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FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS*Ver.12.12.00*END* + + + + + +This Etext Created by Jeroen Hellingman <jehe@kabelfoon.nl> + + + + + +The Bontoc Igorot + +by Albert Ernest Jenks + + + + +Letter of Transmittal + +Department of the Interior, The Ethnological Survey, + +MANILA, FEBRUARY 3, 1904. + +Sir: I have the honor to submit a study of the Bontoc Igorot made +for this Survey during the year 1903. It is transmitted with the +recommendation that it be published as Volume I of a series of +scientific studies to be issued by The Ethnological Survey for the +Philippine Islands. + +Respectfully, + +Albert Ernst Jenks, + +CHIEF OF THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY. + +Hon. Dean C. Worcester, +SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR, MANILA, P. I. + + + + + +Preface + +After an expedition of two months in September, October, and November, +1902, among the people of northern Luzon it was decided that the Igorot +of Bontoc pueblo, in the Province of Lepanto-Bontoc, are as typical of +the primitive mountain agriculturist of Luzon as any group visited, and +that ethnologic investigations directed from Bontoc pueblo would enable +the investigator to show the culture of the primitive mountaineer of +Luzon as well as or better than investigations centered elsewhere. + +Accompanied by Mrs. Jenks, the writer took up residence in Bontoc +pueblo the 1st of January, 1903, and remained five months. The +following data were gathered during that Bontoc residence, the previous +expedition of two months, and a residence of about six weeks among +the Benguet Igorot. + +The accompanying illustrations are mainly from photographs. Some of +them were taken in April, 1903, by Hon. Dean C. Worcester, Secretary +of the Interior; others are the work of Mr. Charles Martin, Government +photographer, and were taken in January, 1903; the others were made +by the writer to supplement those taken by Mr. Martin, whose time +was limited in the area. Credit for each photograph is given with +the halftone as it appears. + +I wish to express my gratitude for the many favors of the only other +Americans living in Bontoc Province during my stay there, namely, +Lieutenant-Governor Truman K. Hunt, M.D.; Constabulary Lieutenant (now +Captain) Elmer A. Eckman; and Mr. William F. Smith, American teacher. + +In the following pages native words have their syllabic divisions +shown by hyphens and their accented syllables and vowels marked in the +various sections wherein the words are considered technically for the +first time, and also in the vocabulary in the last chapter. In all +other places they are unmarked. A later study of the language may +show that errors have been made in writing sentences, since it was +not always possible to get a consistent answer to the question as to +what part of a sentence constitutes a single word, and time was too +limited for any extensive language study. The following alphabet has +been used in writing native words. + + +A as in FAR; Spanish RAMO +A as in LAW; as O in French OR +AY as AI in AISLE; Spanish HAY +AO as OU in OUT; as AU in Spanish AUTO +B as in BAD; Spanish BAJAR +CH as in CHECK; Spanish CHICO +D as in DOG; Spanish DAR +E as in THEY; Spanish HALLE +E as in THEN; Spanish COMEN +F as in FIGHT; Spanish FIRMAR +G as in GO; Spanish GOZAR +H as in HE; Tagalog BAHAY +I as in PIQUE; Spanish HIJO +I as in PICK +K as in KEEN +L as in LAMB; Spanish LENTE +M as in MAN; Spanish MENOS +N as in NOW; Spanish JABON +NG as in FINGER; Spanish LENGUA +O as in NOTE; Spanish NOSOTROS +OI as in BOIL +P as in POOR; Spanish PERO +Q as CH in German ICH +S as in SAUCE; Spanish SORDO +SH as in SHALL; as CH in French CHARMER +T as in TOUCH; Spanish TOMAR +U as in RULE; Spanish UNO +U as in BUT +U as in German KUHL +V as in VALVE; Spanish VOLVER +W as in WILL; nearly as OU in French OUI +Y as in YOU; Spanish YA + + +It seems not improper to say a word here regarding some of my commonest +impressions of the Bontoc Igorot. + +Physically he is a clean-limbed, well-built, dark-brown man of medium +stature, with no evidence of degeneracy. He belongs to that extensive +stock of primitive people of which the Malay is the most commonly +named. I do not believe he has received any of his characteristics, +as a group, from either the Chinese or Japanese, though this theory +has frequently been presented. The Bontoc man would be a savage if +it were not that his geographic location compelled him to become an +agriculturist; necessity drove him to this art of peace. In everyday +life his actions are deliberate, but he is not lazy. He is remarkably +industrious for a primitive man. In his agricultural labors he has +strength, determination, and endurance. On the trail, as a cargador +or burden bearer for Americans, he is patient and uncomplaining, and +earns his wage in the sweat of his brow. His social life is lowly, +and before marriage is most primitive; but a man has only one wife, to +whom he is usually faithful. The social group is decidedly democratic; +there are no slaves. The people are neither drunkards, gamblers, +nor "sportsmen." There is little "color" in the life of the Igorot; +he is not very inventive and seems to have little imagination. His +chief recreation -- certainly his most-enjoyed and highly prized +recreation -- is head-hunting. But head-hunting is not the passion +with him that it is with many Malay peoples. + +His religion is at base the most primitive religion known -- animism, +or spirit belief -- but he has somewhere grasped the idea of one god, +and has made this belief in a crude way a part of his life. + +He is a very likable man, and there is little about his primitiveness +that is repulsive. He is of a kindly disposition, is not servile, +and is generally trustworthy. He has a strong sense of humor. He is +decidedly friendly to the American, whose superiority he recognizes +and whose methods he desires to learn. The boys in school are quick +and bright, and their teacher pronounces them superior to Indian and +Mexican children he has taught in Mexico, Texas, and New Mexico.[1] + +Briefly, I believe in the future development of the Bontoc Igorot +for the following reasons: He has an exceptionally fine physique for +his stature and has no vices to destroy his body. He has courage +which no one who knows him seems ever to think of questioning; he +is industrious, has a bright mind, and is willing to learn. His +institutions -- governmental, religious, and social -- are not +radically opposed to those of modern civilization -- as, for instance, +are many institutions of the Mohammedanized people of Mindanao and +the Sulu Archipelago -- but are such, it seems to me, as will quite +readily yield to or associate themselves with modern institutions. + +I recall with great pleasure the months spent in Bontoc pueblo, and +I have a most sincere interest in and respect for the Bontoc Igorot +as a man. + + + +Introduction + +The readers of this monograph are familiar with the geographic location +of the Philippine Archipelago. However, to have the facts clearly in +mind, it will be stated that the group lies entirely within the north +torrid zone, extending from 4[degree] 40' northward to 21[degree] +3' and from 116[degree] 40' to 126[degree] 34' east longitude. It is +thus about 1,000 miles from north to south and 550 miles from east to +west. The Pacific Ocean washes its eastern shores, the Sea of Celebes +its southern, and the China Sea its western and northern shores. It +is about 630 kilometers, or 400 miles, from the China coast, and +lies due east from French Indo-China. The Batanes group of islands, +stretching north of Luzon, has members nearer Formosa than Luzon. On +the southwest Borneo is sighted from Philippine territory. + +Briefly, it may be said the Archipelago belongs to Asia -- +geologically, zoologically, and botanically -- rather than to Oceania, +and that, apparently, the entire Archipelago has shared a common +origin and existence. There is evidence that it was connected with +the mainland by solid earth in the early or Middle Tertiary. For a +long geologic time the land was low and swampy. At the end of the +Eocene a great upheaval occurred; there were foldings and crumplings, +igneous rock was thrust into the distorted mass, and the islands +were considerably elevated above the sea. During the latter part of +the Tertiary period the lands seem to have subsided and to have been +separated from the mainland. + +About the close of the subsidence eruptions began which are continued +to the present by such volcanoes as Taal and Mayon in Luzon and Apo +in Mindanao. No further subsidence appears to have occurred after +the close of the Tertiary, though the gradual elevation beginning +then had many lapses, as is evidenced by the numerous sea beaches +often seen one above the other in horizontal tiers. The elevation +continues to-day in an almost invisible way. The Islands have been +greatly enlarged during the elevation by the constant building of +coral around the submerged shores. + +It is believed that man had appeared in the great Malay Archipelago +before this elevation began. It is thought by some that he was in +the Philippines in the later Tertiary, but there are no data as yet +throwing light on this question. + +To-day the Archipelago lies like a large net in the natural pathway +of people fleeing themselves from the supposed birthplace of the +primitive Malayan stock, namely, from Java, Sumatra, and the adjacent +Malay Peninsula, or, more likely, the larger mainland. It spreads +over a large area, and is well fitted by its numerous islands -- +some 3,100 -- and its innumerable bays and coastal pockets to catch +up and hold a primitive, seafaring people. + +There are and long have been daring Malayan pirates, and there is +to-day among the southern islands a numerous class -- the Samal -- +living most of the time on the sea, yet they all keep close to land, +except in time of calm, and when a storm is brewing they strike out +straight for the nearest shore like scared children. The ocean currents +and the monsoons have been greatly instrumental in driving different +people through the seas into the Philippine net.