimarreste smarriti.
+
+       L'acqua ch'io prendo giammai non si corse:
+     Minerva spira, e conducemi Apollo,
+     E nuove muse mi dimostran l'Orse.
+
+       Voi altri pochi, che drizzaste 'l collo
+     Per tempo al pan degli angeli, del quale
+     Vivesi qui, ma non si vien satollo,
+
+       Metter potete ben per l'alto sale
+     Vostro navigio, servando mio solco
+     Dinanzi all'acqua che ritorna eguale.
+
+       Que gloriosi che passaro a Colco,
+     Non s'ammiraron, come voi farete,
+     Quando Jason vider fatto bifolco.--_Parad._ 2.[50]
+
+[Footnote 49: _Vide_ Ozanam, _Dante_, pp. 535, _sqq._ Ed.]
+
+[Footnote 50:
+
+     O ye who fain would listen to my song,
+       Following in little bark full eagerly
+       My venturous ship, that chanting hies along,
+
+     Turn back unto your native shores again;
+       Tempt not the deep, lest haply losing me,
+       In unknown paths bewildered ye remain.
+
+     I am the first this voyage to essay;
+       Minerva breathes--Apollo is my guide;
+       And new-born muses do the Bears display.
+
+     Ye other few, who have look'd up on high
+       For angels' food betimes, e'en here supplied
+       Largely, but not enough to satisfy,--
+
+     Mid the deep ocean ye your course may take,
+       My track pursuing the pure waters through,
+       Ere reunites the quickly-closing wake.
+
+     Those glorious ones, who drove of yore their prow
+       To Colchos, wonder'd not as ye will do,
+       When they saw Jason working at the plough.
+
+     WRIGHT'S _Dante_.]
+
+The character of the _Commedia_ belongs much more, in its excellence
+and its imperfections, to the poet himself and the nature of his
+work, than to his age. That cannot screen his faults; nor can it
+arrogate to itself, it must be content to share, his glory. His
+leading idea and line of thought was much more novel then than it is
+now, and belongs much more to the modern than the medieval world. The
+_Story of a Life_, the poetry of man's journey through the wilderness
+to his true country, is now in various and very different shapes as
+hackneyed a form of imagination, as an allegory, an epic, a legend of
+chivalry were in former times. Not, of course, that any time has been
+without its poetical feelings and ideas on the subject; and never were
+they deeper and more diversified, more touching and solemn, than in
+the ages that passed from S. Augustine and S. Gregory to S. Thomas and
+S. Bonaventura. But a philosophical poem, where they were not merely
+the colouring, but the subject, an _epos_ of the soul, placed for its
+trial in a fearful and wonderful world, with relations to time and
+matter, history and nature, good and evil, the beautiful, the
+intelligible, and the mysterious, sin and grace, the infinite and the
+eternal--and having in the company and under the influences of other
+intelligences, to make its choice, to struggle, to succeed or fail, to
+gain the light, or be lost--this was a new and unattempted theme. It
+has been often tried since, in faith or doubt, in egotism, in sorrow,
+in murmuring, in affectation, sometimes in joy--in various forms, in
+prose and verse, completed or fragmentary, in reality or fiction, in
+the direct or the shadowed story, in the _Pilgrim's Progress_, in
+Rousseau's _Confessions_, in _Wilhelm Meister_ and _Faust_, in the
+_Excursion_. It is common enough now for the poet, in the faith of
+human sympathy, and in the sense of the unexhausted vastness of his
+mysterious subject, to believe that his fellows will not see without
+interest and profit, glimpses of his own path and fortunes--hear from
+his lips the disclosure of his chief delights, his warnings, his
+fears--follow the many-coloured changes, the impressions and workings,
+of a character, at once the contrast and the counterpart to their own.
+But it was a new path then; and he needed to be, and was, a bold man,
+who first opened it--a path never trod without peril, usually with
+loss or failure.
+
+And certainly no great man ever made less secret to himself of his own
+genius. He is at no pains to rein in or to dissemble his consciousness
+of power, which he has measured without partiality, and feels sure
+will not fail him. "Fidandomi di me piu che di un altro"[51]--is a
+reason which he assigns without reserve. We look with the distrust and
+hesitation of modern days, yet, in spite of ourselves, not without
+admiration and regret, at such frank hardihood. It was more common
+once than now. When the world was young, it was more natural and
+allowable--it was often seemly and noble. Men knew not their
+difficulties as we know them--we, to whom time, which has taught so
+much wisdom, has brought so many disappointments--we who have seen how
+often the powerful have fallen short, and the noble gone astray, and
+the most admirable missed their perfection. It is becoming in us to
+distrust ourselves--to be shy if we cannot be modest; it is but a
+respectful tribute to human weakness and our brethren's failures. But
+there was a time when great men dared to claim their greatness--not in
+foolish self-complacency, but in unembarrassed and majestic
+simplicity, in magnanimity and truth, in the consciousness of a
+serious and noble purpose, and of strength to fulfil it. Without
+passion, without elation as without shrinking, the poet surveys his
+superiority and his high position, as something external to him; he
+has no doubts about it, and affects none. He would be a coward, if he
+shut his eyes to what he could do; as much a trifler in displaying
+reserve as ostentation. Nothing is more striking in the _Commedia_
+than the serene and unhesitating confidence with which he announces
+himself the heir and reviver of the poetic power so long lost to the
+world--the heir and reviver of it in all its fulness. He doubts not
+of the judgment of posterity. One has arisen who shall throw into the
+shade all modern reputations, who shall bequeath to Christendom the
+glory of that name of Poet, "che piu dura e piu onora," hitherto the
+exclusive boast of heathenism, and claim the rare honours of the
+laurel:
+
+     Si rade volte, padre, se ne coglie
+     Per trionfare o Cesare o poeta,
+     (Colpa e vergogna dell'umane voglie),
+       Che partorir letizia in su la lieta
+     Delfica deita dovria la fronda
+     Peneia quando alcun di se asseta.--_Parad._ 1.[52]
+
+[Footnote 51: _Convito_, 1, 10.]
+
+[Footnote 52:
+
+     For now so rarely Poet gathers these,
+       Or Caesar, winning an immortal praise
+       (Shame unto man's degraded energies),
+     That joy should to the Delphic God arise
+       When haply any one aspires to gain
+       The high reward of the Peneian prize.--WRIGHT.]
+
+He has but to follow his star to be sure of the glorious port:[53] he
+is the master of language: he can give fame to the dead--no task or
+enterprise appals him, for whom spirits keep watch in heaven, and
+angels have visited the shades--"tal si parti dal cantar
+alleluia:"--who is Virgil's foster child and familiar friend. Virgil
+bids him lay aside the last vestige of fear. Virgil is to "crown him
+king and priest over himself,"[54] for a higher venture than heathen
+poetry had dared; in Virgil's company he takes his place without
+diffidence, and without vain-glory, among the great poets of old--a
+sister soul.[55]
+
+[Footnote 53: Brunetto Latini's Prophecy, _Inf._ 15.]
+
+[Footnote 54: See the grand ending of _Purg._ 27.
+
+       Tratto t'ho qui con ingegno e con arte;
+     Lo tuo piacere omai prendi per duce:
+     Fuor se' dell'erte vie, fuor se' dell'arte.
+       Vedi il sole che 'n fronte ti riluce.
+     Vede l'erbetta, i fiori, e gli arboscelli
+     Che questa terra sol da se produce.
+       Mentre che vegnon lieti gli occhi belli
+     Che lagrimando a te venir mi fenno,
+     Seder ti puoi e puoi andar tra elli.
+       Non aspettar mio dir piu ne mio cenno;
+     Libero, dritto, sano e tuo arbitrio,
+     E fallo fora non fare a suo senno:
+       Perch'io te sopra te corono e mitrio.]
+
+[Footnote 55: _Purg._ c. 21.]
+
+     Poiche la voce fu restata e queta,
+     Vidi quattro grand'ombre a noi venire:
+     Sembianza avean ne trista ne lieta:
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+       Cosi vidi adunar la bella scuola
+     Di quel signor dell'altissimo canto
+     Che sovra gli altri come aquila vola.
+       Da ch'ebber ragionato insieme alquanto
+     Volsersi a me con salutevol cenno
+     E 'l mio maestro sorrise di tanto.
+       E piu d'onore ancora assai mi fenno:
+     Ch'essi mi fecer della loro schiera,
+     Si ch'io fui sesto tra cotanto senno.--_Inf._ 4.[56]
+
+[Footnote 56:
+
+     Ceased had the voice--when in composed array
+       Four mighty shades approaching I survey'd;--
+       Nor joy, nor sorrow did their looks betray.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     Assembled thus, was offered to my sight
+       The school of him, the Prince of poetry,
+       Who, eagle-like, o'er others takes his flight.
+     When they together had conversed awhile,
+       They turned to me with salutation bland,
+       Which from my master drew a friendly smile:
+     And greater glory still they bade me share,
+       Making me join their honourable band--
+       The sixth united to such genius rare.--WRIGHT.]
+
+This sustained magnanimity and lofty self-reliance, which never
+betrays itself, is one of the main elements in the grandeur of the
+_Commedia_. It is an imposing spectacle to see such fearlessness, such
+freedom, and such success in an untried path, amid unprepared
+materials and rude instruments, models scanty and only half
+understood, powers of language still doubtful and suspected, the
+deepest and strongest thought still confined to unbending forms and
+the harshest phrase; exact and extensive knowledge, as yet far out of
+reach; with no help from time, which familiarises all things, and of
+which, manner, elaboration, judgment, and taste are the gifts and
+inheritance;--to see the poet, trusting to his eye "which saw
+everything"[57] and his searching and creative spirit, venture
+undauntedly into all regions of thought and feeling, to draw thence a
+picture of the government of the universe.
+
+[Footnote 57: "Dante che tutto vedea."--_Sacchetti_, Nov. 114.]
+
+But such greatness had to endure its price and its counterpoise. Dante
+was alone:--except in his visionary world, solitary and companionless.
+The blind Greek had his throng of listeners; the blind Englishman his
+home and the voices of his daughters; Shakspere had his free
+associates of the stage; Goethe, his correspondents, a court, and all
+Germany to applaud. Not so Dante. The friends of his youth are already
+in the region of spirits, and meet him there--Casella, Forese;--Guido
+Cavalcanti will soon be with them. In this upper world he thinks and
+writes as a friendless man--to whom all that he had held dearest was
+either lost or embittered; he thinks and writes for himself.
+
+And so he is his own law; he owns no tribunal of opinion or standard
+of taste, except among the great dead. He hears them exhort him to
+"let the world talk on--to stand like a tower unshaken by the
+winds."[58] He fears to be "a timid friend to truth," "--to lose life
+among those who shall call this present time antiquity."[59] He
+belongs to no party. He is his own arbiter of the beautiful and the
+becoming; his own judge over right and injustice, innocence and guilt.
+He has no followers to secure, no school to humour, no public to
+satisfy; nothing to guide him, and nothing to consult, nothing to bind
+him, nothing to fear, out of himself. In full trust in heart and will,
+in his sense of truth, in his teeming brain, he gives himself free
+course. If men have idolised the worthless, and canonised the base, he
+reverses their award without mercy, and without apology; if they have
+forgotten the just because he was obscure, he remembers him: if "Monna
+Berta and Ser Martino,"[60] the wimpled and hooded gossips of the
+day, with their sage company, have settled it to their own
+satisfaction that Providence cannot swerve from their general rules,
+cannot save where they have doomed, or reject where they have
+approved--he both fears more and hopes more. Deeply reverent to the
+judgment of the ages past, reverent to the persons whom they have
+immortalised for good and even for evil, in his own day he cares for
+no man's person and no man's judgment. And he shrinks not from the
+auguries and forecastings of his mind about their career and fate. Men
+reasoned rapidly in those days on such subjects, and without much
+scruple; but not with such deliberate and discriminating sternness.
+The most popular and honoured names in Florence,
+
+       Farinata e 'l Tegghiaio, che fur si degni,
+     Jacopo Rusticucci, Arrigo, e 'l Mosca
+     E gli altri, ch'a ben far poser gl'ingegni;
+
+have yet the damning brand: no reader of the _Inferno_ can have
+forgotten the shock of that terrible reply to the poet's questionings
+about their fate:
+
+     Ei son tra le anime piu nere.[61]
+
+[Footnote 58: _Purg._ 5.]
+
+[Footnote 59:
+
+       La luce in che rideva il mio tesoro
+     Ch'io trovai li, si fe' prima corrusca,
+     Quale a raggio di sole specchio d'oro;
+       Indi rispose: coscienza fusca
+     O della propria o dell'altrui vergogna
+     Pur sentira la tua parola brusca;
+       Ma nondimen, rimossa ogni menzogna,
+     Tutta tua vision fa manifesta,
+     E lascia pur grattar dov'e la rogna:
+       Che se la voce tua sara molesta
+     Nel primo gusto, vital nutrimento
+     Lascera poi quando sara digesta.
+       Questo tuo grido fara come vento
+     Che le piu alte cime piu percuote:
+     E cio non fia d'onor poco argomento.
+       Pero ti son mostrate, in queste ruote,
+     Nel monte, e nella valle dolorosa,
+     Pur l'anime che son di fama note.
+       Che l'animo di quel ch'ode non posa,
+     Ne ferma fede, per esemplo ch'aja
+     La sua radice incognito e nascosa,
+       Ne per altro argumento che non paja.--_Parad._ 17.]
+
+[Footnote 60:
+
+     Non creda Monna Berta e Ser Martino
+     Per vedere un furare, altro offerere,
+     Vederli dentro al consiglio divino:
+     Che quel puo surger, e quel puo cadere.--_Ibid._ 13.]
+
+[Footnote 61: _Inf._ 6.]
+
+If he is partial, it is no vulgar partiality: friendship and old
+affection do not venture to exempt from its fatal doom the sin of his
+famous master, Brunetto Latini;[62] nobleness and great deeds, a
+kindred character and common wrongs, are not enough to redeem
+Farinata; and he who could tell her story bowed to the eternal law,
+and dared not save Francesca. If he condemns by a severer rule than
+that of the world, he absolves with fuller faith in the possibilities
+of grace. Many names of whom history has recorded no good, are marked
+by him for bliss; yet not without full respect for justice. The
+penitent of the last hour is saved, but he suffers loss. Manfred's
+soul is rescued; mercy had accepted his tears, and forgiven his great
+sins; and the excommunication of his enemy did not bar his salvation:
+
+       Per lor maladizion si non si perde
+     Che non possa tornar l'eterno amore
+     Mentre che la speranza ha fior del verde.--_Purg._ 3.
+
+[Footnote 62:
+
+     Che in la mente m'e fitta, ed or m'accuora,
+       _La cara buona imagine paterna._--_Inf._ 15.]
+
+Yet his sin, though pardoned, was to keep him for long years from the
+perfection of heaven.[63] And with the same independence with which he
+assigns their fate, he selects his instances--instances which are to
+be the types of character and its issues. No man ever owned more
+unreservedly the fascination of greatness, its sway over the
+imagination and the heart; no one prized more the grand harmony and
+sense of fitness which there is, when the great man and the great
+office are joined in one, and reflect each other's greatness. The
+famous and great of all ages are gathered in the poet's vision; the
+great names even of fable--Geryon and the giants, the Minotaur and
+Centaurs, and the heroes of Thebes and Troy. But not the great and
+famous only: this is too narrow, too conventional a sphere; it is not
+real enough. He felt, what the modern world feels so keenly, that
+wonderful histories are latent in the inconspicuous paths of life, in
+the fugitive incidents of the hour, among the persons whose faces we
+have seen. The Church had from the first been witness to the deep
+interest of individual life. The rising taste for novels showed that
+society at large was beginning to be alive to it. And it is this
+feeling--that behind the veil there may be grades of greatness but
+nothing insignificant--that led Dante to refuse to restrict himself to
+the characters of fame. He will associate with them the living men who
+have stood round him; they are part of the same company with the
+greatest. That they have interested him, touched him, moved his
+indignation or pity, struck him as examples of great vicissitude or
+of a perfect life, have pleased him, loved him--this is enough why
+they should live in his poem as they have lived to him. He chooses at
+will; history, if it has been negligent at the time about those whom
+he thought worthy of renown, must be content with its loss. He tells
+their story, or touches them with a word like the most familiar names,
+according as he pleases. The obscure highway robber, the obscure
+betrayer of his sister's honour--Rinier da Corneto and Rinier Pazzo,
+and Caccianimico--are ranked, not according to their obscurity, but
+according to the greatness of their crimes, with the famous
+conquerors, and "scourges of God," and seducers of the heroic age,
+Pyrrhus and Attila, and the great Jason of "royal port, who sheds no
+tear in his torments."[64] He earns as high praise from Virgil, for
+his curse on the furious wrath of the old frantic Florentine burgher,
+as if he had cursed the disturber of the world's peace.[65] And so in
+the realms of joy, among the faithful accomplishers of the highest
+trusts, kings and teachers of the nations, founders of orders, sainted
+empresses, appear those whom, though the world had forgotten or
+misread them, the poet had enshrined in his familiar thoughts, for
+their sweetness, their gentle goodness, their nobility of soul; the
+penitent, the nun, the old crusading ancestor, the pilgrim who had
+deserted the greatness which he had created, the brave logician, who
+"syllogised unpalatable truths" in the Quartier Latin of Paris.[66]
+
+[Footnote 63: Charles of Anjou, his Guelf conqueror, is placed above
+him, in the valley of the kings (_Purg._ 7), "Colui dal maschio
+naso"--notwithstanding the charges afterwards made against him
+(_Purg._ 20).]
+
+[Footnote 64: See the magnificent picture, _Inf._ 18.]
+
+[Footnote 65: _Ibid._ 8.]
+
+[Footnote 66: Cunizza, Piccarda, Cacciaguida, Romeo. (_Parad._ 9, 3,
+15, 6, 10.)
+
+     ----La luce eterna di Sigieri
+     Che leggendo nel vico degli Strami
+     Sillogizzo invidiosi veri----
+
+in company with S. Thomas Aquinas, in the sphere of the Sun. Ozanam
+gives a few particulars of this forgotten professor of the "Rue du
+Fouarre," pp. 320-23.]
+
+There is small resemblance in all this--this arbitrary and imperious
+tone, this range of ideas, feelings, and images, this unshackled
+freedom, this harsh reality--to the dreamy gentleness of the _Vita
+Nuova_, or even the staid argumentation of the more mature _Convito_.
+The _Vita Nuova_ is all self-concentration--a brooding, not unpleased,
+over the varying tides of feeling, which are little influenced by the
+world without; where every fancy, every sensation, every superstition
+of the lover is detailed with the most whimsical subtlety. The
+_Commedia_, too, has its tenderness--and that more deep, more natural,
+more true, than the poet had before adapted to the traditionary
+formulae of the "Courts of Love,"--the eyes of Beatrice are as bright,
+and the "conquering light of her smile;"[67] they still culminate,
+but they are not alone, in the poet's heaven. And the professed
+subject of the _Commedia_ is still Dante's own story and life; he
+still makes himself the central point. And steeled as he is by that
+high and hard experience of which his poem is the projection and
+type--"Ben tetragono ai colpi di ventura"--a stern and brief-spoken
+man, set on objects, and occupied with a theme, lofty and vast as can
+occupy man's thoughts, he still lets escape ever and anon some passing
+avowal of delicate sensitiveness,[68] lingers for a moment on some
+indulged self-consciousness, some recollection of his once quick and
+changeful mood--"io che son trasmutabil per tutte guise"[69]--or half
+playfully alludes to the whispered name of a lady,[70] whose pleasant
+courtesy has beguiled a few days of exile. But he is no longer
+spell-bound and entangled in fancies of his own weaving--absorbed in
+the unprofitable contemplation of his own internal sensations. The man
+is indeed the same, still a Florentine, still metaphysical, still a
+lover. He returns to the haunts and images of youth, to take among
+them his poet's crown; but "with other voice and other garb,"[71] a
+penitent and a prophet--with larger thoughts, wider sympathies, freer
+utterance; sterner and fiercer, yet nobler and more genuine in his
+tenderness--as one whom trial has made serious, and keen, and
+intolerant of evil, but not sceptical or callous; yet with the
+impressions and memories of a very different scene from his old
+day-dreams.
+
+[Footnote 67: Vincendo me col lume d'un sorriso.--_Parad._ 18.]
+
+[Footnote 68: For instance, his feeling of distress at gazing at the
+blind, who were not aware of his presence--
+
+     A me pareva andando fare oltraggio
+     Vedendo altrui, non essendo veduto:--_Purg._ 13.
+
+and of shame, at being tempted to listen to a quarrel between two lost
+spirits:
+
+       Ad ascoltarli er'io del tutto fisso,
+     Quando 'l Maestro mi disse: or pur mira,
+     Che per poco e, che teco non mi risso.
+       Quando io 'l senti' a me parlar con ira
+     Volsimi verso lui con tal vergogna,
+     Ch'ancor per la memoria mi si gira, &c.--_Inf._ 30.
+
+and the burst,
+
+       O dignitosa coscienza e netta,
+     Come t'e picciol fallo amaro morso.--_Purg._ 3.]
+
+[Footnote 69: _Parad._ 5.]
+
+[Footnote 70: _Purg._ 24.]
+
+[Footnote 71: _Parad._ 25.]
+
+     After that it was the pleasure of the citizens of that
+     fairest and most famous daughter of Rome, Florence, to cast
+     me forth from her most sweet bosom (wherein I had been
+     nourished up to the maturity of my life, and in which, with
+     all peace to her, I long with all my heart to rest my weary
+     soul, and finish the time which is given me), I have passed
+     through almost all the regions to which this language
+     reaches, a wanderer, almost a beggar, displaying, against my
+     will, the stroke of fortune, which is ofttimes unjustly wont
+     to be imputed to the person stricken. Truly, I have been a
+     ship without a sail or helm, carried to divers harbours, and
+     gulfs, and shores, by that parching wind which sad poverty
+     breathes; and I have seemed vile in the eyes of many, who
+     perchance, from some fame, had imagined of me in another
+     form; in the sight of whom not only did my presence become
+     nought, but every work of mine less prized, both what had
+     been and what was to be wrought.--_Convito_, Tr. i. c. 3.
+
+Thus proved, and thus furnished--thus independent and confident,
+daring to trust his instinct and genius in what was entirely untried
+and unusual, he entered on his great poem, to shadow forth, under the
+figure of his own conversion and purification, not merely how a single
+soul rises to its perfection, but how this visible world, in all its
+phases of nature, life, and society, is one with the invisible, which
+borders on it, actuates, accomplishes, and explains it. It is this
+vast plan--to take into his scope, not the soul only in its struggles
+and triumph, but all that the soul finds itself engaged with in its
+course; the accidents of the hour, and of ages past; the real persons,
+great and small, apart from and without whom it cannot think or act;
+the material world, its theatre and home--it is this which gives so
+many various sides to the _Commedia_, which makes it so novel and
+strange. It is not a mere personal history, or a pouring forth of
+feeling, like the _Vita Nuova_, though he is himself the mysterious
+voyager, and he opens without reserve his actual life and his heart;
+he speaks, indeed, in the first person, yet he is but a character of
+the drama, and in great part of it with not more of distinct
+personality than in that paraphrase of the penitential Psalms, in
+which he has preluded so much of the _Commedia_. Yet the _Commedia_ is
+not a pure allegory; it admits, and makes use of the allegorical, but
+the laws of allegory are too narrow for it; the real in it is too
+impatient of the veil, and breaks through in all its hardness and
+detail, into what is most shadowy. History is indeed viewed not in its
+ephemeral look, but under the light of God's final judgments; in its
+completion, not in its provisional and fragmentary character; viewed
+therefore but in faith;--but its issues, which in this confused scene
+we ordinarily contemplate in the gross, the poet brings down to detail
+and individuals; he faces and grasps the tremendous thought that the
+very men and women whom we see and speak to, are now the real
+representatives of sin and goodness, the true actors in that scene
+which is so familiar to us as a picture--unflinching and terrible
+heart, he endures to face it in its most harrowing forms. But he wrote
+not for sport, nor to give poetic pleasure; he wrote to warn; the seed
+of the _Commedia_ was sown in tears, and reaped in misery: and the
+consolations which it offers are awful as they are real.
+
+Thus, though he throws into symbol and image, what can only be
+expressed by symbol and image, we can as little forget in reading him
+this real world in which we live, as we can in one of Shakspere's
+plays. It is not merely that the poem is crowded with real personages,
+most of them having the single interest to us of being real. But all
+that is associated with man's history and existence is interwoven with
+the main course of thought--all that gives character to life, all that
+gives it form and feature, even to quaintness, all that occupies the
+mind, or employs the hand--speculation, science, arts, manufactures,
+monuments, scenes, customs, proverbs, ceremonies, games, punishments,
+attitudes of men, habits of living creatures. The wildest and most
+unearthly imaginations, the most abstruse thoughts take up into, and
+incorporate with themselves the forcible and familiar impressions of
+our mother earth, and do not refuse the company and aid even of the
+homeliest.
+
+This is not mere poetic ornament, peculiarly, profusely, or
+extravagantly employed. It is one of the ways in which his dominant
+feeling expresses itself--spontaneous and instinctive in each several
+instance of it, but the kindling and effluence of deliberate thought,
+and attending on a clear purpose--the feeling of the real and intimate
+connexion between the objects of sight and faith. It is not that he
+sees in one the simple counterpart and reverse of the other, or sets
+himself to trace out universally their mutual correspondences; he has
+too strong a sense of the reality of this familiar life to reduce it
+merely to a shadow and type of the unseen. What he struggles to
+express in countless ways, with all the resources of his strange and
+gigantic power, is that this world and the next are both equally real,
+and both one--parts, however different, of one whole. The world to
+come we know but in "a glass darkly;" man can only think and imagine
+of it in images, which he knows to be but broken and faint
+reflections: but this world we know, not in outline, and featureless
+idea, but by name, and face, and shape, by place and person, by the
+colours and forms which crowd over its surface, the men who people its
+habitations, the events which mark its moments. Detail fills the sense
+here, and is the mark of reality. And thus he seeks to keep alive the
+feeling of what that world is which he connects with heaven and hell;
+not by abstractions, not much by elaborate and highly-finished
+pictures, but by names, persons, local features, definite images.
+Widely and keenly has he ranged over and searched into the world--with
+a largeness of mind which disdained not to mark and treasure up, along
+with much unheeded beauty, many a characteristic feature of nature,
+unnoticed because so common. All his pursuits and interests contribute
+to the impression, which, often instinctively it may be, he strives to
+produce, of the manifold variety of our life. As a man of society, his
+memory is full of its usages, formalities, graces, follies,
+fashions--of expressive motions, postures, gestures, looks--of music,
+of handicrafts, of the conversation of friends or associates--of all
+that passes, so transient, yet so keenly pleasant or distasteful,
+between man and man. As a traveller, he recalls continually the names
+and scenes of the world;--as a man of speculation, the secrets of
+nature--the phenomena of light, the theory of the planets' motions,
+the idea and laws of physiology. As a man of learning, he is filled
+with the thoughts and recollections of ancient fable and history; as a
+politician, with the thoughts, prognostications, and hopes, of the
+history of the day; as a moral philosopher he has watched himself, his
+external sensations and changes, his inward passions, his mental
+powers, his ideas, his conscience; he has far and wide noted
+character, discriminated motives, classed good and evil deeds. All
+that the man of society, of travel, of science, of learning, the
+politician, the moralist, could gather, is used at will in the great
+poetic structure; but all converges to the purpose, and is directed by
+the intense feeling of the theologian, who sees this wonderful and
+familiar scene melting into, and ending in another yet more wonderful,
+but which will one day be as familiar--who sees the difficult but sure
+progress of the manifold remedies of the Divine government to their
+predestined issue; and, over all, God and His saints.
+
+So comprehensive in interest is the _Commedia_. Any attempt to explain
+it, by narrowing that interest to politics, philosophy, the moral
+life, or theology itself, must prove inadequate. Theology strikes the
+key-note; but history, natural and metaphysical science, poetry, and
+art, each in their turn join in the harmony, independent, yet
+ministering to the whole. If from the poem itself we could be for a
+single moment in doubt of the reality and dominant place of religion
+in it, the plain-spoken prose of the _Convito_ would show how he
+placed "the Divine Science, full of all peace, and allowing no strife
+of opinions and sophisms, for the excellent certainty of its subject,
+which is God," in single perfection above all other sciences, "which
+are, as Solomon speaks, but queens, or concubines, or maidens; but she
+is the 'Dove,' and the 'perfect one'--'Dove,' because without stain of
+strife--'perfect,' because perfectly she makes us behold the truth, in
+which our soul stills itself and is at rest." But the same passage[72]
+shows likewise how he viewed all human knowledge and human interests,
+as holding their due place in the hierarchy of wisdom, and among the
+steps of man's perfection. No account of the _Commedia_ will prove
+sufficient, which does not keep in view, first of all, the high moral
+purpose and deep spirit of faith with which it was written, and then
+the wide liberty of materials and means which the poet allowed himself
+in working out his design.
+
+[Footnote 72: _Convito_, Tr. 2, c. 14, 15.]
+
+Doubtless, his writings have a political aspect. The "great Ghibelline
+poet" is one of Dante's received synonymes; of his strong political
+opinions, and the importance he attached to them, there can be no
+doubt. And he meant his poem to be the vehicle of them, and the record
+to all ages of the folly and selfishness with which he saw men
+governed. That he should take the deepest interest in the goings on of
+his time, is part of his greatness; to suppose that he stopped at
+them, or that he subordinated to political objects or feelings all the
+other elements of his poem, is to shrink up that greatness into very
+narrow limits. Yet this has been done by men of mark and ability, by
+Italians, by men who read the _Commedia_ in their own mother-tongue.
+It has been maintained as a satisfactory account of it--maintained
+with great labour and pertinacious ingenuity--that Dante meant nothing
+more by his poem than the conflicts and ideal triumph of a political
+party. The hundred cantos of that vision of the universe are but a
+manifesto of the Ghibelline propaganda, designed, under the veil of
+historic images and scenes, to insinuate what it was dangerous to
+announce; and Beatrice, in all her glory and sweetness, is but a
+specimen of the jargon, cant, and slang of Ghibelline freemasonry.
+When Italians write thus, they degrade the greatest name of their
+country to a depth of laborious imbecility, to which the trifling of
+schoolmen and academicians is as nothing. It is to solve the enigma of
+Dante's works, by imagining for him a character in which it is hard to
+say which predominates, the pedant, mountebank, or infidel. After that
+we may read Voltaire's sneers with patience, and even enter with
+gravity on the examination of Father Hardouin's Historic Doubts. The
+fanaticism of an outraged liberalism, produced by centuries of
+injustice and despotism, is but a poor excuse for such perverse
+blindness.[73]
+
+[Footnote 73: In the _Remains of Arthur Henry Hallam_ is a paper, in
+which he examines and disposes of this theory with a courteous and
+forbearing irony, which would have deepened probably into something
+more, on thinking over it a second time.]
+
+Dante was not a Ghibelline, though he longed for the interposition of
+an Imperial power. Historically he did not belong to the Ghibelline
+party. It is true that he forsook the Guelfs, with whom he had been
+brought up, and that the White Guelfs, with whom he was expelled from
+Florence, were at length merged and lost in the Ghibelline party[74];
+and he acted with them for a time.[75] But no words can be stronger
+than those in which he disjoins himself from that "evil and foolish
+company," and claims his independence--
+
+                          A te fia bello
+     _Averti fatto parte per te stesso_.[76]
+
+[Footnote 74: _Dino Comp._ pp. 89-91.]
+
+[Footnote 75: His name appears among the White delegates in 1307.
+Pelli, p. 117.]
+
+[Footnote 76: _Parad._ 17.]
+
+And it is not easy to conceive a Ghibelline partisan putting into the
+mouth of Justinian, the type of law and empire, a general condemnation
+of his party as heavy as that of their antagonists;--the crime of
+having betrayed, as the Guelfs had resisted, the great symbol of
+public right--
+
+       Omai puoi giudicar di que' cotali
+     Ch'io accusai di sopra, e de' lor falli
+     Che son cagion di tutti i vostri mali.
+       L'uno al pubblico segno i gigli gialli
+     Oppone, e _quel s'appropria l'altro a parte_,
+     Si ch'e forte a veder qual piu si falli.
+       _Faccian li Ghibellin, faccian lor arte
+     Sott'altro segno; che mal segue quello
+     Sempre chi la giustizia e lui diparte._[77]
+
+[Footnote 77: _Ibid._ 6.]
+
+And though, as the victim of the Guelfs of Florence, he found refuge
+among Ghibelline princes, he had friends among Guelfs also. His steps
+and his tongue were free to the end. And in character and feeling, in
+his austerity, his sturdiness and roughness, his intolerance of
+corruption and pride, his strongly-marked devotional temper, he was
+much less a Ghibelline than like one of those stern Guelfs who hailed
+Savonarola.
+
+But he had a very decided and complete political theory, which
+certainly was not Guelf; and, as parties then were, it was not much
+more Ghibelline. Most assuredly no set of men would have more
+vigorously resisted the attempt to realise his theory, would have
+joined more heartily with all immediate opponents--Guelfs, Black,
+White, and Green, or even Boniface VIII.,--to keep out such an emperor
+as Dante imagined, than the Ghibelline nobles and potentates.
+
+Dante's political views were a dream; though a dream based on what had
+been, and an anticipation of what was, in part at least, to come. It
+was a dream in the middle ages, in divided and republican Italy, the
+Italy of cities--of a real and national government, based on justice
+and law. It was the dream of a real _state_. He imagined that the
+Roman empire had been one great state; he persuaded himself that
+Christendom might be such. He was wrong in both instances; but in this
+case, as in so many others, he had already caught the spirit and ideas
+of a far-distant future; and the political organisation of modern
+times, so familiar to us that we cease to think of its exceeding
+wonder, is the practical confirmation, though in a form very different
+from what he imagined, of the depth and farsightedness of those
+expectations which are in outward form so chimerical--"_i miei non
+falsi errori_."
+
+He had studied the "infinite disorders of the world" in one of their
+most unrestrained scenes, the streets of an Italian republic. Law was
+powerless, good men were powerless, good intentions came to naught;
+neither social habits nor public power could resist, when selfishness
+chose to have its way. The Church was indeed still the salt of the
+nations; but it had once dared and achieved more; it had once been the
+only power which ruled them. And this it could do no longer. If
+strength and energy had been enough to make the Church's influence
+felt on government, there was a Pope who could have done it--a man who
+was undoubtedly the most wondered at and admired of his age, whom
+friend or foe never characterised, without adding the invariable
+epithet of his greatness of soul--the "_magnanimus peccator_,"[78]
+whose Roman grandeur in meeting his unworthy fate fascinated into
+momentary sympathy even Dante.[79] But among the things which
+Boniface VIII. could not do, even if he cared about it, was the
+maintaining peace and law in Italian towns. And while this great
+political power was failing, its correlative and antagonist was
+paralysed also. "Since the death of Frederic II.," says Dante's
+contemporary, "the fame and recollections of the empire were well-nigh
+extinguished."[80] Italy was left without government--"come nave senza
+nocchiero in gran tempesta"--to the mercies of her tyrants:
+
+         Che le terre d'Italia tutte piene
+     Son di tiranni, e un Marcel diventa
+     Ogni villan, che parteggiando viene.--_Purg._ 6.
+
+[Footnote 78: Benvenuto da Imola.]
+
+[Footnote 79:
+
+     Veggio in Alagna entrar lo fiordaliso,
+     E nel vicario suo Cristo esser catto;
+       Veggiolo un'altra volta esser deriso;
+     Veggio rinnovellar l'aceto e 'l fele,
+     E tra vivi ladroni essere anciso.--_Purg._ 20.
+
+G. Villani, viii. 63. Come magnanimo e valente, disse, _Dacche per
+tradimento, come Gesu Cristo, voglio esser preso e mi conviene morire,
+almeno voglio morire come Papa_; e di presente si fece parare
+dell'ammanto di S. Piero, e colla corona di Constantino in capo, e
+colle chiavi e croce in mano, e in su la sedia papale si pose a
+sedere, e giunto a lui Sciarra e gli altri suoi nimici; con villane
+parole lo scherniro.]
+
+[Footnote 80: _Dino Compagni_, p. 135.]
+
+In this scene of violence and disorder, with the Papacy gone astray,
+the empire debased and impotent, the religious orders corrupted, power
+meaning lawlessness, the well-disposed become weak and cowardly,
+religion neither guide nor check to society, but only the consolation
+of its victims--Dante was bold and hopeful enough to believe in the
+Divine appointment, and in the possibility, of law and government--of
+a state. In his philosophy, the institutions which provide for man's
+peace and liberty in this life are part of God's great order for
+raising men to perfection;--not indispensable, yet ordinary parts;
+having their important place, though but for the present time; and
+though imperfect, real instruments of His moral government. He could
+not believe it to be the intention of Providence, that on the
+introduction of higher hopes and the foundation of a higher society,
+civil society should collapse and be left to ruin, as henceforth
+useless or prejudicial in man's trial and training; that the
+significant intimations of nature, that law and its results, justice,
+peace, and stability, ought to be and might be realised among men, had
+lost their meaning and faded away before the announcement of a kingdom
+not of this world. And if the perfection of civil society had not been
+superseded by the Church, it had become clear, if events were to be
+read as signs, that she was not intended to supply its political
+offices and functions. She had taught, elevated, solaced, blessed, not
+only individual souls, but society; she had for a time even governed
+it: but though her other powers remained, she could govern it no
+longer. Failure had made it certain that, in his strong and quaint
+language, "_Virtus authorizandi regnum nostrae mortalitatis est contra
+naturam ecclesiae; ergo non est de numero virtutum suarum_."[81]
+Another and distinct organisation was required for this, unless the
+temporal order was no longer worthy the attention of Christians.
+
+[Footnote 81: _De Monarch._ lib. iii. p. 188, Ed. Fraticelli.]
+
+This is the idea of the _De Monarchia_; and though it holds but a
+place in the great scheme of the _Commedia_, it is prominent there
+also--an idea seen but in a fantastic shape, encumbered and confused
+with most grotesque imagery, but the real idea of polity and law,
+which the experience of modern Europe has attained to.
+
+He found in clear outline in the Greek philosophy, the theory of
+merely human society; and raising its end and purpose, "_finem totius
+humanae civilitatis_," to a height and dignity which Heathens could not
+forecast, he adopted it in its more abstract and ideal form. He
+imagined a single authority, unselfish, inflexible, irresistible,
+which could make all smaller tyrannies to cease, and enable every man
+to live in peace and liberty, so that he lived in justice. It is
+simply what each separate state of Christendom has by this time more
+or less perfectly achieved. The theoriser of the middle ages could
+conceive of its accomplishment only in one form, as grand as it was
+impossible--a universal monarchy.
+
+But he did not start from an abstraction. He believed that history
+attested the existence of such a monarchy. The prestige of the Roman
+empire was then strong. Europe still lingers on the idea, and cannot
+even yet bring itself to give up its part in that great monument of
+human power. But in the middle ages the Empire was still believed to
+exist. It was the last greatness which had been seen in the world, and
+the world would not believe that it was over. Above all, in Italy, a
+continuity of lineage, of language, of local names, and in part of
+civilisation and law, forbad the thought that the great Roman people
+had ceased to be. Florentines and Venetians boasted that they were
+Romans: the legends which the Florentine ladies told to their maidens
+at the loom were tales of their mother city, Rome. The Roman element,
+little understood, but profoundly reverenced and dearly cherished, was
+dominant; the conductor of civilisation, and enfolding the inheritance
+of all the wisdom, experience, feeling, art, of the past, it elevated,
+even while it overawed, oppressed, and enslaved. A deep belief in
+Providence added to the intrinsic grandeur of the empire a sacred
+character. The flight of the eagle has been often told and often sung;
+but neither in Livy or Virgil, Gibbon or Bossuet, with intenser
+sympathy or more kindred power, than in those rushing and unflagging
+verses in which the middle-age poet hears the imperial legislator
+relate the fated course of the "sacred sign," from the day when Pallas
+died for it, till it accomplished the vengeance of heaven in Judaea,
+and afterwards, under Charlemagne, smote down the enemies of the
+Church.[82]
+
+[Footnote 82: _Parad._ c. 6.]
+
+The following passage, from the _De Monarchia_, will show the poet's
+view of the Roman empire, and its office in the world:
+
+     To the reasons above alleged, a memorable experience brings
+     confirmation: I mean that state of mankind which the Son of
+     God, when He would for man's salvation take man upon Him,
+     either waited for, or ordered when so He willed. For if from
+     the fall of our first parents, which was the starting-point
+     of all our wanderings, we retrace the various dispositions
+     of men and their times, we shall not find at any time,
+     except under the divine monarch Augustus, when a perfect
+     monarchy existed, that the world was everywhere quiet. And
+     that then mankind was happy in the tranquillity of universal
+     peace, this all writers of history, this famous poets, this
+     even the Scribe of the meekness of Christ has deigned to
+     attest. And lastly, Paul has called that most blessed
+     condition, the fulness of time. Truly time, and the things
+     of time, were full, for no mystery of our felicity then
+     lacked its minister. But how the world has gone on from the
+     time when that seamless robe was first torn by the claws of
+     covetousness, we may read, and would that we might not also
+     see. O race of men, by how great storms and losses, by how
+     great shipwrecks hast thou of necessity been vexed since,
+     transformed into a beast of many heads, thou hast been
+     struggling different ways, sick in understanding, equally
+     sick in heart. The higher intellect, with its invincible
+     reasons, thou reckest not of; nor of the inferior, with its
+     eye of experience; nor of affection, with the sweetness of
+     divine suasion, when the trumpet of the Holy Ghost sounds to
+     thee--"Behold, how good is it, and how pleasant, brethren,
+     to dwell together in unity."--_De Monarch._ lib. i. p. 54.
+
+Yet this great Roman empire existed still unimpaired in name--not
+unimposing even in what really remained of it. Dante, to supply a
+want, turned it into a theory--a theory easy to smile at now, but
+which contained and was a beginning of unknown or unheeded truth. What
+he yearns after is the predominance of the principle of justice in
+civil society. That, if it is still imperfect, is no longer a dream in
+our day; but experience had never realised it to him, and he takes
+refuge in tentative and groping theory. The divinations of the
+greatest men have been vague and strange, and none have been stranger
+than those of the author of the _De Monarchia_. The second book, in
+which he establishes the title of the Roman people to Universal
+Empire, is as startling a piece of mediaeval argument as it would be
+easy to find.
+
+     As when we cannot attain to look upon a cause, we commonly
+     wonder at a new effect, so when we know the cause, we look
+     down with a certain derision on those who remain in wonder.
+     And I indeed wondered once how the Roman people had, without
+     any resistance, been set over the world; and looking at it
+     superficially, I thought that they had obtained this by no
+     right, but by mere force of arms. But when I fixed deeply
+     the eyes of my mind on it, and by most effectual signs knew
+     that Divine Providence had wrought this, wonder departed,
+     and a certain scornful contempt came in its stead, when I
+     perceived the nations raging against the pre-eminence of the
+     Roman people:--when I see the people imagining a vain thing,
+     as I once used to do; when, moreover, I grieve over kings
+     and princes agreeing in this only, to be against their Lord
+     and his anointed Roman Emperor. Wherefore in derision, not
+     without a certain grief, I can cry out, for that glorious
+     people and for Caesar, with him who cried in behalf of the
+     Prince of Heaven, "Why did the nations rage, and the people
+     imagine vain things; the kings of the earth stood up, and
+     the rulers were joined in one against the Lord and his
+     anointed." But (because natural love suffers not derision to
+     be of long duration, but, like the summer sun, which,
+     scattering the morning mists, irradiates the east with
+     light, so prefers to pour forth the light of correction)
+     therefore to break the bonds of the ignorance of such kings
+     and rulers, to show that the human race is free from _their_
+     yoke, I will exhort myself, in company with the most holy
+     Prophet, taking up his following words, "Let us break their
+     bonds, and cast away from us their yoke."--_De Monarch._
+     lib. ii. p. 58.
+
+And to prove this pre-eminence of right in the Roman people, and their
+heirs, the Emperors of Christendom, he appeals not merely to the
+course of Providence, to their high and noble ancestry, to the
+blessings of their just and considerate laws, to their unselfish
+guardianship of the world--"_Romanum imperium de fonte nascitur
+pietatis_;"--not merely to their noble examples of private virtue,
+self-devotion, and public spirit--"those most sacred victims of the
+Decian house, who laid down their lives for the public weal, as
+Livy--not as _they_ deserved, but as _he_ was able--tells to their
+glory; and that unspeakable sacrifice of freedom's sternest guardians,
+the Catos;" not merely to the "judgment of God" in that great duel and
+wager of battle for empire, in which heaven declared against all other
+champions and "co-athletes"--Alexander, Pyrrhus, Hannibal, and by all
+the formalities of judicial combat awarded the great prize to those
+who fought, not for love or hatred, but justice--"_Quis igitur nunc
+adeo obtusae mentis est, qui non videat, sub jure duelli gloriosum
+populum coronam totius orbis esse lucratum?_"--not merely to arguments
+derived "from the principles of the Christian faith"--but to
+_miracles_. "The Roman empire," he says, "was, in order to its
+perfections, aided by the help of miracles; therefore it was willed by
+God; and, by consequence, both was, and is, of right." And these
+miracles, "proved by the testimony of illustrious authorities," are
+the prodigies of Livy--the ancile of Numa, the geese of the Capitol,
+the escape of Clelia, the hail-storm which checked Hannibal.[83]
+
+[Footnote 83: _De Monarch._ lib. ii. pp. 62, 66, 78, 82, 84, 108-114,
+116, 72-76.]
+
+The intellectual phenomenon is a strange one. It would be less strange
+if Dante were arguing in the schools, or pleading for a party. But
+even Henry of Luxemburg cared little for such a throne as the poet
+wanted him to fill, much less Can Grande and the Visconti. The idea,
+the theory, and the argument, are of the writer's own solitary
+meditation. We may wonder. But there are few things more strange than
+the history of argument. How often has a cause or an idea turned out,
+in the eyes of posterity, so much better than its arguments. How
+often have we seen argument getting as it were into a groove, and
+unable to extricate itself, so as to do itself justice. The everyday
+cases of private experience, of men defending right conclusions on
+wrong or conventional grounds, or in a confused form, entangled with
+conclusions of a like yet different nature;--of arguments, theories,
+solutions, which once satisfied, satisfying us no longer on a question
+about which we hold the same belief--of one party unable to comprehend
+the arguments of another--of one section of the same side smiling at
+the defence of their common cause by another--are all reproduced on a
+grander scale in the history of society. There too, one age cannot
+comprehend another; there too it takes time to disengage, subordinate,
+eliminate. Truth of this sort is not the elaboration of one keen or
+strong mind, but of the secret experience of many; "_nihil sine aetate
+est, omnia tempus expectant_." But a counterpart to the _De Monarchia_
+is not wanting in our own day; theory has not ceased to be mighty. In
+warmth and earnestness, in sense of historic grandeur, in its support
+of a great cause and a great idea, not less than in the thought of its
+motto, [Greek: heis koiranos esto], De Maistre's volume _Du Pape_,
+recalls the antagonist _De Monarchia_; but it recalls it not less in
+its bold dealing with facts, and its bold assumption of principles,
+though the knowledge and debates of five more busy centuries, and the
+experience of modern courts and revolutions, might have guarded the
+Piedmontese nobleman from the mistakes of the old Florentine.
+
+But the idea of the _De Monarchia_ is no key to the _Commedia_. The
+direct and primary purpose of the _Commedia_ is surely its obvious
+one. It is to stamp a deep impression on the mind, of the issues of
+good and ill doing here--of the real worlds of pain and joy. To do
+this forcibly, it is done in detail--of course it can only be done in
+figure. Punishment, purification, or the fulness of consolation are,
+as he would think, at this very moment, the lot of all the numberless
+spirits who have ever lived here--spirits still living and sentient as
+himself: parallel with our life, they too are suffering or are at
+rest. Without pause or interval, in all its parts simultaneously, this
+awful scene is going on--the judgments of God are being
+fulfilled--could we but see it. It exists, it might be seen, at each
+instant of time, by a soul whose eyes were opened, which was carried
+through it. And this he imagines. It had been imagined before; it is
+the working out, which is peculiar to him. It is not a barren vision.
+His subject is, besides the eternal world, the soul which contemplates
+it; by sight, according to his figures--in reality, by faith. As he is
+led on from woe to deeper woe, then through the tempered
+chastisements and resignation of Purgatory to the beatific vision, he
+is tracing the course of the soul on earth, realising sin and weaning
+itself from it--of its purification and preparation for its high lot,
+by converse with the good and wise, by the remedies of grace, by
+efforts of will and love, perhaps by the dominant guidance of some
+single pure and holy influence, whether of person, or institution, or
+thought. Nor will we say but that beyond this earthly probation, he is
+not also striving to grasp and imagine to himself something of that
+awful process and training, by which, whether in or out of the flesh,
+the spirit is made fit to meet its Maker, its Judge, and its Chief
+Good.
+
+Thus it seems that even in its main design, the poem has more than one
+aspect; it is a picture, a figure, partially a history, perhaps an
+anticipation. And this is confirmed, by what the poet has himself
+distinctly stated, of his ideas of poetic composition. His view is
+expressed generally in his philosophical treatise, the _Convito_; but
+it is applied directly to the _Commedia_, in a letter, which, if in
+its present form, of doubtful authenticity, without any question
+represents his sentiments, and the substance of which is incorporated
+in one of the earliest writings on the poem, Boccaccio's commentary.
+The following is his account of the subject of the poem:
+
+     For the evidence of what is to be said, it is to be noted,
+     that this work is not of one single meaning only, but may be
+     said to have many meanings ("_polysensuum_"). For the first
+     meaning is that of the letter--another is that of things
+     signified by the letter; the first of these is called the
+     literal sense, the second, the allegorical or moral. This
+     mode of treating a subject may for clearness' sake be
+     considered in those verses of the Psalm, "_In exitu
+     Israel_." "When Israel came out of Egypt, and the house of
+     Jacob from the strange people, Judah was his sanctuary, and
+     Israel his dominion." For if we look at the _letter_ only,
+     there is here signified, the going out of the children of
+     Israel in the time of Moses--if at the _allegory_ there is
+     signified our redemption through Christ--if at the _moral_
+     sense there is signified to us the conversion of the soul
+     from the mourning and misery of sin to the state of
+     grace--if at the _anagogic_ sense,[84] there is signified
+     the passing out of the holy soul from the bondage of this
+     corruption to the liberty of everlasting glory. And these
+     mystical meanings, though called by different names, may all
+     be called _allegorical_ as distinguished from the literal or
+     historical sense.... This being considered, it is plain that
+     there ought to be a twofold subject, concerning which the
+     two corresponding meanings may proceed. Therefore we must
+     consider first concerning the subject of this work as it is
+     to be understood literally, then as it is to be considered
+     allegorically. The subject then of the whole work, taken
+     literally only, is the state of souls after death considered
+     in itself. For about this, and on this, the whole work
+     turns. But if the work be taken allegorically, its subject
+     is man, as, by his freedom of choice deserving well or ill,
+     he is subject to the justice which rewards and punishes.[85]
+
+[Footnote 84:
+
+     _Litera_ gesta refert, quid credas _allegoria_,
+     _Moralis_ quid agas, quid speres _anagogia_.
+
+     De Witte's note from _Buti_.]
+
+[Footnote 85: Ep. ad _Kan Grand._ Sec. 6, 7.]
+
+The passage in the _Convito_ is to the same effect; but his remarks on
+the _moral_ and _anagogic_ meaning may be quoted:
+
+     The third sense is called _moral_; that it is which readers
+     ought to go on noting carefully in writings, for their own
+     profit and that of their disciples: as in the Gospel it may
+     be noted, when Christ went up to the mountain to be
+     transfigured, that of the twelve Apostles, he took with him
+     only three; in which morally we may understand, that in the
+     most secret things we ought to have but few companions. The
+     fourth sort of meaning is called _anagogic_, that is, above
+     our sense; and this is when we spiritually interpret a
+     passage, which even in its literal meaning, by means of the
+     things signified, expresses the heavenly things of
+     everlasting glory: as may be seen in that song of the
+     Prophet, which says, that in the coming out of the people of
+     Israel from Egypt, Judah was made holy and free; which
+     although it is manifestly true according to the letter, is
+     not less true as spiritually understood; that is, that when
+     the soul comes out of sin, it is made holy and free, in its
+     own power.[86]
+
+[Footnote 86: _Convito_, Tr. 2, c. 1.]
+
+With this passage before us there can be no doubt of the meaning,
+however veiled, of those beautiful lines, already referred to, in
+which Virgil, after having conducted the poet up the steeps of
+Purgatory, where his sins have been one by one cancelled by the
+ministering angels, finally takes leave of him, and bids him wait for
+Beatrice, on the skirts of the earthly Paradise:
+
+       Come la scala tutta sotto noi
+     Fu corsa e fummo in su 'l grado superno,
+     In me ficco Virgilio gli occhi suoi,
+       E disse: "Il temporal fuoco, e l'eterno
+     Veduto hai, figlio, e se' venuto in parte
+     Ov'io per me piu oltre non discerno.
+       Tratto t'ho qui con ingegno e con arte:
+     Lo tuo piacere omai prendi per duce;
+     Fuor se' dell'erte vie, fuor se' dell'arte.
+       Vedi il sole che 'n fronte ti riluce:
+     Vedi l'erbetta, i fiori, e gli arboscelli
+     Che quella terra sol da se produce.
+       Mentre che vegnon lieti gli occhi belli
+     Che lagrimando a te venir mi fenno,
+     Seder ti puoi e puoi andar tra elli.
+       Non aspettar mio dir piu ne mio cenno:
+     Libero, dritto, sano e tuo arbitrio,
+     E fallo fora non fare a suo senno:--
+       Perch'io te sopra te corono e mitrio."[87]
+
+[Footnote 87:
+
+                    When we had run
+     O'er all the ladder to its topmost round,
+     As there we stood, on me the Mantuan fix'd
+     His eyes, and thus he spake: "Both fires, my son,
+     The temporal and the eternal, thou hast seen:
+     And art arrived, where of itself my ken
+     No further reaches. I with skill and art,
+     Thus far have drawn thee. Now thy pleasure take
+     For guide. Thou hast o'ercome the steeper way,
+     O'ercome the straiter. Lo! the sun, that darts
+     His beam upon thy forehead: lo! the herb,
+     The arborets and flowers, which of itself
+     This land pours forth profuse. Till those bright eyes
+     With gladness come, which, weeping, made me haste
+     To succour thee, thou mayest or seat thee down,
+     Or wander where thou wilt. Expect no more
+     Sanction of warning voice or sign from me,
+     Free of thine own arbitrement to choose,
+     Discreet, judicious. To distrust thy sense
+     Were henceforth error. I invest thee then
+     With crown and mitre, sovereign o'er thyself."
+
+     _Purg._ c. 27--CARY.]
+
+The general meaning of the _Commedia_ is clear enough. But it
+certainly does appear to refuse to be fitted into a connected formal
+scheme of interpretation. It is not a homogeneous, consistent
+allegory, like the _Pilgrim's Progress_ and the _Fairy Queen_. The
+allegory continually breaks off, shifts its ground, gives place to
+other elements, or mingles with them--like a stream which suddenly
+sinks into the earth, and after passing under plains and mountains,
+reappears in a distant point, and in different scenery. We can,
+indeed, imagine its strange author commenting on it, and finding or
+marking out its prosaic substratum, with the cold-blooded precision
+and scholastic distinctions of the _Convito_. However, he has not done
+so. And of the many enigmas which present themselves, either in its
+structure or separate parts, the key seems hopelessly lost. The early
+commentators are very ingenious, but very unsatisfactory; they see
+where we can see, but beyond that they are as full of uncertainty as
+ourselves. It is in character with that solitary and haughty spirit,
+while touching universal sympathies, appalling and charming all
+hearts, to have delighted in his own dark sayings, which had meaning
+only to himself. It is true that, whether in irony, or from that
+quaint studious care for the appearance of literal truth, which makes
+him apologise for the wonders which he relates, and confirm them by an
+oath, "on the words of his poem,"[88] he provokes and challenges us;
+bids us admire "doctrine hidden under strange verses;"[89] bids us
+strain our eyes, for the veil is thin:
+
+     Aguzza, qui, lettor, ben l'occhi al vero:
+     Che il velo e ora ben tanto sottile,
+     Certo, che il trapassar dentro e leggiero.--_Purg._ c. 8.
+
+But eyes are still strained in conjecture and doubt.
+
+[Footnote 88:
+
+       Sempre a quel ver, ch'ha faccia di menzogna,
+     De' l'uom chiuder le labbra, quanto puote,
+     Pero che senza colpa fa vergogna.
+       Ma qui tacer nol posso; e per le note
+     Di questa _Commedia_, lettor, ti giuro
+     S'elle non sien di lunga grazia vote, &c.--_Inf._ 16.]
+
+[Footnote 89: _Inf._ 9.]
+
+Yet the most certain and detailed commentary, one which assigned the
+exact reason for every image or allegory, and its place and connexion
+in a general scheme, would add but little to the charm or to the use
+of the poem. It is not so obscure but that every man's experience who
+has thought over and felt the mystery of our present life, may supply
+the commentary--the more ample, the wider and more various has been
+his experience, the deeper and keener his feeling. Details and links
+of connexion may be matter of controversy. Whether the three beasts of
+the forest mean definitely the vices of the time, or of Florence
+specially, or of the poet himself--"the wickedness of his heels,
+compassing him round about"--may still exercise critics and
+antiquaries; but that they carry with them distinct and special
+impressions of evil, and that they are the hindrances of man's
+salvation, is not doubtful. And our knowledge of the key of the
+allegory, where we possess it, contributes but little to the effect.
+We may infer from the _Convito_[90] that the eyes of Beatrice stand
+definitely for the _demonstrations_, and her smiles for the
+_persuasions_ of wisdom; but the poetry of the Paradiso is not about
+demonstrations and persuasions, but about looks and smiles; and the
+ineffable and holy calm--"_serenitatis et aeternitatis afflatus_"--which
+pervades it, comes from the sacred truths, and holy persons, and that
+deep spirit of high-raised yet composed devotion, which it requires no
+interpreter to show us.
+
+[Footnote 90: _Convito_, Tr. 3, c. 15.]
+
+Figure and symbol, then, are doubtless the law of composition in the
+_Commedia_; but this law discloses itself very variously, and with
+different degrees of strictness. In its primary and most general form,
+it is palpable, consistent, pervading. There can be no doubt that the
+poem is meant to be understood figuratively--no doubt of what in
+general it is meant to shadow forth--no doubt as to the general
+meaning of its parts, their connexion with each other. But in its
+secondary and subordinate applications, the law works--to our eye at
+least--irregularly, unequally, and fitfully. There can be no question
+that Virgil, the poet's guide, represents the purely human element in
+the training of the soul and of society, as Beatrice does the divine.
+But neither represent the whole; he does not sum up all appliances of
+wisdom in Virgil, nor all teachings and influences of grace in
+Beatrice; these have their separate figures. And both represent
+successively several distinct forms of their general antitypes. They
+have various degrees of abstractness, and narrow down, according to
+that order of things to which they refer and correspond, into the
+special and the personal. In the general economy of the poem, Virgil
+stands for human wisdom in its widest sense; but he also stands for it
+in its various shapes, in the different parts. He is the type of human
+philosophy and science.[91] He is, again, more definitely, that spirit
+of imagination and poetry, which opens men's eyes to the glory of the
+visible, and the truth of the invisible; and to Italians, he is a
+definite embodiment of it, their own great poet, "_vates, poeta
+noster_."[92] In the Christian order, he is human wisdom, dimly
+mindful of its heavenly origin--presaging dimly its return to
+God--sheltering in heathen times that "vague and unconnected family
+of religious truths, originally from God, but sojourning without the
+sanction of miracle or visible home, as pilgrims up and down the
+world."[93] In the political order, he is the guide of law-givers,
+wisdom fashioning the impulses and instincts of men into the harmony
+of society, contriving stability and peace, guarding justice; fit part
+for the poet to fill, who had sung the origin of Rome, and the justice
+and peace of Augustus. In the order of individual life, and the
+progress of the individual soul, he is the human conscience witnessing
+to duty, its discipline and its hopes, and with yet more certain and
+fearful presage, to its vindication; the human conscience seeing and
+acknowledging the law, but unable to confer power to fulfil
+it--wakened by grace from among the dead, leading the living man up to
+it, and waiting for its light and strength. But he is more than a
+figure. To the poet himself, who blends with his high argument his
+whole life, Virgil had been the utmost that mind can be to
+mind--teacher, quickener and revealer of power, source of thought,
+exemplar and model, never disappointing, never attained to, observed
+with "long study and great love:"
+
+     Tu duca, tu signor, e tu maestro.--_Inf._ 2.
+
+[Footnote 91: "O tu ch'onori ogni scienza ed arte."--_Inf._ 4. "Quel
+savio gentil che tutto seppe."--_Inf._ 7. "Il mar di tutto 'l
+senno."--_Inf._ 8.]
+
+[Footnote 92: _De Monarchia._]
+
+[Footnote 93: Newman's _Arians_.]
+
+And towards this great master, the poet's whole soul is poured forth
+in reverence and affection. To Dante he is no figure, but a
+person--with feelings and weaknesses--overcome by the vexation,
+kindling into the wrath, carried away by the tenderness, of the
+moment. He reads his scholar's heart, takes him by the hand in danger,
+carries him in his arms and in his bosom, "like a son more than a
+companion," rebukes his unworthy curiosity, kisses him when he shows a
+noble spirit, asks pardon for his own mistakes. Never were the kind,
+yet severe ways of a master, or the disciple's diffidence and
+open-heartedness, drawn with greater force, or less effort; and he
+seems to have been reflecting on his own affection to Virgil, when he
+makes Statius forget that they were both but shades:
+
+     Or puoi la quantitate
+     Comprender dell'amor ch'a te mi scalda,
+     Quando _dismento la nostra vanitate
+     Trattando l'ombre come cosa salda_.--_Purg._ 21.
+
+And so with the poet's second guide. The great idea which Beatrice
+figures, though always present, is seldom rendered artificially
+prominent, and is often entirely hidden beneath the rush of real
+recollections, and the creations of dramatic power. Abstractions
+venture and trust themselves among realities, and for the time are
+forgotten. A name, a real person, a historic passage, a lament or
+denunciation, a tragedy of actual life, a legend of classic times, the
+fortunes of friends--the story of Francesca or Ugolino, the fate of
+Buonconte's corpse, the apology of Pier delle Vigne, the epitaph of
+Madonna Pia, Ulysses' western voyage, the march of Roman
+history--appear and absorb for themselves all interest: or else it is
+a philosophical speculation, or a theory of morality, or a case of
+conscience--not indeed alien from the main subject, yet independent of
+the allegory, and not translateable into any new meaning--standing on
+their own ground, worked out each according to its own law; but they
+do not disturb the main course of the poet's thought, who grasps and
+paints each detail of human life in its own peculiarity, while he sees
+in each a significance and interest beyond itself. He does not stop in
+each case to tell us so, but he makes it felt. The tale ends, the
+individual disappears, and the great allegory resumes its course. It
+is like one of those great musical compositions which alone seem
+capable of adequately expressing, in a limited time, a course of
+unfolding and change, in an idea, a career, a life, a society--where
+one great thought predominates, recurs, gives colour and meaning, and
+forms the unity of the whole, yet passes through many shades and
+transitions; is at one time definite, at another suggestive and
+mysterious; incorporating and giving free place and play to airs and
+melodies even of an alien cast; striking off abruptly from its
+expected road, but without ever losing itself, without breaking its
+true continuity, or failing of its completeness.
+
+This then seems to us the end and purpose of the _Commedia_;--to
+produce on the mind a sense of the judgments of God, analogous to that
+produced by Scripture itself. They are presented to us in the Bible in
+shapes which address themselves primarily to the heart and conscience,
+and seek not carefully to explain themselves. They are likened to the
+"great deep," to the "strong mountains"--vast and awful, but abrupt
+and incomplete, as the huge, broken, rugged piles and chains of
+mountains. And we see them through cloud and mist, in shapes only
+approximating to the true ones. Still they impress us deeply and
+truly, often the more deeply because unconsciously. A character, an
+event, a word, isolated and unexplained, stamps its meaning
+ineffaceably, though ever a matter of question and wonder; it may be
+dark to the intellect, yet the conscience understands it, often but
+too well. In such suggestive ways is the Divine government for the
+most part put before us in the Bible--ways which do not satisfy the
+understanding, but which fill us with a sense of reality. And it seems
+to have been by meditating on them, which he certainly did, much and
+thoughtfully--and on the infinite variety of similar ways in which
+the strongest impressions are conveyed to us in ordinary life, by
+means short of clear and distinct explanation--by looks, by images, by
+sounds, by motions, by remote allusion and broken words, that Dante
+was led to choose so new and remarkable a mode of conveying to his
+countrymen his thoughts and feelings and presentiments about the
+mystery of God's counsel. The Bible teaches us by means of real
+history, traced so far as is necessary along its real course. The poet
+expresses his view of the world also in real history, but carried on
+into figure.
+
+The poetry with which the Christian Church had been instinct from the
+beginning, converges and is gathered up in the _Commedia_. The faith
+had early shown its poetical aspect. It is superfluous to dwell on
+this, for it is the charge against ancient teaching that it was too
+large and imaginative. It soon began to try rude essays in sculpture
+and mosaic: expressed its feeling of nature in verse and prose, rudely
+also, but often with originality and force; and opened a new vein of
+poetry in the thoughts, hopes, and aspirations of regenerate man.
+Modern poetry must go back, for many of its deepest and most powerful
+sources, to the writings of the Fathers, and their followers of the
+School. The Church further had a poetry of its own, besides the poetry
+of literature; it had the poetry of devotion--the Psalter chanted
+daily, in a new language and a new meaning; and that wonderful body of
+hymns, to which age after age had contributed its offering, from the
+Ambrosian hymns to the _Veni, Sancte Spiritus_ of a king of France,
+the _Pange lingua_ of Thomas Aquinas, the _Dies irae_, and _Stabat
+Mater_, of the two Franciscan brethren, Thomas of Celano, and
+Jacopone.[94] The elements and fragments of poetry were everywhere in
+the Church--in her ideas of life, in her rules and institutions for
+passing through it, in her preparation for death, in her offices,
+ceremonial, celebrations, usages, her consecration of domestic,
+literary, commercial, civic, military, political life, the meanings
+and ends she had given them, the religious seriousness with which the
+forms of each were dignified--in her doctrine, and her dogmatic
+system--her dependence on the unseen world--her Bible. From each and
+all of these, and from that public feeling, which, if it expressed
+itself but abruptly and incoherently, was quite alive to the poetry
+which surrounded it, the poet received due impressions of greatness
+and beauty, of joy and dread. Then the poetry of Christian religion
+and Christian temper, hitherto dispersed, or manifested in act only,
+found its full and distinct utterance, not unworthy to rank in
+grandeur, in music, in sustained strength, with the last noble voices
+from expiring Heathenism.
+
+[Footnote 94: Trench, Sacred Latin Poetry, 1849.]
+
+But a long interval had passed since then. The _Commedia_ first
+disclosed to Christian and modern Europe that it was to have a
+literature of its own, great and admirable, though in its own language
+and embodying its own ideas. "It was as if, at some of the ancient
+games, a stranger had appeared upon the plain, and thrown his quoit
+among the marks of former casts, which tradition had ascribed to the
+demi-gods."[95] We are so accustomed to the excellent and varied
+literature of modern times, so original, so perfect in form and rich
+in thought, so expressive of all our sentiments, meeting so completely
+our wants, fulfilling our ideas, that we can scarcely imagine the time
+when this condition was new--when society was beholden to a foreign
+language for the exponents of its highest thoughts and feelings. But
+so it was when Dante wrote. The great poets, historians, philosophers
+of his day, the last great works of intellect, belonged to old Rome,
+and the Latin language. So wonderful and prolonged was the fascination
+of Rome. Men still lived under its influence; believed that the Latin
+language was the perfect and permanent instrument of thought in its
+highest forms, the only expression of refinement and civilisation; and
+had not conceived the hope that their own dialects could ever rise to
+such heights of dignity and power. Latin, which had enchased and
+preserved such precious remains of ancient wisdom, was now shackling
+the living mind in its efforts. Men imagined that they were still
+using it naturally on all high themes and solemn business; but though
+they used it with facility, it was no longer natural; it had lost the
+elasticity of life, and had become in their hands a stiffened and
+distorted, though still powerful, instrument. The very use of the word
+_latino_ in the writers of this period, to express what is clear and
+philosophical in language,[96] while it shows their deep reverence for
+it, shows how Latin civilisation was no longer their own, how it had
+insensibly become an external and foreign element. But they found it
+very hard to resign their claim to a share in its glories; with
+nothing of their own to match against it, they still delighted to
+speak of it as "our language," or its writers as "our poets," "our
+historians."[97]
+
+[Footnote 95: Hallam's _Middle Ages_, c. ix. vol. iii. p. 563.]
+
+[Footnote 96: _Parad._ 3, 12, 17. _Convit._ p. 108. "A piu
+_Latinamente_ vedere la sentenza letterale."]
+
+[Footnote 97: _Vid._ the _De Monarchia_.]
+
+The spell was indeed beginning to break. Guido Cavalcanti, Dante's
+strange, stern, speculative friend, who is one of the fathers of the
+Italian language, is characterised in the _Commedia_[98] by his
+scornful dislike of Latin, even in the mouth of Virgil. Yet Dante
+himself, the great assertor, by argument and example, of the powers of
+the Vulgar tongue, once dared not to think that the Vulgar tongue
+could be other to the Latin, than as a subject to his sovereign. He
+was bolder when he wrote _De Vulgari Eloquio_: but in the earlier
+_Convito_, while pleading earnestly for the beauty of the Italian, he
+yields with reverence the first place to the Latin--for nobleness,
+because the Latin is permanent, and the Vulgar subject to fluctuation
+and corruption; for power, because the Latin can express conceptions
+to which the Vulgar is unequal; for beauty, because the structure of
+the Latin is a masterly arrangement of scientific art, and the beauty
+of the Vulgar depends on mere use.[99] The very title of his poem, the
+_Commedia_, contains in it a homage to the lofty claims of the Latin.
+It is called a Comedy, and not Tragedy, he says, after a marvellous
+account of the essence and etymology of the two, first, because it
+begins sadly, and ends joyfully; and next, because of its language,
+that humble speech of ordinary life, "in which even women
+converse."[100]
+
+[Footnote 98: _Inf._ 10, and compare the _Vit. N._ p. 334, ed.
+Fraticelli.]
+
+[Footnote 99: _Convito_, i. 5.]
+
+[Footnote 100: Ep. ad Kan Grand. Sec.9,--a curious specimen of the
+learning of the time: "Sciendum est, quod _Comoedia_ dicitur a
+[Greek: kome], _villa_ et [Greek: ode], quod est _cantus_, unde
+_Comoedia_ quasi _villanus cantus_. Et est _Comoedia genus quoddam
+poeticae narrationis_, ab omnibus aliis differens. Differt ergo a
+Tragoedia in materia per hoc, quod Tragoedia in principio est
+admirabilis et quieta, in fine foetida et horribilis; et dicitur
+propter hoc a [Greek: tragos], i.e. _hircus_, et [Greek: ode], quasi
+_cantus hircinus_, i.e. foetidus ad modum hirci, ut patet per
+Senecam in suis tragoediis. _Comoedia_ vero inchoat asperitatem
+alicujus rei, sed ejus materia prospere terminatur, ut patet per
+Terentium in suis _Comoediis_.... Similiter differunt in modo
+loquendi; elate et sublime Tragoedia, _Comoedia_ vero remisse et
+humiliter sicut vult Horat. in Poet.... Et per hoc patet, quod
+_Comoedia_ diciter praesens opus. Nam si ad materiam respiciamus, a
+principio horribilis et foetida est, quia _Infernus_: in fine
+prospera, desiderabilis et grata, quia _Paradisus_. Si ad modum
+loquendi, remissus est modus et humilis, quia locutio Vulgaris, in qua
+et mulierculae communicant. Et sic patet quia _Comoedia_ dicitur."
+Cf. de Vulg. Eloq. 2, 4, _Parad._ 30. He calls the AEneid, "_l'alta
+Tragedia_," _Inf._ 20, 113. Compare also Boccaccio's explanation of
+his mother's dream of the _peacock_. Dante, he says, is like the
+Peacock, among other reasons, "because the peacock has coarse feet,
+and a quiet gait;" and "the vulgar language, on which the _Commedia_
+supports itself, is coarse in comparison with the high and masterly
+literary style which every other poet uses, though it be more
+beautiful than others, being in conformity with modern minds. The
+quiet gait signifies the humility of the style, which is necessarily
+required in _Commedia_, as those know who understand what is meant by
+_Commedia_."]
+
+He honoured the Latin, but his love was for the Italian. He was its
+champion, and indignant defender against the depreciation of ignorance
+and fashion. Confident of its power and jealous of its beauty, he
+pours forth his fierce scorn on the blind stupidity, the affectation,
+the vain glory, the envy, and above all, the cowardice of Italians who
+held lightly their mother tongue. "Many," he says, after enumerating
+the other offenders, "from this pusillanimity and cowardice disparage
+their own language, and exalt that of others; and of this sort are
+those hateful dastards of Italy--_abbominevoli cattivi d'Italia_--who
+think vilely of that precious language; which, if it is vile in
+anything, is vile only so far as it sounds in the prostituted mouth of
+these adulterers."[101] He noted and compared its various dialects; he
+asserted its capabilities not only in verse, but in expressive,
+flexible, and majestic prose. And to the deliberate admiration of the
+critic and the man, were added the homely but dear associations, which
+no language can share with that of early days. Italian had been the
+language of his parents--"_Questo mio Volgare fu il congiugnitore
+delli miei generanti, che con esso parlavano_"--and further, it was
+this modern language, "_questo mio Volgare_," which opened to him the
+way of knowledge, which had introduced him to Latin, and the sciences
+which it contained. It was his benefactor and guide--he personifies
+it--and his boyish friendship had grown stronger and more intimate by
+mutual good offices. "There has also been between us the goodwill of
+intercourse; for from the beginning of my life I have had with it
+kindness and conversation, and have used it, deliberating,
+interpreting, and questioning; so that, if friendship grows with use,
+it is evident how it must have grown in me."[102]
+
+[Footnote 101: _Convito_, i. 11.]
+
+[Footnote 102: _Convito_, i. 13.]
+
+From this language he exacted a hard trial;--a work which should rank
+with the ancient works. None such had appeared; none had even advanced
+such a pretension. Not that it was a time dead to literature or
+literary ambition. Poets and historians had written, and were writing
+in Italian. The same year of jubilee which fixed itself so deeply in
+Dante's mind, and became the epoch of his vision--the same scene of
+Roman greatness in its decay, which afterwards suggested to Gibbon the
+_Decline and Fall_, prompted, in the father of Italian history, the
+desire to follow in the steps of Sallust and Livy, and prepare the way
+for Machiavelli and Guicciardini, Davila, and Fra Paolo.[103] Poetry
+had been cultivated in the Roman languages of the West--in Aquitaine
+and Provence, especially--for more than two centuries; and lately,
+with spirit and success, in Italian. Names had become popular,
+reputations had risen and waned, verses circulated and were
+criticised, and even descended from the high and refined circles to
+the workshop. A story is told of Dante's indignation, when he heard
+the canzoni which had charmed the Florentine ladies mangled by the
+rude enthusiasm of a blacksmith at his forge.[104] Literature was a
+growing fashion; but it was humble in its aspirations and efforts. Men
+wrote like children, surprised and pleased with their success; yet
+allowing themselves in mere amusement, because conscious of weakness
+which they could not cure.
+
+[Footnote 103: G. Villani was at Rome in the year of jubilee 1300, and
+describes the great concourse and order of the pilgrims, whom he
+reckons at 200,000, in the course of the year. "And I," he proceeds,
+"finding myself in that blessed pilgrimage in the holy city of Rome,
+seeing the great and ancient things of the same, and reading the
+histories of the great deeds of the Romans, written by Virgil, and by
+Sallust, and Lucan, and Titus Livius, and Valerius, and Paulus
+Orosius, and other masters of histories, who wrote as well of the
+smaller matters as of the greater, concerning the exploits and deeds
+of the Romans; and further, of the strange things of the whole world,
+for memory and example's sake to those who should come after--I, too,
+took their style and fashion, albeit that, as their scholar, I be not
+worthy to execute such a work. But, considering that our city of
+Florence, the daughter and creation of Rome, was in its rising, and on
+the eve of achieving great things, as Rome was in its decline, it
+seemed to me convenient to bring into this volume and new chronicle
+all the deeds and beginnings of the city of Florence, so far as I have
+been able to gather and recover them; and for the future, to follow at
+large the doings of the Florentines, and the other notable things of
+the world briefly, as long as it may be God's pleasure; under which
+hope, rather by his grace than by my poor science, I entered on this
+enterprise: and so, in the year 1300, being returned from Rome, I
+began to compile this book, in reverence towards God and St. John, and
+commendation of our city of Florence."--_G. Vill._ viii. 36.]
+
+[Footnote 104: _Sacchetti_, Nov. 114.]
+
+Dante, by the _Divina Commedia_, was the restorer of seriousness in
+literature. He was so, by the magnitude and pretensions of his work,
+and by the earnestness of its spirit. He first broke through the
+prescription which had confined great works to the Latin, and the
+faithless prejudices which, in the language of society, could see
+powers fitted for no higher task than that of expressing, in curiously
+diversified forms, its most ordinary feelings. But he did much more.
+Literature was going astray in its tone, while growing in importance;
+the _Commedia_ checked it. The Provencal and Italian poetry was, with
+the exception of some pieces of political satire, almost exclusively
+amatory, in the most fantastic and affected fashion. In expression, it
+had not even the merit of being natural; in purpose it was trifling;
+in the spirit which it encouraged, it was something worse. Doubtless
+it brought a degree of refinement with it, but it was refinement
+purchased at a high price, by intellectual distortion, and moral
+insensibility. But this was not all. The brilliant age of Frederick
+II., for such it was, was deeply mined by religious unbelief. However
+strange this charge first sounds against the thirteenth century, no
+one can look at all closely into its history, at least in Italy,
+without seeing that the idea of infidelity--not heresy, but
+infidelity--was quite a familiar one; and that side by side with the
+theology of Aquinas and Bonaventura, there was working among those who
+influenced fashion and opinion, among the great men, and the men to
+whom learning was a profession, a spirit of scepticism and irreligion
+almost monstrous for its time, which found its countenance in
+Frederick's refined and enlightened court. The genius of the great
+doctors might have kept in safety the Latin Schools, but not the free
+and home thoughts which found utterance in the language of the people,
+if the solemn beauty of the Italian _Commedia_ had not seized on all
+minds. It would have been an evil thing for Italian, perhaps for
+European literature, if the siren tales of the _Decameron_ had been
+the first to occupy the ear with the charms of a new language.
+
+Dante has had hard measure, and from some who are most beholden to
+him. No one in his day served the Church more highly, than he whose
+faith and genius secured on her side the first great burst of
+imagination and feeling, the first perfect accents of modern speech.
+The first-fruits of the new literature were consecrated, and offered
+up. There was no necessity, or even probability in Italy in the
+fourteenth century that it should be so, as there might perhaps have
+been earlier. It was the poet's free act--free in one, for whom nature
+and heathen learning had strong temptations--that religion was the
+lesson and influence of the great popular work of the time. That
+which he held up before men's awakened and captivated minds, was the
+verity of God's moral government. To rouse them to a sense of the
+mystery of their state; to startle their commonplace notions of sin
+into an imagination of its variety, its magnitude, and its infinite
+shapes and degrees; to open their eyes to the beauty of the Christian
+temper, both as suffering and as consummated; to teach them at once
+the faithfulness and awful freeness of God's grace; to help the dull
+and lagging soul to conceive the possibility, in its own case, of
+rising step by step in joy without an end--of a felicity not
+unimaginable by man, though of another order from the highest
+perfection of earth;--this is the poet's end. Nor was it only vague
+religious feelings which he wished to excite. He brought within the
+circle of common thought, and translated into the language of the
+multitude, what the Schools had done to throw light on the deep
+questions of human existence, which all are fain to muse upon, though
+none can solve. He who had opened so much of men's hearts to
+themselves, opened to them also that secret sympathy which exists
+between them and the great mysteries of the Christian doctrine.[105]
+He did the work, in his day, of a great preacher. Yet he has been
+both claimed and condemned, as a disturber of the Church's faith.
+
+[Footnote 105: _Vide_ Ozanam.]
+
+He certainly did not spare the Church's rulers. He thought they were
+betraying the most sacred of all trusts; and if history is at all to
+be relied on, he had some grounds for thinking so. But it is confusing
+the feelings of the middle ages with our own, to convert every fierce
+attack on the Popes into an anticipation of Luther. Strong language of
+this sort was far too commonplace to be so significant. No age is
+blind to practical abuses, or silent on them; and when the middle ages
+complained, they did so with a full-voiced and clamorous rhetoric,
+which greedily seized on every topic of vilification within its reach.
+It was far less singular, and far less bold, to criticise
+ecclesiastical authorities, than is often supposed; but it by no means
+implied unsettled faith, or a revolutionary design. In Dante's case,
+if words have any meaning--not words of deliberate qualification, but
+his unpremeditated and incidental expressions--his faith in the Divine
+mission and spiritual powers of the Popes was as strong as his
+abhorrence of their degeneracy, and desire to see it corrected by a
+power which they would respect--that of the temporal sword. It would
+be to mistake altogether his character, to imagine of him, either as a
+fault or as an excellence, that he was a doubter. It might as well be
+supposed of Aquinas.
+
+No one ever acknowledged with greater seriousness, as a fact in his
+position in the world, the agreement in faith among those with whom he
+was born. No one ever inclined with more simplicity and reverence
+before that long communion and consent in feeling and purpose, the
+"_publicus_ sensus" of the Christian Church. He did feel difficulties;
+but the excitement of lingering on them was not among his enjoyments.
+That was the lot of the heathen; Virgil, made wise by death, counsels
+him not to desire it:
+
+       "Matto e chi spera, che nostra ragione
+     Possa trascorrer la 'nfinita via
+     Che tiene una sustanzia in tre Persone.
+       State contenti, umana gente, al _quia_;
+     Che se potuto aveste veder tutto,
+     Mestier non era partorir Maria:
+       E disiar vedeste senza frutto
+     Tai, che sarebbe lor disio quetato,
+     Ch'eternamente e dato lor per lutto;
+       I' dico d'Aristotile e di Plato,
+     E di molti altri:"--e qui chino la fronte,
+     E piu non disse, e rimase turbato.--_Purg._ c. 3.[106]
+
+[Footnote 106:
+
+     "Insensate he, who thinks with mortal ken
+       To pierce Infinitude, which doth enfold
+       Three Persons in one Substance. Seek not then,
+     O mortal race, for reasons--but believe,
+       And be contented; for had all been seen,
+       No need there was for Mary to conceive.
+     Men have ye known, who thus desired in vain;
+       And whose desires, that might at rest have been,
+       Now constitute a source of endless pain;
+     Plato, the Stagirite; and many more,
+       I here allude to;"--then his head he bent,
+       Was silent, and a troubled aspect wore.--WRIGHT.]