[2] The Tagakola +on the west coast of the Gulf of Davao, Mindanao, have a tradition +that they are descendants of men cast on their present shores from +a distant land and of the Manobo women of the territory. The Bagobo, +also in the Gulf of Davao, claim they came to their present home in +a few boats generations ago. They purposely left their former land +to flee from head-hunting, a practice in their earlier home, but one +they do not follow in Mindanao. What per cent of the people coming +originally to the Archipelago was castaway, nomadic, or immigrant +it is impossible to judge, but there have doubtless also been many +systematic and prolonged migrations from nearby lands, as from Borneo, +Celebes, Sangir, etc. + +Primitive man is represented in the Philippines to-day not alone by +one of the lowest natural types of savage man the historic world has +looked upon -- the small, dark-brown, bearded, "crisp-woolly"-haired +Negritos -- but by some thirty distinct primitive Malayan tribes or +dialect groups, among which are believed to be some of the lowest of +the stock in existence. + +In northern Luzon is the Igorot, a typical primitive Malayan. He is +a muscular, smooth-faced, brown man of a type between the delicate +and the coarse. In Mindoro the Mangiyan is found, an especially lowly +Malayan, who may prove to be a true savage in culture. In Mindanao is +the slender, delicate, smooth-faced brown man of which the Subano, in +the western part, is typical. There are the Bagobo and the extensive +Manobo of eastern Mindanao in the neighborhood of the Gulf of Davao, +the latter people following the Agusan River practically to the +north coast of Mindanao. In southeastern Mindanao, in the vicinity +of Mount Apo and also north of the Gulf of Davao, are the Ata. They +are a scattered people and evidently a Negrito and primitive Malayan +mixture. In Nueva Vizcaya, Nueva Ecija, Isabela, and perhaps Principe, +of Luzon, are the Ibilao. They are a slender, delicate, bearded people, +with an artistic nature quite different from any other now known +in the island, but somewhat like that of the Ata of Mindanao. Their +artistic wood productions suggest the incised work of distant dwellers +of the Pacific, as that of the people of New Guinea, Fiji Islands, +or Hervey Islands. The seven so-called Christian tribes,[3] occupying +considerable areas in the coastwise lands and low plains of most of +the larger islands of the Archipelago, represent migrations to the +Archipelago subsequent to those of the Igorot and comparable tribes. + +The last migrations of brown men into the Archipelago are historic. The +Spaniard discovered the inward flow of the large Samal Moro group -- +after his arrival in the sixteenth century. The movement of this +nomadic "Sea Gipsy" Samal has not ceased to-day, but continues to +flow in and out among the small southern islands. + +Besides the peoples here cited there are a score of others scattered +about the Archipelago, representing many grades of primitive culture, +but those mentioned are sufficient to suggest that the Islands have +been very effective in gathering up and holding divers groups of +primitive men.[4] + + + + + + + + +PART 1 + +The Igorot Culture Group + + +Igorot land + +Northern Luzon, or Igorot land, is by far the largest area in the +Philippine Archipelago having any semblance of regularity. It is +roughly rectangular in form, extending two and one-half degrees north +and south and two degrees east and west. + +There are two prominent geographic features in northern Luzon. One is +the beautifully picturesque mountain system, the Caraballos, the most +important range of which is the Caraballos Occidentales, extending +north and south throughout the western part of the territory. This +range is the famous "Cordillera Central" for about three-quarters +of its extent northward, beyond which it is known as "Cordillera del +Norte." The other prominent feature is the extensive drainage system of +the eastern part, the Rio Grande de Cagayan draining northward into the +China Sea about two-thirds of the territory of northern Luzon. It is +the largest drainage system and the largest river in the Archipelago. + +The surface of northern Luzon is made up of four distinct types. First +is the coastal plain -- a consistently narrow strip of land, generally +not over 3 or 4 miles wide. The soil is sandy silt with a considerable +admixture of vegetable matter. In some places it is loose, and shifts +readily before the winds; here and there are stretches of alluvial +clay loam. The sandy areas are often covered with coconut trees, and +the alluvial deposits along the rivers frequently become beds of nipa +palm as far back as tide water. The plain areas are generally poorly +watered except during the rainy season, having