+
+The Christian poet felt that it was greater to believe and to act. In
+the darkness of the world one bright light appeared, and he followed
+it. Providence had assigned him his portion of truth, his portion of
+daily bread; if to us it appears blended with human elements, it is
+perfectly clear that he was in no position to sift them. To choose was
+no trial of his. To examine and seek, where it was impossible to find,
+would have been folly. The authority from which he started had not yet
+been seriously questioned; there were no palpable signs of
+doubtfulness on the system which was to him the representative of
+God's will; and he sought for none. It came to him claiming his
+allegiance by custom, by universality, by its completeness as a whole,
+and satisfying his intellect and his sympathies in detail. And he gave
+his allegiance--reasonably, because there was nothing to hope for in
+doubting--wisely, because he gave it loyally and from his heart.
+
+And he had his reward--the reward of him who throws himself with
+frankness and earnestness into a system; who is not afraid or
+suspicious of it; who is not unfaithful to it. He gained not merely
+power--he gained that freedom and largeness of mind which the
+suspicious or the unfaithful miss. His loyalty to the Church was no
+cramping or blinding service; it left to its full play that fresh and
+original mind, left it to range at will in all history and all nature
+for the traces of Eternal wisdom, left it to please itself with all
+beauty, and pay its homage to all excellence. For upon all wisdom,
+beauty, and excellence, the Church had taught him to see, in various
+and duly distinguished degrees, the seal of the one Creator. She
+imparts to the poem, to its form and progressive development, her own
+solemnity, her awe, her calm, her serenity and joy; it follows her
+sacred seasons and hours; repeats her appointed words of benediction
+and praise; moulds itself on her belief, her expectations, and
+forecastings.[107] Her intimations, more or less distinct, dogma or
+tradition or vague hint, guide the poet's imagination through the land
+where all eyes are open. The journey begins under the Easter moon of
+the year of jubilee, on the evening of Good Friday; the days of her
+mourning he spends in the regions of woe, where none dares to
+pronounce the name of the Redeemer, and he issues forth to "behold
+again the stars," to learn how to die to sin and rise to
+righteousness, very early in the morning, as it begins to dawn, on the
+day of the Resurrection. The whole arrangement of the _Purgatorio_ is
+drawn from Church usages. It is a picture of men suffering in calm and
+holy hope the sharp discipline of repentance, amid the prayers, the
+melodies, the consoling images and thoughts, the orderly ritual, the
+hours of devotion, the sacraments of the Church militant. When he
+ascends in his hardiest flight, and imagines the joys of the perfect
+and the vision of God, his abundant fancy confines itself strictly to
+the limits sanctioned by her famous teachers--ventures into no new
+sphere, hazards no anticipations in which they have not preceded it,
+and is content with adding to the poetry which it elicits from their
+ideas, a beauty which it is able to conceive apart altogether from
+bodily form--the beauty, infinite in its variety, of the expression of
+the human eye and smile--the beauty of light, of sound, of motion. And
+when his song mounts to its last strain of triumph, and the poet's
+thought, imagination, and feeling of beauty, tasked to the utmost, nor
+failing under the weight of glory which they have to express, breathe
+themselves forth in words, higher than which no poetry has ever risen,
+and represent, in images transcending sense, and baffling it, yet
+missing not one of those deep and transporting sympathies which they
+were to touch, the sight, eye to eye, of the Creator by the
+creature--he beholds the gathering together, in the presence of God,
+of "all that from our earth has to the skies returned," and of the
+countless orders of their thrones mirrored in His light--
+
+                                       Mira
+     Quanto e 'l convento delle bianche stole--
+
+under a figure already taken into the ceremonial of the Church--the
+mystic Rose, whose expanding leaves image forth the joy of the
+heavenly Jerusalem, both triumphant and militant.[108]
+
+[Footnote 107: See an article in the _Brit. Critic_, No. 65, p. 120.]
+
+[Footnote 108: See the form of benediction of the "Rosa d'oro."
+_Rituum Ecclesiae Rom. Libri Tres._ fol. xxxv. Venet. 1516. Form of
+giving: "Accipe rosam de manibus nostris ... per quam designatus
+gaudium utriusque Hierusalem triumphantis scilicet et militantis
+ecclesiae per quam omnibus Christi fidelibus manifestatur flos ipse
+pretiosissimus qui est gaudium et corona sanctorum omnium." He alludes
+to it in the _Convito_, iv. 29.
+
+     O isplendor di Dio, per cu' io vidi
+       L'alto trionfo del regno verace,
+       Dammi virtu a dir com'io lo vidi.
+     Lume e lassu, che visibile face
+       Lo creatore a quella creatura,
+       Che solo in lui vedere ha la sua pace:
+     E si distende in circular figura
+       In tanto, che la sua circonferenza
+       Sarebbe al Sol troppo larga cintura.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     E come clivo in acqua di suo imo
+       Si specchia quasi per vedersi adorno,
+       Quanto e nel verde e ne' fioretti opimo;
+     Si soprastando al lume intorno intorno
+       Vidi specchiarsi in piu di mille soglie,
+       Quanto di noi lassu fatto ha ritorno.
+     E se l'infimo grado in se raccoglie
+       Si grande lume, quant'e la larghezza
+       Di questa rosa nell'estreme foglie?
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     Nel giallo della rosa sempiterna,
+       Che si dilata, rigrada, e redole
+       Odor di lode al Sol, che sempre verna,
+     Qual'e colui, che tace e dicer vuole,
+       Mi trasse Beatrice, e disse; mira
+       Quanto e 'l convento delle bianche stole!
+     Vedi nostra Citta quanto ella gira!
+       Vedi li nostri scanni si ripieni,
+       Che poca gente omai ci si disira.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     In forma dunque di candida rosa
+       Mi si mostrava la milizia santa,
+       Che nel suo sangue Cristo fece sposa.--_Parad._ 30, 31.]
+
+But this universal reference to the religious ideas of the Church is
+so natural, so unaffected, that it leaves him at full liberty in other
+orders of thought. He can afford not to be conventional--he can afford
+to be comprehensive and genuine. It has been remarked how, in a poem
+where there would seem to be a fitting place for them, the
+ecclesiastical legends of the middle ages are almost entirely absent.
+The sainted spirits of the _Paradiso_ are not exclusively or chiefly
+the Saints of popular devotion. After the Saints of the Bible, the
+holy women, the three great Apostles, the Virgin mother, they are
+either names personally dear to the poet himself, friends whom he had
+loved, and teachers to whom he owed wisdom--or great men of masculine
+energy in thought or action, in their various lines "compensations and
+antagonists of the world's evils"--Justinian and Constantine, and
+Charlemagne--the founders of the Orders, Augustine, Benedict, and
+Bernard, Francis and Dominic--the great doctors of the Schools, Thomas
+Aquinas, and Bonaventura, whom the Church had not yet canonized. And
+with them are joined--and that with a full consciousness of the line
+which theology draws between the dispensations of nature and
+grace--some rare types of virtue among the heathen. Cato is admitted
+to the outskirts of Purgatory; Trajan, and the righteous king of
+Virgil's poem, to the heaven of the just.[109]
+
+[Footnote 109:
+
+     Chi crederebbe giu nel mondo errante,
+     Che Rifeo Trojano[A] in questo tondo
+     Fosse la quinta delle luci sante?
+       Ora conosce assai di quel, che 'l mondo
+     Veder non puo della divina grazia;
+     Benche sua vista non discerna il fondo.--_Parad._ c. 20.]
+
+[Footnote A:
+
+                   Rhipeus justissimus unus
+     Qui fuit in Teucris, et servantissimus aequi.--_AEn._ ii.]
+
+Without confusion or disturbance to the religious character of his
+train of thought, he is able freely to subordinate to it the lessons
+and the great recollections of the Gentile times. He contemplates them
+with the veil drawn off from them; as now known to form but one whole
+with the history of the Bible and the Church, in the design of
+Providence. He presents them in their own colours, as drawn by their
+own writers--he only adds what Christianity seems to show to be their
+event. Under the conviction, that the light of the Heathen was a real
+guide from above, calling for vengeance in proportion to
+unfaithfulness, or outrage done to it--"He that nurtureth the heathen,
+it is He that teacheth man knowledge--shall not He punish?"--the great
+criminals of profane history are mingled with sinners against God's
+revealed will--and that, with equal dramatic power, with equal feeling
+of the greatness of their loss. The story of the voyage of Ulysses is
+told with as much vivid power and pathetic interest as the tales of
+the day.[110] He honours unfeignedly the old heathen's brave disdain
+of ease; that spirit, even to old age, eager, fresh, adventurous, and
+inquisitive. His faith allowed him to admire all that was beautiful
+and excellent among the heathen, without forgetting that it fell short
+of what the new gift of the Gospel can alone impart. He saw in it
+proof that God had never left His will and law without their witness
+among men. Virtue was virtue still, though imperfect, and
+unconsecrated--generosity, largeness of soul, truth, condescension,
+justice, were never unworthy of the reverence of Christians. Hence he
+uses without fear or scruple the classic element. The examples which
+recall to the minds of the penitents, by sounds and sights, in the
+different terraces of Purgatory, their sin and the grace they have to
+attain to, come indiscriminately from poetry and Scripture. The
+sculptured pavement, to which the proud are obliged ever to bow down
+their eyes, shows at once the humility of S. Mary and of the Psalmist,
+and the condescension of Trajan; and elsewhere the pride of Nimrod and
+Sennacherib, of Niobe, and Cyrus. The envious hear the passing voices
+of courtesy from saints and heroes, and the bursting cry, like
+crashing thunder, of repentant jealousy from Cain and Aglaurus; the
+avaricious, to keep up the memory of their fault, celebrate by day the
+poverty of Fabricius and the liberality of S. Nicolas, and execrate by
+night the greediness of Pygmalion and Midas, of Achan, Heliodorus, and
+Crassus.
+
+[Footnote 110: _Inf._ c. 26.]
+
+Dante's all-surveying, all-embracing mind, was worthy to open the
+grand procession of modern poets. He had chosen his subject in a
+region remote from popular thought--too awful for it, too abstruse. He
+had accepted frankly the dogmatic limits of the Church, and thrown
+himself with even enthusiastic faith into her reasonings, at once so
+bold and so undoubting--her spirit of certainty, and her deep
+contemplations on the unseen and infinite. And in literature, he had
+taken as guides and models, above all criticism and all appeal, the
+classical writers. Yet with his mind full of the deep and intricate
+questions of metaphysics and theology, and his poetical taste always
+owning allegiance to Virgil, Ovid, and Statius--keen and subtle as a
+Schoolman--as much an idolator of old heathen art and grandeur as the
+men of the _Renaissance_--his eye is as open to the delicacies of
+character, to the variety of external nature, to the wonders of the
+physical world--his interest in them as diversified and fresh, his
+impressions as sharp and distinct, his rendering of them as free and
+true and forcible, as little weakened or confused by imitation or by
+conventional words, his language as elastic, and as completely under
+his command, his choice of poetic materials as unrestricted and
+original, as if he had been born in days which claim as their own such
+freedom, and such keen discriminative sense of what is real, in
+feeling and image;--as if he had never felt the attractions of a
+crabbed problem of scholastic logic, or bowed before the mellow grace
+of the Latins. It may be said, indeed, that the time was not yet come
+when the classics could be really understood and appreciated; and this
+is true, perhaps fortunate. But admiring them with a kind of devotion,
+and showing not seldom that he had caught their spirit, he never
+_attempts_ to copy them. His poetry in form and material is all his
+own. He asserted the poet's claim to borrow from all science, and from
+every phase of nature, the associations and images which he wants; and
+he showed that those images and associations did not lose their poetry
+by being expressed with the most literal reality.
+
+But let no reader of fastidious taste disturb his temper by the study
+of Dante. Dante certainly opened that path of freedom and poetic
+conquest, in which the greatest efforts of modern poetry have followed
+him--opened it with a magnificence and power which have never been
+surpassed. But the greatest are but pioneers; they must be content to
+leave to a posterity, which knows more, if it cannot do as much, a
+keen and even growing sense of their defects. The _Commedia_ is open
+to all the attacks that can be made on grotesqueness and extravagance.
+This is partly owing, doubtless, to the time, in itself quaint,
+quainter to us, by being remote and ill-understood; but even then,
+weaker and less daring writers than Dante do not equally offend or
+astonish us. So that an image or an expression will render forcibly a
+thought, there is no strangeness which checks him. Barbarous words are
+introduced, to express the cries of the demon or the confusion of
+Babel--even to represent the incomprehensible song of the
+blessed;[111] inarticulate syllables, to convey the impression of some
+natural sound--the cry of sorrowful surprise:
+
+     Alto sospir, che duolo strinse in _hui_;--_Purg._ 16.
+
+or the noise of the cracking ice:
+
+     Se Tabernicch
+     Vi fosse su caduto, o Pietra-pana
+     Non avria pur da l'orlo fatto _cricch_;--_Inf._ 32.
+
+even separate letters--to express an image, to spell a name, or as
+used in some popular proverb.[112] He employs without scruple, and
+often with marvellous force of description, any recollection that
+occurs to him, however homely, of everyday life;--the old tailor
+threading his needle with trouble (_Inf._ 15);--the cook's assistant
+watching over the boiling broth (_Inf._ 21);--the hurried or impatient
+horse-groom using his curry-comb (_Inf._ 29);--or the common sights
+of the street or the chamber--the wet wood sputtering on the hearth:
+
+     Come d'un stizzo verde che arso sia
+     Dall'un de' capi, che dall'altro geme
+     E cigola per vento che va via;--_Inf._ 13.[113]
+
+the paper changing colour when about to catch fire:
+
+     Come procede innanzi dall'ardore
+       Per lo papiro suso un color bruno
+     Che non e nero ancora, e 'l bianco muore:--_Inf._ 25.[114]
+
+the steaming of the hand when bathed, in winter:
+
+     Fuman come man bagnata il verno:--
+
+or the ways and appearances of animals--ants meeting on their path:
+
+     Li veggio d'ogni parte farsi presta
+     Ciascun'ombra, e baciarsi una con una
+     Senza restar, contente a breve festa:
+       Cosi per entro loro schiera bruna
+     _S'ammusa l'una con l'altra formica_,
+     Forse a spiar lor via e lor fortuna;--_Purg._ 26.[115]
+
+the snail drawing in its horns (_Inf._ 25);--the hog shut out of its
+sty, and trying to gore with its tusks (_Inf._ 30);--the dogs' misery
+in summer (_Inf._ 17);--the frogs jumping on to the bank before the
+water-snake (_Inf._ 9);--or showing their heads above water:
+
+     Come al orlo dell'acqua d'un fosso
+     Stan gli ranocchi _pur col muso fuori_,
+     Si che celano i piedi, e l'altro grosso.--_Inf._ 22.[116]
+
+[Footnote 111: _Parad._ 7, 1-3.]
+
+[Footnote 112: To describe the pinched face of famine;--
+
+     Parean l'occhiaje annella senza gemme.
+     Chi nel viso degli uomini legge OMO
+     Ben avria quivi conosciuto l'_emme_ (M).--_Purg._ 23.
+
+Again,
+
+     Quella reverenza che s'indonna
+     Di tutto me, pur per B e per ICE.--_Parad._ 7.
+
+     Ne O si tosto mai, ne I si scrisse,
+     Com'ei s'accese ed arse.--_Inf._ 24.]
+
+[Footnote 113:
+
+     Like to a sapling, lighted at one end,
+       Which at the other hisses with the wind,
+       And drops of sap doth from the outlet send:
+     So from the broken twig, both words and blood flow'd forth.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 114:
+
+     Like burning paper, when there glides before
+       The advancing flame a brown and dingy shade,
+       Which is not black, and yet is white no more.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 115:
+
+     On either hand I saw them haste their meeting,
+       And kiss each one the other--pausing not--
+       Contented to enjoy so short a greeting.
+     Thus do the ants among their dingy band,
+       Face one another--each their neighbour's lot
+       Haply to scan, and how their fortunes stand.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 116:
+
+     As in a trench, frogs at the water side
+       Sit squatting, with their noses raised on high,
+       The while their feet, and all their bulk they hide--
+     Thus upon either hand the sinners stood.
+       But Barbariccia now approaching nigh,
+       Quick they withdrew beneath the boiling flood.
+     I saw--and still my heart is thrill'd with fear--
+       One spirit linger; as beside a ditch,
+       One frog remains, the others disappear.--IBID.]
+
+It must be said, that most of these images, though by no means all,
+occur in the _Inferno_; and that the poet means to paint sin not
+merely in the greatness of its ruin and misery, but in characters
+which all understand, of strangeness, of vileness, of despicableness,
+blended with diversified and monstrous horror. Even he seems to
+despair of his power at times:
+
+     S'io avessi le rime e aspre, e chiocce,
+       Come si converrebbe al tristo buco,
+       Sovra 'l qual pontan tutte l'altre rocce;
+     Io premerrei di mio concetto il suco
+       Piu pienamente; ma perch'io non l'abbo,
+       Non senza tema a dicer mi conduco:
+     Che non e 'mpresa da pigliare a gabbo
+       Descriver fondo a tutto l'universo,
+       Ne da lingua, che chiami mamma, o babbo.--_Inf._ 32.[117]
+
+[Footnote 117:
+
+     Had I a rhyme so rugged, rough, and hoarse
+       As would become the sorrowful abyss,
+       O'er which the rocky circles wind their course,
+     Then with a more appropriate form I might
+       Endow my vast conceptions; wanting this,
+       Not without fear I bring myself to write.
+     For no light enterprise it is, I deem,
+       To represent the lowest depth of all;
+       Nor should a childish tongue attempt the theme.--WRIGHT.]
+
+Feeling the difference between sins, in their elements and, as far as
+we see them, their baseness, he treats them variously. His ridicule is
+apportioned with a purpose. He passes on from the doom of the sins of
+incontinence--the storm, the frost and hail, the crushing
+weights--from the flaming minarets of the city of Dis, of the Furies
+and Proserpine, "Donna dell'eterno pianto," where the unbelievers lie,
+each in his burning tomb--from the river of boiling blood--the wood
+with the Harpies--the waste of barren sand with fiery snow, where the
+violent are punished--to the Malebolge, the manifold circles of
+Falsehood. And here scorn and ridicule in various degrees, according
+to the vileness of the fraud, begin to predominate, till they
+culminate in that grim comedy, with its _dramatis personae_ and battle
+of devils, Draghignazzo, and Graffiacane, and Malacoda, where the
+peculators and sellers of justice are fished up by the demons from the
+boiling pitch, but even there overreach and cheat their tormentors,
+and make them turn their fangs on each other. The diversified forms of
+falsehood seem to tempt the poet's imagination to cope with its
+changefulness and inventions, as well as its audacity. The
+transformations of the wildest dream do not daunt him. His power over
+language is nowhere more forcibly displayed than in those cantos,
+which describe the punishments of theft--men passing gradually into
+serpents, and serpents into men:
+
+     Due e nessun l'imagine perversa
+     Parea.--_Inf._ 25.
+
+And when the traitor, who murdered his own kinsman, was still alive,
+and seemed safe from the infamy which it was the poet's rule to bestow
+only on the dead, Dante found a way to inflict his vengeance without
+an anachronism:--Branca D'Oria's body, though on earth, is only
+animated by a fiend, and his spirit has long since fled to the icy
+prison.[118]
+
+[Footnote 118:
+
+     Ed egli a me: Come 'l mio corpo stea
+       Nel mondo su, nulla scienzia porto.
+     Cotal vantaggio ha questa Tolommea,
+       Che spesse volte l'anima ci cade
+       Innanzi, ch'Atropos mossa le dea.
+     E perche tu piu volontier mi rade
+       Le 'nvetriate lagrime dal volto,
+       Sappi, che tosto che l'anima trade,
+     Come fec'io, il corpo suo l'e tolto
+       Da un Dimonio, che poscia il governa,
+       Mentre che 'l tempo suo tutto sia volto.
+     Ella ruina in si fatta cisterna;
+       E forse pare ancor lo corpo suso
+       Dell'ombra, che di qua dietro mi verna.
+     Tu 'l dei saper, se tu vien pur mo giuso:
+       Egli e ser Branca d'Oria, e son piu anni
+       Poscia passati, ch'ei fu si racchiuso.
+     Io credo, diss'io lui, che tu m'inganni,
+       Che Branca d'Oria non mori unquanche,
+       E mangia, e bee, e dorme, e veste panni.
+     Nel fosso su, diss'ei, di Malebranche,
+       La dove bolle la tenace pece,
+       Non era giunto ancora Michel Zanche;
+     Che questi lascio 'l diavolo in sua vece
+       Nel corpo suo, e d'un suo prossimano,
+       Che 'l tradimento insieme con lui fece.--_Inf._ 33.]
+
+These are strange experiments in poetry; their strangeness is
+exaggerated as detached passages; but they are strange enough when
+they meet us in their place in the context, as parts of a scene, where
+the mind is strung and overawed by the sustained power, with which
+dreariness, horror, hideous absence of every form of good, is kept
+before the imagination and feelings, in the fearful picture of human
+sin. But they belong to the poet's system of direct and forcible
+representation. What his inward eye sees, what he feels, that he means
+us to see and feel as he does; to make us see and feel is his art.
+Afterwards we may reflect and meditate; but first we must see--must
+see what he saw. Evil and deformity are in the world, as well as good
+and beauty; the eye cannot escape them, they are about our path, in
+our heart and memory. He has faced them without shrinking or
+dissembling, and extorted from them a voice of warning. In all poetry
+that is written for mere delight, in all poetry which regards but a
+part or an aspect of nature, they have no place--they disturb and mar;
+but he had conceived a poetry of the whole, which would be weak or
+false without them. Yet they stand in his poem as they stand in
+nature--subordinate and relieved. If the grotesque is allowed to
+intrude itself--if the horrible and the foul, undisguised and
+unsoftened, make us shudder and shrink, they are kept in strong check
+and in due subjection by other poetical influences; and the same power
+which exhibits them in their naked strength, renders its full grace
+and glory to beauty; its full force and delicacy to the most
+evanescent feeling.
+
+Dante's eye was free and open to external nature in a degree new among
+poets; certainly in a far greater degree than among the Latins, even
+including Lucretius, whom he probably had never read. We have already
+spoken of his minute notice of the appearance of living creatures; but
+his eye was caught by the beautiful as well as by the grotesque.
+
+Take the following beautiful picture of the bird looking out for dawn:
+
+     Come l'augello intra l'amate fronde,
+       Posato al nido de' suoi dolci nati,
+       La notte, che le cose ci nasconde,
+     Che per veder gli aspetti desiati,
+       E per trovar lo cibo, onde li pasca,
+       In che i gravi labor gli sono aggrati,
+     Previene 'l tempo in su l'aperta frasca,
+       E con ardente affetto il sole aspetta,
+       Fiso guardando, pur che l'alba nasca.--_Parad._ 23.[119]
+
+[Footnote 119:
+
+     E'en as the bird that resting in the nest
+       Of her sweet brood, the shelt'ring boughs among
+       While all things are enwrapt in night's dark vest--
+     Now eager to behold the looks she loves,
+       And to find food for her impatient young
+       (Whence labour grateful to a mother proves),
+     Forestalls the time, high perch'd upon the spray,
+       And with impassion'd zeal the sun expecting,
+       Anxiously waiteth the first break of day.--WRIGHT.]
+
+Nothing indeed can be more true and original than his images of birds;
+they are varied and very numerous. We have the water-birds rising in
+clamorous and changing flocks:
+
+       Come augelli surti di riviera
+     _Quasi congratulando a lor pasture_,
+     Fanno di se or tonda or lunga schiera;--_Parad._ 18.[120]
+
+the rooks, beginning to move about at daybreak:
+
+       E come per lo natural costume,
+     Le pole insieme, al cominciar del giorno
+     Si muovono a scaldar le fredde piume,
+       Poi altre vanno via senza ritorno,
+     Altre rivolgon se onde son mosse
+     Ed altre roteando fan soggiorno;--_Parad._ 21.[121]
+
+the morning sounds of the swallow:
+
+       Nell'ora che comincia i tristi lai
+     La rondinella presso alla mattina,
+     Forse a memoria de' suoi primi guai;--_Purg._ 9.[122]
+
+the joy and delight of the nightingale's song (_Purg._ 17); the lark,
+silent at last, filled with its own sweetness:
+
+       Qual lodoletta, che 'n aere si spazia,
+     Prima cantando, e _poi tace contenta
+     Dell'ultima dolcezza che la sazia_;--_Parad._ 20.[123]
+
+the flight of the starlings and storks (_Inf._ 5, _Purg._ 24); the
+mournful cry and long line of the cranes (_Inf._ 5, _Purg._ 26); the
+young birds trying to escape from the nest (_Purg._ 25); the eagle
+hanging in the sky:
+
+     Con l'ale aperte, e a calare intesa;--
+
+the dove, standing close to its mate, or wheeling round it:
+
+       Si come quando 'l _colombo si pone
+     Presso al compagno_, l'uno e l'altro pande
+     _Girando e mormorando_ l'affezione;--_Parad._ 25.[124]
+
+or the flock of pigeons, feeding:
+
+                   Adunati alla pastura,
+     Queti, _senza mostrar l'usato orgoglio_.--_Purg._ 2.
+
+[Footnote 120:
+
+     And as birds rising from a stream, whence they
+       Their pastures view, as though their joy confessing,
+       Now form a round, and now a long array.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 121:
+
+     And as with one accord, at break of day,
+       The rooks bestir themselves, by nature taught
+       To chase the dew-drops from their wings away;
+     Some flying off, to reappear no more--
+       Others repairing to their nests again--
+       Some whirling round--then settling as before.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 122:
+
+     What time the swallow pours her plaintive strain,
+       Saluting the approach of morning gray,
+       Thus haply mindful of her former pain.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 123:
+
+     E'en as the lark high soaring pours its throat
+       Awhile, then rests in silence, as though still
+       It dwelt enamour'd of its last sweet note.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 124:
+
+     As when unto his partner's side, the dove
+       Approaches near--both fondly circling round,
+       And cooing, show the fervour of their love;
+     So these great heirs of immortality
+       Receive each other; while they joyful sound
+       The praises of the food they share on high.--WRIGHT.]
+
+Hawking supplies its images: the falcon coming for its food:
+
+       Il falcon che prima a pie si mira,
+     Indi si volge al grido, e si protende,
+     Per lo disio del pasto, che la il tira;--_Purg._ 19.[125]
+
+or just unhooded, pluming itself for its flight:
+
+       Quasi falcon, ch'esce del cappello,
+     Muove la testa, e con l'ale s'applaude,
+     _Voglia mostrando, e facendosi bello_;--_Parad._ 19.[126]
+
+or returning without success, sullen and loath:
+
+       Come 'l falcon ch'e stato assai su l'ali,
+     Che senza veder logoro, o uccello,
+     Fa dire al falconiere: Oime tu cali!
+     Discende lasso onde si muove snello
+     Per cento ruote, _e da lungi si pone_
+     Dal suo maestro, _disdegnoso e fello_.--_Inf._ 17.[127]
+
+[Footnote 125:
+
+     And, as a falcon, which first scans its feet,
+       Then turns him to the call, and forward flies,
+       In eagerness to catch the tempting meat.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 126:
+
+     Lo, as a falcon, from the hood released,
+       Uplifts his head, and joyous flaps his wings,
+       His beauty and his eagerness increased.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 127:
+
+     E'en as a falcon, long upheld in air,
+       Not seeing lure or bird upon the wing,
+       So that the falconer utters in despair
+     "Alas, thou stoop'st!" fatigued descends from high;
+       And whirling quickly round in many a ring,
+       Far from his master sits--disdainfully.--IBID.]
+
+It is curious to observe him taking Virgil's similes, and altering
+them. When Virgil describes the throng of souls, he compares them to
+falling leaves, or gathering birds in autumn:
+
+       Quam multa in silvis auctumni frigore primo
+     Lapsa cadunt folia, aut ad terram gurgite ab alto
+     Quam multae glomerantur aves, ubi frigidus annus
+     Trans pontum fugat, et terris immittit apricis--
+
+Dante uses the same images, but without copying:
+
+       Come d'Autunno si levan le foglie,
+     L'una appresso dell'altra, infin che 'l ramo
+     Rende alla terra tutte le sue spoglie;
+       Similemente il mal seme d'Adamo:
+     Gittansi di quel lito ad una ad una
+     Per cenni, com'augel per suo richiamo.
+       Cosi sen vanno su per l'onda bruna,
+     Ed avanti che sien di la discese,
+     Anche di qua nuova schiera s'aduna.--_Inf._ 3.[128]
+
+[Footnote 128:
+
+     As leaves in autumn, borne before the wind,
+       Drop one by one, until the branch laid bare,
+       Sees all its honours to the earth consign'd:
+     So cast them downward at his summons all
+       The guilty race of Adam from that strand--
+       Each as a falcon answering to the call.--WRIGHT.]
+
+Again--compared with one of Virgil's most highly-finished and perfect
+pictures, the flight of the pigeon, disturbed at first, and then
+becoming swift and smooth:
+
+     Qualis spelunca subito commota columba,
+     Cui domus et dulces latebroso in pumice nidi,
+     Fertur in arva volans, plausumque exterrita pennis
+     Dat tecto ingentem, mox aere lapsa quieto
+     Radit iter liquidum, celeres neque commovet alas--
+
+the Italian's simplicity and strength may balance the "ornata parola"
+of Virgil:
+
+     Quali colombe dal disio chiamate,
+     Con _l'ali aperte e ferme_ al dolce nido
+     Volan per l'aer dal voler portate.--_Inf._ 5.[129]
+
+[Footnote 129:
+
+     As doves, by strong affection urged, repair
+       With firm expanded wings to their sweet nest,
+       Borne by the impulse of their will through air.--IBID.
+
+It is impossible not to be reminded at every step, in spite of the
+knowledge and taste which Mr. Cary and Mr. Wright have brought to
+their most difficult task, of the truth which Dante has expressed with
+his ordinary positiveness.
+
+He is saying that he does not wish his Canzoni to be explained in
+Latin to those who could not read them in Italian: "Che sarebbe sposta
+la loro sentenzia cola dove elle _non la potessono colla loro bellezza
+portare_. E pero sappia ciascuno che nulla cosa per legame musaico
+(_i.e._ poetico) armonizzata, si puo della sua loquela in altra
+trasmutare senza rompere tutta la sua dolcezza e armonia. E questa e
+la ragione per che Omero non si muto mai di Greco in Latino, come
+l'altre scritture che avemo da loro."--_Convito_, i. c. 8, p. 49.
+
+Dr. Carlyle has given up the idea of attempting to represent Dante's
+verse by English verse, and has confined himself to assisting
+Englishmen to read him in his own language. His prose translation is
+accurate and forcible. And he has added sensible and useful notes.]
+
+Take, again, the _times of the day_, with what is characteristic of
+them--appearances, lights, feelings--seldom dwelt on at length, but
+carried at once to the mind, and stamped upon it sometimes by a single
+word. The sense of _morning_, its inspiring and cheering strength,
+softens the opening of the _Inferno_; breathes its refreshing calm, in
+the interval of repose after the last horrors of hell, in the first
+canto of the _Purgatorio_; and prepares for the entrance into the
+earthly Paradise at its close. In the waning light of _evening_, and
+its chilling sense of loneliness, he prepared himself for his dread
+pilgrimage:
+
+       Lo giorno se n'andava, e l'aer bruno
+     Toglieva gli animai che sono 'n terra
+     Dalle fatiche loro; ed io sol uno
+       M'apparechiava a sostener la guerra
+     Si del cammino, e si della pietate.--_Inf._ 2.
+
+Indeed there is scarcely an hour of day or night, which has not left
+its own recollection with him;--of which we cannot find some memorial
+in his poem. Evening and night have many. Evening, with its softness
+and melancholy--its exhaustion and languor, after the work, perhaps
+unfulfilled, of day--its regrets and yearnings--its sounds and
+doubtful lights--the distant bell, the closing chants of Compline, the
+_Salve Regina_, the _Te lucis ante terminum_--with its insecurity, and
+its sense of protection from above--broods over the poet's first
+resting-place on his heavenly road--that still, solemn, dreamy
+scene--the Valley of Flowers in the mountain side, where those who
+have been negligent about their salvation, but not altogether
+faithless and fruitless, the assembled shades of great kings and of
+poets, wait, looking upwards, "pale and humble," for the hour when
+they may begin in earnest their penance. (_Purg._ 7 and 8.) The level,
+blinding evening beams (_Purg._ 15); the contrast of gathering
+darkness in the valley or on the shore with the lingering lights on
+the mountain (_Purg._ 17); the rapid sinking of the sun, and approach
+of night in the south (_Purg._ 27); the flaming sunset clouds of
+August; the sheet-lightning of summer (_Purg._ 5); have left pictures
+in his mind, which an incidental touch reawakens, and a few strong
+words are sufficient to express. Other appearances he describes with
+more fulness. The stars coming out one by one, baffling at first the
+eye:
+
+       Ed ecco intorno di chiarezza pari
+     Nascer un lustro sopra quel che v'era,
+     A guisa d'orizzonte, che rischiari.
+       _E si come al salir di prima sera
+     Comincian per lo Ciel nuove parvenze,
+     Si che la cosa pare e non par vera_;--_Parad._ 14.[130]
+
+or else, bursting out suddenly over the heavens:
+
+       Quando colui che tutto il mondo alluma,
+     De l'emisperio nostro si discende,
+     E 'l giorno d'ogni parte si consuma;
+       Lo ciel che sol di lui prima s'accende,
+     Subitamente si rifa parvente
+     Per molte luci in che una risplende;--_Parad._ 20.[131]
+
+or the effect of shooting-stars:
+
+       Quale per li seren tranquilli e puri
+     Discorre ad ora ad or subito fuoco
+     Movendo gli occhi che stavan sicuri,
+       E pare stella che tramuti loco,
+     Se non che dalla parte onde s'accende
+     Nulla sen perde, ed esso dura poco;--_Parad._ 15.[132]
+
+or, again, that characteristic sight of the Italian summer night--the
+fire-flies:
+
+       Quante il villan che al poggio si riposa,
+     Nel tempo che colui che 'l mondo schiara
+     La faccia sua a noi tien men ascosa,
+       Come la mosca cede alla zenzara,
+     Vede lucciole giu per la vallea
+     Forse cola dove vendemmia ed ara.--_Inf._ 26.[133]
+
+[Footnote 130:
+
+     And lo, on high, and lurid as the one
+       Now there, encircling it, a light arose,
+       Like heaven when re-illumined by the sun:
+     And as at the first lighting up of eve
+       The sky doth new appearances disclose,
+       That now seem real, now the sight deceive.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 131:
+
+     When he, who with his universal ray
+       The world illumines, quits our hemisphere,
+       And, from each quarter, daylight wears away;
+     The heaven, erst kindled by his beam alone,
+       Sudden its lost effulgence doth repair
+       By many lights illumined but by one.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 132:
+
+     As oft along the pure and tranquil sky
+       A sudden fire by night is seen to dart,
+       Attracting forcibly the heedless eye;
+     And seems to be a star that changes place,
+       Save that no star is lost from out the part
+       It quits, and that it lasts a moment's space.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 133:
+
+     As in that season when the sun least veils
+     His face that lightens all, what time the fly
+     Gives place to the shrill gnat, the peasant then,
+     Upon some cliff reclined, beneath him sees
+     Fire-flies innumerous spangling o'er the vale,
+     Vineyard or tilth, where his day-labour lies.--CARY.]
+
+Noon, too, does not want its characteristic touches--the
+lightning-like glancing of the lizard's rapid motion:
+
+       Come il ramarro sotto la gran fersa
+     Ne' di canicular cangiando siepe
+     Folgore par, se la via attraversa;--_Inf._ 25.[134]
+
+the motes in the sunbeam at noontide (_Par._ 14); its clear,
+diffused, insupportable brightness, filling all things:
+
+     E tutti eran gia pieni
+     Dell'alto di i giron del sacro monte.--_Purg._ 19.
+
+and veiling the sun in his own light:
+
+       Io veggio ben si come _tu t'annidi
+     Nel proprio lume_.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+       Si come 'l sol che si cela egli stessi
+     Per troppa luce, quando 'l caldo ha rose
+     Le temperanze de' vapori spessi.--_Parad._ 5.
+
+[Footnote 134:
+
+     As underneath the dog-star's scorching ray
+       The lizard, darting swift from fence to fence,
+       Appears like lightning, if he cross the way.--WRIGHT.]
+
+But the sights and feelings of morning are what he touches on most
+frequently; and he does so with the precision of one who had watched
+them with often-repeated delight: the scented freshness of the breeze
+that stirs before daybreak:
+
+       E quale annunziatrice degli albori
+     Aura di maggio muovesi ed olezza
+     Tutta impregnata dall'erba e da' fiori;
+       Tal mi senti' un vento dar per mezza
+     La fronte;--_Purg._ 24.[135]
+
+the chill of early morning (_Purg._ 19); the dawn stealing on, and the
+stars, one by one, fading "infino alla piu bella" (_Parad._ 30); the
+brightness of the "trembling morning star"--
+
+     Par tremolando mattutina stella;--
+
+the serenity of the dawn, the blue gradually gathering in the east,
+spreading over the brightening sky (_Parad._ 1); then succeeded by the
+orange tints--and Mars setting red, through the mist over the sea:
+
+       Ed ecco, qual sul presso del mattino
+     Per li grossi vapor Marte rosseggia
+     Giu nel ponente, sopra 'l suol marino,
+       Cotal m'apparve, s'io ancor lo veggia,
+     Un lume per lo mar venir si ratto
+     Che 'l muover suo nessun volar pareggia;--_Purg._ 2.[136]
+
+the distant sea-beach quivering in the early light:
+
+       L'alba vinceva l'ora mattutina
+     Che fuggia innanzi, si che di lontano
+     Conobbi _il tremolar della marina_;--_Purg._ 1.[137]
+
+the contrast of east and west at the moment of sunrise, and the sun
+appearing, clothed in mist:
+
+       Io vidi gia nel cominciar del giorno
+     La parte oriental tutta rosata
+     E l'altro ciel di bel sereno adorno;
+       E la faccia del sol nascere ombrata
+     Si che per temperanza di vapori
+     L'occhio lo sostenea lunga fiata;--_Purg._ 3.[138]
+
+or breaking through it, and shooting his beams over the sky:
+
+       Di tutte parti saettava il giorno
+     Lo sol ch'avea con le saette conte
+     Di mezzo 'l ciel cacciato 'l Capricorno.--_Purg._ 2.[139]
+
+[Footnote 135:
+
+     As when, announcing the approach of day,
+       Impregnated with herbs and flowers of Spring,
+       Breathes fresh and redolent the air of May--
+     Such was the breeze that gently fann'd my head;
+       And I perceived the waving of a wing
+       Which all around ambrosial odours shed.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 136:
+
+     When lo! like Mars, in aspect fiery red
+       Seen through the vapour, when the morn is nigh
+       Far in the west above the briny bed,
+     So (might I once more see it) o'er the sea
+       A light approach'd with such rapidity,
+       Flies not the bird that might its equal be.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 137:
+
+     Now 'gan the vanquish'd matin hour to flee;
+       And seen from far, as onward came the day,
+       I recognised the trembling of the sea.--IBID.]
+
+[Footnote 138:
+
+     Erewhile the eastern regions have I seen
+       At daybreak glow with roseate colours, and
+       The expanse beside all beauteous and serene:
+     And the sun's face so shrouded at its rise,
+       And temper'd by the mists which overhung,
+       That I could gaze on it with stedfast eyes.--WRIGHT.]
+
+[Footnote 139:
+
+     On every side the sun shot forth the day,
+       And had already with his arrows bright
+       From the mid-heaven chased Capricorn away.--IBID.]
+
+But _light_ in general is his special and chosen source of poetic
+beauty. No poet that we know has shown such singular sensibility to
+its varied appearances--has shown that he felt it in itself the cause
+of a distinct and peculiar pleasure, delighting the eye apart from
+form, as music delights the ear apart from words, and capable, like
+music, of definite character, of endless variety, and infinite
+meanings. He must have studied and dwelt upon it like music. His mind
+is charged with its effects and combinations, and they are rendered
+with a force, a brevity, a precision, a heedlessness and
+unconsciousness of ornament, an indifference to circumstance and
+detail; they flash out with a spontaneous readiness, a suitableness
+and felicity, which show the familiarity and grasp given only by daily
+observation, daily thought, daily pleasure. Light everywhere--in the
+sky and earth and sea--in the star, the flame, the lamp, the
+gem--broken in the water, reflected from the mirror, transmitted pure
+through the glass, or coloured through the edge of the fractured
+emerald--dimmed in the mist, the halo, the deep water--streaming
+through the rent cloud, glowing in the coal, quivering in the
+lightning, flashing in the topaz and the ruby, veiled behind the pure
+alabaster, mellowed and clouding itself in the pearl--light contrasted
+with shadow--shading off and copying itself in the double rainbow,
+like voice and echo--light seen within light, as voice discerned
+within voice, "_quando una e ferma, e l'altra va e riede_"--the
+brighter "nestling" itself in the fainter--the purer set off on the
+less clear, "_come perla in bianca fronte_"--light in the human eye
+and face, displaying, figuring, and confounded with its
+expressions--light blended with joy in the eye:
+
+                         luce
+     Come letizia in pupilla viva;
+
+and in the smile:
+
+     Vincendo me col lume d'un sorriso;
+
+joy lending its expression to light:
+
+     Quivi la donna mia vid'io si lieta--
+     Che piu lucente se ne fe il pianeta.
+       E se la _stella si cambio, e rise_,
+     Qual mi fec'io;--_Parad._ 5.