only the streams of +the steep mountains passing through them. These river beds are broad, +"quicky," impassable torrents in the rainy season, and are shallow +or practically dry during half the year, with only a narrow, lazy +thread flowing among the bowlders. + +This plain area on the west coast is the undisputed dwelling place +of the Christian Ilokano, occupying pueblos in Union, Ilokos Sur, +and Ilokos Norte Provinces. Almost nothing is known of the eastern +coastal plain area. It is believed to be extremely narrow, and has +at least one pueblo, of Christianized Tagalog -- the famous Palanan, +the scene of Aguinaldo's capture. + +The second type of surface is the coastal hill area. It extends from +the coastal plain irregularly back to the mountains, and is thought +to be much narrower on the eastern coast than on the western -- in +fact, it may be quite absent on the eastern. It is the remains of a +tilted plain sloping seaward from an altitude of about 1,000 feet to +one of, say, 100 feet, and its hilly nature is due to erosion. These +hills are generally covered only with grasses; the sheltered moister +places often produce rank growths of tall, coarse cogon grass.[5] +The soil varies from dark clay loam through the sandy loams to quite +extensive deposits of coarse gravel. The level stretches in the hills +on the west coast are generally in the possession of the Christian +peoples, though here and there are small pueblos of the large Igorot +group. The Igorot in these pueblos are undergoing transformation, +and quite generally wear clothing similar to that of the Ilokano. + +The third type of surface is the mountain country -- the "temperate +zone of the Tropics"; it is the habitat of the Igorot. From the western +coastal hill area the mountains rise abruptly in parallel ranges lying +in a general north and south direction, and they subside only in the +foothills west of the great level bottom land bordering the Rio Grande +de Cagayan. The Cordillera Central is as fair and about as varied +a mountain country as the tropic sun shines on. It has mountains up +which one may climb from tropic forest jungles into open, pine-forested +parks, and up again into the dense tropic forest, with its drapery +of vines, its varied hanging orchids, and its graceful, lilting fern +trees. It has mountains forested to the upper rim on one side with +tropic jungle and on the other with sturdy pine trees; at the crest +line the children of the Tropics meet and intermingle with those of +the temperate zone. There are gigantic, rolling, bare backs whose only +covering is the carpet of grass periodically green and brown. There +are long, rambling, skeleton ranges with here and there pine forests +gradually creeping up the sides to the crests. There are solitary +volcanoes, now extinct, standing like things purposely let alone when +nature humbled the surrounding earth. There are sculptured lime rocks, +cities of them, with gray hovels and mansions and cathedrals. + +The mountains present one interesting geologic feature. The +"hiker" is repeatedly delighted to find his trail passing quite +easily from one peak or ascent to another over a natural connecting +embankment. On either side of this connecting ridge is the head of a +deep, steep-walled canyon; the ridge is only a few hundred feet broad +at base, and only half a dozen to twenty feet wide at the top. These +ridges invariably have the appearance of being composed of soft earth, +and not of rock. They are appreciated by the primitive man, who takes +advantage of them as of bridges. + +The mountains are well watered; the summits of most of the mountains +have perpetual springs of pure, cool waters. On the very tops of some +there are occasional perpetual water holes ranging from 10 to 100 feet +across. These holes have neither surface outlet nor inlet; there are +two such within two hours of Bontoc pueblo. They are the favorite +wallowing places of the carabao, the so-called "water buffalo,"[6] +both the wild and the half-domesticated animals. + +The mountain streams are generally in deep gorges winding in and out +between the sharp folds of the mountains. Their beds are strewn with +bowlders, often of immense size, which have withstood the wearing of +waters and storms. During the rainy season the streams racing between +the bases of two mountain ridges are maddened torrents. Some streams, +born and fed on the very peaks, tumble 100, 500, even 1,500 feet +over precipices, landing white as snow in the merciless torrent at +the mountain base. During the dry season the rivers are fordable at +frequent intervals, but during the rainy season, beginning in the +Cordillera Central in June and lasting well through October, even +the natives hesitate often for a week at a time to cross them. + +The absence of lakes is noteworthy in the mountain country of +northern Luzon -- in fact, in all of northern Luzon. The two large +lakes frequently shown on maps of Cagayan Province, one east and one +west of the Rio Grande de Cagayan