+
+light from every source, and in all its shapes, illuminates,
+irradiates, gives its glory to the _Commedia_. The remembrance of our
+"serene life" beneath the "fair stars" keeps up continually the gloom
+of the _Inferno_. Light, such as we see it and recognise it, the light
+of morning and evening growing and fading, takes off from the
+unearthliness of the _Purgatorio_; peopled, as it is, by the undying,
+who, though suffering for sin, can sin no more, it is thus made like
+our familiar world, made to touch our sympathies as an image of our
+own purification in the flesh. And when he rises beyond the regions of
+earthly day, light, simple, unalloyed, unshadowed, eternal, lifts the
+creations of his thought above all affinity to time and matter; light
+never fails him, as the expression of the gradations of bliss; never
+reappears the same, never refuses the new shapes of his invention,
+never becomes confused or dim, though it is seldom thrown into
+distinct figure, and still more seldom _coloured_. Only once, that we
+remember, is the thought of colour forced on us; when the bright joy
+of heaven suffers change and eclipse, and deepens into red at the
+sacrilege of men.[140]
+
+[Footnote 140: _Parad._ 27.]
+
+Yet his eye is everywhere, not confined to the beauty or character of
+the sky and its lights. His range of observation and largeness of
+interest prevent that line of imagery, which is his peculiar
+instrument and predilection, from becoming, in spite of its brightness
+and variety, dreamy and monotonous; prevent it from arming against
+itself sympathies which it does not touch. He has watched with equal
+attention, and draws with not less power, the occurrences and sights
+of Italian country life; the summer whirlwind sweeping over the
+plain--"_dinanzi polveroso va superbo_" (_Inf._ 9); the rain-storm of
+the Apennines (_Purg._ 5); the peasant's alternations of feeling in
+spring:
+
+       In quella parte del giovinetto anno
+     Che 'l sole i crin sotto l'Aquario tempra,
+     E gia le notti al mezzo di sen vanno;
+       Quando la brina in su la terra assempra
+     L'imagine di sua sorella bianca,
+     Ma poco dura alla sua penna tempra,
+       Lo villanello a cui la roba manca
+     Si leva e guarda, e vede la campagna
+     Biancheggiar tutta; ond'ei si batte l'anca;
+       Ritorna a casa, e qua e la si lagna
+     Come 'l tapin che non sa che si faccia:
+     Poi riede e la speranza ringavagna
+       Veggendo 'l mondo aver cangiata faccia
+     In poco d'ora, e prende il suo vincastro
+     E fuor le pecorelle a pascer caccia:--_Inf._ 24.[141]
+
+the manner in which sheep come out from the fold:
+
+       Come le pecorelle escon del chiuso
+     _A una a due a tre, e l'altre stanno,
+     Timidette atterrando l'occhio e' l muso;
+       E cio che fa la prima, e l'altre fanno,
+     Addossandosi a lei s'ella s'arresta_
+     Semplici e quete, e lo 'mperche non sanno:
+       Si vid'io muover a venir la testa
+     Di quella mandria fortunata allotta,
+     Pudica in faccia e nell'andare onesta.
+       Come color dinanzi vider rotta
+     La luce....
+       Ristaro, e trasser se indietro alquanto,
+     E tutti gli altri che veniano appresso,
+     Non sappiendo il perche, fero altrettanto.--_Purg._ 3.
+
+[Footnote 141:
+
+     In the new year, when Sol his tresses gay
+       Dips in Aquarius, and the tardy night
+       Divides her empire with the lengthening day--
+     When o'er the earth the hoar-frost pure and bright
+       Assumes the image of her sister white,
+       Then quickly melts before the genial light--
+     The rustic, now exhausted his supply,
+       Rises betimes--looks out--and sees the land
+       All white around, whereat he strikes his thigh--
+     Turns back--and grieving--wanders here and there,
+       Like one disconsolate and at a stand;
+       Then issues forth, forgetting his despair,
+     For lo! the face of nature he beholds
+       Changed on a sudden--takes his crook again,
+       And drives his flock to pasture from the folds.--WRIGHT.]
+
+So with the beautiful picture of the goats upon the mountain, chewing
+the cud in the noontide heat and stillness, and the goatherd, resting
+on his staff and watching them--a picture which no traveller among the
+mountains of Italy or Greece can have missed, or have forgotten:
+
+       Quali si fanno ruminando manse
+     Le capre, _state rapide e proterve
+     Sopra le cime_ avanti che sien pranse,
+       _Tacite al ombra mentre che 'l sol ferve,
+     Guardate dal pastor_ che 'n su la verga
+     Poggiato s'e, e lor poggiato serve.--_Purg._ 27.[142]
+
+[Footnote 142:
+
+     Like goats that having over the crags pursued
+       Their wanton sports, now, quiet pass the time
+       In ruminating--sated with their food,
+     Beneath the shade, while glows the sun on high--
+       Watched by the goatherd with unceasing care,
+       As on his staff he leans, with watchful eye.--_Ibid._]
+
+So again, with his recollections of cities: the crowd, running
+together to hear news (_Purg._ 2), or pressing after the winner of the
+game (_Purg._ 6); the blind men at the church doors, or following
+their guide through the throng (_Purg._ 13, 16); the friars walking
+along in silence, one behind another:
+
+       Taciti, soli, e senza compagnia
+     N'andavam, _l'un dinanzi, e l'altro dopo
+     Come i frati minor vanno per via_.--_Inf._ 23.
+
+He turns to account in his poem, the pomp and clamour of the host
+taking the field (_Inf._ 22); the devices of heraldry; the answering
+chimes of morning bells over the city;[143] the inventions and
+appliances of art, the wheels within wheels of clocks (_Par._ 24), the
+many-coloured carpets of the East (_Inf._ 17); music and dancing--the
+organ and voice in church:
+
+     --Voce mista al dolce suono
+     Che or si or no s'intendon le parole,--_Purg._ 9.
+
+the lute and voice in the chamber (_Par._ 20); the dancers preparing
+to begin,[144] or waiting to catch a new strain.[145] Or, again, the
+images of domestic life, the mother's ways to her child, reserved and
+reproving--"che al figlio par superba"--or cheering him with her
+voice, or watching him compassionately in the wandering of fever:
+
+       Ond'ella, appresso d'un pio sospiro
+     Gli occhi drizzo ver me, con quel sembiante
+     Che madre fa sopra figliuol deliro.--_Parad._ 1.
+
+[Footnote 143:
+
+       Indi come orologio che ne chiami
+     Nell'ora che la sposa di Dio surge
+     A mattinar lo sposo perche l'ami,
+       Che l'una parte e l'altra tira ed urge
+     Tin tin sonando con si dolce nota
+     Che 'l ben disposto spirto d'amor turge;
+       Cosi vid'io la gloriosa ruota
+     Muoversi e render voce a voce, in tempra
+     Ed in dolcezza ch'esser non puo nota
+       Se non cola dove 'l gioir s'insempra.--_Parad._ 10.]
+
+[Footnote 144:
+
+       E come surge, e va, ed entra in ballo
+     Vergine lieta, sol per farne onore
+     Alla novizia, e non per alcun fallo.--_Ibid._ 25.]
+
+[Footnote 145:
+
+       Donne mi parver, non da ballo sciolte,
+     Ma che s'arrestin tacite ascoltando
+     Fin che le nuove note hanno ricolte.--_Ibid._ 10.]
+
+Nor is he less observant of the more delicate phenomena of mind, in
+its inward workings, and its connexion with the body. The play of
+features, the involuntary gestures and attitudes of the passions, the
+power of eye over eye, of hand upon hand, the charm of voice and
+expression, of musical sounds even when not understood--feelings,
+sensations, and states of mind which have a name, and others, equally
+numerous and equally common, which have none--these, often so
+fugitive, so shifting, so baffling and intangible, are expressed with
+a directness, a simplicity, a sense of truth at once broad and
+refined, which seized at once on the congenial mind of his countrymen,
+and pointed out to them the road which they have followed in art,
+unapproached as yet by any competitors.[146]
+
+[Footnote 146: For instance:--_thoughts upon thoughts, ending in sleep
+and dreams_:
+
+     Nuovo pensier dentro de me si mise,
+       Dal qual piu altri nacquero e diversi:
+     _E tanto d'uno in altro vaneggiai
+     Che gli occhi per vaghezza ricopersi,
+       E 'l pensamento in sogno trasmutai_.--_Purg._ 18.
+
+_sleep stealing off when broken by light_:
+
+       Come si frange il sonno, ove di butto
+     Nuova luce percuote 'l viso chiuso,
+     _Che fratto guizza pria che muoja tutto_.--_Ibid._ 17.
+
+_the shock of sudden awakening_:
+
+       Come al lume acuto si disonna,
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+       _E lo svegliato cio che vede abborre,_
+     Si nescia e la subita vigilia,
+     Finche la stimativa nol soccorre.--_Parad._ 26.
+
+_uneasy feelings produced by sight or representation of something
+unnatural_:
+
+       Come per sostentar solajo o tetto
+     Per mensola talvolta una figura
+     Si vede giunger le ginocchia al petto,
+       _La qual fa del non ver vera rancura
+     Nascer a chi la vede_; cosi fatti
+     Vid'io color.--_Purg._ 10.
+
+_blushing in innocent sympathy for others_:
+
+       E come donna onesta che permane
+     Di se sicura, e _per l'altrui fallanza
+     Pure ascoltando timida si fane_:
+       Cosi Beatrice trasmuto sembianza.--_Par._ 27.
+
+_asking and answering by looks only_:
+
+       Volsi gli occhi agli occhi al signor mio;
+     Ond'elli m'assenti con lieto cenno
+     Cio che chiedea la vista del disio.--_Purg._ 19.
+
+_watching the effect of words_:
+
+       Posto avea fine al suo ragionamento
+     L'alto dottore, ad attento guardava
+     Nella mia vista s'io parea contento.
+       Ed io, cui nuova sete ancor frugava,
+     Di fuor taceva e dentro dicea: forse
+     Lo troppo dimandar ch'io fo, li grava.
+       Ma quel padre verace, che s'accorse
+     Del timido voler che non s'apriva,
+     Parlando, di parlare ardir mi porse.--_Ibid._ 18.
+
+_Dante betraying Virgil's presence to Statius, by his involuntary
+smile_:
+
+       Volser Virgilio a me queste parole
+     Con viso che tacendo dicea: "taci;"
+     Ma non puo tutto la virtu che vuole;
+       Che riso e pianto son tanto seguaci
+     Alla passion da che ciascun si spicca,
+     _Che men segnon voler ne' piu veraci.
+       Io pur sorrisi, come l'uom ch'ammicca:
+     Perche l'ombra si tacque, e riguardommi
+     Negli occhi ove 'l sembiante piu si ficca._
+       E se tanto lavoro in bene assommi,
+     Disse, perche la faccia tua testeso
+     _Un lampeggiar a' un riso_ dimostrommi?--_Purg._ 21.
+
+_smiles and words together_:
+
+     Per le _sorrise parolette brevi_.--_Parad._ 1.
+
+_eye meeting eye_:
+
+               Gli occhi ritorsi avanti
+     Dritti nel lume della dolce guida
+     Che sorridendo ardea negli occhi santi.--_Ibid._ 3.
+
+       Come si vede qui alcuna volta
+     L'affetto nella vista, s'ello e tanto
+     Che da lui sia tutta l'anima tolta:
+       Cosi nel fiammeggiar del fulgor santo
+     A cui mi volsi, conobbi la voglia
+     In lui di ragionarmi ancora alquanto.--_Ibid._ 18.
+
+_gentleness of voice_:
+
+     E cominciommi a dir soave e piana
+     Con angelica voce in sua favella.--_Inf._ 2.
+
+       E come agli occhi miei si fe' piu bella,
+     Cosi con voce piu dolce e soave,
+     Ma non con questa moderna favella,
+       Dissemi;--_Parad._ 16.
+
+_chanting_:
+
+       _Te lucis ante_ si divotamente
+     Le usci di bocca e con si dolce note,
+     Che fece me a me uscir di mente.
+       E l'altre poi dolcemente e divote
+     Seguitar lei per tutto l'inno intero,
+     Avendo gli occhi alle superne ruote.--_Purg._ 8.
+
+_chanting blended with the sound of the organ_:
+
+       Io mi rivolsi attento al primo tuono,
+     E _Te Deum laudamus_ mi parea
+     Udire in voce mista al dolce suono.
+       Tale imagine appunto mi rendea
+     Cio ch'io udiva, qual prender si suole
+     _Quando a cantar con organi si stea;
+       Ch'or si, or no, s'intendon le parole_.--_Purg._ 9.
+
+_voices in concert_:
+
+       E come in voce voce si discerne
+     _Quando una e ferma, e' l altra va e riede_.--_Parad._ 8.
+
+_attitudes and gestures: e.g. Beatrice addressing him_,
+
+     Con atto e voce di spedito duce.--_Ibid._ 30.
+
+_Sordello eyeing the travellers_:
+
+       Venimmo a lei: o anima Lombarda,
+     Come ti stavi altera e disdegnosa,
+     E nel muover degli occhi onesta e tarda.
+       Ella non ci diceva alcuna cosa,
+     Ma lasciavane gir, solo guardando,
+     A guisa di leon quando si posa.--_Purg._ 6.
+
+_the angel moving "dry-shod" over the Stygian pool_:
+
+       _Dal volto rimovea quell'aer grasso
+     Menando la sinistra innanzi spesso_,
+     E sol di quell'angoscia parea lasso.
+       Ben m'accorsi ch'egli era del ciel messo,
+     E volsimi al maestro; e quei fe' segno
+     Ch'io stessi cheto ed inchinassi ed esso.
+       Ahi quanto mi parea pien di disdegno.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+       Poi si rivolse per la strada lorda,
+     E non fe' motto a noi, ma fe' sembiante
+     D'uomo cui altra cura stringa e morda
+       Che quella di colui che gli e davante.--_Inf._ 9.]
+
+And he has anticipated the latest schools of modern poetry, by making
+not merely nature, but science tributary to a poetry with whose
+general aim and spirit it has little in common--tributary in its
+exact forms, even in its technicalities. He speaks of the
+Mediterranean Sea, not merely as a historian, or an observer of its
+storms or its smiles, but as a geologist;[147] of light, not merely in
+its beautiful appearances, but in its natural laws.[148] There is a
+charm, an imaginative charm to him, not merely in the sensible
+magnificence of the heavens, "in their silence, and light, and
+watchfulness," but in the system of Ptolemy and the theories of
+astrology; and he delights to interweave the poetry of feeling and of
+the outward sense with the grandeur--so far as he knew it--of order,
+proportion, measured magnitudes, the relations of abstract forces,
+displayed on such a scene as the material universe, as if he wished to
+show that imagination in its boldest flight was not afraid of the
+company of the clear and subtle intellect.
+
+[Footnote 147: _La maggior valle_, in che l'acqua si spandi.--_Parad._
+9.]
+
+[Footnote 148: _E.g._ _Purg._ 15.]
+
+Indeed the real never daunts him. It is his leading principle of
+poetic composition, to draw out of things the poetry which is latent
+in them, either essentially, or as they are portions, images, or
+reflexes of something greater--not to invest them with a poetical
+semblance, by means of words which bring with them poetical
+associations, and have received a general poetical stamp. Dante has
+few of those indirect charms which flow from the subtle structure and
+refined graces of language--none of that exquisitely-fitted and
+self-sustained mechanism of choice words of the Greeks--none of that
+tempered and majestic amplitude of diction, which clothes, like the
+folds of a royal robe, the thoughts of the Latins--none of that
+abundant play of fancy and sentiment, soft or grand, in which the
+later Italian poets delighted. Words with him are used sparingly,
+never in play--never because they carry with them poetical
+recollections--never for their own sake; but because they are
+instruments which will give the deepest, clearest, sharpest stamp of
+that image which the poet's mind, piercing to the very heart of his
+subject, or seizing the characteristic feature which to other men's
+eyes is confused and lost among others accidental and common, draws
+forth in severe and living truth. Words will not always bend
+themselves to his demands on them; they make him often uncouth,
+abrupt, obscure. But he is too much in earnest to heed uncouthness;
+and his power over language is too great to allow uncertainty as to
+what he means, to be other than occasional. Nor is he a stranger to
+the utmost sweetness and melody of language. But it appears, unsought
+for and unlaboured, the spontaneous and inevitable obedience of the
+tongue and pen to the impressions of the mind; as grace and beauty, of
+themselves, "command and guide the eye" of the painter, who thinks not
+of his hand but of them. All is in character with the absorbed and
+serious earnestness which pervades the poem; there is no toying, no
+ornament, that a man in earnest might not throw into his
+words;--whether in single images, or in pictures, like that of the
+Meadow of the Heroes (_Inf._ 4), or the angel appearing in hell to
+guide the poet through the burning city (_Inf._ 9)--or in histories,
+like those of Count Ugolino, or the life of S. Francis (_Parad._
+11)--or in the dramatic scenes like the meeting of the poets Sordello
+and Virgil (_Purgat._ 6), or that one, unequalled in beauty, where
+Dante himself, after years of forgetfulness and sin, sees Beatrice in
+glory, and hears his name, never but once pronounced during the
+vision, from her lips.[149]
+
+[Footnote 149:
+
+     Io vidi gia nel cominciar del giorno
+       La parte oriental tutta rosata,
+       E l'altro ciel di bel sereno adorno,
+     E la faccia del sol nascere ombrata,
+       Si che per temperanza di vapori
+       L'occhio lo sostenea lunga fiata;
+     Cosi dentro una nuvola di fiori,
+       Che dalle mani angeliche saliva,
+       E ricadeva giu dentro e di fuori,
+     Sovra candido vel cinta d'oliva
+       Donna m'apparve sotto verde manto
+       Vestita di color di fiamma viva.
+     E lo spirito mio, che gia cotanto
+       Tempo era stato che alla sua presenza
+       Non era di stupor, tremando, affranto.
+     Senza degli occhi aver piu conoscenza,
+       Per occulta virtu, che da lei mosse,
+       D'antico amor senti' la gran potenza.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     Volsimi alla sinistra col rispitto,
+       Col quale il fantolin corre alla mamma,
+       Quando ha paura, o quando egli e afflitto,
+     Per dicere a Virgilio: Men che dramma
+       Di sangue m'e rimasa, che non tremi:
+       Conosco i segni dell'antica fiamma.
+     Ma Virgilio n'avea lasciati scemi
+       Di se, Virgilio dolcissimo padre,
+       Virgilio, a cui per mia salute diemi:
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     Dante, perche Virgilio se ne vada,
+       Non piangere anche, non piangere ancora
+       Che pianger ti convien per altra spada.
+
+           *      *      *      *
+
+     Regalmente nell'atto ancor proterva
+       Continuo, come colui che dice,
+       E il piu caldo parlar dietro reserva,
+     Guardami ben: ben son, ben son Beatrice:
+       Come degnasti d'accedere al monte?
+       Non sapei tu, che qui e l'uom felice?--_Purg._ 30.
+
+But extracts can give but an imperfect notion of this grand and
+touching canto.]
+
+But this, or any other array of scenes and images, might be matched
+from poets of a far lower order than Dante: and to specimens which
+might be brought together of his audacity and extravagance, no
+parallel could be found except among the lowest. We cannot, honestly,
+plead the barbarism of the time as his excuse. That, doubtless,
+contributed largely to them; but they were the faults of the man. In
+another age, their form might have been different; yet we cannot
+believe so much of time, that it would have tamed Dante. Nor can we
+wish it. It might have made him less great: and his greatness can
+well bear its own blemishes, and will not less meet its due honour
+among men, because they can detect its kindred to themselves.
+
+The greatness of his work is not in its details--to be made or marred
+by them. It is the greatness of a comprehensive and vast conception,
+sustaining without failure the trial of its long and hazardous
+execution, and fulfilling at its close the hope and promise of its
+beginning; like the greatness--which we watch in its course with
+anxious suspense, and look back upon when it is secured by death, with
+deep admiration--of a perfect life. Many a surprise, many a
+difficulty, many a disappointment, many a strange reverse and
+alternation of feelings, attend the progress of the most patient and
+admiring reader of the _Commedia_; as many as attend on one who
+follows the unfolding of a strong character in life. We are often
+shocked when we were prepared to admire--repelled, when we came with
+sympathy; the accustomed key fails at a critical moment--depths are
+revealed which we cannot sound, mysteries which baffle and confound
+us. But the check is for a time--the gap and chasm does not dissever.
+Haste is even an evidence of life--the brief word, the obscure hint,
+the unexplained, the unfinished, or even the unachieved, are the marks
+of human feebleness, but are also among those of human truth. The
+unity of the whole is unimpaired. The strength which is working it
+out, though it may have at times disappointed us, shows no hollowness
+or exhaustion. The surprise of disappointment is balanced--there is
+the surprise of unimagined excellence. Powers do more than they
+promised; and that spontaneous and living energy, without which
+neither man nor poet can be trusted, and which showed its strength
+even in its failures, shows it more abundantly in the novelties of
+success--by touching sympathies which have never been touched before,
+by the unconstrained freshness with which it meets the proverbial and
+familiar, by the freedom with which it adjusts itself to a new
+position or an altered task--by the completeness, unstudied and
+instinctive, with which it holds together dissimilar and uncongenial
+materials, and forces the most intractable, the most unaccustomed to
+submission, to receive the colour of the whole--by its orderly and
+unmistakable onward march, and its progress, as in height, so in what
+corresponds to height. It was one and the same man, who rose from the
+despair, the agony, the vivid and vulgar horrors of the _Inferno_, to
+the sense and imagination of certainty, sinlessness, and joy
+ineffable--the same man whose power and whose sympathies failed him
+not, whether discriminating and enumerating, as if he had gone through
+them all, the various forms of human suffering, from the dull,
+gnawing sense of the loss of happiness, to the infinite woes of the
+wrecked and ruined spirit, and the coarser pangs of the material
+flesh; or dwelling on the changeful lights and shades of earnest
+repentance, in its hard, but not unaided or ungladdened struggle, and
+on that restoration to liberty and peace, which can change even this
+life into paradise, and reverse the doom which made sorrow our
+condition, and laughter and joy unnatural and dangerous--the penalty
+of that first fault, which
+
+               In pianto ed in affanno
+     Cambio onesto riso e dolce giuoco:
+
+or rising finally above mortal experience, to imagine the freedom of
+the saints and the peace of eternity. In this consists the greatness
+of his power. It is not necessary to read through the _Commedia_ to
+see it--open it where we please, we see that he is on his way, and
+whither he is going; episode and digression share in the solemnity of
+the general order.
+
+And his greatness was more than that of power. That reach and play of
+sympathy ministered to a noble wisdom, which used it thoughtfully and
+consciously for a purpose to which great poetry had never yet been
+applied, except in the mouth of prophets. Dante was a stern man, and
+more than stern, among his fellows. But he has left to those who
+never saw his face an inheritance the most precious; he has left them
+that which, reflecting and interpreting their minds, does so, not to
+amuse, not to bewilder, not to warp, not to turn them in upon
+themselves in distress or gloom or selfishness; not merely to hold up
+a mirror to nature; but to make them true and make them hopeful. Dark
+as are his words of individuals, his thoughts are not dark or
+one-sided about mankind; his is no cherished and perverse
+severity--his faith is too large, too real, for such a fault. He did
+not write only the _Inferno_. And the _Purgatorio_ and the _Paradiso_
+are not an afterthought, a feebler appendix and compensation,
+conceived when too late, to a finished whole, which has taken up into
+itself the poet's real mind. Nowhere else in poetry of equal power is
+there the same balanced view of what man is, and may be; nowhere so
+wide a grasp shown of his various capacities, so strong a desire to
+find a due place and function for all his various dispositions. Where
+he stands contrasted in his idea of human life with other poets, who
+have been more powerful exponents of its separate sides, is in his
+large and truthful comprehensiveness. Fresh from the thought of man's
+condition as a whole, fresh from the thought of his goodness, his
+greatness, his power, as well as of his evil, his mind is equally in
+tune when rejoicing over his restoration, as when contemplating the
+ruins of his fall. He never lets go the recollection that human life,
+if it grovels at one end in corruption and sin, and has to pass
+through the sweat and dust and disfigurement of earthly toil, has
+throughout, compensations, remedies, functions, spheres innumerable of
+profitable activity, sources inexhaustible of delight and
+consolation--and at the other end a perfection which cannot be named.
+No one ever measured the greatness of man in all its forms with so
+true and yet with so admiring an eye, and with such glowing hope, as
+he who has also portrayed so awfully man's littleness and vileness.
+And he went farther--no one who could understand and do homage to
+greatness in man, ever drew the line so strongly between greatness and
+goodness, and so unhesitatingly placed the hero of this world
+only--placed him in all his magnificence, honoured with no timid or
+dissembling reverence--at the distance of worlds, below the place of
+the lowest saint.
+
+Those who know the _Divina Commedia_ best, will best know how hard it
+is to be the interpreter of such a mind; but they will sympathise with
+the wish to call attention to it. They know, and would wish others
+also to know, not by hearsay, but by experience, the power of that
+wonderful poem. They know its austere, yet subduing beauty; they know
+what force there is, in its free and earnest and solemn verse, to
+strengthen, to tranquillise, to console. It is a small thing that it
+has the secret of Nature and Man; that a few keen words have opened
+their eyes to new sights in earth, and sea, and sky; have taught them
+new mysteries of sound; have made them recognise, in distinct image or
+thought, fugitive feelings, or their unheeded expression, by look, or
+gesture, or motion; that it has enriched the public and collective
+memory of society with new instances, never to be lost, of human
+feeling and fortune; has charmed ear and mind by the music of its
+stately march, and the variety and completeness of its plan. But,
+besides this, they know how often its seriousness has put to shame
+their trifling, its magnanimity their faintheartedness, its living
+energy their indolence, its stern and sad grandeur rebuked low
+thoughts, its thrilling tenderness overcome sullenness and assuaged
+distress, its strong faith quelled despair and soothed perplexity, its
+vast grasp imparted the sense of harmony to the view of clashing
+truths. They know how often they have found, in times of trouble, if
+not light, at least that deep sense of reality, permanent, though
+unseen, which is more than light can always give--in the view which
+it has suggested to them of the judgments and the love of God.[150]
+
+[Footnote 150: It is necessary to state, that these remarks were
+written before we had seen the chapter on Dante in "Italy, past and
+present, by L. Mariotti." Had we become acquainted with it earlier, we
+should have had to refer to it often, in the way of acknowledgment,
+and as often in the way of strong protest.]
+
+
+
+
+DE MONARCHIA.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK I.
+
+
+I.--It very greatly concerns all men on whom a higher nature has
+impressed[151] the love of truth, that, as they have been enriched by
+the labour of those before them, so they also should labour for those
+that are to come after them, to the end that posterity may receive
+from them an addition to its wealth. For he is far astray from his
+duty--let him not doubt it--who, having been trained in the lessons of
+public business, cares not himself to contribute aught to the public
+good. He is no "tree planted by the water-side, that bringeth forth
+his fruit in due season." He is rather the devouring whirlpool, ever
+engulfing, but restoring nothing. Pondering, therefore, often on these
+things, lest some day I should have to answer the charge of the
+talent buried in the earth, I desire not only to show the budding
+promise, but also to bear fruit for the general good, and to set forth
+truths by others unattempted. For what fruit can he be said to bear
+who should go about to demonstrate again some theorem of Euclid? or
+when Aristotle has shown us what happiness is, should show it to us
+once more? or when Cicero has been the apologist of old age, should a
+second time undertake its defence? Such squandering of labour would
+only engender weariness and not profit.
+
+[Footnote 151: "_In quos veritatis amorem natura superior impressit._"
+On the ancient idea (Aug. _De Trin._ iii. 4; Aquin. _Summ._ 1, 66, 3)
+of the influence or impression of higher natures on lower, cf.
+_Parad._ i. 103, x. 29.]
+
+But seeing that among other truths, ill-understood yet profitable, the
+knowledge touching temporal monarchy is at once most profitable and
+most obscure, and that because it has no immediate reference to
+worldly gain it is left unexplored by all, therefore it is my purpose
+to draw it forth from its hiding-places, as well that I may spend my
+toil for the benefit of the world, as that I may be the first to win
+the prize of so great an achievement to my own glory. The work indeed
+is difficult, and I am attempting what is beyond my strength; but I
+trust not in my own powers, but in the light of that Bountiful Giver,
+"Who giveth to all men liberally, and upbraideth not."
+
+
+II.--First, therefore, we must see what is it that is called Temporal
+Monarchy, in its idea, so to speak, and according to its purpose.
+Temporal Monarchy, then, or, as men call it, the Empire, is the
+government of one prince above all men in time, or in those things and
+over those things which are measured by time. Three great questions
+are asked concerning it. First, there is the doubt and the question,
+is it necessary for the welfare of the world? Secondly, did the Roman
+people take to itself by right the office of Monarchy? And thirdly,
+does the authority of Monarchy come from God directly, or only from
+some other minister or vicar of God?
+
+Now, since every truth, which is not itself a first principle, becomes
+manifest from the truth of some first principle, it is therefore
+necessary in every inquiry to have a knowledge of the first principle
+involved, to which by analysis we may go back for the certainty of all
+the propositions which are afterwards accepted. And since this
+treatise is an inquiry, we must begin by examining the first principle
+on the strength of which deductions are to rest. It must be understood
+then that there are certain things which, since they are not subject
+to our power, are matters of speculation, but not of action: such are
+Mathematics and Physics, and things divine. But there are some things
+which, since they are subject to our power, are matters of action as
+well as of speculation, and in them we do not act for the sake of
+speculation, but contrariwise: for in such things action is the end.
+Now, since the matter which we have in hand has to do with states,
+nay, with the very origin and principle of good forms of government,
+and since all that concerns states is subject to our power, it is
+manifest that our subject is not in the first place speculation, but
+action. And again, since in matters of action the end sought is the
+first principle and cause of all (for that it is which first moves the
+agent to act), it follows that all our method concerning the means
+which are set to gain the end must be taken from the end. For there
+will be one way of cutting wood to build a house, and another to build
+a ship. That therefore, if it exists, which is the ultimate end for
+the universal civil order of mankind, will be the first principle from
+which all the truth of our future deductions will be sufficiently
+manifest. But it is folly to think that there is an end for this and
+for that particular civil order, and yet not one end for all.
+
+
+III.--Now, therefore, we must see what is the end of the whole civil
+order of men; and when we have found this, then, as the
+Philosopher[152] says in his book to Nicomachus,[153] the half of our
+labour will have been accomplished. And to render the question
+clearer, we must observe that as there is a certain end for which
+nature makes the thumb, and another, different from this, for which
+she makes the whole hand, and again another for which she makes the
+arm, and another different from all for which she makes the whole man;
+so there is one end for which she orders the individual man, and
+another for which she orders the family, and another end for the city,
+and another for the kingdom, and finally an ultimate one for which the
+Everlasting God, by His art which is nature, brings into being the
+whole human race. And this is what we seek as a first principle to
+guide our whole inquiry.
+
+[Footnote 152: The common title for Aristotle from the first half of
+the thirteenth century. _Vide_ Jourdain, _Recherches sur les
+traductions d'Aristote_, p. 212, note.]
+
+[Footnote 153: Arist. _Ethics_, i. 7.]
+
+Let it then be understood that God and nature make nothing to be idle.
+Whatever comes into being, exists for some operation or working. For
+no created essence is an ultimate end in the creator's purpose, so far
+as he is a creator, but rather the proper operation of that essence.
+Therefore it follows that the operation does not exist for the sake of
+the essence, but the essence for the sake of the operation.
+
+There is therefore a certain proper operation of the whole body of
+human kind, for which this whole body of men in all its multitudes is
+ordered and constituted, but to which no one man, nor single family,
+nor single neighbourhood, nor single city, nor particular kingdom can
+attain. What this is will be manifest, if we can find what is the
+final and characteristic capacity of humanity as a whole. I say then
+that no quality which is shared by different species of things is the
+distinguishing capacity of any one of them. For were it so, since this
+capacity is that which makes each species what it is, it would follow
+that one essence would be specifically distributed to many species,
+which is impossible. Therefore the ultimate quality of men is not
+existence, taken simply; for the elements share therein. Nor is it
+existence under certain conditions;[154] for we find this in minerals
+too. Nor is it existence with life; for plants too have life. Nor is
+it percipient existence; for brutes share in this power. It is to be
+percipient[155] with the possibility of understanding, for this
+quality falls to the lot of none but man, either above or below him.
+For though there are other beings which with him have understanding,
+yet this understanding is not, as man's, capable of development. For
+such beings are only certain intellectual natures, and not anything
+besides, and their being is nothing other than to understand; which is
+without interruption, otherwise they would not be eternal. It is
+plain, therefore, that the distinguishing quality of humanity is the
+faculty or the power of understanding.
+
+[Footnote 154: "_Esse complexionatum._"]
+
+[Footnote 155: "_Apprehensivum per intellectum possibilem._" _V.
+Aquin._ I. 79, 1, 2, 10.]
+
+And because this faculty cannot be realised in act in its entirety at
+one time by a single man, nor by any of the individual societies which
+we have marked, therefore there must be multitude in the human race,
+in order to realise it: just as it is necessary that there should be a
+multitude of things which can be brought into being,[156] so that the
+capacity of the primal matter for being acted on may be ever open to
+what acts on it. For if this were not so, we could speak of a capacity
+apart from its substance, which is impossible. And with this opinion
+Averroes, in his comment on [Aristotle's] treatise on the Soul,
+agrees. For the capacity for understanding, of which I speak, is
+concerned not only with universal forms or species, but also, by a
+kind of extension, with particular ones. Therefore it is commonly said
+that the speculative understanding becomes practical by extension; and
+then its end is to do and to make. This I say in reference to things
+which may be _done_, which are regulated by political wisdom, and in
+reference to things which may be _made_, which are regulated by art;
+all which things wait as handmaidens on the speculative intellect, as
+on that best good, for which the Primal Goodness created the human
+race. Hence the saying of the Politics[157] that those who are strong
+in understanding are the natural rulers of others.
+
+[Footnote 156: "_Generabilium._"]
+
+[Footnote 157: Arist. _Polit._ i. 5, 6.--(W.)]
+
+
+IV.--It has thus been sufficiently set forth that the proper work of
+the human race, taken as a whole, is to set in action the whole
+capacity of that understanding which is capable of development: first
+in the way of speculation, and then, by its extension, in the way of
+action. And seeing that what is true of a part is true also of the
+whole, and that it is by rest and quiet that the individual man
+becomes perfect in wisdom and prudence; so the human race, by living
+in the calm and tranquillity of peace, applies itself most freely and
+easily to its proper work; a work which, according to the saying;
+"Thou hast made him a little lower than the angels," is almost divine.
+Whence it is manifest that of all things that are ordered to secure
+blessings to men, peace is the best. And hence the word which sounded
+to the shepherds from above was not riches, nor pleasure, nor honour,
+nor length of life, nor health, nor strength, nor beauty; but peace.
+For the heavenly host said: "Glory to God in the highest, and on
+earth, peace to men of goodwill." Therefore also, "Peace be with you,"
+was the salutation of the Saviour of mankind. For it behoved Him, who
+was the greatest of saviours, to utter in His greeting the greatest of
+saving blessings. And this custom His disciples too chose to preserve;
+and Paul also did the same in his greetings, as may appear manifest to
+all.
+
+Now that we have declared these matters, it is plain what is the
+better, nay the best, way in which mankind may attain to do its proper
+work. And consequently we have seen the readiest means by which to
+arrive at the point, for which all our works are ordered, as their
+ultimate end; namely, the universal peace, which is to be assumed as
+the first principle for our deductions. As we said, this assumption
+was necessary, for it is as a sign-post to us, that into it we may
+resolve all that has to be proved, as into a most manifest truth.
+
+
+V.--As therefore we have already said, there are three doubts, and
+these doubts suggest three questions, concerning Temporal Monarchy,
+which in more common speech is called the Empire; and our purpose is,
+as we explained, to inquire concerning these questions in their given
+order, and starting from the first principle which we have just laid
+down. The first question, then, is whether Temporal Monarchy is
+necessary for the welfare of the world; and that it is necessary can,
+I think, be shown by the strongest and most manifest arguments; for
+nothing, either of reason or of authority, opposes me. Let us first
+take the authority of the Philosopher in his Politics.[158] There, on
+his venerable authority, it is said that where a number of things are
+arranged to attain an end, it behoves one of them to regulate or
+govern the others, and the others to submit. And it is not only the
+authority of his illustrious name which makes this worthy of belief,
+but also reason, instancing particulars.
+
+[Footnote 158: Arist. _Polit._ i. 5.]
+
+If we take the case of a single man, we shall see the same rule
+manifested in him: all his powers are ordered to gain happiness; but
+his understanding is what regulates and governs all the others; and
+otherwise he would never attain to happiness. Again, take a single
+household: its end is to fit the members thereof to live well; but
+there must be one to regulate and rule it, who is called the father of
+the family, or, it may be, one who holds his office. As the
+Philosopher says: "Every house is ruled by the oldest."[159] And, as
+Homer says, it is his duty to make rules and laws for the rest. Hence
+the proverbial curse: "Mayst thou have an equal at home."[160] Take a
+single village: its end is suitable assistance as regards persons and
+goods, but one in it must be the ruler of the rest, either set over
+them by another, or with their consent, the head man amongst them. If
+it be not so, not only do its inhabitants fail of this mutual
+assistance, but the whole neighbourhood is sometimes wholly ruined by
+the ambition of many, who each of them wish to rule. If, again, we
+take a single city: its end is to secure a good and sufficient life to
+the citizens; but one man must be ruler in imperfect[161] as well as
+in good forms of the state. If it is otherwise, not only is the end of
+civil life lost, but the city too ceases to be what it was. Lastly, if
+we take any one kingdom, of which the end is the same as that of a
+city, only with greater security for its tranquillity, there must be
+one king to rule and govern. For if this is not so, not only do his
+subjects miss their end, but the kingdom itself falls to destruction,
+according to that word of the infallible truth: "Every kingdom divided
+against itself shall be brought to desolation." If then this holds
+good in these cases, and in each individual thing which is ordered to
+one certain end, what we have laid down is true.
+
+[Footnote 159: _Ibid._ i. 2, 6, quoting Hom. _Od._ ix. 114.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 160: Ficinus translates: "Uno proverbio che quasi
+bestemmiando dice, _Abbi pari in casa_."]
+
+[Footnote 161: "_Obliqua_" = [Greek: parekbaseis]. _V._ Arist. _Eth._
+viii. 10; _Pol._ iii. 7.--(W.)]
+
+Now it is plain that the whole human race is ordered to gain some end,
+as has been before shown. There must, therefore, be one to guide and
+govern, and the proper title for this office is Monarch or Emperor.
+And so it is plain that Monarchy or the Empire is necessary for the
+welfare of the world.
+
+
+VI.--And as the part is to the whole, so is the order of parts to the
+order of the whole. The part is to the whole, as to an end and highest
+good which is aimed at; and, therefore, the order in the parts is to
+the order in the whole, as it is to the end and highest good aimed at.
+Hence we have it that the goodness of the order of parts does not
+exceed the goodness of the order of the whole, but that the converse
+of this is true. Therefore we find a double order in the world,
+namely, the order of parts in relation to each other, and their order
+in relation to some one thing which is not a part (as there is in the
+order of the parts of an army in relation to each other, and then in
+relation to the general); and the order of the parts in relation to
+the one thing which is not a part is the higher, for it is the end of
+the other order, and the other exists for the sake of it. Therefore,
+if the form of this order is found in the units of the mass of
+mankind, much more may we argue by our syllogism that it is found in
+mankind considered as a whole; for this latter order, or its form, is
+better. But as was said in the preceding chapter, and it is
+sufficiently plain, this order is found in all the units of the mass
+of mankind. Therefore it is, or should be, found in the mass
+considered as a whole. And therefore all the parts that we have
+mentioned, which are comprised in kingdoms, and the kingdoms
+themselves ought to be ordered with reference to one Prince or
+Princedom, that is, with reference to a Monarch or Monarchy.
+
+
+VII.--Further, the whole human race is a whole with reference to
+certain parts, and, with reference to another whole, it is a part. For
+it is a whole with reference to particular kingdoms and nations, as we
+have shown; and it is a part with reference to the whole universe, as
+is manifest without argument. Therefore, as the lower portions of the
+whole system of humanity are well adapted to that whole, so that whole
+is said to be well adapted to the whole which is above it. It is only
+under the rule of one prince that the parts of humanity are well
+adapted to their whole, as may easily be collected from what we have
+said; therefore it is only by being under one Princedom, or the rule
+of a single Prince, that humanity as a whole is well adapted to the
+Universe, or its Prince, who is the One God. And it therefore follows
+that Monarchy is necessary for the welfare of the world.
+
+
+VIII.--And all is well and at its best which exists according to the
+will of the first agent, who is God. This is self-evident, except to
+those who deny that the divine goodness attains to absolute
+perfection. Now, it is the intention of God that all created things
+should represent the likeness of God, so far as their proper nature
+will admit. Therefore was it said: "Let us make man in our image,
+after our likeness." And though it could not be said that the lower
+part of creation was made in the image of God, yet all things may be
+said to be after His likeness, for what is the whole universe but the
+footprint of the divine goodness? The human race, therefore, is well,
+nay at its best state, when, so far as can be, it is made like unto
+God. But the human race is then most made like unto God when most it
+is one; for the true principle of oneness is in Him alone. Wherefore
+it is written: "Hear, O Israel; the Lord thy God is one God." But the
+race of man is most one when it is united wholly in one body, and it
+is evident that this cannot be, except when it is subject to one
+prince. Therefore in this subjection mankind is most made like unto
+God, and, in consequence, such a subjection is in accordance with the
+divine intention, and it is indeed well and best for man when this is
+so, as we showed at the beginning of this chapter.
+
+
+IX.--Again, things are well and at their best with every son when he
+follows, so far as by his proper nature he can, the footsteps of a
+perfect father. Mankind is the son of heaven, which is most perfect in
+all its works; for it is "man and the sun which produce man,"
+according to the second book on Natural Learning.[162] The human
+race, therefore, is at its best when it imitates the movements of
+heaven, so far as human nature allows. And since the whole heaven is
+regulated with one motion, to wit, that of the _primum mobile_, and by
+one mover, who is God, in all its parts, movements, and movers (and
+this human reason readily seizes from science); therefore, if our
+argument be correct, the human race is at its best state when, both in
+its movements, and in regard to those who move it, it is regulated by
+a single Prince, as by the single movement of heaven, and by one law,
+as by the single motion. Therefore it is evidently necessary for the
+welfare of the world for there to be a Monarchy, or single Princedom,
+which men call the Empire. And this thought did Boethius breathe when
+he said: "Oh happy race of men, if your hearts are ruled by the love
+which rules the heaven."[163]
+
+[Footnote 162: Arist. _Phys. Ausc._ ii. 2.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 163: _De Consol. Phil._ ii. met. 8.--(W.)]
+
+
+X.--Wherever there is controversy, there ought to be judgment,
+otherwise there would be imperfection without its proper remedy,[164]
+which is impossible; for God and Nature, in things necessary, do not
+fail in their provisions. But it is manifest that there may be
+controversy between any two princes, where the one is not subject to
+the other, either from the fault of themselves, or even of their
+subjects. Therefore between them there should be means of judgment.
+And since, when one is not subject to the other, he cannot be judged
+by the other (for there is no rule of equals over equals), there must
+be a third prince of wider jurisdiction, within the circle of whose
+laws both may come. Either he will or he will not be a Monarch. If he
+is, we have what we sought; if not, then this one again will have an
+equal, who is not subject to his jurisdiction, and then again we have
+need of a third. And so we must either go on to infinity, which is
+impossible, or we must come to that judge who is first and highest; by
+whose judgment all controversies shall be either directly or
+indirectly decided; and he will be Monarch or Emperor. Monarchy is
+therefore necessary to the world, and this the Philosopher saw when he
+said: "The world is not intended to be disposed in evil order; 'in a
+multitude of rulers there is evil, therefore let there be one
+prince.'"[165]
+
+[Footnote 164: "_Sine proprio perfectivo._"]
+
+[Footnote 165: Arist. _Metaphys._ xii. 10, who quotes from Hom. _Il._
+ii. 204.--(W.)]
+
+
+XI.--Further, the world is ordered best when justice is most paramount
+therein: whence Virgil, wishing to celebrate that age, which in his
+own time seemed to be arising, sang in his _Bucolics_:[166] "Now doth
+the Virgin return, and the kingdom of Saturn." For Justice was named
+"the Virgin," and also Astraea. The kingdom of Saturn was the good
+time, which they also called the Golden Age. But Justice is paramount
+only in a Monarchy, and therefore a Monarchy, that is, the Empire, is
+needed if the world is to be ordered for the best. For better proof of
+this assumption it must be recognised that Justice, considered in
+itself, and in its proper nature, is a certain rightness or rule of
+conduct, which rejects on either side all that deviates from it. It is
+like whiteness considered as an abstraction, not admitting of degrees.
+For there are certain forms of this sort which belong to things
+compounded, and exist themselves in a simple and unchanging essence,
+as[167] the Master of the Six Principles rightly says. Yet qualities
+of this sort admit of degrees on the part of their subjects with which
+they are connected, according as in their subjects more or less of
+their contraries is mingled. Justice, therefore, is strongest in man,
+both as a state of mind and in practice, where there is least
+admixture of its opposite; and then we may say of it, in the words of
+the Philosopher, that "neither the star of morning nor of evening is
+so admirable."[168] For then is it like Phoebe, when she looks
+across the heavens at her brother from the purple of the morning calm.
+
+[Footnote 166: _Ecl._ iv. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 167: Gilbert de la Porree, [dagger symbol]1154. The "Six
+Principles" were the last six of the Ten Categories of Aristotle, and
+the book became one of the chief elementary logic-books of the Middle
+Ages. _Vide_ Haureau, _Philosophie Scolastique_, 1e Partie, p.
+452.]
+
+[Footnote 168: From Arist. _Ethics_, v. 1.--(W.)]
+
+Now Justice, as a state of mind,[169] has a force which opposes it in
+the will; for where the will of a man is not pure from all desire,
+then, though there be Justice, yet there is not Justice in all its
+ideal brightness; for there is in that man, however little, yet in
+some degree, an opposing force; and therefore they, who would work on
+the feelings[170] of a judge, are rightly repelled. But, in
+practice,[171] Justice finds an opposing force in what men are able to
+do. For, seeing that it is a virtue regulating our conduct towards
+other men, how shall any act according to Justice if he has not the
+power of rendering to all their due? Therefore it is plain that the
+operation of Justice will be wide in proportion to the power of the
+just man.
+
+[Footnote 169: "_Quantum ad habitum._"]
+
+[Footnote 170: "_Passionare._"]
+
+[Footnote 171: "_Quantum ad operationem._"]
+
+From this let us argue: Justice is strongest in the world when it is
+in one who is most willing and most powerful; only the Monarch is
+this; therefore, only when Justice is in the Monarch is it strongest
+in the world. This pro-syllogism goes on through the second figure,
+with an involved negative, and is like this: All B is A; only C is A;
+therefore only C is B: or all B is A; nothing but C is A; therefore
+nothing but C is B.
+
+Our previous explanation makes the first proposition apparent: the
+second is proved thus, first in regard to will, and secondly in regard
+to power. First it must be observed that the strongest opponent of
+Justice is Appetite, as Aristotle intimates in the fifth book to
+Nicomachus.[172] Remove Appetite altogether, and there remains nothing
+adverse to Justice; and therefore it is the opinion of the Philosopher
+that nothing should be left to the judge, if it can be decided by
+law;[173] and this ought to be done for fear of Appetite, which easily
+perverts men's minds. Where, then, there is nothing to be wished for,
+there can be no Appetite, for the passions cannot exist if their
+objects are destroyed. But the Monarch has nothing to desire, for his
+jurisdiction is bounded only by the ocean; and this is not the case
+with other princes, whose kingdoms are bounded by those of their
+neighbours; as, for instance, the kingdom of Castile is bounded by the
+kingdom of Aragon. From which it follows that the Monarch is able to
+be the purest embodiment of Justice among men.
+
+[Footnote 172: _Eth._ v. 2.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 173: _Rhetoric_, i. 1.--(W.)]
+
+Further, as Appetite in some degree, however small, clouds the habit
+of Justice, so does Charity, or rightly-directed affection, sharpen
+and enlighten it. In whomsoever, therefore, rightly-directed affection
+may chiefly dwell, in him may Justice best have place: and of this
+sort is the Monarch. Therefore where a Monarch reigns Justice is, or
+at least may be, strongest. That rightly-directed affections work as
+we have said, we may see thus: Appetite, scorning[174] what in itself
+belongs to man, seeks for other things outside him; but Charity sets
+aside all else, and seeks God and man, and consequently the good of
+man. And since of all the good things that men can have the greatest
+is to live in peace (as we have already said), and as it is Justice
+which most chiefly brings peace, therefore Charity will chiefly make
+Justice strong, and the more so in proportion to its own strength.
+
+[Footnote 174: "_Perseitas hominum_" = "_facultas per se
+subsistendi_."--DUCANGE.]
+
+And it is clear that right affections ought to exist in a Monarch more
+than in any other man for this reason: the object of love is the more
+loved the nearer it is to him that loves; but men are nearer to a
+Monarch than they are to other princes; therefore it is by a Monarch
+that they are, or ought to be, most loved. The first proposition is
+manifest if the nature of activity and passivity are considered. The
+second is manifest because men are brought near to a Monarch in their
+totality,[175] but to other princes only partially; and it is only by
+means of the Monarch that men are brought near other princes at all.
+Thus the Monarch cares for all primarily and directly, whereas other
+princes only care for their subjects through the Monarch, and because
+their care for their subjects descends from the supreme care of the
+Monarch.
+
+[Footnote 175: "_Secundum totum._"]
+
+Again, a cause has the nature of a cause in proportion as it is more
+universal; for the lower cause is such only on account of the higher
+one, as appears from the Treatise on Causes.[176] And, in proportion
+as a cause is really a cause, it loves what it effects; for such love
+follows the cause by itself. Now Monarchy is the most universal cause
+of men living well, for other princes work only through the Monarch,
+as we have said; and it therefore follows that it is the Monarch who
+will most chiefly love the good of men. But that in practice the
+Monarch is most disposed to work Justice, who can doubt, except indeed
+a man who understands not the meaning of the word? for if he be
+really a Monarch he cannot have enemies.
+
+[Footnote 176: A compilation from the Arabians, or perhaps Aristotle
+or Proclus, which, under various names, passed for a work of
+Aristotle, and is ascribed by Albert the Great to a certain David the
+Jew. It is quoted in the twelfth century, and was commented on by
+Albert and Thomas Aquinas. _Vide_ Jourdain, _Recherches sur les
+traductions d'Aristote_ (1842), pp. 114, 184, 193, 195, 445;
+_Philosophie de S. Thomas_ (1858), i. 94.]
+
+The principle assumed being therefore sufficiently explained, the
+conclusion is certain, to wit, that a Monarch is necessary that the
+world may be ordered for the best.
+
+
+XII.--Again, the human race is ordered best when it is most free. This
+will be manifest if we see what is the principle of freedom. It must
+be understood that the first principle of our freedom is freedom of
+will, which many have in their mouth, but few indeed understand. For
+they come so far as to say that the freedom of the will means a free
+judgment concerning will. And this is true. But what is meant by the
+words is far from them: and they do just as our logicians do all day
+long with certain propositions which are set as examples in the books
+of logic, as that, "the three angles of a triangle are equal to two
+right angles."[177]
+
+[Footnote 177: Cf. Arist. _Magna Moral._ i. 1: "It would be absurd if
+a man, wishing to prove that the angles of a triangle were equal to
+two right angles, assumed as his principle that the soul is
+immortal."--WITTE.]
+
+Therefore I say that Judgment is between Apprehension and Appetite.
+First, a man apprehends a thing; then he judges it to be good or bad;
+then he pursues or avoids it accordingly. If therefore the Judgment
+guides the Appetite wholly, and in no way is forestalled by the
+Appetite, then is the Judgment free. But if the Appetite in any way at
+all forestalls the Judgment and guides it, then the Judgment cannot be
+free: it is not its own: it is captive to another power. Therefore the
+brute beasts cannot have freedom of Judgment; for in them the Appetite
+always forestalls the Judgment. Therefore, too, it is that
+intellectual beings whose wills are unchangeable, and souls which are
+separate from the body, which have gone hence in peace, do not lose
+the freedom of their wills, because their wishes cannot change; nay,
+it is in full strength and completeness that their wills are
+free.[178]
+
+[Footnote 178: Cf. _Purgatorio_, xviii. 22.--WITTE.]
+
+It is therefore again manifest that this liberty, or this principle of
+all our liberty, is the greatest gift bestowed by God on mankind: by
+it alone we gain happiness[179] as men: by it alone we gain happiness
+elsewhere as gods.[180] But if this is so, who will say that human
+kind is not in its best state, when it can most use this principle?
+But he who lives under a Monarchy is most free. Therefore let it be
+understood that he is free who exists not for another's sake but for
+his own, as the Philosopher, in his Treatise of simple Being,
+thought.[181] For everything which exists for the sake of some other
+thing, is necessitated by that other thing, as a road has to run to
+its ordained end. Men exist for themselves, and not at the pleasure of
+others, only if a Monarch rules; for then only are the perverted forms
+of government set right, while democracies, oligarchies, and
+tyrannies, drive mankind into slavery, as is obvious to any who goes
+about among them all; and public power[182] is in the hands of kings
+and aristocracies, which they call the rule of the best, and champions
+of popular liberty. And because the Monarch loves his subjects much,
+as we have seen, he wishes all men to be good, which cannot be the
+case in perverted forms of government:[183] therefore the Philosopher
+says, in his _Politics_:[184] "In the bad state the good man is a bad
+citizen, but in a good state the two coincide." Good states in this
+way aim at liberty, that in them men may live for themselves. The
+citizens exist not for the good of consuls, nor the nation for the
+good of its king; but the consuls for the good of the citizens, and
+the king for the good of his nation. For as the laws are made to suit
+the state, and not the state to suit the laws, so those who live under
+the laws are not ordered for the legislator, but he for them;[185] as
+also the Philosopher holds, in what he has left us on the present
+subject. Hence, too, it is clear that although the king or the consul
+rule over the other citizens in respect of the means[186] of
+government, yet in respect of the end of government they are the
+servants of the citizens, and especially the Monarch, who, without
+doubt, must be held the servant of all. Thus it becomes clear that the
+Monarch is bound by the end appointed to himself in making his laws.
+Therefore mankind is best off under a Monarchy, and hence it follows
+that Monarchy is necessary for the welfare of the world.
+
+[Footnote 179: "_Felicitamur._"]
+
+[Footnote 180: "_Ut Dii_;" cf. _Paradiso_, v. 19.--WITTE.]
+
+[Footnote 181: _I.e._ _Metaphys._ 1, 2.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 182: "_Politizant reges._"]
+
+[Footnote 183: "_Oblique politizantes._"]
+
+[Footnote 184: _Polit._ iii. 4.]
+
+[Footnote 185: _Ibid._ iii. 16, 17.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 186: "_Respectu viae ... respectu termini._"]
+
+
+XIII.--Further, he who can be best fitted to rule can best fit others.
+For in every action the main end of the agent, whether acting by
+necessity of nature or voluntarily, is to unfold his own likeness; and
+therefore every agent, so far as he is of this sort, delights in
+action. For since all that is desires its own existence, and since the
+agent in acting enlarges his own existence in some way, delight
+follows action of necessity; for delight is inseparable from gaining
+what is desired. Nothing therefore acts unless it is of such sort as
+that which is acted on ought to be; therefore the Philosopher said in
+his _Metaphysics_,[187] "Everything which becomes actual from being
+potential, becomes so by means of something actual of the same kind,"
+and were anything to try to act in any other way it would fail. Hence
+we may overthrow the error of those who think to form the moral
+character of others by speaking well and doing ill; forgetting that
+the hands of Jacob were more persuasive with his father than his
+words, though his hands deceived and his voice spake truth. Hence the
+Philosopher, to Nicomachus: "In matters of feeling and action, words
+are less to be trusted than deeds."[188] And therefore God said to
+David in his sin, "What hast thou to do to declare my statutes?" as
+though He would say, "Thou speakest in vain, for thou art different
+from what thou speakest." Hence it may be gathered that he needs to be
+fitted for his work in the best way who wishes to fit others.
+
+[Footnote 187: _Metaphys._ ix. 8.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 188: Arist. _Eth._ x. 1.--(W.)]
+
+But the Monarch is the only one who can be fitted in the best possible
+way to govern. Which is thus proved: Each thing is the more easily and
+perfectly qualified for any habit, or actual work, the less there is
+in it of what is contrary to such a disposition. Therefore, they who
+have never even heard of philosophy, arrive at a habit of truth in
+philosophy more easily and completely than those who have listened to
+it at odd times, and are filled with false opinions. For which reason
+Galen well says: "Such as these require double time to acquire
+knowledge."[189] A Monarch then has nothing to tempt appetite, or, at
+least, less than any other man, as we have shown before; whereas other
+princes have much; and appetite is the only corrupter of
+righteousness, and the only impediment to justice. A Monarch therefore
+is wholly, or at least more than any other prince, disposed to govern
+well: for in him there may be judgment and justice more strongly than
+in any other. But these two things are the pre-eminent attributes of a
+maker of law, and of an executor of law, as that most holy king David
+testified when he asked of God the things which were befitting the
+king, and the king's son, saying: "Give the king thy judgment, O God,
+and thy righteousness unto the king's son."[190]
+
+[Footnote 189: _De cognosc. animi morbis_, c. 10.--WITTE.]
+
+[Footnote 190: Cf. _Parad._ xiii. 95.--(W.)]
+
+We were right then when we assumed that only the Monarch can be best
+fitted to rule. Therefore only the Monarch can in the best way fit
+other men. Therefore it follows that Monarchy is necessary for the
+best ordering of the world.
+
+
+XIV.--And where a thing can be done by one agent, it is better to do
+it by one than by several, for this reason: Let it be possible to do a
+certain thing by means of A, and also by means of A and B. If
+therefore what is done by A and B can be done by A alone, it is
+useless to add B; for nothing follows from the addition; for the same
+end which A and B produced is produced also by A. All additions of
+this kind are useless and superfluous: all that is superfluous is
+displeasing to God and Nature: and all that is displeasing to God and
+Nature is bad, as is manifest. It therefore follows not only that it
+is better that a thing should be done by one than by many agents, if
+it is possible to produce the effect by one; but also that to produce
+the effect by one is good, and to produce it by many is simply bad.
+Again, a thing is said to be better by being nearer to the best, and
+the end has the nature of the best. But for a thing to be done by one
+agent is better, for so it comes nearer to the end. And that so it
+comes nearer is manifest; for let C be the end which may be reached by
+A, or by A and B together: plainly it is longer to reach C by A and B
+together than by B alone. But mankind may be governed by one supreme
+prince, who is, the Monarch.
+
+But it must be carefully observed that when we say that mankind may be
+ruled by one supreme prince, we do not mean that the most trifling
+judgments for each particular town are to proceed immediately from
+him. For municipal laws sometimes fail, and need guidance, as the
+Philosopher shows in his fifth book to Nicomachus, when he praises
+equity.[191] For nations and kingdoms and states have, each of them,
+certain peculiarities which must be regulated by different laws. For
+law is the rule which directs life. Thus the Scythians need one rule,
+for they live beyond the seventh climate,[192] and suffer cold which
+is almost unbearable, from the great inequality of their days and
+nights. But the Garamantes need a different law, for their country is
+equinoctial, and they cannot wear many clothes, from the excessive
+heat of the air, because the day is as long as the darkness of the
+night. But our meaning is that it is in those matters which are common
+to all men, that men should be ruled by one Monarch, and be governed
+by a rule common to them all, with a view to their peace. And the
+individual princes must receive this rule of life or law from him,
+just as the practical intellect receives its major premiss from the
+speculative intellect, under which it places its own particular
+premiss, and then draws its particular conclusion, with a view to
+action. And it is not only possible for one man to act as we have
+described; it is necessary that it should proceed from one man only to
+avoid confusion in our first principles. Moses himself wrote in his
+law that he had acted thus. For he took the elders of the tribes of
+the children of Israel, and left to them the lesser judgments,
+reserving to himself such as were more important, and wider in their
+scope; and the elders carried these wider ones to their tribes,
+according as they were applicable to each separate tribe.
+
+[Footnote 191: _Eth._ v. 14.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 192: Ptolemy, the mediaeval authority on geography, divided
+the known world into [Greek: klimata], zones of slope towards the
+pole, or belts of latitude, eight of which from the equinoctial to the
+mouths of the Tanais and the Riphaean mountains. The seventh "clima"
+passed over the mouths of the Borysthenes. See Mercator's map in
+Bertius' _Theatrum Geographiae Veteris_ (1618), art. "Ptolemy" in
+Smith's _Dictionary of Biography_, p. 577. Dictionary of Antiquities,
+art. "Clima."]
+
+Therefore it is better for the human race to be ruled by one than by
+many, and therefore there should be a Monarch, who is a single prince;
+and if it is better, it is more acceptable to God, since God always
+wills what is best. And since of these two ways of government the one
+is not only the better, but the best of all, it follows not only that
+this one is more acceptable to God as between one and many, but that
+it is the most acceptable. Therefore it is best for the human race to
+be governed by one man; and Monarchy is necessary for the welfare of
+the world.
+
+
+XV.--I say also that Being, and Unity, and the Good come in order
+after the fifth mode of priority.[193] For Being comes by nature
+before Unity, and Unity before Good. Where Being is most, there Unity
+is greatest; and where Unity is greatest, there Good is also greatest;
+and in proportion as anything is far from Being in its highest form,
+is it far from Unity, and therefore from Good. Therefore in every kind
+of things, that which is most one is best, as the Philosopher holds in
+the treatise about simple Being. Therefore it appears that to be one
+is the root of Good, and to be many the root of Evil. Therefore,
+Pythagoras in his parallel tables placed the one, or Unity, under the
+line of good, and the many under the line of Evil; as appears from the
+first book of the _Metaphysics_.[194] Hence we may see that to sin is
+nothing else than to pass on from the one which we despise and to seek
+many things, as the Psalmist saw when he said: "By the fruit of their
+corn and wine and oil, are they multiplied."[195]
+
+[Footnote 193: Arist. _Categ._, _e.g._: Priority is said in five
+ways--1. First in _time_. 2. First in _pre-supposition_. 3. First in
+_order_. 4. First in _excellence_. 5. First in _logical sequence_.]
+
+[Footnote 194: _V._ Arist. _Metaph._ 1, 5; _Ethics_ i. 4; cf. Ritter
+and Preller, _Hist. Philos._ sec. 105.]
+
+[Footnote 195: Ps. iv. 8 (vulg.).]
+
+Hence it is plain that whatever is good, is good for this reason, that
+it consists in unity. And because concord is a good thing in so far as
+it is concord, it is manifest that it consists in a certain unity, as
+its proper root, the nature of which will appear if we find the real
+nature of concord. Concord then is the uniform motion of many wills;
+and hence it appears that a unity of wills, by which is meant their
+uniform motion, is the root of concord, nay, concord itself. For as we
+should say that many clods of earth are concordant, because that they
+all gravitate together towards the centre; and that many flames are
+concordant because that they all ascend together towards the
+circumference, if they did this of their own free will, so we say that
+many men are in concord because that they are all moved together, as
+regards their willing, to one thing, which one thing is formally in
+their wills just as there is one quality formally in the clods of
+earth, that is gravity, and one in the flame of fire, that is
+lightness. For the force of willing is a certain power; but the
+quality of good which it apprehends is its form; which form, like as
+others, being one is multiplied in itself, according to the
+multiplication of the matters which receive it, as the soul, and
+numbers, and other forms which belong to what is compound.[196]
+
+[Footnote 196: On the scholastic doctrine of forms, _v._ Thom. Aquin.
+_Summ._ I. 105, art. 4.]
+
+To explain our assumption as we proposed, let us argue thus: All
+concord depends on unity which is in wills; the human race, when it is
+at its best, is a kind of concord; for as one man at his best is a
+kind of concord, and as the like is true of the family, the city, and
+the kingdom; so is it of the whole human race. Therefore the human
+race at its best depends on the unity which is in will. But this
+cannot be unless there be one will to be the single mistress and
+regulating influence of all the rest. For the wills of men, on account
+of the blandishments of youth, require one to direct them, as
+Aristotle shows in the tenth book of his _Ethics_.[197] And this
+cannot be unless there is one prince over all, whose will shall be the
+mistress and regulating influence of all the others. But if all these
+conclusions be true, as they are, it is necessary for the highest
+welfare of the human race that there should be a Monarch in the world;
+and therefore Monarchy is necessary for the good of the world.
+
+[Footnote 197: Arist. _Eth._ x. 5.--(W.)]
+
+
+XVI.--To all these reasons alleged above a memorable experience adds
+its confirmation. I mean that condition of mankind which the Son of
+God, when, for the salvation of man, He was about to put on man,
+either waited for, or, at the moment when He willed, Himself so
+ordered. For if, from the fall of our first parents, which was the
+turning point at which all our going astray began, we carry our
+thoughts over the distribution of the human race and the order of its
+times, we shall find that never but under the divine Augustus, who was
+sole ruler, and under whom a perfect Monarchy existed, was the world
+everywhere quiet. And that then the human race was happy in the
+tranquillity of universal peace, this is the witness of all writers of
+history; this is the witness of famous poets; this, too, he who wrote
+the story of the "meekness and gentleness of Christ" has thought fit
+to attest. And last of all, Paul has called that most blessed
+condition "the fulness of the times." For then, indeed, time was full,
+and all the things of time; because no office belonging to our
+felicity wanted its minister. But how the world has fared since that
+"seamless robe" has suffered rending by the talons of ambition, we may
+read in books; would that we might not see it with our eyes. Oh, race
+of mankind! what storms must toss thee, what losses must thou endure,
+what shipwrecks must buffet thee, as long as thou, a beast of many
+heads, strivest after contrary things. Thou art sick in both thy
+faculties of understanding; thou art sick in thine affections.
+Unanswerable reasons fail to heal thy higher understanding; the very
+sight of experience convinces not thy lower understanding; not even
+the sweetness of divine persuasion charms thy affections, when it
+breathes into thee through the music of the Holy Ghost: "Behold, how
+good and how pleasant a thing it is, brethren, to dwell together in
+unity."[198]
+
+[Footnote 198: Ps. cxxxii. 1.--(W.)]
+
+
+
+
+BOOK II.
+
+
+I.--"Why do the heathen rage, and the people imagine a vain thing? The
+kings of the earth stand up, and the rulers take counsel together
+against the Lord and against His anointed, saying: 'Let us break their
+bonds asunder, and cast away their cords from us.'"[199] As we
+commonly wonder at a new effect, when we have never been face to face
+with its cause; so, as soon as we understand the cause, we look down
+with a kind of scorn on those who remain in wonder. I, myself, was
+once filled with wonder that the Roman people had become paramount
+throughout all the earth, without any to withstand them; for when I
+looked at the thing superficially I thought that this supremacy had
+been obtained, not by any right, but only by arms and violence. But
+after that I had carefully and thoroughly examined the matter, when I
+had recognised by the most effectual signs that it was divine
+providence that had wrought this, my wonder ceased, and a certain
+scornful contempt has taken its place, when I perceive the nations
+raging against the pre-eminence of the Roman people; when I see the
+people imagining a vain thing, as I of old imagined; when, above all,
+I grieve that kings and princes agree in this one matter only, in
+opposing their Lord, and His one only Roman Emperor. Wherefore in
+derision, yet not without a touch of sorrow, I can cry on behalf of
+the glorious people and for Caesar, together with him who cried on
+behalf of the Prince of heaven: "Why do the heathen rage, and the
+people imagine a vain thing? The kings of the earth stand up, and the
+rulers take counsel together against the Lord and against His
+anointed." But the love which nature implants in us allows not scorn
+to last for long; but, like the summer sun that when it has dispersed
+the morning clouds shines with full brightness, this love prefers to
+put scorn aside, and to pour forth the light which shall set men
+right. So, then, to break the bonds of the ignorance of those kings
+and princes, and to show that mankind is free from _their_ yoke, I
+will comfort myself in company with that most holy prophet, whom I
+follow, taking the words which come after: "Let us break their bonds
+asunder, and cast away their yoke from us."
+
+[Footnote 199: Ps. ii. 1-3.--(W.)]
+
+These two things will be sufficiently performed, if I address myself
+to the second part of the argument, and manifest the truth of the
+question before us. For thus, if we show that the Roman Empire is _by
+right_, not only shall we disperse the clouds of ignorance from the
+eyes of those princes who have wrongly seized the helm of public
+government, falsely imputing this thing to the Roman people; but all
+men shall understand that they are free from the yoke of these
+usurpers. The truth of the question can be made clear not only by the
+light of human reason, but also by the ray of God's authority; and
+when these two coincide, then heaven and earth must agree together.
+Supported, therefore, by this conviction, and trusting in the
+testimony both of reason and of authority, I proceed to settle the
+second question.
+
+
+II.--Inquiry concerning the truth of the first doubt has been made as
+accurately as the nature of the subject permitted; we have now to
+inquire concerning the second, which is: Whether the Roman people
+assumed to itself _of right_ the dignity of the Empire? And the first
+thing in this question is to find the truth, to which the reasonings
+concerning it may be referred as to their proper first principle.
+
+It must be recognised, then, that as there are three degrees in every
+art, the mind of the artist, his instrument, and the material on which
+he works, so we may look upon nature in three degrees. For nature
+exists, first, in the mind of the First Agent, who is God; then in
+heaven; as in an instrument, by means of which the likeness of the
+Eternal Goodness unfolds itself on shapeless[200] matter. If an artist
+is perfect in his art, and his instrument is perfect, any fault in the
+form of his art must be laid to the badness of the material; and so,
+since God holds the summit of perfection, and since His instrument,
+which is heaven, admits of no failure of its due perfection (which is
+manifest from our philosophy touching heaven), it follows that
+whatever fault is to be found in the lower world is a fault on the
+part of the subject matter, and is contrary to the intention of God
+who makes nature,[201] and of heaven; and if in this lower world there
+is aught that is good, it must be ascribed first to the artist, who is
+God, and then to heaven, the instrument of God's art, which men call
+nature; for the material, being merely a possibility, can do nothing
+of itself.[202]
+
+[Footnote 200: "_Fluitantem._"]
+
+[Footnote 201: "_Dei naturantis._"]
+
+[Footnote 202: Witte refers to _Parad._ xiii. 67, xxix. 32, i.
+127-130. Cf. Thom. Aquin. _Summ._ I., q. 66, art. 1-3; q. 110, art. 2;
+q. 115, art. 3-6. This view satisfied thinkers to the time of Hooker
+(_E.P._ I. iii.), but was criticised by Bacon, _Nov. Org._ i. 66.]
+
+Hence it is apparent that, since all Right[203] is good, it therefore
+exists first in the mind of God; and since all that is in the mind of
+God is God, according to the saying, "What was made, in Him was
+life;"[204] and as God chiefly wishes for what is Himself, it follows
+that Right is the wish of God, so far as it is in Him. And since in
+God the will and the wish are the same, it further follows that this
+Right is the will of God. Again it follows that Right in the world is
+nothing else than the likeness of the will of God, and therefore
+whatever does not agree with the divine will cannot be Right, and
+whatever does agree with the divine will is Right itself. Therefore to
+ask if a thing be by Right is only to ask in other words if it is what
+God wills. It may therefore be assumed that what God wills to see in
+mankind is to be held as real and true Right.
+
+[Footnote 203: "_Jus._"]
+
+[Footnote 204: St. John i. 3.--(W.)]
+
+Besides we must remember Aristotle's teaching in the first book of his
+_Ethics_, where he says: "We must not seek for certitude in every
+matter, but only as far as the nature of the subject admits."[205]
+Therefore our arguments from the first principle already found will be
+sufficient, if from manifest evidence and from the authority of the
+wise, we seek for the right of that glorious people. The will of God
+is an invisible thing, but "the invisible things of God are seen,
+being understood by the things which are made." For when the seal is
+out of sight, the wax, which has its impression, gives manifest
+evidence of it, though it be unseen; nor is it strange that the will
+of God must be sought by signs; for the human will, except to the
+person himself who wills, is only discerned by signs.[206]
+
+[Footnote 205: _Eth._ i. 7, from Thom. Aq. _Lect._ XI.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 206: The image of the wax and seal was a favourite one. V.
+_Parad._ vii. 68, viii. 127, xiii. 67-75, quoted by Witte, who also
+refers to the _Epist. ad Reges_, Sec. 8, p. 444, ed. Fraticelli.]
+
+
+III.--My answer then to the question is, that it was by right, and not
+by usurpation, that the Roman people assumed to itself the office of
+Monarchy, or, as men call it, the Empire, over all mankind. For in the
+first place it is fitting that the noblest people should be preferred
+to all others; the Roman people was the noblest; therefore it is
+fitting that it should be preferred to all others. By this reasoning I
+make my proof; for since honour is the reward of goodness, and since
+to be preferred is always honour, therefore to be preferred is always
+the reward of goodness. It is plain that men are ennobled for their
+virtues; that is, for their own virtues or for those of their
+ancestors; for nobleness is virtue and ancestral wealth, according to
+Aristotle in his Politics; and according to Juvenal, "There is no
+nobleness of soul but virtue,"[207] which two statements refer to two
+sorts of nobleness, our own and that of our ancestors.[208]
+
+[Footnote 207: Arist. _Pol._ iii. 12; Juv. viii. 20.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 208: Witte refers to Dante's commentary on his own Canzone
+in the _Convito_ iv. 3, and the _Parad._ xvi. 1.]
+
+To be preferred, therefore, is, according to reason, the fitting
+reward of the noble. And since rewards must be measured by desert,
+according to that saying of the Gospel, "with what measure ye mete, it
+shall be measured to you again;" therefore to the most noble the
+highest place should be given. The testimonies of the ancients confirm
+our opinion; for Virgil, our divine poet, testifies throughout his
+_AEneid_, that men may ever remember it, that the glorious king, AEneas,
+was the father of the Roman people. And this Titus Livius, the famous
+chronicler of the deeds of the Romans, confirms in the first part of
+his work, which takes its beginning from the capture of Troy. The
+nobleness of this most unconquerable and most pious ancestor not only
+in regard to his own great virtue, but also to that of his forefathers
+and of his wives, the nobleness of whom was combined in their
+descendant by the rightful law of descent, I cannot unfold at length;
+"I can but touch lightly on the outlines of the truth."[209]
+
+[Footnote 209: "Sed summa sequar vestigia rerum." Virg. _AEn._ i. 342
+("fastigia" in all good MSS. and edd.).]
+
+For the virtue then of AEneas himself, hear what our poet tells us when
+he introduces Ilioneus in the first _AEneid_, praying thus: "AEneas was
+our king; in justice and piety he has not left a peer, nor any to
+equal him in war." Hear Virgil in the sixth _AEneid_, when he speaks
+of the death of Misenus, who had been Hector's attendant in war, and,
+after Hector's death, had attached himself to AEneas; for there Virgil
+says that Misenus "followed as good a man;" thus comparing AEneas to
+Hector, whom[210] Homer ever praises above all men, as the Philosopher
+witnesses in his _Ethics_, in what he writes to Nicomachus on habits
+to be avoided.
+
+[Footnote 210: _AEn._ i. 544, vi. 170. _Il._ xxiv. 258, quoted in
+Aristotle, _Ethics_, vii. 1.--(W.)]
+
+But, as for hereditary virtue, he was ennobled from all three
+continents both by his forefathers and his wives. From Asia came his
+immediate ancestor, Assaracus, and others who reigned in Phrygia,
+which is a part of Asia. Therefore Virgil writes in the third _AEneid_:
+"After that it had seemed good to Heaven to overthrow the power of
+Asia, and the guiltless race of Priam." From Europe came the male
+founder of his race, who was Dardanus; from Africa his grandmother
+Electra, daughter of the great king Atlas, to both which things the
+poet testifies in the eighth _AEneid_, where AEneas says to Evander:
+"Dardanus, the father of our city, and its founder, whom the Greeks
+call the son of Atlas and Electra, came to the race of Teucer--Electra,
+whose sire was great Atlas, on whose shoulders rests the circle of
+heaven." But in the third _AEneid_ Virgil says that Dardanus drew his
+origin from Europe. "There is a land which the Greeks have named
+Hesperia, an ancient land, strong and wealthy, where the AEnotrians
+dwell; it is said that now their descendants have named the country
+Italy, from the name of their king. There is our rightful home; from
+that land did Dardanus come." That Atlas came from Africa, the
+mountain called by his name, which stands in that continent, bears
+witness; and Orosius says that it is in Africa in his description of
+the world, where he writes: "Its boundary is Mount Atlas, and the
+islands which are called 'the happy isles.'" "Its"--that is, "of
+Africa," of which he was speaking.[211]
+
+[Footnote 211: _AEn._ iii. 1, viii. 134, iii. 163; Oros. i. 2.--(W.)]
+
+Likewise I find that by marriage also AEneas was ennobled; his first
+wife, Creusa, the daughter of king Priam, was from Asia, as may be
+gathered from our previous quotations; and that she was his wife our
+poet testifies in the third _AEneid_, where Andromache asks AEneas:
+"What of the boy Ascanius, whom Creusa bore to thee, while the ruins
+of Troy were yet smoking? Lives he yet to breathe this air?"[212] The
+second wife was Dido, the queen and foundress of Carthage in Africa.
+That she was the wife of AEneas our poet sings in his fourth _AEneid_,
+where he says of Dido: "No more does Dido think of love in secret.
+She calls it marriage, and with this name she covers her sin." The
+third wife was Lavinia, the mother of Albans and Romans alike, the
+daughter of king Latinus and his heir, if we may trust the testimony
+of our poet in his last _AEneid_, where he introduces Turnus conquered,
+praying to AEneas thus: "Thou hast conquered, and the Ausonians have
+seen me lift my hands in prayer for mercy; Lavinia is thine."[213]
+This last wife was from Italy, the noblest region of Europe.
+
+[Footnote 212: III. 339. The best MSS. of Virgil omit "peperit fumante
+Creusa."]
+
+[Footnote 213: _AEn._ xii. 936.--(W.)]
+
+And now that we have marked these things for evidence of our
+assertion, who will not rest persuaded that the father of the Romans,
+and therefore the Romans themselves, were the noblest people under
+heaven? Who can fail to see the divine predestination shown forth by
+the double meeting of blood from every part of the world in the veins
+of one man?
+
+
+IV.--Again, that which is helped to its perfection by miracles is
+willed by God, and therefore it is of right. This is manifestly true,
+for as Thomas says in his third book against the Gentiles, "a miracle
+is something done by God beyond the commonly established order of
+things."[214] And so he proves that God alone can work miracles; and
+his proof is strengthened by the authority of Moses; for on the
+occasion of the plague of lice, when the magicians of Pharaoh used
+natural principles artfully, and then failed, they said: "This is the
+finger of God."[215] A miracle therefore being the immediate working
+of the first agent, without the co-operation of any secondary agents,
+as Thomas himself sufficiently proves in the book which we have
+mentioned, it is impious to say where a miracle is worked in aid of
+anything, that that thing is not of God, as something well pleasing to
+him, which he foresaw. Therefore it is religious to accept the
+contradictory of this. The Roman Empire has been helped to its
+perfection by miracles; therefore it was willed by God, and
+consequently was and is by right.[216]
+
+[Footnote 214: _Contra Gent._ iii. 101.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 215: Exod. vii. 12-15.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 216: Witte refers to the _Ep. ad Reges_, Sec. 8, for the same
+thought.]
+
+It is proved by the testimony of illustrious authors that God
+stretched forth His hand to work miracles on behalf of the Roman
+Empire. For Livy, in the first part of his work, testifies that a
+shield fell from heaven into the city chosen of God in the time of
+Numa Pompilius, the second king of Rome, whilst he was sacrificing
+after the manner of the Gentiles. Lucan mentions this miracle in the
+ninth book of his Pharsalia, when he is describing the incredible
+force of the South wind. He says: "Surely it was thus, while Numa was
+offering sacrifices, that the shield fell with which the chosen
+patrician youth moves along. The South wind, or the North wind, had
+spoiled the people that bore our shields."[217] And when the Gauls had
+taken all the city, and, under cover of the darkness, were stealing on
+to attack the Capitol itself, the capture of which was all that
+remained to destroy the very name of Rome, then as Livy, and many
+other illustrious writers agree in testifying, a goose, which none had
+seen before, gave a warning note of the approach of the Gauls, and
+aroused the guards to defend the Capitol.[218] And our poet
+commemorates the event in his description of the shield of AEneas in
+the eighth book. "Higher, and in front of the temple stood Manlius,
+the watchman of the Tarpeian keep, guarding the rock of the Capitol.
+The palace stood out clear, rough with the thatch which Romulus had
+laid; here the goose, inlaid in silver, fluttered on the portico of
+gold, as it warned the Romans that the Gauls were even now on the
+threshold."[219]
+
+[Footnote 217: Luc. ix. 477.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 218: V. Liv. v. 47, and the _Convito_, iv. 5.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 219: _AEn._ viii. 652.--(W.)]
+
+And when the nobility of Rome had so fallen under the onset of
+Hannibal, that nothing remained for the final destruction of the Roman
+commonwealth, but the Carthaginian assault on the city, Livy tells us
+in the course of his history of the Punic war, that a sudden dreadful
+storm of hail fell upon them, so that the victors could not follow up
+their victory.[220]
+
+[Footnote 220: Liv. xxvi. 11; Oros. iv. 17.--(W.)]
+
+Was not the escape of Cloelia wonderful, a woman, and captive in the
+power of Porsenna, when she burst her bonds, and, by the marvellous
+help of God, swam across the Tiber, as almost all the historians of
+Rome tell us, to the glory of that city?[221]
+
+[Footnote 221: Liv. ii. 13; Oros. ii. 5.--(W.)]
+
+Thus was it fitting that He should work who foresaw all things from
+the beginning, and ordained them in the beauty of His order; so that
+He, who when made visible was to show forth miracles for the sake of
+things invisible, should, whilst invisible, also show forth miracles
+for the sake of things visible.
+
+
+V.--Further, whoever works for the good of the state, works with Right
+as his end. This may be shown as follows. Right is that proportion of
+man to man as to things, and as to persons, which, when it is
+preserved, preserves society, and when it is destroyed, destroys
+society.[222] The description of Right in the Digest does not give the
+essence of right, but only describes it for practical purposes.[223]
+If therefore our definition comprehends well the essence and reason
+of Right, and if the end of any society is the common good of its
+members, it is necessary that the end of all Right is the common good,
+and it is impossible that that can be Right, which does not aim at the
+common good. Therefore Cicero says well in the first book of his
+_Rhetoric_: "Laws must always be interpreted for the good of the
+state."[224] If laws do not aim at the good of those who live under
+them, they are laws only in name; in reality they cannot be laws. For
+it behoves them to bind men together for the common good; and Seneca
+therefore says well in his book "on the four virtues:" "Law is the
+bond of human society."[225] It is therefore plain that whoever aims
+at the good of the state, aims at the end of Right; and therefore, if
+the Romans aimed at the good of the state, we shall say truly that
+they aimed at the end of Right.
+
+[Footnote 222: Cf. Aristotle, _Ethics_, v. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 223: "Jus est ars boni et aequi." L. 1, fr. _Dig. De Justitia
+et Jure_, i. 1.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 224: _De Invent._ i. 38.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 225: Not Seneca, but Martin, Bp. of Braga, [dagger
+symbol]580.--(W.) V. _Biog. Univ._]
+
+That in bringing the whole world into subjection, they aimed at this
+good, their deeds declare. They renounced all selfishness, a thing
+always contrary to the public weal; they cherished universal peace and
+liberty; and that sacred, pious, and glorious people are seen to have
+neglected their own private interests that they might follow public
+objects for the good of all mankind. Therefore was it well written:
+"The Roman Empire springs from the fountain of piety."[226]
+
+[Footnote 226: "_Romanum imperium de fonte nascitur
+pietatis._"--(WITTE.) He has not been able to trace the saying.]