near the eighteenth parallel, are +not known to exist, though it is probable there is some foundation for +the Spaniards' belief in the existence of at least the eastern one. In +the bottom land of the Rio Grande de Cagayan, about six hours west +of Cabagan Nuevo, near the provincial border of Cagayan and Isabela, +there were a hundred acres of land covered with shallow water the last +of October, 1902, just at the end of the dry season of the Cagayan +Valley. The surface was well covered with rank, coarse grasses and +filled with aquatic plants, especially with lilies. Apparently the +waters were slowly receding, since the earth about the margins was +supporting the short, coarse grasses that tell of the gradual drying +out of soils once covered with water. In the mountains near Sagada, +Bontoc Province, there is a very small lake, and one or two others +have been reported at Bontoc; but the mountains must be said to be +practically lakeless. + +Another mountain range of northern Luzon, of which practically no +details are known, is the Sierra Madre, extending nearly the full +length of the country close to the eastern coast. It seems to be an +unbroken, continuous range, and, as such, is the longest mountain +range in the Archipelago. + +The fourth type of surface is the level areas. These areas lie mainly +along the river courses, and vary from a few rods in width to the +valley of the Rio Grande de Cagayan, which is often 50 miles in width, +and probably more. There are, besides these river valleys, varying +tracts of level plains which may most correctly be termed mountain +table-lands. The limited mountain valleys and table-lands are the +immediate home of the Igorot. The valleys are worn by the streams, +and, in turn, are built up, leveled, and enriched by the sand and +alluvium deposited annually by the floods. They are generally open, +grass-covered areas, though some have become densely forested since +being left above the high water of the streams. + +The broad valley of the Rio Grande de Cagayan is not occupied +by the Igorot. It is too poorly watered and forested to meet his +requirements. It is mainly a vast pasture, supporting countless deer; +along the foothills and the forest-grown creek and river bottoms +there are many wild hogs; and in some areas herds of wild carabaos +and horses are found. Near the main river is a numerous population +of Christians. Many are Ilokano imported originally by the tobacco +companies to carry on the large tobacco plantations of the valley, +and the others are the native Cagayan. + +The table-lands were once generally forested, but to-day many are +deforested, undulating, beautiful pastures. Some were cleared by +the Igorot for agriculture, and doubtless others by forest fires, +such as one constantly sees during the dry season destroying the +mountain forests of northern Luzon. + +General observations have not been made on the temperature and humidity +of much of the mountain country of northern Luzon. However, scientific +observations have been made and recorded for a series of about ten +years at Baguio, Benguet Province, at an altitude of 4,777 feet, +and it is from the published data there gathered that the following +facts are gained.[7] The temperature and rainfall are the average +means deduced from many years' observations: + + + +Month +Mean temperature +Number of rainy days +Rainfall + + +[DEGREE]F + +INCHES + +January +63.5 +1 +0.06 + +February +62.1 +2 +0.57 + +March +66.9 +3 +1.46 + +April +70.5 +1 +0.32 + +May +68.3 +16 +4.02 + +June +67.2 +26 +12.55 + +July +66.5 +26 +14.43 + +August +64.6 +31 +37.03 + +September +67.0 +23 +11.90 + +October +67.0 +13 +4.95 + +November +68.2 +13 +2.52 + +December +66.0 +16 +5.47 + + +It is seen that April is the hottest month of the year and February is +the coldest. The absolute lowest temperature recorded is 42.10[degree] +Fahrenheit, noted February 18, 1902. Of course the temperature +varies considerably -- a fact due largely to altitude and prevailing +winds. The height of the rainy season is in August, during which it +rains every day, with an average precipitation of 37.03 inches. Baguio +is known as much rainier than many other places in the Cordillera +Central, yet it must be taken as more or less typical of the entire +mountain area of northern Luzon, throughout which the rainy season +is very uniform. Usually the days of the rainy season are beautiful +and clear during the forenoon, but all-day rains are not rare, and +each season has two or three storms of pelting, driving rain which +continues without a break for four or five days. + + +Igorot peoples + +In several languages of northern Luzon the word "Ig-o-rot'" means +"mountain people." Dr. Pardo de Tavera says the word "Igorrote" +is composed of the root word "golot," meaning, in Tagalog, "mountain +chain," and the prefix "i," meaning "dweller in" or "people of." Morga +in 1609 used the word as "Igolot;" early Spaniards also used the word +frequently as "Ygolotes" -- and to-day some groups of