+
+But seeing that nothing is known of the intention of an agent who acts
+by free choice to any but the agent himself, save only by external
+signs, and since reasonings must be examined according to the subject
+matter (as has already been said), it will be sufficient on this point
+if we set forth proofs which none can doubt, of the intention of the
+Roman people, both in their public bodies and individually.
+
+Concerning those public bodies by which men seem in a way to be bound
+to the state, the authority of Cicero alone, in the second book of the
+_De Officiis_, will suffice. "So long," he says, "as the Empire of the
+republic was maintained not by injustice, but by the benefits which it
+conferred, we fought either for our allies or for the Empire. Our wars
+brought with them an ending which was either indulgent, or else was
+absolutely necessary. All kings, peoples, and nations found a port of
+refuge in the Senate. Our magistrates and generals alike sought renown
+by defending our provinces and our allies with good faith and with
+justice. Our government might have been called not so much Empire, as
+a Protectorate of the whole world." So wrote Cicero.[227]
+
+[Footnote 227: _De Off._ ii. 8.--(W.)]
+
+Of individuals I will speak shortly. Shall we not say that they
+intended the common good, who by hard toil, by poverty, by exile, by
+bereavement of their children, by loss of limb, by sacrifice of their
+lives, endeavoured to build up the public weal? Did not great
+Cincinnatus leave us a sacred example of freely laying down his office
+at its appointed end, when, as Livy tells us, he was taken from the
+plough and made dictator? And after his victory, after his triumph, he
+gave back his Imperator's sceptre to the consuls, and returned to the
+ploughshare to toil after his oxen.[228] Well did Cicero, arguing
+against Epicurus, in the volume _De Finibus_, speak in praise of him,
+mindful of this good deed.[229] "And so," he says, "our ancestors took
+Cincinnatus from the plough, and made him dictator."
+
+[Footnote 228: Liv. vi. 28, 29; Oros. ii. 12.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 229: II. 4.--(W.)]
+
+Has not Fabricius left us a lofty example of resisting avarice, when,
+poor man as he was, for the faith by which he was bound to the
+republic, he laughed to scorn the great weight of gold which was
+offered him, and refused it, scorning it with words which became him
+well. His story too is confirmed by our poet in the sixth
+_AEneid_,[230] where he speaks of "Fabricius strong in his poverty."
+
+[Footnote 230: VI. 844.--(W.)]
+
+Has not Camillus left us a memorable example of obeying the laws
+instead of seeking our private advantage? For according to Livy he was
+condemned to exile, and then, after that he had delivered his country
+from the invaders, and had restored to Rome her own Roman spoils, he
+yet turned to leave the sacred city, though the whole people bade him
+stay; nor did he return till leave was given him to come back by the
+authority of the Senate. This high-souled hero also is commended in
+the sixth _AEneid_, where our poet speaks of "Camillus, that restored
+to us our standards."[231]
+
+[Footnote 231: Liv. v. 46; _AEn._ vi. 826.--(W.)]
+
+Was not Brutus the first to teach that our sons, that all others, are
+second in importance to the liberty of our country? For Livy tells us
+how, when he was consul, he condemned his own sons to death, for that
+they had conspired with the enemy. His glory is made new in our poet's
+sixth book, where he sings how "The father shall summon the sons to
+die for the sake of fair liberty, when they seek to stir fresh
+wars."[232]
+
+[Footnote 232: _AEn._ vi. 821.--(W.)]
+
+Has not Mucius encouraged us to dare everything for our country's
+sake, when after attacking Porsenna unawares, he watched the hand
+which had missed its stroke being burnt, though it was his own, as if
+he were beholding the torment of a foe? This also Livy witnesses to
+with astonishment.
+
+Add to these those sacred victims the Decii, who laid down their lives
+by an act of devotion for the public safety, whom Livy glorifies in
+his narrative, not as they deserve, but as he was able. Add to these
+the self-sacrifice, which words cannot express, of Marcus Cato, that
+staunchest champion of true liberty. These were men of whom the one,
+that he might save his country, did not fear the shadow of death;
+while the other, that he might kindle in the world the passionate love
+of liberty, showed how dear was liberty, choosing to pass out of life
+a free man, rather than without liberty to abide in life.[233] The
+glory of all these heroes glows afresh in the words of Cicero in his
+book _De Finibus_; of the Decii he speaks thus: "Publius Decius, the
+head of the Decii, a consul, when he devoted himself for the state,
+and charged straight into the Latin host, was he thinking aught of his
+pleasure, where and when he should take it;--when he knew that he had
+to die at once, and sought that death with more eager desire than,
+according to Epicurus, we should seek pleasure? And were it not that
+his deed had justly received its praise, his son would not have done
+the like in his fourth consulship; nor would his grandson, again, in
+the war with Pyrrhus, have fallen, a consul, in battle; and, a third
+time in continuous succession in that family, have offered himself a
+victim for the commonwealth." But in the _De Officiis_,[234] Cicero
+says of Cato: "Marcus Cato was in no different position from his
+comrades who in Africa surrendered to Caesar. The others, had they
+slain themselves, would perhaps have been blamed for the act, for
+their life was of less consequence,[235] and their principles were not
+so strict. But for Cato, to whom nature had given incredible firmness
+and who had strengthened this severity by his unremitting constancy to
+his principles, and who never formed a resolution by which he did not
+abide, he was indeed bound to die rather than to look on the face of a
+tyrant."
+
+[Footnote 233: Witte quotes the _Convito_, iv. 5, where all these
+examples are recounted, almost in the same language. He compares
+_Parad._ vi. 46 (Cincinnatus), _Purgat._ xx. 25 (Fabricius), _Parad._
+vi. 47 (Decii), _Purg._ i. where Cato guards the approach to
+Purgatory.]
+
+[Footnote 234: I. 31 (W.), carelessly quoted.]
+
+[Footnote 235: "_Levior_" al. "_lenior_."]
+
+
+VI.--Two things therefore have been made clear: first, that whoever
+aims at the good of the state aims at right;[236] and secondly, that
+the Roman people in bringing the world into subjection, aimed at the
+public weal. Therefore let us argue thus: Whoever aims at right, walks
+according to right; the Roman people in bringing the world into
+subjection aimed at right, as we have made manifest in the preceding
+chapter. Therefore in bringing the world into subjection the Roman
+people acted according to right, consequently it was by right that
+they assumed the dignity of Empire.
+
+[Footnote 236: "_Finem juris intendit._"]
+
+We reach this conclusion on grounds which are manifest to all. It is
+manifest from this, that whosoever aims at right, walks according to
+right. To make this clear, we must mark that everything is made to
+gain a certain end, otherwise it would be in vain, and as we said
+before this cannot be. And as everything has its proper end, so every
+end has some distinct thing of which it is the end. And therefore it
+is impossible that any two things, spoken of as separate things,[237]
+and in so far as they are two, should have the same end as their aim,
+for so the same absurdity[238] would follow, that one of them would
+exist in vain. Since, then, there is a certain end of right, as we
+have explained, it necessarily follows that when we have decided what
+that end is, we have also decided what right is; for it is the natural
+and proper effect of right. And since in any sequence it is impossible
+to have an antecedent without its consequent, for instance, to have
+"man" without "animal," as is evident by putting together and taking
+to pieces the idea,[239] so also it is impossible to seek for the end
+of right without right, for each thing stands in the same relation to
+its proper end, as the consequent does to its antecedent; as without
+health it is impossible to attain to a good condition of the body.
+Wherefore, it is most evidently clear that he who aims at the end of
+right must aim in accordance with right; nor does the contradictory
+instance which is commonly drawn from Aristotle's treatment of "good
+counsel" avail anything.[240] He there says: "It is possible to obtain
+what is the right result from a syllogism, which is incorrect, but not
+by an argument which is right, for the middle term is wrong." For if
+sometimes a right conclusion is obtained from false principles, this
+is only by accident, and happens only in so far as the true conclusion
+is imported in the words of the inference. Truth never really follows
+from falsehood; but the signs of truth may easily follow from the
+signs of falsehood. So also it is in matters of conduct. If a thief
+helps a poor man out of the spoils of his thieving, we must not call
+that charity; but it is an action which would have the form of
+charity, if it had been done out of the man's own substance. And so of
+the end of right. If anything, such as the end of right, were gained
+without right, it would only be the end of right, that is, the common
+good, in the same sense that the gift, made from evil gains, is
+charity. And so the example proves nothing, for in our proposition we
+speak, not of the apparent but of the real end of right. What was
+sought, therefore, is clear.
+
+[Footnote 237: "_Per se loquendo._"]
+
+[Footnote 238: "_Inconveniens._"]
+
+[Footnote 239: "_Construendo et destruendo._" Technical terms of the
+conditional syllogism, _constructive_ and _destructive_.]
+
+[Footnote 240: [Greek: Euboulia]. _Ethics_, vi. 10.]
+
+
+VII.--What nature has ordained is maintained of right. For nature in
+its providence does not come short of men's providence; for if it were
+to come short, the effect would excel the cause in goodness, which is
+impossible. But we see that when public bodies are founded, not only
+are the relations of the members to each other considered, but also
+their capacities for exercising offices; and this is to consider the
+end of right in the society or order which is founded, for right is
+not extended beyond what is possible. Nature then, in her ordinances,
+does not come short in this foresight. Therefore it is clear that
+nature, in ordaining a thing, has regard to its capacities; and this
+regard is the fundamental principle of right which nature lays down.
+From this it follows that the natural order of things cannot be
+maintained without right; for this fundamental principle of right is
+inseparably joined to the natural order of things. It is necessary,
+therefore, that it is of right that this order is preserved.
+
+The Roman people was ordained for empire, by nature, and this may be
+shown as follows: The man would come short of perfection in his art,
+who aimed only to produce his ultimate form, and neglected the means
+of reaching it; in the same way, if nature only aimed at reproducing
+in the world the universal form of the divine likeness, and neglected
+the means of doing so, she would be imperfect. But nature, which is
+the work of the divine intelligence, is wholly perfect; she therefore
+aims at all the means by which her final end is arrived at.
+
+Since then mankind has a certain end, and since there is a certain
+means necessary for the universal end of nature, it necessarily
+follows that nature aims at obtaining that means. And therefore the
+Philosopher, in the second book of _Natural Learning_,[241] well shows
+that nature always acts for the end. And since nature cannot reach
+this end through one man, because that there are many actions
+necessary to it, which need many to act, therefore nature must produce
+many men and set them to act. And besides the higher influence,[242]
+the powers and properties of inferior spheres contribute much to this.
+And therefore we see not only that individual men, but also that
+certain races are born to govern, and certain others to be governed
+and to serve, as the Philosopher argues in the _Politics_;[243] and
+for the latter, as he himself says, subjection is not only expedient,
+but just, even though they be forced into subjection.
+
+[Footnote 241: Arist. _Phys. Ausc._ ii. 1.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 242: _I.e._ of the heavens. Witte quotes _Parad._ viii. 97,
+_Purg._ xiv. 38.]
+
+[Footnote 243: I. 5, 11; 6, 9.--(W.)]
+
+And if this is so, it cannot be doubted that nature ordained in the
+world a country and a nation for universal sovereignty; if this were
+not so, she would have been untrue to herself, which is impossible.
+But as to where that country is, and which is that nation, it is
+sufficiently manifest, both from what we have said and from what we
+shall say, that it was Rome and her citizens or people; and this our
+poet very skilfully touches on in the sixth _AEneid_, where he
+introduces Anchises prophesying to AEneas, the ancestor of the Romans:
+"Others may mould the breathing bronze more delicately--I doubt it
+not; they may chisel from marble the living countenance; they may
+surpass thee in pleading causes; they may track the course of the
+heavens with the rod, and tell when the stars will rise; but thou,
+Roman, remember to rule the nations with thy sway. These shall be thy
+endowments--to make peace to be the custom of the world; to spare thy
+foes when they submit, and to crush the proud."[244] And again, Virgil
+skilfully notes the appointment of the _place_, in the fourth
+_AEneid_, when he brings in Jupiter speaking to Mercury concerning
+AEneas: "His fair mother did not promise him to us to be such as this:
+it was not for this that twice she rescues him from Grecian arms; but
+that there should be one to rule over Italy, teeming with empires,
+tempestuous with wars." It has, therefore, sufficiently been shown
+that the Roman people was by nature ordained to empire. Therefore it
+was of right that they gained empire, by subduing to themselves the
+world.
+
+[Footnote 244: _AEn._ vi. 848, iv. 227.--(W.)]
+
+
+VIII.--But in order properly to discover the truth in our inquiry, we
+must recognise that the judgment of God is sometimes made manifest to
+men, and sometimes hidden from them.
+
+It may be made manifest in two ways, namely, by reason and by faith.
+
+There are some judgments of God to which the human reason, by its own
+paths, can arrive; as, that a man should risk death to save his
+country. For a part should always risk itself to save its whole, and
+each man is a part of his State, as is clear from the Philosopher in
+his _Politics_.[245] Therefore every man ought to risk himself for his
+country, as the less good for the better; whence the Philosopher says
+to Nicomachus: "The end is desirable, indeed, even for an individual,
+but it is better and more divine for a nation and State."[246] And
+this is the judgment of God, for if it were not so, right reason in
+men would miss the intention of nature, which is impossible.
+
+[Footnote 245: Arist. _Pol._ i. 2, 12.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 246: _Ethics_, i. 1.]
+
+There are also some judgments of God to which, though human reason
+cannot reach them by its own powers, yet, by the aid of faith in those
+things which are told us in Holy Scripture it can be lifted up: as,
+for instance, that no one, however perfect he may be in moral and
+intellectual virtues, both in habit and in action, can be saved
+without faith; it being supposed that he never heard aught of Christ.
+For human reason cannot of itself see this to be just, yet by faith it
+can. For in the Epistle to the Hebrews it is written, "without faith
+it is impossible to please God;"[247] and in Leviticus, "what man
+soever there be of the House of Israel that killeth an ox, or lamb, or
+goat in the camp, or that killeth it out of the camp, and bringeth it
+not to the door of the tabernacle to offer an offering unto the Lord,
+blood shall be imputed to that man."[248] The door of the tabernacle
+stands for Christ, who is the door of the kingdom of heaven, as may be
+proved from the Gospel: the killing of animals represents men's
+actions.[249]
+
+[Footnote 247: Cf. _Parad._ xix. 70.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 248: Heb. ii. 6; Levit. xvii. 3, 4.--(W.).]
+
+[Footnote 249: Witte quotes from Isidore of Seville, a writer much
+used in the middle ages, the following: "In a moral sense, we offer a
+calf when we conquer the pride of the flesh; a lamb, when we correct
+our irrational impulses; a kid, when we master impurity; a dove, when
+we are simple; a turtle-dove, when we observe chastity; unleavened
+bread, 'when we keep the feast not in the leaven of malice, but in the
+unleavened bread of sincerity and truth.'"]
+
+But the judgment of God is a hidden one, when man cannot arrive at the
+knowledge of it either by the law of nature or by the written law, but
+only occasionally by a special grace. This grace comes in several
+ways: sometimes by simple revelation, sometimes by revelation assisted
+by a certain kind of trial or debate. Simple revelation, too, is of
+two kinds: either God gives it of his own accord, or it is gained by
+prayer. God gives it of his own accord in two ways, either plainly, or
+by a sign. His judgment against Saul was revealed to Samuel plainly;
+but it was by a sign that it was revealed to Pharaoh what God had
+judged touching the setting free of the children of Israel. The
+judgment of God is also given in answer to prayer, as he knew who
+spoke in the second book of Chronicles:[250] "When we know not what we
+ought to do, this only have we left, to direct our eyes to Thee."
+
+[Footnote 250: 2 Chron. xx. 12 (Vulg.).]
+
+Revelation by means of trial is also of two kinds. It is given either
+by casting lots, or by combat; for "to strive" (_certare_), is derived
+from a phrase which means "to make certain" (_certum facere_). It is
+clear that the judgment of God is sometimes revealed to men by casting
+lots, as in the substitution of Matthias in the Acts of the Apostles.
+
+Again the judgment of God is revealed to men by combat in two ways:
+either it is by a trial of strength, as in the duels of champions who
+are called "_duelliones_," or it is by the contention of many men,
+each striving to reach a certain mark first, as happens in the
+contests of athletes who run for a prize. The first of these methods
+was prefigured among the Gentiles by the contests between Hercules and
+Antaeus, which Lucan mentions in the fourth book of his _Pharsalia_,
+and Ovid in the ninth book of his _Metamorphoses_. The second is
+prefigured by the contest between Atalanta and Hippomenes, described
+in the tenth book of Ovid's _Metamorphoses_.[251]
+
+[Footnote 251: _Phars._ iv. 593; _Metam._ ix. 183, x. 569.--(W.).]
+
+Moreover, it ought not to pass unnoticed concerning these two kinds of
+strife, that while in the first each champion may fairly hinder his
+antagonist, in the second this is not so; for athletes must not hinder
+one another in their strife, though our poet seems to have thought
+differently in the fifth _AEneid_ where Euryalus so receives the
+prize.[252] But Cicero has done better in forbidding this practice in
+the third book of the _De Officiis_, following the opinion of
+Chrysippus.[253] He there says: "Chrysippus is right here, as he often
+is, for he says that he who runs in a race should strive with all his
+might to win, but in no way should he try to trip up his competitor."
+
+[Footnote 252: V. 335--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 253: III. 10.--(W.)]
+
+With these distinctions, then, we may assume that there are two ways
+in which men may learn the judgment of God, as we have on this point
+stated; first by the contests of athletes, and secondly by the
+contests of champions. These ways of discovering the judgment of God I
+will treat of in the chapter following.
+
+
+IX.--That people then, which conquered when all were striving hard for
+the Empire of the world, conquered by the will of God. For God cares
+more to settle a universal strife than a particular one; and even in
+particular contests the athletes sometimes throw themselves on the
+judgment of God, according to the common proverb: "To whom God makes
+the grant, him let Peter also bless."[254] It cannot, then, be
+doubted that the victory in the strife for the Empire of the world
+followed the judgment of God. The Roman people, when all were striving
+for the Empire of the world, conquered; it will be plain that so it
+was, if we consider the prize or goal, and those who strove for it.
+The prize or goal was the supremacy over all men; for it is this that
+we call the Empire. None reached this but the Roman people. Not only
+were they the first, they were the only ones to reach the goal, as we
+shall shortly see.
+
+[Footnote 254: Witte only gives a query (?). The saying expresses the
+Ghibelline view of the relation of the Empire to the Pope; it may have
+originated with the coronation of Charles the Great.]
+
+The first man who panted for the prize was Ninus, King of the
+Assyrians; but although for more than ninety years (as Orosius
+tells[255]) he, with his royal consort Semiramis, strove for the
+Empire of the world and made all Asia subject to himself, nevertheless
+he never subdued the West. Ovid mentions both him and his queen in the
+fourth book of the _Metamorphoses_, when he says, in the story of
+Pyramus:[256] "Semiramis girdled the round space with brick-built
+walls;" and, "let them come to Ninus' tomb and hide beneath in its
+shade."
+
+[Footnote 255: I. 4.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 256: _Metam._ iv. 58, 88.--(W.)]
+
+Secondly, Vesoges, King of Egypt, aspired to this prize; but though he
+vexed the North and South of Asia, as Orosius relates,[257] yet he
+never gained for himself one-half of the world; nay, when, as it
+were, between the judges[258] and the goal, the Scythians drove him
+back from his rash enterprise.
+
+[Footnote 257: Oros. i. 14.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 258: "Athlothetae." The judges or umpires in the Greek games,
+whose seats were opposite to the goal at the side of the stadium.
+_Vide_ Smith's _Dictionary of Antiquities_, s.v. "stadium."]
+
+Then Cyrus, King of the Persians, made the same attempt; but after the
+destruction of Babylon, and the transference of its Empire to Persia,
+he did not even reach the regions of the West, but lost his life and
+his object in one day at the hands of Tamiris, Queen of the
+Scythians.[259]
+
+[Footnote 259: Oros. ii. 7.--(W.)]
+
+But after that these had failed, Xerxes, the son of Darius and king
+among the Persians, assailed the world with so great a multitude of
+nations, with so great a power, that he bridged the channel of the sea
+which separates Asia from Europe, between Sestos and Abydos. And of
+this wonderful work Lucan makes mention in the second book of his
+_Pharsalia_:[260] "Such paths across the seas, made by Xerxes in his
+pride, fame tells of." But finally he was miserably repulsed from his
+enterprise, and could not attain the goal.
+
+[Footnote 260: _Phars._ ii. 692.--(W.)]
+
+Besides these kings, and after their times, Alexander, King of
+Macedon, came nearest of all to the prize of monarchy; he sent
+ambassadors to the Romans to demand their submission, but before the
+Roman answer came, he fell in Egypt, as Livy[261] tells us, as it were
+in the middle of the course. Of his burial there, Lucan speaks in the
+eighth book of his _Pharsalia_,[262] where he is inveighing against
+Ptolemy, King of Egypt: "Thou last of the Lagaean race, soon to perish
+in thy degeneracy, and to yield thy kingdom to an incestuous sister;
+while for thee the Macedonian is kept in the sacred cave...."
+
+[Footnote 261: Not Livy. Cf. ix. 18, 3, where, speaking of Alexander
+and the Romans, he says: "Quem ne fama quidem illis notum arbitror
+fuisse." The story is Greek in origin, coming from Cleitarchus
+(according to Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ iii. 9), who accompanied Alexander
+on his Asiatic expedition. Cf. Niebuhr, _Lectures on the History of
+Rome_, lect. 52, Grote, _History of Greece_, vol. xii. p. 70, note,
+who argue for its truth, and Mommsen, _History of Rome_, vol. i. p.
+394, who argues against it. Dante, says Witte, used legends about
+Alexander now lost. Cf. _Inf._ xiv. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 262: VIII. 692.]
+
+"Oh the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and knowledge of God!"
+Who will not marvel at thee here? For when Alexander was trying to
+hinder his Roman competitor in the race, thou didst suddenly snatch
+him away from the contest that his rashness might proceed no further.
+
+But that Rome has won the crown of so great a victory is proved on the
+testimony of many. Our poet in his first _AEneid_ says:[263] "Hence,
+surely, shall one day the Romans come, as the years roll on, to be the
+leaders of the world, from the blood of Teucer renewed; over the sea
+and over the land they shall hold full sway."[264] And Lucan, in his
+first book, writes: "The sword assigns the kingdom; and the fortune of
+that mighty people that rules o'er sea and land and the whole earth,
+admitted not two to rule." And Boethius, in his second book,[265]
+speaking of the Roman prince says: "With his sceptre he ruled the
+nations, those whom Phoebus beholds, from his rising afar to where
+he sinks his beams beneath the waves; those who are benumbed by the
+frosty Seven Stars of the north, those whom the fierce south wind
+scorches with his heat, parching the burning sands." And Luke, the
+Scribe of Christ, bears the same testimony, whose every word is true,
+where he says: "There went out a decree from Caesar Augustus that all
+the world should be taxed;" from which words we must plainly
+understand that the Romans had jurisdiction over the whole world.
+
+[Footnote 263: I. 234.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 264: I. 109.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 265: _De Consol. Phil._ ii. 6.--(W.)]
+
+From all this evidence it is manifest that the Roman people prevailed
+when all were striving to gain the Empire of the world. Therefore it
+was by the judgment of God that it prevailed; consequently its Empire
+was gained by the judgment of God, which is to say, that it was gained
+by right.
+
+
+X.--And what is gained as the result of single combat or duel is
+gained of right. For whenever human judgment fails, either because it
+is involved in the clouds of ignorance, or because it has not the
+assistance of a judge, then, lest justice should be left deserted, we
+must have recourse to Him who loved justice so much that He died to
+fulfil what it required by shedding His own blood. Therefore the
+Psalmist wrote: "The righteous Lord loveth righteousness." This result
+is gained when, by the free consent of the parties, not from hatred
+but from love of justice, men inquire of the judgment of God by a
+trial of strength as well of soul as of body. And this trial of
+strength is called a duel, because in the first instance it was
+between two combatants, man to man.
+
+But when two nations quarrel they are bound to try in every possible
+way to arrange the quarrel by means of discussion; it is only when
+this is hopeless that they may declare war. Cicero and Vegetius agree
+on this point, the former in his _De Officiis_,[266] the latter in his
+book on war. In the practice of medicine recourse may only be had to
+amputation and cauterising when every other means of cure have been
+tried. So in the same way, it is only when we have sought in vain for
+all other modes of deciding a quarrel that we may resort to the remedy
+of a single combat, forced thereto by a necessity of justice.
+
+[Footnote 266: _De Off._ i. 12; _De Re Milit._ iii. _prol._--(W.)]
+
+Two formal rules, then, of the single combat are clear, one which we
+have just mentioned, the other, which we touched on before, that the
+combatants or champions must enter the lists by common consent, not
+animated by private hatred or love, but simply by an eager desire for
+justice. Therefore Cicero, in touching on this matter, spoke well when
+he said: "Wars, which are waged for the crown of empire, must be waged
+without bitterness."[267]
+
+[Footnote 267: "Imperii _gloria_," not "_corona_," in _Cic. de Off._
+i. 12.--(W.)]
+
+But, if the rules of single combat be kept when men are driven by
+justice to meet together by common consent, in their zeal for justice
+(and if they are not, the contest ceases to be a single combat), do
+not they meet together in the name of God? And if it is so, is not God
+in the midst of them, for He Himself promises us this in the Gospel?
+And if God is there, is it not impious to suppose that justice can
+fail?--that justice which He loved so much, as we have just seen. And
+if single combat cannot fail to secure justice, is not what is gained
+in single combat gained as of right?
+
+This truth the Gentiles, too, recognised before the trumpet of the
+Gospel was sounded, when they sought for a judgment in the fortune of
+single combat. So Pyrrhus, noble both in the manners and in the blood
+of AEacidae, gave a worthy answer when the Roman envoys were sent to him
+to treat for the ransom of prisoners. "I ask not for gold; ye shall
+pay me no price, being not war-mongers, but true men of war. Let each
+decide his fate with steel, and not with gold. Whether it be you or I
+that our mistress wills to reign, or what chance she may bring to
+each, let us try by valour. Hear ye also this word: those whose valour
+the fortune of war has spared, their liberty will I too spare. Take ye
+them as my gift."[268] So spoke Pyrrhus. By "mistress" he meant
+Fortune, which we better and more rightly call the Providence of God.
+Therefore, let the combatants beware that they fight not for money;
+then it would be no true single combat in which they fought, for they
+would strive in a court of blood and injustice; and let it not be
+thought that God would then be present to judge; nay, for it would be
+that ancient enemy who had been the instigator of the strife. If they
+wish to be true combatants, and not dealers in blood and injustice,
+let them keep Pyrrhus before their eyes when they enter the arena, the
+man who, when he was striving for empire, so scorned gold, as we have
+said.
+
+[Footnote 268: Ennius in _Cic. de Off._ i. 12 (W.) "War-monger" is
+Spenser's word. _F.Q._ 3, 10, 29.]
+
+But, if men will not receive the truth which we have proved, and
+object, as they are wont, that all men are not equal in strength, we
+will refute them with the instance of the victory of David over
+Goliath; and if the Gentiles seek for aught more, let them repel the
+objection by the victory of Hercules over Antaeus. For it is mere folly
+to fear that the strength which God makes strong should be weaker than
+a human champion. It is, therefore, now sufficiently clear that what
+is acquired by single combat is acquired by right.
+
+
+XI.--But the Roman people gained their empire by duel between man and
+man; and this is proved by testimonies that are worthy of all
+credence; and in proving this, we shall also show that where any
+question had to be decided from the beginning of the Roman Empire, it
+was tried by single combat.
+
+For first of all, when a quarrel arose about the settling in Italy of
+Father AEneas, the earliest ancestor of this people, and when Turnus,
+King of the Rutuli, withstood AEneas, it was at last agreed between the
+two kings to discover the good pleasure of God by a single combat,
+which is sung in the last book of the _AEneid_. And in this combat
+AEneas was so merciful in his victory, that he would have granted life
+and peace to the conquered foe, had he not seen the belt which Turnus
+had taken on slaying Pallas, as the last verses of our poet describe.
+
+Again, when two peoples had grown up in Italy, both sprung from the
+Trojan stem, namely, the Romans and the Albans, and they had long
+striven whose should be the sign of the eagle,[269] and the Penates of
+Troy, and the honours of empire; at last by mutual consent, in order
+to have certain knowledge of the case in hand, the three Horatii, who
+were brethren, and the three Curatii, who were also brethren, fought
+together before the kings and all the people anxiously waiting on
+either side; and since the three Alban champions were killed, while
+one Roman survived, the palm of victory fell to the Romans, in the
+reign of Hostilius the king. This story has been diligently put
+together by Livy, in the first part of his history, and Orosius also
+gives similar testimony.[270]
+
+[Footnote 269: "_Il sacrosanto segno._" V. _Parad._ vi. 32.]
+
+[Footnote 270: Liv. i. 24; Oros. ii. 4.]
+
+Next they fought for empire with their neighbours the Sabines and
+Samnites, as Livy tells us; all the laws of war were kept; and though
+those who fought were very many in number, the war was in the form of
+a combat between man and man. In the contest with the Samnites,
+Fortune nearly repented her of what she had begun, as Lucan instances
+in the second book of his _Pharsalia_:[271] "How many companies lay
+dead by the Colline gate then, when the headship of the world and
+universal empire well-nigh were transferred to other seats, and the
+Samnite heaped the corpses of Rome beyond the numbers[272] of the
+Caudine Forks."
+
+[Footnote 271: II. 135.]
+
+[Footnote 272:
+
+                   "Romanaque Samnis
+     Ultra Caudinas superavit vulnera furcas."
+
+Another reading is "speravit."]
+
+But after that the intestine quarrels of Italy had ceased, and while
+the issue of the strife with Greece and Carthage was not yet made
+certain by the judgment of God--for both Greece and Carthage aimed at
+empire--then Fabricius for Rome, and Pyrrhus for Greece, fought with
+vast hosts for the glory of empire, and Rome gained the day. And when
+Scipio for Rome, and Hannibal for Carthage, fought man to man, the
+Africans fell before the Italians, as Livy and all the other Roman
+historians strive to tell.
+
+Who then is so dull of understanding as not to see that this glorious
+people has won the crown of all the world, by the decision of combat?
+Surely the Roman may repeat Paul's words to Timothy: "There is laid up
+for me a crown of righteousness," laid up, that is, in the eternal
+providence of God. Let, then, the presumptuous Jurists see how far
+they stand below that watch-tower of reason whence the mind of man
+regards these principles: and let them be silent, content to show
+forth counsel and judgment according to the meaning of the law.
+
+It has now become manifest that it was by combat of man against man
+that the Romans gained their empire: therefore it was by right that
+they gained it, and this is the principal thesis of the present book.
+Up to this point we have proved our thesis by arguments which mostly
+rest on principles of reason; we must now make our point clear by
+arguments based on the principles of the Christian faith.
+
+
+XII.--For it is they who profess to be zealous for the faith of Christ
+who have chiefly "raged together," and "imagined a vain thing" against
+the Roman empire; men who have no compassion on the poor of Christ,
+whom they not only defraud as to the revenues of the Church; but the
+very patrimonies of the Church are daily seized upon; and the Church
+is made poor, while making a show of justice they yet refuse to allow
+the minister of justice to fulfil his office.
+
+Nor does this impoverishment happen without the judgment of God. For
+their possessions do not afford help to the poor, to whom belongs as
+their patrimony the wealth of the Church; and these possessions are
+held without gratitude to the empire which gives them. Let these
+possessions go back to whence they came. They came well; their return
+is evil: for they were well given, and they are mischievously held.
+What shall we say to shepherds like these? What shall we say when the
+substance of the Church is wasted, while the private estates of their
+own kindred are enlarged? But perchance it is better to proceed with
+what is set before us; and in religious silence to wait for our
+Saviour's help.
+
+I say, then, that if the Roman empire did not exist by right, Christ
+in being born presupposed and sanctioned an unjust thing. But the
+consequent is false; therefore the contradictory of the antecedent is
+true; for it is always true of contradictory propositions, that if one
+is false the other is true. It is not needful to prove the falsity of
+the consequent to a true believer: for, if he be faithful, he will
+grant it to be false; and if he be not faithful, then this reasoning
+is not for him.
+
+I prove the consequence thus: wherever a man of his own free choice
+carries out a public order, he countenances and persuades by his act
+the justice of that order; and seeing that acts are more forcible to
+persuade than words (as Aristotle holds in the tenth book of his
+_Ethics_),[273] therefore by this he persuades us more than if it were
+merely an approval in words. But Christ, as Luke who writes His
+story, says, willed to be born of the Virgin Mary under an edict of
+Roman authority, so that in that unexampled census of mankind, the Son
+of God, made man, might be counted as man: and this was to carry out
+that edict. Perhaps it is even more religious to suppose that it was
+of God that the decree issued through Caesar, so that He who had been
+such long years expected among men should Himself enroll himself with
+mortal man.
+
+[Footnote 273: _Eth._ x. 1.]
+
+Therefore Christ, by His action, enforced the justice of the edict of
+Augustus, who then wielded the Roman power. And since to issue a just
+edict implies jurisdiction, it necessarily follows that He who showed
+that He thought an edict just, must also have showed that He thought
+the jurisdiction under which it was issued just; but unless it existed
+by right it were unjust.
+
+And it must be noted that the force of the argument taken to destroy
+the consequent, though the argument partly holds from its form, shows
+its force in the second figure, if it be reduced as a syllogism, just
+as the argument based on the assumption of the antecedent is in the
+first figure. The reduction is made thus: all that is unjust is
+persuaded to men unjustly; Christ did not persuade us unjustly;
+therefore He did not persuade us to do unjust things. From the
+assumption of the antecedent thus: all injustice is persuaded to men
+unjustly: Christ persuaded a certain injustice to man, therefore He
+persuaded unjustly.
+
+
+XIII.--And if the Roman empire did not exist by right, the sin of Adam
+was not punished in Christ. This is false, therefore its contradictory
+is true. The falsehood of the consequent is seen thus. Since by the
+sin of Adam we were all sinners, as the Apostle says:--"Wherefore, as
+by one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin, and so death
+passed upon all men, for that all have sinned,"--then, if Christ had
+not made satisfaction for Adam's sin by his death, we should still by
+our depraved nature be the children of wrath. But this is not so, for
+Paul, speaking of the Father in his Epistle to the Ephesians, says:
+"Having predestinated us unto the adoption of children by Jesus Christ
+to Himself, according to the good pleasure of His will, to the praise
+of the glory of His grace, wherein He hath made us accepted in the
+beloved, in whom we have redemption by His blood, the forgiveness of
+sins according to the riches of His grace, wherein He has abounded
+towards us." And Christ Himself, suffering in Himself the punishment,
+says in St. John: "It is finished;" for where a thing is finished,
+naught remains to be done.
+
+It is convenient that it should be understood that punishment is not
+merely penalty inflicted on him who has done wrong, but that penalty
+inflicted by one who has penal jurisdiction. And therefore a penalty
+should not be called punishment, but rather injury, except where it is
+inflicted by the sentence of a regular judge.[274] Therefore the
+Israelites said unto Moses: "Who made thee a judge over us?"
+
+[Footnote 274: "_Ab ordinario judice._"]
+
+If, therefore, Christ had not suffered by the sentence of a regular
+judge, the penalty would not properly have been punishment; and none
+could be a regular judge who had not jurisdiction over all mankind;
+for all mankind was punished in the flesh of Christ, who "hath borne
+our griefs and carried our sorrows," as saith the Prophet Isaiah. And
+if the Roman empire had not existed by right, Tiberius Caesar, whose
+vicar was Pontius Pilate, would not have had jurisdiction over all
+mankind. It was for this reason that Herod, not knowing what he did,
+like Caiaphas, when he spoke truly of the decree of heaven, sent
+Christ to Pilate to be judged, as Luke relates in his gospel. For
+Herod was not the vicegerent of Tiberius, under the standard of the
+eagle, or the standard of the Senate; but only a king, with one
+particular kingdom given him by Tiberius, and ruling the kingdom
+committed to his charge under Tiberius.
+
+Let them cease, then, to insult the Roman empire, who pretend that
+they are the sons of the Church; when they see that Christ, the
+bridegroom of the Church, sanctioned the Roman empire at the beginning
+and at the end of His warfare on earth. And now I think that I have
+made it sufficiently clear that it was by right that the Romans
+acquired to themselves the empire of the world.
+
+Oh happy people, oh Ausonia, how glorious hadst thou been, if either
+he, that weakener of thine empire, had never been born, or if his own
+pious intention had never deceived him?[275]
+
+[Footnote 275: Constantine the Great.--(W.)]
+
+
+
+
+BOOK III.
+
+
+I.--"He hath shut the lions' mouths and they have not hurt me,
+forasmuch as before Him justice was found in me."[276] At the
+beginning of this work I proposed to examine into three questions,
+according as the subject-matter would permit me. Concerning the two
+first questions our inquiry, as I think, has been sufficiently
+accomplished in the preceding books. It remains to treat of the third
+question; and, perchance, it may arouse a certain amount of
+indignation against me, for the truth of it cannot appear without
+causing shame to certain men. But seeing that truth from its
+changeless throne appeals to me--that Solomon too, entering on the
+forest of his proverbs, teaches me in his own person "to meditate on
+truth, to hate the wicked;"[277] seeing that the Philosopher, my
+instructor in morals, bids me, for the sake of truth, to put aside
+what is dearest;[278] I will, therefore, take confidence from the
+words of Daniel in which the power of God, the shield of the defenders
+of truth, is set forth, and, according to the exhortation of St.
+Paul, "putting on the breast-plate of faith," and in the heat of that
+coal which one of the seraphim had taken from off the altar, and laid
+on the lips of Isaiah, I will enter on the present contest, and, by
+the arm of Him who delivered us by His blood from the powers of
+darkness, drive out from the lists the wicked and the liar, in the
+sight of all the world. Why should I fear, when the Spirit, which is
+co-eternal with the Father and the Son, saith by the mouth of David:
+"The righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance, he shall not
+be afraid of evil tidings"?[279]
+
+[Footnote 276: Dan. vi. 22. Vulg.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 277: Prov. vii. 7. Vulg.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 278: Arist. _Eth._ i. 4.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 279: Ps. cxii. 7.--(W.)]
+
+The present question, then, concerning which we have to inquire, is
+between two great luminaries, the Roman Pontiff and the Roman Prince:
+and the question is, does the authority of the Roman Monarch, who, as
+we have proved in the second book, is the monarch of the world, depend
+immediately on God, or on some minister or vicar of God; by whom I
+understand the successor of Peter, who truly has the keys of the
+kingdom of heaven?
+
+
+II.--For this, as for the former questions, we must take some
+principle, on the strength of which we may fashion the arguments of
+the truth which is to be expounded. For what does it profit to labour,
+even in speaking truth, unless we start from a principle? For the
+principle alone is the root of all the propositions which are the
+means of proof.
+
+Let us, therefore, start from the irrefragable truth that that which
+is repugnant to the intention of nature, is against the will of God.
+For if this were not true its contradictory would not be false;
+namely, that what is repugnant to the intention of nature is not
+against God's will, and if this be not false neither are the
+consequences thereof false. For it is impossible in consequences which
+are necessary, that the consequent should be false, unless the
+antecedent were false also.
+
+But if a thing is not "_against the will_" it must either be willed or
+simply "not willed," just as "not to hate" means "to love," or "not to
+love;" for "not to love" does not mean "to hate," and "not to will"
+does not mean "to will not," as is self-evident. But if this is not
+false, neither will this proposition be false; "God wills what He does
+not will," than which a greater contradiction does not exist.
+
+I prove that what I say is true as follows: It is manifest that God
+wills the end of nature; otherwise the motions of heaven would be of
+none effect, and this we may not say. If God willed that the end
+should be hindered, He would will also that the hindering power should
+gain its end, otherwise His will would be of none effect. And since
+the end of the hindering power is the non-existence of what it
+hinders, it would follow that God wills the non-existence of the end
+of nature which He is said to will.
+
+For if God did not will that the end should be hindered, in so far as
+He did not will it, it would follow as a consequence to His not
+willing it, that He cared nought about the hindering power, neither
+whether it existed, nor whether it did not. But he who cares not for
+the hindering power, cares not for the thing which can be hindered,
+and consequently has no wish for it; and when a man has no wish for a
+thing he wills it not. Therefore, if the end of nature can be
+hindered, as it can, it follows of necessity that God wills not the
+end of nature, and we reach our previous conclusion, that God wills
+what He does not will. Our principle is therefore most true, seeing
+that from its contradictions such absurd results follow.
+
+
+III.--At the outset we must note in reference to this third question,
+that the truth of the first question had to be made manifest rather to
+remove ignorance than to end a dispute. In the second question we
+sought equally to remove ignorance and to end a dispute. For there are
+many things of which we are ignorant, but concerning which we do not
+quarrel. In geometry we know not how to square the circle, but we do
+not quarrel on that point. The theologian does not know the number of
+the angels, but he does not quarrel about the number. The Egyptian is
+ignorant of the political system of the Scythians, but he does not
+therefore quarrel concerning it.[280] But the truth in this third
+question provokes so much quarrelling that, whereas in other matters
+ignorance is commonly the cause of quarrelling, here quarrelling is
+the cause of ignorance. For this always happens where men are hurried
+by their wishes past what they see by their reason; in this evil bias
+they lay aside the light of reason, and being dragged on blindly by
+their desires, they obstinately deny that they are blind. And,
+therefore, it often follows not only that falsehood has its own
+inheritance, but that many men issue forth from their own bounds and
+stray through the foreign camp, where they understand nothing, and no
+man understands them; and so they provoke some to anger, and some to
+scorn, and not a few to laughter.
+
+[Footnote 280: "_Scytharum Civilitatem._" Cf. Arist. _Ethics_, iii. 5,
+where [Greek: to bouleuton] is discussed, and thence come the first
+and the third example, a little altered, the Egyptian being
+substituted for the Spartan.]
+
+Now three classes of men chiefly strive against the truth which we are
+trying to prove.
+
+First, the Chief Pontiff, Vicar of our Lord Jesus Christ and the
+successor of Peter, to whom we owe, not indeed all that we owe to
+Christ, but all that we owe to Peter, contradicts this truth, urged it
+may be by zeal for the keys; and also other pastors of the Christian
+sheepfolds, and others whom I believe to be only led by zeal for our
+mother, the Church. These all, perchance from zeal and not from pride,
+withstand the truth which I am about to prove.
+
+But there are certain others in whom obstinate greed has extinguished
+the light of reason, who are of their father the devil, and yet
+pretend to be sons of the Church. They not only stir up quarrels in
+this question, but they hate the name of the most sacred office of
+Prince, and would shamelessly deny the principles which we have laid
+down for this and the previous questions.
+
+There is also a third class called Decretalists,[281] utterly without
+knowledge or skill in philosophy or theology, who, relying entirely on
+their Decretals (which doubtless, I think, should be venerated), and
+hoping, I believe, that these Decretals will prevail, disparage the
+power of the Empire. And no wonder, for I have heard one of them,
+speaking of these Decretals, assert shamelessly that the traditions of
+the Church are the foundation of the faith. May this wickedness be
+taken away from the thoughts of men by those who, antecedently to the
+traditions of the Church, have believed in Christ the Son of God,
+whether to come, or present, or as having already suffered; and who
+from their faith have hoped, and from their hope have kindled into
+love, and who, burning with love, will, the world doubts not, be made
+co-heirs with Him.
+
+[Footnote 281: _Parad._ ix. 133.--(W.)]
+
+And that such arguers may be excluded once for all from the present
+debate, it must be noted that part of Scripture was _before_ the
+Church, that part of it came _with_ the Church, and part _after_ the
+Church.
+
+_Before_ the Church were the Old and the New Testament--the covenant
+which the Psalmist says was "commanded for ever," of which the Church
+speaks to her Bridegroom, saying: "Draw me after thee."[282]
+
+[Footnote 282: Ps. cxi. 9. Cant. i. 3.--(W.)]
+
+_With_ the Church came those venerable chief Councils, with which no
+faithful Christian doubts but that Christ was present. For we have His
+own words to His disciples when He was about to ascend into heaven:
+"Lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world," to which
+Matthew testifies. There are also the writings[283] of the doctors,
+Augustine and others, of whom, if any doubt that they were aided by
+the Holy Spirit, either he has never beheld their fruit, or if he has
+beheld, he has never tasted thereof.
+
+[Footnote 283: "_Scripturae._"]
+
+_After_ the Church are the traditions which they call Decretals,
+which, although they are to be venerated for their apostolical
+authority, yet we must not doubt that they are to be held inferior to
+fundamental Scripture, seeing that Christ rebuked the Pharisees for
+this very thing; for when they had asked: "Why do thy disciples
+transgress the tradition of the elders?" (for they neglected the
+washing of hands), He answered them, as Matthew testifies: "Why do ye
+also transgress the commandment of God by your tradition?" Thus He
+intimates plainly that tradition was to have a lower place.
+
+But if the traditions of the Church are _after_ the Church, it follows
+that the Church had not its authority from traditions, but rather
+traditions from the Church; and, therefore, the men of whom we speak,
+seeing that they have nought but traditions, must be excluded from the
+debate. For those who seek after this truth must proceed in their
+inquiry from those things from which flows the authority of the
+Church.
+
+Further, we must exclude others who boast themselves to be white sheep
+in the flock of the Lord, when they have the plumage of crows. These
+are the children of wickedness, who, that they may be able to follow
+their evil ways, put shame on their mother, drive out their brethren,
+and when they have done all will allow none to judge them. Why should
+we seek to reason with these, when they are led astray by their evil
+desires, and so cannot see even our first principle?
+
+Therefore there remains the controversy only with the other sort of
+men who are influenced by a certain kind of zeal for their mother the
+Church, and yet know not the truth which is sought for. With these
+men, therefore--strong in the reverence which a dutiful son owes to
+his father, which a dutiful son owes to his mother, dutiful to Christ,
+dutiful to the Church, dutiful to the Chief Shepherd, dutiful to all
+who profess the religion of Christ--I begin in this book the contest
+for the maintenance of the truth.
+
+
+IV.--Those men to whom all our subsequent reasoning is addressed, when
+they assert that the authority of the Empire depends on the authority
+of the Church, as the inferior workman depends on the architect, are
+moved to take this view by many arguments, some of which they draw
+from Holy Scripture, and some also from the acts of the Supreme
+Pontiff and of the Emperor himself. Moreover, they strive to have some
+proof of reason.
+
+For in the first place they say that God, according to the book of
+Genesis, made two great lights, the greater light to rule the day, and
+the lesser light to rule the night; this they understand to be an
+allegory, for that the lights are the two powers,[284] the spiritual
+and the temporal. And then they maintain that as the moon, which is
+the lesser light, only has light so far as she receives it from the
+sun, so the temporal power only has authority as it receives authority
+from the spiritual power.
+
+[Footnote 284: "_Regimina._"]
+
+For the disposing of these, and of other like arguments, we must
+remember the Philosopher's words in his book on Sophistry, "the
+overthrow of an argument is the pointing out of the mistake."[285]
+
+[Footnote 285: _Soph. El._ ii. 3.--(W.)]
+
+Error may arise in two ways, either in the matter, or in the form of
+an argument; either, that is, by assuming to be true what is false, or
+by transgressing the laws of the syllogism. The Philosopher raised
+objections to the arguments of Parmenides and Melissus on both of
+these grounds, saying that they accepted what was false, and that they
+did not argue correctly.[286] I use "false" in a large sense, as
+including the inconceivable,[287] that which in matters admitting only
+of probability has the nature of falseness. If the error is in the
+form of an argument, he who wishes to destroy the error must do so by
+showing that the laws of the syllogism have been transgressed. If the
+error is in the matter, it is because something has been assumed
+which is either false in itself, or false in relation to that
+particular instance. If the assumption is false in itself, the
+argument must be destroyed by destroying the assumption; if it is
+false only in that particular instance, we must draw a distinction
+between the falseness in that particular instance and its general
+truth.
+
+[Footnote 286: Aristotle, _Phys._ i. 2.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 287: "_Inopinabili._"]
+
+Having noted these things, to make it more clear how we destroy this
+and the further fallacies of our adversaries, we must remark that
+there are two ways in which error may arise concerning the mystical
+sense, either by seeking it where it is not, or by accepting it in a
+sense other than its real sense.
+
+On account of the first of these ways, Augustine says, in his work _Of
+the City of God_,[288] that we must not think that all things, of
+which we are told, have a special meaning; for it is on account of
+that which means something, that that also which means nothing is
+woven into a story. It is only with the ploughshare that we turn up
+the earth; but the other parts of the plough are also necessary.
+
+[Footnote 288: Dante does not quote St. Augustine's words, but gives
+his meaning, xvii. 2.--(W.)]
+
+On account of the second way in which error touching the
+interpretation of mysteries may arise, Augustine, in his book
+"_concerning Christian doctrine_," speaking of those who wish to find
+in Scripture something other than he who wrote the Scripture
+meant,[289] says, that such "are misled in the same way as a man who
+leaves the straight path, and then arrives at the end of the path by a
+long circuit." And he adds: "It ought to be shown that this is a
+mistake, lest through the habit of going out of the way, the man be
+driven to going into cross or wrong ways." And then he intimates why
+such precautions must be taken in interpreting Scripture. "Faith will
+falter, if the authority of Scripture be not sure." But I say that if
+these things happen from ignorance, we must pardon those who do them,
+when we have carefully reproved them, as we pardon those who imagine a
+lion in the clouds, and are afraid. But if they are done purposely, we
+must deal with those who err thus, as we do with tyrants, who instead
+of following the laws of the state for the public good, try to pervert
+them for their own advantage.
+
+[Footnote 289: I. 36, 37. Dante writes: "per gyrum." The Benedictine
+text has: "per agrum."]
+
+Oh worst of crimes, even though a man commit it in his dreams, to turn
+to ill use the purpose of the Eternal Spirit. Such an one does not sin
+against Moses, or David, or Job, or Matthew, or Paul, but against the
+Eternal Spirit that speaketh in them. For though the reporters of the
+words of God are many, yet there is one only that tells them what to
+write, even God, who has deigned to unfold to us His will through the
+pens of many writers.
+
+Having thus first noted these things, I will proceed, as I said above,
+to destroy the argument of those who say that the two great lights are
+typical of the two great powers on earth: for on this type rests the
+whole strength of their argument. It can be shown in two ways that
+this interpretation cannot be upheld. First, seeing that these two
+kinds of power are, in a sense, accidents of men, God would thus
+appear to have used a perverted order, by producing the accidents,
+before the essence to which they belong existed; and it is ridiculous
+to say this of God. For the two great lights were created on the
+fourth day, while man was not created till the sixth day, as is
+evident in the text of Scripture.
+
+Secondly, seeing that these two kinds of rule are to guide men to
+certain ends, as we shall see, it follows that if man had remained in
+the state of innocence in which God created him, he would not have
+needed such means of guidance. These kinds of rule, then, are remedies
+against the weakness of sin. Since, then, man was not a sinner on the
+fourth day, for he did not then even exist, it would have been idle to
+make remedies for his sin, and this would be contrary to the goodness
+of God. For he would be a sorry physician who would make a plaster
+for an abscess which was to be, before the man was born. It cannot,
+therefore, be said that God made these two kinds of rule on the fourth
+day, and therefore the meaning of Moses cannot have been what these
+men pretend.
+
+We may also be more tolerant, and overthrow this falsehood by drawing
+a distinction. This way of distinction is a gentler way of treating an
+adversary, for so his arguments are not made to appear consciously
+false, as is the case when we utterly overthrow him. I say then that,
+although the moon has not light of its own abundantly, unless it
+receives it from the sun, yet it does not therefore follow that the
+moon is from the sun. Therefore be it known that the being, and the
+power, and the working of the moon are all different things. For its
+being, the moon in no way depends on the sun, nor for its power, nor
+for its working, considered in itself. Its motion comes from its
+proper mover, its influence is from its own rays. For it has a certain
+light of its own, which is manifest at the time of an eclipse; though
+for its better and more powerful working it receives from the sun an
+abundant light, which enables it to work more powerfully.
+
+Therefore I say that the temporal power does not receive its being
+from the spiritual power, nor its power which is its authority, nor
+its working considered in itself. Yet it is good that the temporal
+power should receive from the spiritual the means of working more
+effectively by the light of the grace which the benediction of the
+Supreme Pontiff bestows on it both in heaven and on earth. Therefore
+we may see that the argument of these men erred in its form, because
+the predicate of the conclusion is not the predicate of the major
+premiss. The argument runs thus: The moon receives her light from the
+sun, which is the spiritual power. The temporal power is the moon.
+Therefore the temporal power receives authority from the spiritual
+power. "Light" is the predicate of the major premiss, "authority" the
+predicate of the conclusion; which two things we have seen to be very
+different in their subject and in their idea.
+
+
+V.--They draw another argument from the text of Moses, saying that the
+types of these two powers sprang from the loins of Jacob, for that
+they are prefigured in Levi and Judah, whereof one was founder of the
+spiritual power, and the other of the temporal. From this they argue:
+the Church has the same relation to the Empire that Levi had to Judah.
+Levi preceded Judah in his birth, therefore the Church precedes the
+Empire in authority.
+
+This error is easily overthrown. For when they say that Levi and
+Judah, the sons of Jacob, are the types of spiritual and temporal
+power, I could show this argument, too, to be wholly false; but I will
+grant it to be true. Then they infer, as Levi came first in birth, so
+does the Church come first in authority. But, as in the previous
+argument, the predicates of the conclusion and of the major premiss
+are different: authority and birth are different things, both in their
+subject and in their idea; and therefore there is an error in the form
+of the argument. The argument is as follows: A precedes B in C; D and
+E stand in the same relation as A and B; therefore D precedes E in F.
+But then F and C are different things. And if it is objected that F
+follows from C, that is, authority from priority of birth, and that
+the effect is properly substituted for the cause, as if "animal" were
+used in an argument for men, the objection is bad. For there are many
+men, who were born before others, who not only do not precede those
+others in authority, but even come after them: as is plain where we
+find a bishop younger than his archpresbyters. Therefore their
+objection appears to err in that it assumes as a cause that which is
+none.
+
+
+VI.--Again, from the first book of Kings they take the election and
+the deposition of Saul; and they say that Saul, an enthroned king, was
+deposed by Samuel, who, by God's command, acted in the stead of God,
+as appears from the text of Scripture. From this they argue that, as
+that Vicar of God had authority to give temporal power, and to take it
+away and bestow it on another, so now the Vicar of God, the bishop of
+the universal Church, has authority to give the sceptre of temporal
+power, and to take it away, and even to give it to another. And if
+this were so, it would follow without doubt that the authority of the
+Empire is dependent on the Church, as they say.
+
+But we may answer and destroy this argument, by which they say that
+Samuel was the Vicar of God: for it was not as Vicar of God that he
+acted, but as a special delegate for this purpose, or as a messenger
+bearing the express command of his Lord. For it is clear that what God
+commanded him, that only he did, and that only he said.
+
+Therefore we must recognise that it is one thing to be another's
+vicar, and that it is another to be his messenger or minister, just as
+it is one thing to be a doctor, and another to be an interpreter. For
+a vicar is one to whom is committed jurisdiction with law or with
+arbitrary power, and therefore within the bounds of the jurisdiction
+which is committed to him, he may act by law or by his arbitrary power
+without the knowledge of his lord. It is not so with a mere messenger,
+in so far as he is a messenger; but as the mallet acts only by the
+strength of the smith, so the messenger acts only by the authority of
+him that sent him. Although, then, God did this by His messenger
+Samuel, it does not follow that the Vicar of God may do the same. For
+there are many things which God has done and still does, and yet will
+do through angels, which the Vicar of God, the successor of Peter,
+might not do.
+
+Therefore we may see that they argue from the whole to a part, thus:
+Men can hear and see, therefore the eye can hear and see: which does
+not hold. Were the argument negative, it would be good: for instance,
+man cannot fly, therefore man's arm cannot fly. And, in the same way,
+God cannot, by his messenger, cause what is not to have been,[290] as
+Agathon says; therefore neither can his Vicar.
+
+[Footnote 290: As quoted by Aristotle, _Ethics_, vi. 3.--(W.)]
+
+
+VII.--Further, they use the offering of the wise men from the text of
+Matthew, saying that Christ accepted from them both frankincense and
+gold, to signify that He was lord and ruler both of things temporal
+and of things spiritual; and from this they infer that the Vicar of
+Christ is also lord and ruler both of things temporal and of things
+spiritual; and that consequently he has authority over both.
+
+To this I answer, that I acknowledge that Matthew's words and meaning
+are both as they say, but that the inference which they attempt to
+draw therefrom fails, because it fails in the terms of the argument.
+Their syllogism runs thus: God is the lord both of things temporal and
+of things spiritual, the holy Pontiff is the Vicar of God; therefore
+he is lord both of things temporal and of things spiritual. Both of
+these propositions are true, but the middle term in them is different,
+and _four_ terms are introduced, by which the form of the syllogism is
+not kept, as is plain from what is said of "the syllogism
+simply."[291] For "God" is the subject of the major premiss, and "the
+Vicar of God" is the predicate of the minor; and these are not the
+same.
+
+[Footnote 291: Arist. _Anal. Prior._, or rather, the _Summulae Logicae_,
+l. iv., of Petrus Hispanus.--(W.)]
+
+And if anyone raises the objection that the Vicar of God is equal in
+power to God, his objection is idle; for no vicar, whether human or
+divine, can be equal in power to the master whose vicar he is, which
+is at once obvious. We know that the successor of Peter had not equal
+authority with God, at least in the works of nature; he could not make
+a clod of earth fall upwards, nor fire to burn in a downward
+direction, by virtue of the office committed to him. Nor could all
+things be committed to him by God; for God could not commit to any the
+power of creation, and of baptism, as is clearly proved,
+notwithstanding what[292] the Master says in his fourth book.
+
+[Footnote 292: Peter Lombard, "magister sententiarum," iv. dist. 5, f.
+2.--(W.)]
+
+We know also that the vicar of a mortal man is not equal in authority
+to the man whose vicar he is, so far as he is his vicar; for none can
+give away what is not his. The authority of a prince does not belong
+to a prince, except for him to use it; for no prince can give to
+himself authority. He can indeed receive authority, and give it up,
+but he cannot create it in another man, for it does not belong to a
+prince to create another prince. And if this is so, it is manifest
+that no prince can substitute for himself a vicar equal to himself in
+authority respecting all things, and therefore the objection to our
+argument has no weight.
+
+
+VIII.--They also bring forward that saying in Matthew of Christ to
+Peter: "Whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven;
+and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven;"
+which also, from the text of Matthew and John, they allow to have been
+in like manner said to all the Apostles. From this they argue that it
+has been granted by God to the successor of Peter to be able to bind
+and to loose all things; hence they infer that he can loose the laws
+and decrees of the Empire, and also bind laws and decrees for the
+temporal power; and, if this were so, this conclusion would rightly
+follow.
+
+But we must draw a distinction touching their major premiss. Their
+syllogism is in this form. Peter could loose and bind all things; the
+successor of Peter can do whatever Peter could do; therefore the
+successor of Peter can bind and can loose all things: whence they
+conclude that he can bind and can loose the decrees and the authority
+of the Empire.
+
+Now I admit the minor premiss; but touching the major premiss I draw a
+distinction. The universal "everything" which is included in
+"whatever" is not distributed beyond the extent of the distributed
+term. If I say "all animals run," "all" is distributed so as to
+include everything which comes under the class "animal." But if I say
+"all men run," then "all" is only distributed so as to include every
+individual in the class "man;" and when I say "every grammarian runs,"
+then is the distribution even more limited.
+
+Therefore we must always look to see what it is that is to be included
+in the word "all," and when we know the nature and extent of the
+distributed term, it will easily be seen how far the distribution
+extends. Therefore, when it is said "whatsoever thou shalt bind," if
+"whatsoever" bore an unlimited sense, they would speak truly, and the
+power of the Pope would extend even beyond what they say; for he might
+then divorce a wife from her husband, and marry her to another while
+her first husband was yet alive, which he can in no wise do. He might
+even absolve me when impenitent, which God Himself cannot do.
+
+Therefore it is manifest that the distribution of the term in question
+is not absolute, but in reference to something. What this is will be
+sufficiently clear if we consider what power was granted to Peter.
+Christ said to Peter: "To thee will I give the keys of the kingdom of
+heaven"--that is, "I will make thee the doorkeeper of the kingdom of
+heaven." And then He adds: "Whatsoever," which is to say "all
+that"--to wit, all that has reference to this duty--"thou shalt have
+power to bind and to loose." And thus the universal which is implied
+in "whatsoever" has only a limited distribution, referring to the
+office of the keys of the kingdom of heaven. And in this sense the
+proposition of our opponents is true, but, taken absolutely, it is
+manifestly false. I say, then, that although the successor of Peter
+has power to bind and to loose, as belongs to him to whom the office
+of Peter was committed, yet it does not therefore follow that he has
+power to bind and to loose the decrees of the Empire, as our opponents
+say, unless they further prove that to do so belongs to the office of
+the keys, which we shall shortly show is not the case.
+
+
+IX.--They further take the words in Luke which Peter spake to Christ,
+saying: "Behold, here are two swords;" and they understood that by
+these two swords the two kinds of rule were foretold. And since Peter
+said "here," where he was, which is to say, "with him," they argue
+that the authority of the two kinds of rule rests with the successor
+of Peter.
+
+We must answer by showing that the interpretation, on which the
+argument rests, is wrong. They say that the two swords of which Peter
+spake mean the two kinds of rule which we have spoken of; but this we
+wholly deny, for then Peter's answer would not be according to the
+meaning of the words of Christ; and also we say that Peter made, as
+was his wont, a hasty answer, touching only the outside of things.
+
+It will be manifest that such an answer as our opponents allege would
+not be according to the meaning of the words of Christ, if the
+preceding words, and the reason of them, be considered. Observe, then,
+that these words were spoken on the day of the feast, for a little
+before Luke writes thus: "Then came the day of unleavened bread, when
+the Passover must be killed;" and at this feast Christ had spoken of
+His Passion, which was at hand, in which it was necessary for Him to
+be separated from His disciples. Observe, too, that when these words
+were spoken the twelve were assembled together, and therefore, shortly
+after the words which we have just quoted, Luke says: "And when the
+hour was come He sat down, and the twelve Apostles with Him." And
+continuing His discourse with them, He came to this: "When I sent you,
+without purse, and scrip, and shoes, lacked ye anything? And they
+said, Nothing. Then said He unto them: But now, he that hath a purse,
+let him take it, and likewise his scrip; and he that hath no sword,
+let him sell his garment, and buy one." From these words the purpose
+of Christ is sufficiently manifest; for He did not say: "Buy, or get
+for yourselves, two swords," but rather "twelve swords," seeing that
+He spake unto twelve disciples: "He that hath not, let him buy," so
+that each should have one. And He said this to admonish them of the
+persecution and scorn that they should suffer, as though He would say:
+"As long as I was with you men received you gladly, but now you will
+be driven away; therefore of necessity ye must prepare for yourselves
+those things which formerly I forbade you to have." And therefore if
+the answer of Peter bore the meaning which our opponents assign to it,
+it would have been no answer to the words of Christ; and Christ would
+have rebuked him for answering foolishly, as He often did rebuke him.
+But Christ did not rebuke him, but was satisfied, saying unto him: "It
+is enough," as though He would say: "I speak because of the necessity;
+but if each one of you cannot possess a sword, two are enough."
+
+And that it was Peter's wont to speak in a shallow manner is proved by
+his hasty and thoughtless forwardness, to which he was led not only by
+the sincerity of his faith, but also, I believe, by the natural purity
+and simplicity of his character. All the Evangelists bear testimony to
+this forwardness.
+
+Matthew writes that when Jesus had asked His disciples: "Whom say ye
+that I am?" Peter answered before them all and said: "Thou art Christ,
+the Son of the living God." He writes also that when Christ was saying
+to His disciples that he must go up to Jerusalem and suffer many
+things, Peter took Him and began to rebuke Him, saying: "Be it far
+from Thee, Lord; this shall not be unto Thee." But Christ turned and
+rebuked him, and said: "Get thee behind me, Satan." Matthew also
+writes that in the Mount of Transfiguration, on the sight of Christ,
+and of Moses and Elias, and of the two sons of Zebedee, Peter said:
+"Lord, it is good for us to be here; if Thou wilt, let us make here
+three tabernacles, one for Thee, one for Moses, and one for Elias." He
+also writes that when the disciples were in a ship, in the night, and
+Christ went unto them walking on the sea, then Peter said unto Him:
+"Lord, if it be Thou, bid me come unto Thee on the water." And when
+Christ foretold that all His disciples should be offended because of
+Him, Peter answered and said: "Though all men shall be offended
+because of Thee, yet will I never be offended;" and then: "Though I
+should die with Thee, yet will I not deny Thee." And to this saying
+Mark bears witness also. And Luke writes that Peter had said to
+Christ, a little before the words touching the swords which we have
+quoted: "Lord, I am ready to go with Thee, both into prison and to
+death." And John says of him, that, when Christ wished to wash his
+feet, Peter answered and said: "Lord, dost Thou wash my feet?" and
+then: "Thou shalt never wash my feet." The same Evangelist tells us
+that it was Peter who smote the High Priest's servant with a sword,
+and the other Evangelists also bear witness to this thing. He tells us
+also how Peter entered the sepulchre at once, when he saw the other
+disciple waiting outside, and how, when Christ was on the shore after
+the resurrection, when Peter had heard that it was the Lord, he girt
+his fisher's coat unto him (for he was naked) and did cast himself
+into the sea. Lastly, John tells that when Peter saw John, he said
+unto Jesus: "Lord, and what shall this man do?"
+
+It is a pleasure to have pursued this point about our Chief
+Shepherd,[293] in praise of his purity of spirit; but from what I have
+said it is plain that when he spake of the two swords, he answered the
+words of Christ with no second meaning.
+
+[Footnote 293: "Archimandrita nostro." Cf. _Parad._ xi. 99, of St.
+Francis.--(W.)]
+
+But if we are to receive these words of Christ and of Peter typically,
+they must not be explained as our adversaries explain them; but they
+must be referred to that sword of which Matthew writes: "Think not
+that I am come to send peace on the earth; I come not to send peace,
+but a sword. For I am come to set a man at variance against his
+father," &c. And this comes to pass not only in words, but also in
+fact. And therefore Luke speaks to Theophilus of all "that Jesus began
+both to do and to teach." It was a sword of that kind that Christ
+commanded them to buy; and Peter said that it was already doubly
+there. For they were ready both for words and for deeds, by which they
+should accomplish what Christ said that He had come to do by the
+sword.
+
+
+X.--Certain persons say further that the Emperor Constantine, having
+been cleansed from leprosy by the intercession of Sylvester, then the
+Supreme Pontiff, gave unto the Church the seat of Empire which was
+Rome, together with many other dignities belonging to the Empire.[294]
+Hence they argue that no man can take unto himself these dignities
+unless he receive them from the Church, whose they are said to be.
+From this it would rightly follow, that one authority depends on the
+other, as they maintain.
+
+[Footnote 294: On the Donation of Constantine, Witte refers to _Inf._
+xxxviii. 94; xix. 115; _Purg._ xxxii. 124; _Parad._ xx. 35; _supra_
+ii. 12.]
+
+The arguments which seemed to have their roots in the Divine words,
+have been stated and disproved. It remains to state and disprove those
+which are grounded on Roman history and in the reason of mankind. The
+first of these is the one which we have mentioned, in which the
+syllogism runs as follows: No one has a right to those things which
+belong to the Church, unless he has them from the Church; and this we
+grant. The government of Rome belongs to the Church; therefore no one
+has a right to it unless it be given him by the Church. The minor
+premiss is proved by the facts concerning Constantine, which we have
+touched on.
+
+This minor premiss then will I destroy; and as for their proof, I say
+that it proves nothing. For the dignity of the Empire was what
+Constantine could not alienate, nor the Church receive. And when they
+insist, I prove my words as follows: No man on the strength of the
+office which is committed to him, may do aught that is contrary to
+that office; for so one and the same man, viewed as one man, would be
+contrary to himself, which is impossible. But to divide the Empire is
+contrary to the office committed to the Emperor; for his office is to
+hold mankind in all things subject to one will: as may be easily seen
+from the first book of this treatise. Therefore it is not permitted to
+the Emperor to divide the Empire. If, therefore, as they say, any
+dignities had been alienated by Constantine, and had passed to the
+Church, the "coat without seam"--which even they, who pierced Christ,
+the true God, with a spear, dared not rend--would have been rent.[295]
+
+[Footnote 295: Each side in the controversy used the type of the
+"seamless robe," one of the Empire (_supra_ i. 16), the other of the
+Church; _e.g._, in the Bull of Boniface VIII., "_Unam Sanctam_."]
+
+Further, just as the Church has its foundation, so has the Empire its
+foundation. The foundation of the Church is Christ, as Paul says in
+his first Epistle to the Corinthians: "For other foundation can no man
+lay than that which is laid, which is Jesus Christ."[296] He is the
+rock on which the Church is built; but the foundation of the Empire is
+human right. Now I say that, as the Church may not go contrary to its
+foundation--but must always rest on its foundation, as the words of
+the Canticles say: "Who is she that cometh up from the desert,
+abounding in delights, leaning on her beloved?"[297]--in the same way
+I say that the Empire may not do aught that transgresses human right.
+But were the Empire to destroy itself, it would so transgress human
+right. Therefore the Empire may not destroy itself. Since then to
+divide the Empire would be to destroy it, because the Empire consists
+in one single universal Monarchy, it is manifest that he who exercises
+the authority of the Empire may not destroy it, and from what we have
+said before, it is manifest that to destroy the Empire is contrary to
+human right.
+
+[Footnote 296: 1 Cor. iii. 11.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 297: Cant. viii. 5.--(W.)]
+
+Moreover, all jurisdiction is prior in time to the judge who has it;
+for it is the judge who is ordained for the jurisdiction, not the
+jurisdiction for the judge. But the Empire is a jurisdiction,
+comprehending within itself all temporal jurisdiction: therefore it is
+prior to the judge who has it, who is the Emperor. For it is the
+Emperor who is ordained for the Empire, and not contrariwise.
+Therefore it is clear that the Emperor, in so far as he is Emperor,
+cannot alter the Empire; for it is to the Empire that he owes his
+being. I say then that he who is said to have conferred on the Church
+the authority in question either was Emperor, or he was not. If he was
+not, it is plain that he had no power to give away any part of the
+Empire. Nor could he, if he was Emperor, in so far as he was Emperor,
+for such a gift would be a diminishing of his jurisdiction.
+
+Further, if one Emperor were able to cut off a certain portion of the
+jurisdiction of the Empire, so could another; and since temporal
+jurisdiction is finite, and since all that is finite is taken away by
+finite diminutions, it would follow that it is possible for the first
+of all jurisdictions to be annihilated, which is absurd.
+
+Further, since he that gives is in the position of an agent, and he to
+whom a thing is given in that of a patient, as the Philosopher holds
+in the fourth book to Nicomachus,[298] therefore, that a gift may be
+given, we require not only the fit qualification of the giver, but
+also of the receiver; for the acts of the agent are completed in a
+patient who is qualified.[299] But the Church was altogether
+unqualified to receive temporal things; for there is an express
+command, forbidding her so to do, which Matthew gives thus: "Provide
+neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses." For though we
+find in Luke a relaxation of the command in regard to certain matters,
+yet I have not anywhere been able to find that the Church after that
+prohibition had licence given her to possess gold and silver. If
+therefore the Church was unable to receive temporal power, even
+granting that Constantine was able to give it, yet the gift was
+impossible; for the receiver was disqualified. It is therefore plain
+that neither could the Church receive in the way of possession, nor
+could Constantine give in the way of alienation; though it is true
+that the Emperor, as protector of the Church, could allot to the
+Church a patrimony and other things, if he did not impair his supreme
+lordship, the unity of which does not allow division. And the Vicar of
+God could receive such things, not to possess them, but as a steward
+to dispense the fruits of them to the poor of Christ, on behalf of the
+Church, as we know the Apostles did.
+
+[Footnote 298: _Eth._ iv. 1.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 299: "_Dispositio; dispositus; indisposita._"]
+
+
+XI.--Our adversaries further say that the Pope Hadrian[300] summoned
+Charles the Great to his own assistance[301] and to that of the
+Church, on account of the wrongs suffered from the Lombards in the
+time of their king Desiderius, and that Charles received from that
+Pope the imperial dignity, notwithstanding that Michael was emperor at
+Constantinople. And therefore they say that all the Roman emperors who
+succeeded Charles were themselves the "advocates" of the Church, and
+ought by the Church to be called to their office. From which would
+follow that dependence of the Empire on the Church which they wish to
+prove.
+
+[Footnote 300: A.D. 773.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 301: "_Advocavit._"]
+
+But to overset their argument, I reply that what they say is nought;
+for a usurpation of right does not make right; and if it were so, it
+might be proved in the same way that the Church is dependent on the
+Empire; for the Emperor Otto restored the Pope Leo, and deposed
+Benedict, leading him into exile to Saxony.[302]
+
+[Footnote 302: Otto I. (964) deposed Benedict V. and restored Leo
+VIII.]
+
+
+XII.--But from _reason_ they thus argue: they take the principle laid
+down in the tenth book of "_Philosophia Prima_,"[303] saying that all
+things which belong to one genus are to be brought under one head,
+which is the standard and measure of all that come under that genus.
+But all men belong to one genus: therefore they are to be brought
+under one head, as the standard and measure of them all. But the
+Supreme Pontiff and the Emperor are men; therefore if the preceding
+reasoning be true, they must be brought under one head. And since the
+Pope cannot come under any other man, the result is that the Emperor,
+together with all other men, must be brought under the Pope, as the
+measure and rule of all; and then, what those who argue thus desire
+follows.
+
+[Footnote 303: Arist. _Metaph._ x. 1.--(W.)]
+
+To overset this argument, I answer that they are right when they say
+that all the individuals of one genus ought to be brought under one
+head, as their measure; and that they are again right when they say
+that all men belong to one genus, and that they are also right when
+they argue from these truths that all men should be brought under one
+head, taken from the genus man, as their measure and type. But when
+they obtain the further conclusion concerning the Pope and the
+Emperor, they fall into a fallacy touching accidental attributes.
+
+That this thing may be understood, it must be clearly known that to be
+a man is one thing, and to be a pope or an emperor is another; just as
+to be a man is different from being a father or a ruler. A man is that
+which exists by its essential form, which gives it its genus and
+species, and by which it comes under the category of substance. But a
+father is that which exists by an accidental form, that is, one which
+stands in a certain relation which gives it a certain genus and
+species, and through which it comes under the category of relation. If
+this were not so, all things would come under the category of
+substance, seeing that no accidental form can exist by itself, without
+the support of an existing substance; and this is not so. Seeing,
+therefore, that the Pope and the Emperor are what they are by virtue
+of certain relations: for they owe their existence to the Papacy and
+the Empire, which are both relations, one coming within the sphere of
+fatherhood, and the other within that of rule; it manifestly follows
+that both the Pope and the Emperor, in so far as they are Pope and
+Emperor, must come under the category of relation; and therefore that
+they must be brought under some head of that genus.
+
+I say then that there is one standard under which they are to be
+brought, as men; and another under which they come, as Pope and
+Emperor. For in so far as they are men, they have to be brought under
+the best man, whoever he be, who is the measure and the ideal of all
+mankind; under him, that is, who is most one in his kind,[304] as may
+be gathered from the last book to Nicomachus.[305] When, however, two
+things are relative, it is evident that they must either be
+reciprocally brought under each other, if they are alternately
+superior, or if by the nature of their relation they belong to
+connected species; or else they must be brought under some third
+thing, as their common unity. But the first of these suppositions is
+impossible: for then both would be predicable of both, which cannot
+be. We cannot say that the Emperor is the Pope, or the Pope the
+Emperor. Nor again can it be said that they are connected in species,
+for the idea of the Pope is quite other than the idea of the Emperor,
+in so far as they are Pope and Emperor. Therefore they must be reduced
+to some single thing above them.
+
+[Footnote 304: "_Ad existentem maxime unum in genere suo._"]
+
+[Footnote 305: _Eth._ x. 5, 7.--(W.)]
+
+Now it must be understood that the relative is to the relative as the
+relation to the relation. If, therefore, the Papacy and the Empire,
+seeing that they are relations of paramount superiority, have to be
+carried back to some higher point of superiority from which they, with
+the features which make them different,[306] branch off, the Pope and
+Emperor, being relative to one another, must be brought back to some
+one unity in which the higher point of superiority, without this
+characteristic difference, is found. And this will be either God, to
+whom all things unite in looking up, or something below God, which is
+higher in the scale of superiority, while differing from the simple
+and absolute superiority of God. Thus it is evident that the Pope and
+the Emperor, in so far as they are men, have to be brought under some
+one head; while, in so far as they are Pope and Emperor, they have to
+be brought under another head, and so far is clear, as regards the
+argument from reason.
+
+[Footnote 306: "_Cum differentialibus suis._"]
+
+
+XIII.--We have now stated and put on one side those erroneous
+reasonings on which they, who assert that the authority of the Roman
+Emperor depends on the Pope of Rome, do most chiefly rely. We have now
+to go back and show forth the truth in this third question, which we
+proposed in the beginning to examine. The truth will appear plainly
+enough if I start in my inquiry from the principle which I laid down,
+and then show that the authority of the Empire springs immediately
+from the head of all being, who is God. This truth will be made
+manifest, either if it be shown that the authority of the Empire does
+not spring from the authority of the Church; for there is no argument
+concerning any other authority. Or again, if it be shown by direct
+proof that the authority of the Empire springs immediately from God.
+
+We prove that the authority of the Church is not the cause of the
+authority of the Empire in the following manner. Nothing can be the
+cause of power in another thing when that other thing has all its
+power, while the first either does not exist, or else has no power of
+action.[307] But the Empire had its power while the Church was either
+not existing at all, or else had no power of acting. Therefore the
+Church is not the cause of the power of the Empire, and therefore not
+of its authority either, for power and authority mean the same thing.
+Let A be the Church, B the Empire, C the authority or power of the
+Empire. If C is in B while A does not exist, A cannot be the cause of
+C being in B, for it is impossible for an effect to exist before its
+cause. Further, if C is in B while A does not act, it cannot be that A
+is the cause of C being in B; for, to produce an effect, it is
+necessary that the cause, especially the efficient cause of which we
+are speaking, should have been at work first. The major premiss of
+this argument is self-evident, and the minor premiss is confirmed by
+Christ and the Church. Christ confirms it by His birth and His death,
+as we have said; the Church confirms it in the words which Paul spake
+to Festus in the Acts of the Apostles: "I stand at Caesar's
+judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged," and by the words which an
+angel of God spake to Paul a little afterwards: "Fear not, Paul; thou
+must be brought before Caesar;" and again by Paul's words to the Jews
+of Italy: "But when the Jews spake against it, I was constrained to
+appeal unto Caesar; not that I had aught to accuse my nation of," but
+"to deliver my soul from death." But if Caesar had not at that time had
+the authority to judge in temporal matters, Christ would not have
+argued thus; nor would the angel have brought these words; nor would
+he, who spake of himself as "having a desire to depart and to be with
+Christ," have made an appeal to a judge not having authority.[308]
+
+[Footnote 307: "_Non virtuante._"]
+
+[Footnote 308: "_Incompetentem._" Acts xxv. 10; xxvii. 24; xxviii. 19.
+Phil. i. 23.--(W.)]
+
+And if Constantine had not had the authority over the patronage of the
+Church, those things which he allotted from the Empire he could not
+have had the right to allot; and so the Church would be using this
+gift against right; whereas God wills that offerings should be pure,
+as is commanded in Leviticus: "No meat offering that ye shall bring
+unto the Lord shall be made with leaven." And though this command
+appears to regard those who offer, nevertheless it also regards those
+who receive an offering. For it is folly to suppose that God wishes to
+be received that which He forbids to be offered, for in the same book
+there is a command to the Levites: "Ye shall not make yourselves
+abominable with any creeping thing that creepeth; neither shall ye
+make yourselves unclean with them, that ye shall be defiled
+thereby."[309] But to say that the Church so misuses the patrimony
+assigned to her is very unseemly; therefore the premiss from which
+this conclusion followed is false.
+
+[Footnote 309: Levit. ii. 11; xi. 43.--(W.)]
+
+
+XIV.--Again, if the Church had power to bestow authority on the Roman
+Prince, she would have it either from God, or from herself, or from
+some Emperor, or from the universal consent of mankind, or at least of
+the majority of mankind. There is no other crevice by which this power
+could flow down to the Church. But she has it not from any of these
+sources; therefore she has it not at all.
+
+It is manifest that she has it from none of these sources; for if she
+had received it from God, she would have received it either by the
+divine or by the natural law: because what is received from nature is
+received from God; though the converse of this is not true. But this
+power is not received by the natural law; for nature lays down no law,
+save for the effects of nature, for God cannot fail in power, where he
+brings anything into being without the aid of secondary agents. Since
+therefore the Church is not an effect of nature, but of God who said:
+"Upon this rock I will build my Church," and elsewhere: "I have
+finished the work which Thou gavest me to do," it is manifest that
+nature did not give the Church this law.
+
+Nor was this power bestowed by the divine law; for the whole of the
+divine law is contained in the bosom of the Old or of the New
+Testament, and I cannot find therein that any thought or care for
+worldly matters was commanded, either to the early or to the latter
+priesthood. Nay, I find rather such care taken away from the priests
+of the Old Testament by the express command of God to Moses,[310] and
+from the priests of the New Testament by the express command of Christ
+to His disciples.[311] But it could not be that this care was taken
+away from them, if the authority of the temporal power flowed from the
+priesthood; for at least in giving the authority there would be an
+anxious watchfulness of forethought, and afterwards continued
+precaution, lest he to whom authority had been given should leave the
+straight way.
+
+[Footnote 310: Numbers xviii. 20. Cf. _Purg._ xvi. 131.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 311: Matt. x. 9.--(W.)]
+
+Then it is quite plain that the Church did not receive this power from
+herself; for nothing can give what it has not. Therefore all that does
+anything, must be such in its doing, as that which it intends to do,
+as is stated in the book "of Simple Being."[312] But it is plain that
+if the Church gave to herself this power, she had it not before she
+gave it. Thus she would have given what she had not, which is
+impossible.
+
+[Footnote 312: Arist. _Metaph._ ix. 8.--(W.)]
+
+But it is sufficiently manifest from what we have previously made
+evident that the Church has received not this power from any Emperor.
+
+And further, that she had it not from the consent of all, or even of
+the greater part of mankind, who can doubt? seeing that not only all
+the inhabitants of Asia and Africa, but even the greater number of
+Europeans, hold the thought in abhorrence. It is mere weariness to
+adduce proofs in matters which are so plain.