the Igorot, +as the Bontoc group, do not pronounce the "r" sound, which common +usage now puts in the word. The Spaniards applied the term to the wild +peoples of present Benguet and Lepanto Provinces, now a short-haired, +peaceful people. In after years its common application spread eastward +to the natives of the comandancia of Quiangan, in the present Province +of Nueva Vizcaya, and northward to those of Bontoc. + +The word "Ig-o-rot'" is now adopted tentatively as the name of the +extensive primitive Malayan people of northern Luzon, because it is +applied to a very large number of the mountain people by themselves and +also has a recognized usage in ethnologic and other writings. Its form +as "Ig-o-rot'" is adopted for both singular and plural, because it is +both natural and phonetic, and, because, so far as it is possible to +do so, it is thought wise to retain the simple native forms of such +words as it seems necessary or best to incorporate in our language, +especially in scientific language. + +The sixteenth degree of north latitude cuts across Luzon probably as +far south as any people of the Igorot group are now located. It is +believed they occupy all the mountain country northward in the island +except the territory of the Ibilao in the southeastern part of the +area and some of the most inaccessible mountains in eastern Luzon, +which are occupied by Negritos. + +There are from 150,000 to 225,000 Igorot in Igorot land. The census +of the Archipelago taken in 1903 will give the number as about +185,000. In the northern part of Pangasinan Province, the southwestern +part of the territory, there are reported about 3,150 pagan people +under various local names, as "Igorrotes," "Infieles" [pagans], and +"Nuevos Christianos." In Benguet Province there are some 23,000, +commonly known as "Benguet Igorrotes." In Union Province there are +about 4,400 primitive people, generally called "Igorrotes." Ilokos Sur +has nearly 8,000, half of whom are known to history as "Tinguianes" +and half as "Igorrotes." The Province of Ilokos Norte has nearly +9,000, which number is divided quite evenly between "Igorrotes," +"Tinguianes," and "Infieles." Abra Province has in round numbers 13,500 +pagan Malayans, most of whom are historically known as "Alzados" and +"Tinguianes." These Tinguian ethnically belong to the great Igorot +group, and in northern Bontoc Province, where they are known as Itneg, +flow into and are not distinguishable from the Igorot; but no effort is +made in this monograph to cut the Tinguian asunder from the position +they have gained in historic and ethnologic writings as a separate +people. The Province of Lepanto-Bontoc has, according to records, +about 70,500 "Igorrotes," "Tinguianes," and "Caylingas," but I believe +a more careful census will show it has nearer 100,000. Nueva Ecija is +reported to have half a hundred "Tinguianes." The Province of Nueva +Vizcaya has some 46,000 people locally and historically known as +"Bunnayans," a large group in the Spanish comandancia of Quiangan; +the "Silapanes," also a large group of people closely associated with +the Bunayan; the Isinay, a small group in the southern part of the +province; the Alamit, a considerable group of Silipan people dwelling +along the Alamit River in the comandancia of Quiangan; and the small +Ayangan group of the Bunayan people of Quiangan. Cagayan Province has +about 11,000 "Caylingas" and "Ipuyaos." Isabela Province is reported +as having about 2,700 primitive Malayans of the Igorot group; they +are historically known as "Igorrotes," "Gaddanes," "Calingas," and +"Ifugaos." + +The following forms of the above names of different dialect groups of +Ig-o-rot' have been adopted by The Ethnological Survey: Tin-gui-an', +Ka-lin'-ga, Bun-a-yan', I-sa-nay', A-la'-mit, Sil-i-pan', Ay-an'-gan, +I-pu-kao', and Gad-an'. + +It is believed that all the mountain people of the northern half +of Luzon, except the Negritos, came to the island in some of the +earliest of the movements that swept the coasts of the Archipelago +from the south and spread over the inland areas -- succeeding waves +of people, having more culture, driving their cruder blood fellows +farther inland. Though originally of one blood, and though they +are all to-day in a similar broad culture-grade -- that is, all are +mountain agriculturists, and all are, or until recently have been, +head-hunters -- yet it does not follow that the Igorot groups have +to-day identical culture; quite the contrary is true. There are many +and wide differences even in important cultural expressions which are +due to environment, long isolation, and in some cases to ideas and +processes borrowed from different neighboring peoples. Very misleading +statements have sometimes been made in regard to the Igorot -- customs +from different groups have been jumbled together in one description +until a man has been pictured who can not be found anywhere. All +except the most general statements are worse than wasted unless a +particular group is designated. + +An illustration of some of the differences between groups of typical +Igorot will make this clearer. I select as examples the people of +Bontoc and the adjoining Quiangan district in northern Nueva Vizcaya +Province, both of whom are commonly known as Igorot. It must be +noted that the people of both areas are practically unmodified by +modern culture and both are constant head-hunters. With scarcely +one exception Bontoc pueblos are single clusters of buildings; +in Banawi pueblo of the Quiangan area there are eleven separate +groups of dwellings, each group situated on a prominence which may +be easily protected by the inhabitants against an enemy below them; +and other Quiangan pueblos are similarly built. As will be brought out +in succeeding chapters, the social and political institutions of the +two peoples differ widely. In Bontoc the head weapon is a battle-ax, +in Quiangan it is a long knife. Most of the head-hunting practices +of the two peoples are different, especially as to the disposition of +the skulls of the victims. Bontoc men wear their hair long, and have +developed a small pocket-hat to confine the hair and contain small +objects carried about; the men of Quiangan wear their hair short, have +nothing whatever of the nature of the pocket-hat, but have developed +a unique hand bag which is used as a pocket. In the Quiangan area a +highly conventionalized wood-carving art has developed -- beautiful +eating spoons with figures of men and women carved on the handles +and food bowls cut in animal figures are everywhere found; while +in Bontoc only the most crude and artless wood carving is made. In +language there is such a difference that Bontoc men who accompanied +me into the northern part of the large Quiangan area, only a long day +from Bontoc pueblo, could not converse with Quiangan men, even about +such common things as travelers in a strange territory need to learn. + +It is because of the many differences in cultural expressions between +even small and neighboring communities of the primitive people of the +Philippine Archipelago that I wish to be understood in this paper +as speaking of the one group -- the Bontoc Igorot culture group; +a group however, in every essential typical of the numerous Igorot +peoples of the mountains of northern Luzon. + + + +PART 2 + +The Bontoc Culture Group + + +Bontoc culture area + +The Bontoc culture area nearly equals the old Spanish Distrito +Politico-Militar of Bontoc, presented to the American public in a +Government publication in 1900.[8] + +The Spanish Bontoc area was estimated about 4,500 square +kilometers. This was probably too large an estimate, and it is +undoubtedly an overestimate for the Bontoc culture area, the northern +border of which is farther south than the border of the Spanish +Bontoc area. + +The area is well in the center of northern Luzon and is cut off by +watersheds from other territory, except on the northeast. The most +prominent of these watersheds is Polis Mountain, extending along +the eastern and southern sides of the area; it is supposed to reach a +height of over 7,000 feet. The western watershed is an undifferentiated +range of the Cordillera Central. To the north stretches a large area +of the present Province of Bontoc, though until 1903 most of that +northern territory was embraced in the Province of Abra. The Province +of Isabela lies to the east; Nueva Vizcaya and Lepanto border the +area on the south, and Lepanto and Abra border it on the west. + +The Bontoc culture area lies entirely in the mountains, and, with the +exception of two pueblos, it is all drained northeastward into the +Rio Grande de Cagayan by one river, the Rio Chico de Cagayan; but the +Rio Sibbu, coursing more directly eastward, is a considerable stream. + +To-day one main trail enters Bontoc Province. It was originally +built by the Spaniards, and enters Bontoc pueblo from the southwest, +leading up from Cervantes in Lepanto Province. From Cervantes there +are two trails to the coast. One passes southward through Baguio in +Benguet Province and then stretches westward, terminating on the +coast at San Fernando, in Union Province. The other, the one most +commonly traveled to Bontoc, passes to the northwest, terminating on +the coast at Candon, in the Province of Ilokos Sur. The main trail, +entering Bontoc from Cervantes, passes through the pueblo and extends +to the northeast, quite closely following the trend of the Chico +River. In Spanish times it was seldom traveled farther than Bassao, +but several parties of Americans have been over it as far as the +Rio Grande de Cagayan since November, 1902. A second trail, also of +Spanish origin, but now practically unused, enters the area from the +south and connects Bontoc pueblo, its northern terminus, with the +valley of the Magat River far south. It passes through the pueblos +of Bayambang, Quiangan, and Banawi, in the Province of Nueva Vizcaya. + +The main trail is to-day passable for a horseman from the coast +terminus to