+
+
+XV.--Again, that which is contrary to the nature of a thing cannot be
+counted as one of its essential powers; for the essential powers of
+each individual follow on its nature, in order to gain its end. But
+the power to grant authority in that which is the realm of our mortal
+state is contrary to the nature of the Church.[313] Therefore it is
+not in the number of its essential powers. For the proof of the minor
+premiss we must know that the nature of the Church means the form [or
+essence][314] of the Church. For although men use the word nature not
+only of the form of a thing, but also of its matter, nevertheless, it
+is of the form that they use it more properly, as is proved in the
+book "of Natural Learning."[315] But the [essence or] form of the
+Church is nothing else than the life of Christ, as it is contained
+both in His sayings and in His deeds. For His life was the example and
+ideal of the militant Church, especially of its pastors, and above all
+of its chief pastor, to whom it belongs to feed the sheep and the
+lambs of Christ. And therefore when Christ left His life unto men for
+an example He said in John's Gospel: "I have given you an example that
+ye should do as I have done to you." And He said unto Peter specially,
+after that He had committed unto him the office of shepherd, the words
+which John also reports: "Peter, follow me." But Christ denied before
+Pilate that His rule was of this sort, saying: "My kingdom is not of
+this world: if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants
+fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews; but now is my
+kingdom not from hence."[316]
+
+[Footnote 313: "_Virtus auctorizandi regnum nostrae mortalitatis est
+contra naturam Ecclesiae._"]
+
+[Footnote 314: "_Forma._"]
+
+[Footnote 315: Arist. _Phys. Ausc._ ii. 1.--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 316: John xiii. 15; xxi. 22; xviii. 36.--(W.)]
+
+But this saying must not be understood to mean that Christ, who is
+God, is not the lord of this kingdom, for the Psalmist says: "The sea
+is His, and He made it, and His hands formed the dry land."[317] We
+must understand it to mean that, as _the pattern of the Church_, He
+had not the care of this kingdom. It is as if a golden seal were to
+speak of itself, and say: "I am not the standard for such and such a
+class of things;" for in so far as it is gold, this saying is untrue,
+seeing that gold is the standard of all metals; but it is true in so
+far as it is a sign capable of being received by impression.
+
+[Footnote 317: Ps. xcv. 5.--(W.)]
+
+It belongs, then, to the very form of the Church always to speak the
+same, always to think the same; and to do the opposite of this is
+evidently contrary to its essential form--that is to say, to its
+nature. And from this it may be collected that the power of bestowing
+authority on this kingdom is contrary to the nature of the Church; for
+contrariety which is in thought or word follows from contrariety which
+is in the thing thought and the thing said; just as truth and
+falsehood in speech come from the being or the not-being of the thing,
+as we learn from the doctrine of the _Categories_. It has then become
+manifest enough by means of the preceding arguments, by which the
+contention of our opponents has been shown to lead to an absurd
+result, that the authority of the Empire is not in any way dependent
+on the authority of the Church.
+
+
+XVI.--Although it has been proved in the preceding chapter that the
+authority of the Empire has not its cause in the authority of the
+Supreme Pontiff; for we have shown that this argument led to absurd
+results; yet it has not been entirely shown that the authority of the
+Empire depends directly upon God, except as a result from our
+argument. For it is a consequence that, if the authority comes not
+from the vicar of God, it must come from God Himself. And therefore,
+for the complete determination of the question proposed, we have to
+prove directly that the emperor or monarch of the world stands in an
+immediate relation to the King of the universe, who is God.
+
+For the better comprehending of this, it must be recognised that man
+alone, of all created things, holds a position midway between things
+corruptible and things incorruptible; and therefore[318] philosophers
+rightly liken him to a dividing line between two hemispheres. For man
+consists of two essential parts, namely, the soul and the body. If he
+be considered in relation to his body only, he is corruptible; but if
+he be considered in relation to his soul only, he is incorruptible.
+And therefore the Philosopher spoke well concerning the incorruptible
+soul when he said in the second book "of the Soul:" "It is this alone
+which may be separated, as being eternal, from the corruptible."[319]
+
+[Footnote 318: In the _De Causis_ (_v._ above, i. 11), Propos. 9:
+"Intelligentia comprehendit generata et naturam, et horizontem naturae,
+scilicet animam; nam ipsa est supra naturam."--(W.)]
+
+[Footnote 319: Arist. _De Anim._ ii. 2.--(W.)]
+
+If, therefore, man holds this position midway between the corruptible
+and the incorruptible, since every middle nature partakes of both
+extremes, man must share something of each nature. And since every
+nature is ordained to gain some final end, it follows that for man
+there is a double end. For as he alone of all beings participates
+both in the corruptible and the incorruptible, so he alone of all
+beings is ordained to gain two ends, whereby one is his end in so far
+as he is corruptible, and the other in so far as he is incorruptible.
+
+Two ends, therefore, have been laid down by the ineffable providence
+of God for man to aim at: the blessedness of this life, which consists
+in the exercise of his natural powers, and which is prefigured in[320]
+the earthly Paradise; and next, the blessedness of the life eternal,
+which consists in the fruition of the sight of God's countenance, and
+to which man by his own natural powers cannot rise, if he be not aided
+by the divine light; and this blessedness is understood by the
+heavenly Paradise.
+
+[Footnote 320: See _Purg._ xxviii.: and Mr. Longfellow's note ad loc.]
+
+But to these different kinds of blessedness, as to different
+conclusions, we must come by different means. For at the first we may
+arrive by the lessons of philosophy, if only we will follow them, by
+acting in accordance with the moral and intellectual virtues. But at
+the second we can only arrive by spiritual lessons, transcending human
+reason, so that we follow them in accordance with the theological
+virtues, faith, hope, and charity. The truth of the first of these
+conclusions and of these means is made manifest by human reason,
+which by the philosophers has been all laid open to us. The other
+conclusions and means are made manifest by the Holy Spirit, who by the
+mouth of the Prophets and holy writers, and by Jesus Christ, the
+co-eternal Son of God, and His disciples, has revealed to us
+supernatural truth of which we have great need. Nevertheless human
+passion would cast them all behind its back, if it were not that men,
+going astray like the beasts that perish,[321] were restrained in
+their course by bit and bridle, like horses and mules.
+
+[Footnote 321: "_Sua bestialitate vagantes._" _V._ Ps. xxxii. 10.]
+
+Therefore man had need of two guides for his life, as he had a twofold
+end in life; whereof one is the Supreme Pontiff, to lead mankind to
+eternal life, according to the things revealed to us; and the other is
+the Emperor, to guide mankind to happiness in this world, in
+accordance with the teaching of philosophy. And since none, or but a
+few only, and even they with sore difficulty, could arrive at this
+harbour of happiness, unless the waves and blandishments of human
+desires were set at rest, and the human race were free to live in
+peace and quiet, this therefore is the mark at which he who is to care
+for the world, and whom we call the Roman Prince, must most chiefly
+aim at: I mean, that in this little plot of earth[322] belonging to
+mortal men, life may pass in freedom and with peace. And since the
+order of this world follows the order of the heavens, as they run
+their course, it is necessary, to the end that the learning which
+brings liberty and peace may be duly applied by this guardian of the
+world in fitting season and place, that this power should be dispensed
+by Him who is ever present to behold the whole order of the heavens.
+And this is He who alone has preordained this, that by it in His
+providence He might bind all things together, each in their own order.
+
+[Footnote 322: Cf. _Parad._ xxii. 151. "_L'ajuola che ci fa tanto
+feroci._"]
+
+But if this is so, God alone elects, God alone confirms: for there is
+none higher than God. And hence there is the further conclusion, that
+neither those who now are, nor any others who may, in whatsoever way,
+have been called "Electors," ought to have that name; rather they are
+to be held as declarers and announcers of the providence of God. And,
+therefore, it is that they to whom is granted the privilege of
+announcing God's will sometimes fall into disagreement; because that,
+all of them or some of them have been blinded by their evil desires,
+and have not discerned the face of God's appointment.[323]
+
+[Footnote 323: _V._ Hallam, _Middle Ages_, c. v. Bryce, _Roman
+Empire_, c. xiv. Witte, _Praef._ p. xxxiv. xlv.]
+
+It is therefore clear that the authority of temporal Monarchy comes
+down, with no intermediate will, from the fountain of universal
+authority; and this fountain, one in its unity, flows through many
+channels out of the abundance of the goodness of God.
+
+And now, methinks, I have reached the goal which I set before me. I
+have unravelled the truth of the questions which I asked: whether the
+office of Monarchy was necessary to the welfare of the world; whether
+it was by right that the Roman people assumed to themselves the office
+of Monarchy; and, further, that last question, whether the authority
+of the Monarch springs immediately from God, or from some other. Yet
+the truth of this latter question must not be received so narrowly as
+to deny that in certain matters the Roman Prince is subject to the
+Roman Pontiff. For that happiness, which is subject to mortality, in a
+sense is ordered with a view to the happiness which shall not taste of
+death. Let, therefore, Caesar be reverent to Peter, as the first-born
+son should be reverent to his father, that he may be illuminated with
+the light of his father's grace, and so may be stronger to lighten the
+world over which he has been placed by Him alone, who is the ruler of
+all things spiritual as well as temporal.
+
+
+THE END.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+OF
+
+DE MONARCHIA.
+
+
+BOOK I.
+
+WHETHER A TEMPORAL MONARCHY IS NECESSARY FOR THE WELL-BEING OF THE
+WORLD?
+
+CHAP.                                                             PAGE
+
+I.--Introduction                                                   177
+
+II.--What is the end of the civil order of mankind?                178
+
+III.--It is to cause the whole power of the human intellect to
+act in speculation and operation                                   180
+
+IV.--To attain this end, mankind needs universal peace             184
+
+V.--When several means are ordained to gain an end, one
+of them must be supreme over the others                            185
+
+VI.--The order which is found in the parts of mankind ought
+to be found in mankind as a whole                                  188
+
+VII.--Kingdoms and nations ought to stand in the same relation
+to the monarch as mankind to God                                   189
+
+VIII.--Men were made in the image of God; but God is one          _ib._
+
+IX.--Men are the children of Heaven, and they ought to
+imitate the footprints of Heaven                                   190
+
+X.--There is need of a Supreme Judge for the decision of all
+quarrels                                                           191
+
+XI.--The world is best ordered when justice is strongest
+therein                                                            192
+
+XII.--Men are at their best in freedom                             198
+
+XIII.--He who is best qualified to rule can best order others      201
+
+XIV.--When it is possible, it is better to gain an end by one
+agent than by many                                                 203
+
+XV.--That which is most one is everywhere best                     206
+
+XVI.--Christ willed to be born in the fulness of time, when
+Augustus was monarch                                               209
+
+
+BOOK II.
+
+WHETHER THE ROMAN PEOPLE ASSUMED TO ITSELF BY RIGHT THE DIGNITY OF
+EMPIRE?
+
+CHAP.                                                             PAGE
+
+I.--Introduction                                                   211
+
+II.--That which God wills in human society is to be held as
+Right                                                              213
+
+III.--It was fitting for the Romans, as being the noblest
+nation, to be preferred before all others                          216
+
+IV.--The Roman Empire was helped by miracles, and therefore
+was willed by God                                                  220
+
+V.--The Romans, in bringing the world into subjection,
+aimed at the good of the state, and therefore at the
+end of Right                                                       223
+
+VI.--All men, who aim at Right, walk according to Right            229
+
+VII.--The Romans were ordained for empire by Nature                232
+
+VIII.--The judgment of God showed that empire fell to the
+lot of the Romans                                                  235
+
+IX.--The Romans prevailed when all nations were striving
+for empire                                                         239
+
+X.--What is acquired by single combat is acquired as of
+Right                                                              243
+
+XI.--The single combats of Rome                                    247
+
+XII.--Christ, by being born, proves to us that the authority of
+the Roman Empire was just                                          250
+
+XIII.--Christ, by dying, confirmed the jurisdiction of the Roman
+Empire over all mankind                                            253
+
+
+BOOK III.
+
+WHETHER THE AUTHORITY OF THE MONARCH COMES DIRECTLY FROM GOD, OR FROM
+SOME VICAR OF GOD?
+
+CHAP.                                                             PAGE
+
+I.--Introduction                                                   256
+
+II.--God wills not that which is repugnant to the intention
+of Nature                                                          257
+
+III.--Of the three classes of our opponents, and of the too
+great authority which many ascribe to tradition                    259
+
+IV.--The argument drawn by our opponents from the sun
+and the moon                                                       264
+
+V.--The argument drawn from the precedence of Levi over
+Judah                                                              270
+
+VI.--The argument drawn from the crowning and deposition
+of Saul by Samuel                                                  271
+
+VII.--The argument drawn from the oblation of the Magi             273
+
+VIII.--The argument drawn from the power of the keys given
+to Peter                                                           275
+
+IX.--The argument drawn from the two swords                        278
+
+X.--The argument drawn from the donation of Constantine            282
+
+XI.--The argument drawn from the summoning of Charles
+the Great by Pope Hadrian                                          287
+
+XII.--The argument drawn from reason                               288
+
+XIII.--The authority of the Church is not the cause of the
+authority of the Empire                                            291
+
+XIV.--The Church has power to bestow such authority neither
+from God, nor from itself, nor from any emperor                    294
+
+XV.--The power of giving authority to the Empire is against
+the nature of the Church                                           297
+
+XVI.--The authority of the Empire comes directly from God          299
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+CHARLES DICKENS AND EVANS, CRYSTAL PALACE PRESS.
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+BECKER.--DISTURBED IRELAND, being the Letters Written during the
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+BERLIOZ, HECTOR, AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF, Member of the Institute of France
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+BISMARCK--IN THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR. An Authorized Translation from the
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+BISMARCK--OUR CHANCELLOR. Sketches for a Historical Picture by Dr.
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+BLACKBURNE.--BIOGRAPHY OF THE RIGHT HON. FRANCIS BLACKBURNE, Late Lord
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+BRIMLEY.--ESSAYS. By the late GEORGE BRIMLEY, M.A., Librarian of
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+     CONTENTS.--Tennyson's Poems--Wordsworth's Poems--Poetry and
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+BUSCH.--BISMARCK IN THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR, 1870-1871. Authorised
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+     OUR CHANCELLOR. Sketches for a Historical Picture. By MORITZ
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+ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.--Edited by JOHN MORLEY. A Series of Short
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+     IV. SHELLEY. By J.A. SYMONDS.
+     V. HUME. By Professor HUXLEY, P.R.S.
+     VI. GOLDSMITH. By WILLIAM BLACK.
+     VII. DEFOE. By W. MINTO.
+     VIII. BURNS. By Principal SHAIRP.
+     IX. SPENSER. By the Very Rev. the DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S.
+     X. THACKERAY. By ANTHONY TROLLOPE.
+     XI. BURKE. By JOHN MORLEY.
+     XII. MILTON. By MARK PATTISON.
+     XIII. HAWTHORNE. By HENRY JAMES.
+     XIV. SOUTHEY. By Professor DOWDEN.
+     XV. BUNYAN. By J.A. FROUDE.
+     XVI. CHAUCER. By Professor A.W. WARD.
+     XVII. COWPER. By GOLDWIN SMITH.
+     XVIII. POPE. By LESLIE STEPHEN.
+     XIX. BYRON. By Professor NICHOL.
+     XX. LOCKE. By Professor FOWLER.
+     XXI. WORDSWORTH. By F.W.H. MYERS.
+     XXII. DRYDEN. By G. SAINTSBURY.
+     XXIII. LANDOR. By Professor SIDNEY COLVIN.
+     XXIV. DE QUINCEY. By Professor MASSON.
+     XXV. CHARLES LAMB. By Rev. ALFRED AINGER.
+     XXVI. BENTLEY. By Professor R.C. JEBB.
+     XXVII. DICKENS. By Professor A.W. WARD.
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+     _Other Volumes to follow._
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+ENGLISH POETS: SELECTIONS, with Critical Introductions by various
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+
+ENGLISH STATESMEN.--Under the above title Messrs. MACMILLAN and CO.
+beg to announce a series of short biographies, not designed to be a
+complete roll of famous statesmen, but to present in historic order
+the lives and work of those leading actors in our affairs who by their
+direct influence have left an abiding mark on the policy, the
+institutions, and the position of Great Britain among states.
+
+The following list of subjects is the result of careful selection. The
+great movements of national history are made to follow one another in
+a connected course, and the series is intended to form a continuous
+narrative of English freedom, order, and power.
+
+     WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
+     HENRY II.
+     EDWARD I.
+     HENRY VII.
+     WOLSEY.
+     ELIZABETH.
+     OLIVER CROMWELL.
+     WILLIAM III.
+     WALPOLE.
+     CHATHAM.
+     PITT.
+     PEEL.
+
+     Among the writers will be:--
+
+     MR. EDWARD A. FREEMAN,
+     MR. FREDERICK POLLOCK,
+     MR. J. COTTER MORISON,
+     PROF. M. CREIGHTON,
+     THE DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S,
+     MR. FREDERIC HARRISON,
+     MR. H.D. TRAILL,
+     MR. LESLIE STEPHEN,
+     AND
+     MR. JOHN MORLEY.
+
+ETON COLLEGE, HISTORY OF. By H.C. MAXWELL LYTE, M.A. With numerous
+Illustrations by Professor DELAMOTTE. Coloured Plates, and a Steel
+Portrait of the Founder, engraved by C.H. JEENS. New and Cheaper
+Issue, with Corrections. Medium 8vo. Cloth elegant. 21_s._
+
+EUROPEAN HISTORY, Narrated in a Series of Historical Selections from
+the best Authorities. Edited and arranged by E.M. SEWELL, and C.M.
+YONGE. First Series, Crown 8vo. 6_s._; Second Series, 1088-1228. Third
+Edition. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+FARADAY.--MICHAEL FARADAY. By J.H. GLADSTONE, Ph.D., F.R.S. New
+Edition, with Portrait engraved by JEENS from a photograph by J.
+WATKINS. Crown 8vo. 4_s._ 6_d._
+
+     PORTRAIT. Artist's Proof. 5_s._
+
+FENTON.--A HISTORY OF TASMANIA. From its Discovery in 1642 to the
+Present Time. By JAMES FENTON. With Map of the Island, and Portraits
+of Aborigines in Chromo-lithography. 8vo. 16_s._
+
+FISKE.--EXCURSIONS OF AN EVOLUTIONIST. By JOHN FISKE, M.A., LL.B.,
+formerly Lecturer on Philosophy at Harvard University. Crown 8vo.
+7_s._ 6_d._
+
+FISON AND HOWITT.--KAMILAROI AND KURNAI GROUP. Marriage and
+Relationship, and Marriage by Elopement, drawn chiefly from the usage
+of the Australian Aborigines. Also THE KURNAI TRIBE, their Customs in
+Peace and War. By LORIMER FISON, M.A., and A.W. HOWITT, F.G.S., with
+an Introduction by LEWIS H. MORGAN, LL.D., Author of "System of
+Consanguinity," "Ancient Society," &c. Demy 8vo. 15_s._
+
+FORBES.--LIFE AND LETTERS OF JAMES DAVID FORBES, F.R.S., late
+Principal of the United College in the University of St. Andrews. By
+J.C. SHAIRP, LL.D., Principal of the United College in the University
+of St. Andrews; P.G. TAIT, M.A., Professor of Natural Philosophy in
+the University of Edinburgh; and A. ADAMS-REILLY, F.R.G.S. With
+Portraits, Map, and Illustrations. 8vo. 16_s._
+
+FRAMJI.--HISTORY OF THE PARSIS: Including their Manners, Customs,
+Religion, and Present Position. By DOSABHAI FRAMJI KARAKA, Presidency
+Magistrate and Chairman of Her Majesty's Bench of Justices, Bombay,
+Fellow of the Bombay University, Member Bombay Branch of the Royal
+Asiatic Society, &c. 2 vols. Medium 8vo. With Illustrations. 36_s._
+
+FRANCIS OF ASSISI. By Mrs. OLIPHANT. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+(Biographical Series.)
+
+FREEMAN.--Works by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L., LL.D., Regius Professor
+of Modern History in the University of Oxford:--
+
+     THE OFFICE OF THE HISTORICAL PROFESSOR. An Inaugural
+     Lecture, read in the Museum at Oxford, October 15, 1884.
+     Crown 8vo. 2_s._
+
+     THE GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION FROM THE EARLIEST
+     TIMES. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo. 5_s._
+
+     HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Third Edition. 8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._
+
+     CONTENTS:--I. "The Mythical and Romantic Elements in Early
+     English History;" II. "The Continuity of English History;"
+     III. "The Relations between the Crowns of England and
+     Scotland;" IV. "St. Thomas of Canterbury and his
+     Biographers;" V. "The Reign of Edward the Third;" VI. "The
+     Holy Roman Empire;" VII. "The Franks and the Gauls;" VIII.
+     "The Early Sieges of Paris;" IX. "Frederick the First, King
+     of Italy;" X. "The Emperor Frederick the Second;" XI.
+     "Charles the Bold;" XII. "Presidential Government."
+
+     HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Second Series. Second Edition, Enlarged.
+     8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._
+
+     The principal Essays are:--"Ancient Greece and Mediaeval
+     Italy:" "Mr. Gladstone's Homer and the Homeric Ages:" "The
+     Historians of Athens:" "The Athenian Democracy:" "Alexander
+     the Great:" "Greece during the Macedonian Period:"
+     "Mommsen's History of Rome:" "Lucius Cornelius Sulla:" "The
+     Flavian Caesars."
+
+     HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Third Series. 8vo. 12_s._
+
+     CONTENTS:--"First Impressions of Rome." "The Illyrian
+     Emperors and their Land." "Augusta Treverorum." "The Goths
+     of Ravenna." "Race and Language." "The Byzantine Empire."
+     "First Impressions of Athens." "Mediaeval and Modern Greece."
+     "The Southern Slaves." "Sicilian Cycles." "The Normans at
+     Palermo."
+
+     COMPARATIVE POLITICS.--Lectures at the Royal Institution. To
+     which is added the "Unity of History," the Rede Lecture at
+     Cambridge, 1872. 8vo. 14_s._
+
+     THE HISTORY AND CONQUESTS OF THE SARACENS. Six Lectures.
+     Third Edition, with New Preface. Crown 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._
+
+     HISTORICAL AND ARCHITECTURAL SKETCHES: chiefly Italian. With
+     Illustrations by the Author. Crown 8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._
+
+     SUBJECT AND NEIGHBOUR LANDS OF VENICE. Being a Companion
+     Volume to "Historical and Architectural Sketches." With
+     Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._
+
+     ENGLISH TOWNS AND DISTRICTS. A Series of Addresses and
+     Essays. With Illustrations and Map. 8vo. 14_s._
+
+     OLD ENGLISH HISTORY. With Five Coloured Maps. New Edition.
+     Extra fcap. 8vo. 6_s._
+
+     HISTORY OF THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF WELLS, as illustrating
+     the History of the Cathedral Churches of the Old Foundation.
+     Crown 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._
+
+     GENERAL SKETCH OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. Being Vol. I. of a
+     Historical Course for Schools, edited by E.A. FREEMAN. New
+     Edition, enlarged with Maps, Chronological Table, Index, &c.
+     18mo. 3_s._ 6_d._
+
+     DISESTABLISHMENT AND DISENDOWMENT. WHAT ARE THEY? Second
+     Edition. Crown 8vo. 1_s._
+
+GEIKIE.--GEOLOGICAL SKETCHES AT HOME AND ABROAD. By ARCHIBALD GEIKIE,
+LL.D., F.R.S., Director General of the Geological Surveys of the
+United Kingdom. With illustrations. 8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._
+
+GALTON.--Works by FRANCIS GALTON, F.R.S.:
+
+     METEOROGRAPHICA: or, Methods of Mapping the Weather.
+     Illustrated by upwards of 600 Printed and Lithographed
+     Diagrams. 4to. 9_s._
+
+     HEREDITARY GENIUS: An Inquiry into its Laws and
+     Consequences. 8vo. 12_s._
+
+     ENGLISH MEN OF SCIENCE: Their Nature and Nurture. 8vo. 8_s._
+     6_d._
+
+     INQUIRIES INTO HUMAN FACULTY AND ITS DEVELOPMENT. With
+     Illustrations and Coloured and Plain Plates. Demy 8vo.
+     16_s._
+
+     RECORD OF FAMILY FACULTIES. Consisting of Tabular Forms and
+     Directions for Entering Data, with an Explanatory Preface.
+     4to. 2_s._ 6_d._
+
+     LIFE HISTORY ALBUM; Being a Personal Note-book, combining
+     the chief advantages of a Diary, Photograph Album, a
+     Register of Height, Weight, and other Anthropometrical
+     Observations, and a Record of Illnesses. Containing Tabular
+     Forms, Charts, and Explanations especially designed for
+     popular use. Prepared by the direction of the Collective
+     Investigation Committee of the British Medical Association,
+     and Edited by FRANCIS GALTON, F.R.S., Chairman of the Life
+     History Sub-Committee. 4to. 3_s._ 6_d._ Or, with Cards of
+     Wools for Testing Colour Vision. 4_s._ 6_d._
+
+GARDNER.--SAMOS AND SAMIAN COINS. By PERCY GARDNER, M.A., F.S.A.
+British Museum, Disnay Professor of Archaeology in the University of
+Cambridge, and Hon. Foreign Secretary of the Numismatic Society. Demy
+8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._
+
+GEDDES.--THE PROBLEM OF THE HOMERIC POEMS. By W.D. GEDDES, LL.D.,
+Professor of Greek in the University of Aberdeen. 8vo. 14_s._
+
+GLADSTONE.--HOMERIC SYNCHRONISM. An inquiry into the Time and Place of
+Homer. By the Right Hon. W.E. GLADSTONE, M.P. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+GOETHE AND MENDELSSOHN (1821-1831). Translated from the German of DR.
+KARL MENDELSSOHN, Son of the Composer, by M.E. VON GLEHN. From the
+Private Diaries and Home Letters of Mendelssohn, with Poems and
+Letters of Goethe never before printed. Also with two New and Original
+Portraits, Fac-similes, and Appendix of Twenty Letters hitherto
+unpublished. Second Edition, enlarged. Crown 8vo. 5_s._
+
+GOETHE.--A LIFE OF GOETHE. By HEINRICH DUeNTZER. Translated by T.W.
+LYSTER, Assistant Librarian, National Library of Ireland. With
+Illustrations. Two vols. Crown 8vo. 21_s._
+
+GOLDSMID.--TELEGRAPH AND TRAVEL. A Narrative of the Formation and
+Development of Telegraphic Communication between England and India,
+under the orders of Her Majesty's Government, with incidental Notices
+of the Countries traversed by the Lines. By Colonel SIR FREDERICK
+GOLDSMID, C.B., K.C.S.I., late Director of the Government
+Indo-European Telegraph. With numerous Illustrations and Maps. 8vo.
+21_s._
+
+GORDON.--LAST LETTERS FROM EGYPT, to which are added Letters from the
+Cape. By LADY DUFF GORDON. With a Memoir by her Daughter, Mrs. ROSS,
+and Portrait engraved by JEENS. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 9_s._
+
+GORDON (CHARLES GEORGE). A SKETCH. By REGINALD H. BARNES, Vicar of
+Heavitree, and CHARLES E. BROWN, Major R.A. With Facsimile Letter.
+Crown 8vo. 1_s._
+
+GORDON.--REFLECTIONS IN PALESTINE, 1883. By CHARLES GEORGE GORDON.
+Crown 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._
+
+GREAT CHRISTIANS OF FRANCE: ST. LOUIS and CALVIN. By M. GUIZOT, Member
+of the Institute of France. Crown 8vo. 6_s._ (Biographical Series.)
+
+GREEN.--Works by JOHN RICHARD GREEN, M.A., LL.D.:--
+
+     THE MAKING OF ENGLAND. With Maps. Demy 8vo. 16_s._
+
+     THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND. With Maps. Demy 8vo. 18_s._
+
+     HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. Vol. I.--Early
+     England--Foreign Kings--The Charter--The Parliament. With 8
+     Coloured Maps. 8vo. 16_s._ Vol. II.--The Monarchy,
+     1461-1540; The Restoration, 1540-1603. 8vo. 16_s._ Vol.
+     III.--Puritan England, 1603-1660; The Revolution, 1660-1688.
+     With 4 Maps. 8vo. 16_s._ Vol. IV.--The Revolution,
+     1683-1760; Modern England, 1760-1815. With Maps and Index.
+     8vo. 16_s._
+
+     A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. With Coloured Maps,
+     Genealogical Tables, and Chronological Annals. Crown 8vo.
+     8_s._ 6_d._ 108th Thousand.
+
+     STRAY STUDIES FROM ENGLAND AND ITALY. Crown 8vo. 8_s._ 6_d._
+     Containing: Lambeth and the Archbishops--The Florence of
+     Dante--Venice and Rome--Early History of Oxford--The
+     District Visitor--Capri--Hotels in the Clouds--Sketches in
+     Sunshine, &c.
+
+     READINGS FROM ENGLISH HISTORY. Selected and Edited by JOHN
+     RICHARD GREEN. In Three Parts. Fcap. 8vo. 1_s._ 6_d._ each.
+     Part I.--From Hengest to Cressy. Part II.--From Cressy to
+     Cromwell. Part III.--From Cromwell to Balaklava.
+
+GREEN (W.S.)--THE HIGH ALPS OF NEW ZEALAND: or, a Trip to the Glaciers
+of the Antipodes, with an Ascent of Mount Cook. By WILLIAM SPOTSWOOD
+GREEN, M.A., Member of the English Alpine Club. With Maps. Crown 8vo.
+7_s._ 6_d._
+
+GROVE.--A DICTIONARY OF MUSIC AND MUSICIANS (A.D. 1450-1884). By
+Eminent Writers, English and Foreign. With Illustrations and Woodcuts.
+Edited by Sir GEORGE GROVE, D.C.L., Director of the Royal College of
+Music. 8vo. Parts I. to XIV., XIX. and XX. 3_s._ 6_d._ each. Parts XV.
+and XVI. 7_s._ Parts XVII. and XVIII. 7_s._
+
+     Vols. I., II., and III. 8vo. 21_s._ each.
+
+     Vol. I. A to Impromptu.--Vol. II. Improperia to Plain
+     Song.--Vol. III. Planche to Sumer is Icumen In.
+
+     Cloth cases for binding Vols. I., II., and III. 1_s._ each.
+
+GUEST.--LECTURES ON THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By M.J. GUEST. With Maps.
+Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+GUEST.--ORIGINES CELTICAE (a Fragment) and other Contributions to the
+History of Britain. By EDWIN GUEST, LL.D.. D.C.L., F.R.S., late Master
+of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge. With Maps, Plans, and a
+Portrait engraved on Steel by G.J. STODART. Two vols. Demy 8vo. 32_s._
+
+HAMERTON.--Works by P.G. HAMERTON:--
+
+     ETCHINGS AND ETCHERS. Third Edition, revised, with
+     Forty-eight new Plates. Columbier 8vo.
+
+     THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE. With a Portrait of Leonardo da Vinci,
+     etched by LEOPOLD FLAMENG. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 10_s._
+     6_d._
+
+     THOUGHTS ABOUT ART. New Edition, revised, with an
+     Introduction, Crown 8vo. 8_s._ 6_d._
+
+HANDEL.--THE LIFE OF GEORGE FREDERICK HANDEL. By W.S. ROCKSTRO, Author
+of "A History of Music for Young Students." With an Introductory
+Notice by Sir GEORGE GROVE, D.C.L. With a Portrait. Crown 8vo. 10_s._
+6_d._
+
+HARPER.--THE METAPHYSICS OF THE SCHOOL. By THOMAS HARPER, (S.J.) (In 5
+vols.) Vols. I. and II. 8vo. 18_s._ each.--Vol. III., Part I. 12_s._
+
+HEINE.--A TRIP TO THE BROCKEN. By HEINRICH HEINE. Translated by R.
+MCLINTOCK. Crown 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._
+
+HELLENIC STUDIES--JOURNAL OF. 8vo. Parts I. and II., constituting Vol.
+I. with 4to. Atlas of Illustrations, 30_s._ Vol. II., with 4to. Atlas
+of Illustrations, 30_s._, or in Two Parts, 15_s._ each. Vol. III., Two
+Parts, with 4to. Atlas of Illustrations, 15_s._ each. Vol. IV., Two
+Parts, with 4to. Atlas of Illustrations, 15_s._ each. Vol. V., Two
+Parts, with Illustrations, 15_s._ each.
+
+     The Journal will be sold at a reduced price to Libraries
+     wishing to subscribe, but official application must in each
+     case be made to the Council. Information on this point, and
+     upon the conditions of Membership, may be obtained on
+     application to the Hon. Secretary, Mr. George Macmillan, 29,
+     Bedford Street, Covent Garden.
+
+HERODOTOS.--BOOKS I. TO III.--THE ANCIENT EMPIRES OF THE EAST. Edited,
+with Notes, Introductions, and Appendices, by A.H. SAYCE, M.A. Oxford,
+Hon. LL.D. Dublin; Deputy-Professor of Comparative Philology. 8vo.
+16_s._
+
+HILL.--THE RECORDER OF BIRMINGHAM. A Memoir of Matthew Davenport-Hill,
+with Selections from his Correspondence. By his daughters ROSAMOND and
+FLORENCE DAVENPORT-HILL. With Portrait engraved by C.H. JEENS. 8vo.
+16_s._
+
+HILL.--WHAT WE SAW IN AUSTRALIA. By ROSAMOND and FLORENCE HILL. Crown
+8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._
+
+HILL (O.)--Works by OCTAVIA HILL
+
+     OUR COMMON LAND, and other Essays. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3_s._
+     6_d._
+
+     HOMES OF THE LONDON POOR. Sewed. Crown 8vo. 1_s._
+
+HODGSON.--MEMOIR OF REV. FRANCIS HODGSON. B.D., Scholar, Poet, and
+Divine. By his son, the Rev. JAMES T. HODGSON, M.A. Containing
+numerous Letters from Lord Byron and others. With Portrait engraved by
+JEENS. Two vols. Crown 8vo. 18_s._
+
+HOLE.--A GENEALOGICAL STEMMA OF THE KINGS OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE. By
+the Rev. C. HOLE, M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge. On Sheet, 1_s._
+
+     A BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY. Compiled and Arranged by
+     the Rev. CHARLES HOLE, M.A. Second Edition. 18mo. 4_s._
+     6_d._
+
+HOOKER AND BALL.--MOROCCO AND THE GREAT ATLAS: Journal of a Tour in.
+By Sir JOSEPH D. HOOKER, K.C.S.I., C.B., F.R.S., &c., and JOHN BALL,
+F.R.S. With an Appendix, including a Sketch of the Geology of Morocco,
+by G. MAW, F.L.S., F.G.S. With Illustrations and Map. 8vo. 21_s._
+
+HOUSE OF LORDS.--FIFTY YEARS OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS. Reprinted from
+_The Pall Mall Gazette_. Crown 8vo. 2_s._ 6_d._--POPULAR EDITION.
+3_d._
+
+HOZIER (H.M.)--Works by Captain HENRY M. HOZIER, late Assistant
+Military Secretary to Lord Napier of Magdala:--
+
+     THE SEVEN WEEKS' WAR; Its Antecedents and Incidents. New and
+     Cheaper Edition. With New Preface, Maps, and Plans. Crown
+     8vo. 6_s._
+
+     THE INVASIONS OF ENGLAND: a History of the Past, with
+     Lessons for the Future. Two Vols. 8vo. 28_s._
+
+HUeBNER.--A RAMBLE ROUND THE WORLD IN 1871. By M. LE BARON HUeBNER,
+formerly Ambassador and Minister. Translated by LADY HERBERT. New and
+Cheaper Edition. With numerous Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+HUGHES.--Works by THOMAS HUGHES, Q.C., Author of "Tom Brown's School
+Days."
+
+     MEMOIR OF A BROTHER. With Portrait of GEORGE HUGHES, after
+     WATTS, Engraved by JEENS. Sixth Edition. Crown 8vo. 5_s._
+
+     ALFRED THE GREAT. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+     MEMOIR OF DANIEL MACMILLAN. With Portrait after LOWES
+     DICKINSON, Engraved by JEENS. Fifth Thousand. Crown 8vo.
+     4_s._ 6_d._--POPULAR EDITION, 1_s._
+
+     RUGBY, TENNESSEE. Being some account of the Settlement
+     founded on the Cumberland Plateau by the Board of Aid to
+     Land Ownership. With a report on the Soils of the Plateau by
+     the Hon. F.W. KILLEBREW, A.M., Ph.D., Commissioner for
+     Agriculture for the State of Tennessee. Crown 8vo. 4_s._
+     6_d._
+
+     GONE TO TEXAS. Letters from Our Boys. Edited by THOMAS
+     HUGHES. Crown 8vo. 4_s._ 6_d._
+
+HUNT.--HISTORY OF ITALY. By the Rev. W. HUNT, M.A. Being the Fourth
+Volume of the Historical Course for Schools. Edited by EDWARD A.
+FREEMAN, D.C.L. New Edition, with Coloured Maps. 18mo. 3_s._ 6_d._
+
+HUTTON.--ESSAYS THEOLOGICAL AND LITERARY. By R.H. HUTTON, M.A. Cheaper
+issue. 2 vols. 8vo. 18_s._
+
+     CONTENTS OF VOL. I.:--The moral significance of Atheism--The
+     Atheistic Explanation of Religion--Science and
+     Theism--Popular Pantheism--What is Revelation?--Christian
+     Evidences, Popular and Critical--The Historical Problems of
+     the Fourth Gospel--The Incarnation and Principles of
+     Evidence--M. Renan's "Christ"--M. Renan's "St. Paul"--The
+     Hard Church--Romanism, Protestantism, and Anglicanism.
+
+     CONTENTS OF VOL. II.:--Goethe and his Influence--Wordsworth
+     and his Genius--Shelley's Poetical Mysticism--Mr.
+     Browning--The Poetry of the Old Testament--Arthur Hugh
+     Clough--The Poetry of Matthew Arnold--Tennyson--Nathaniel
+     Hawthorne.
+
+INGLIS (JAMES) ("MAORI").--Works by JAMES INGLIS ("Maori"):--
+
+     OUR AUSTRALIAN COUSINS. 8vo. 14_s._
+
+     SPORT AND WORK ON THE NEPAUL FRONTIER; or, Twelve Years'
+     Sporting Reminiscences of an Indigo Planter. By "MAORI."
+     With Illustrations. 8vo. 14_s._
+
+IONIA.--THE ANTIQUITIES OF IONIA, see under Dilettanti Society's
+Publications.
+
+IRVING.--THE ANNALS OF OUR TIME. A Diurnal of Events, Social and
+Political, Home and Foreign, from the Accession of Queen Victoria to
+the Peace of Versailles. By JOSEPH IRVING. New Edition, revised. 8vo.
+half-bound. 18_s._
+
+     ANNALS OF OUR TIME. Supplement. From Feb. 28, 1871, to March
+     16, 1874. 8vo. 4_s._ 6_d._ ANNALS OF OUR TIME. Second
+     Supplement. From March, 1874, to the Occupation of Cyprus.
+     8vo. 4_s._ 6_d._
+
+JAMES (Sir W.M.).--THE BRITISH IN INDIA. By the late Right Hon. Sir
+WILLIAM MILBOURNE JAMES, Lord Justice of Appeal. Edited by his
+Daughter, MARY J. SALIS SCHWABE. Demy 8vo. 12_s._ 6_d._
+
+JAMES.--Works by HENRY JAMES:
+
+     FRENCH POETS AND NOVELISTS. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 4_s._
+     6_d._ CONTENTS:--Alfred de Musset: Theophile Gautier;
+     Baudelaire; Honore de Balzac; George Sand; The Two Amperes;
+     Turgenieff, &c.
+
+     PORTRAITS OF PLACES. Crown 8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._
+
+JEBB.--MODERN GREECE. Two Lectures delivered before the Philosophical
+Institution of Edinburgh. With papers on "The Progress of Greece," and
+"Byron in Greece." By R.C. JEBB, M.A., LL.D. Edin. Professor of Greek
+in the University of Glasgow. Crown 8vo. 5_s._
+
+JOHNSON'S LIVES OF THE POETS.--The Six Chief Lives--Milton, Dryden,
+Swift, Addison, Pope, Gray. With Macaulay's "Life of Johnson." Edited,
+with Preface, by MATTHEW ARNOLD. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+JONES.--THE LIFE'S WORK IN IRELAND OF A LANDLORD WHO TRIED TO DO HIS
+DUTY. By W. BENCE JONES, of Lisselan. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
+KANT.--THE LIFE OF IMMANUEL KANT. By J.H. STUCKENBERG, D.D., late
+Professor in Wittenburg College, Ohio. With Portrait. 8vo. 14_s._
+
+KANT--MAX MUeLLER.--CRITIQUE OF PURE REASON BY IMMANUEL KANT. In
+commemoration of the Centenary of its first Publication. Translated
+into English by F. MAX MUeLLER. With an Historical Introduction by
+LUDWIG NOIRE. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. 32_s._
+
+KEARY.--ANNIE KEARY: a Memoir. By ELIZA KEARY. With a Portrait. Third
+Thousand. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 4_s._ 6_d._
+
+KILLEN.--ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND, from the Earliest Date to
+the Present Time. By W.D. KILLEN, D.D., President of Assembly's
+College, Belfast, and Professor of Ecclesiastical History. Two Vols.
+8vo. 25_s._
+
+KINGSLEY (CHARLES).--Works by the Rev. CHARLES KINGSLEY, M.A., late
+Rector of Eversley and Canon of Westminster. (For other Works by the
+same Author, _see_ THEOLOGICAL and BELLES LETTRES CATALOGUES.)
+
+     AT LAST: A CHRISTMAS in the WEST INDIES. With nearly Fifty
+     Illustrations. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6_s._
+
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+     HOLIDAYS ON HIGH LANDS; or, Rambles and Incidents in search
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+MASSON (DAVID).--By DAVID MASSON, LL.D., Professor of Rhetoric and
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+     CHATTERTON: A Story of the Year 1770. Crown 8vo. 5_s._
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+     This work is not only a Biography, but also a continuous
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+TRENCH (R. CHENEVIX).--For other Works by the same Author, see
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+
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