Tinglayan, three days beyond Bontoc pueblo. Practically +all other trails in the area are simply wild footpaths of the +Igorot. Candon, the coast terminus of the main trail, lies in the +coastal plain area about 4 1/4 miles from the sea. From the coast to +the small pueblo of Concepcion at the western base of the Cordillera +Central is a half-day's journey. The first half of the trail passes +over flat land, with here and there small pueblos surrounded by rice +sementeras. There are almost no forests. The latter half is through +the coastal hill area, and the trail frequently passes through small +forests; it crosses several rivers, dangerous to ford in the rainy +season, and winds in and out among attractive hills bearing clumps +of graceful, plume-like bamboo. + +From Concepcion the trail leads up the mountain to Tilud Pass, historic +since the insurrection because of the brave stand made there by the +young, ill-fated General del Pilar. The climb to Tilud Pass, from +either side of the mountain, is one of the longest and most tedious in +northern Luzon. The trail frequently turns short on itself, so that +the front and rear parts of a pack train are traveling face to face, +and one end is not more than eight or ten rods above the other on the +side of the mountain. The last view of the sea from the Candon-Bontoc +trail is obtained at Tilud Pass. From Concepcion to Angaki, at the +base of the mountain on the eastern side of the pass, the trail is +about half a day long. From the pass it is a ceaseless drop down +the steep mountain, but affords the most charming views of mountain +scenery in northern Luzon. The shifting direction of the turning trail +and the various altitudes of the traveler present constantly changing +scenes -- mountains and mountains ramble on before one. From Angaki +to Cervantes the trail passes over deforested rolling mountain land, +with safe drinking water in only one small spring. Many travelers +who pass that part of the journey in the middle of the day complain +loudly of the heat and thirst experienced there. + +Cervantes, said to be 70 miles from Candon, is the capital of the dual +Province of Lepanto-Bontoc. Bontoc pueblo lies inland only about 35 +miles farther, but the greater part of two days is usually required to +reach it. Twenty minutes will carry a horseman down the bluff from +Cervantes, across the swift Abra -- if the stream is fordable -- +and start him on the eastward mountain climb. + +The first pueblo beyond Cervantes is Cayan, the old Spanish capital of +the district. About twenty-five years ago the site was changed from +Cayan to Cervantes because there was not sufficient suitable land +at Cayan. Cayan is about four hours from Cervantes, and every foot +of the trail is up the mountain. A short distance beyond Cayan the +trail divides to rejoin only at the outskirts of Bontoc pueblo; but +the right-hand or "lower" trail is not often traveled by horsemen. Up +and up the mountain one climbs from about 1,800 feet at Cervantes to +about 6,000 feet among the pines, and then slowly descends, having +crossed the boundary line between Lepanto and Bontoc subprovinces to +the pueblo of Bagnen -- the last one before the Bontoc culture area +is entered. It is customary to spend the night on the trail, as one +goes into Bontoc, either at Bagnen or at Sagada, a pueblo about two +hours farther on. + +Only along the top of the high mountain, before Bagnen is reached, +does the trail pass through a forest -- otherwise it is always +climbing up or winding about the mountains deforested probably by +fires. Practically all the immediate territory on the right hand of +the trail between Bagnen and Sagada is occupied by the beautifully +terraced rice sementeras of Balugan; the valley contains more than a +thousand acres so cultivated. At Sagada lime rocks -- some eroded into +gigantic, massive forms, others into fantastic spires and domes -- +everywhere crop out from the grassy hills. Up and down the mountains +the trail leads, passing another small pine forest near Ankiling +and Titipan, about four hours from Bontoc, and then creeps on and +at last through the terraced entrance way into the mountain pocket +where Bontoc pueblo lies, about 100 miles from the western coast, +and, by Government aneroid barometer, about 2,800 feet above the sea. + + +Marks of Bontoc culture + +It is difficult and often impossible to state the essential difference +in culture which distinguishes one group of people from another. It +is more difficult to draw lines of distinction, for the culture of +one group almost imperceptibly flows into that of another adjoining it. + +However, two fundamental institutions of the people of Bontoc seem to +differ from those of most adjoining people. One of these institutions +has to do with the control of the pueblo. Bontoc has not developed +the headman -- the "principal" of the Spaniard, the "Bak-nan'" +of the Benguet Igorot -- the one rich man who becomes the pueblo, +leader. In Benguet Province the headman is found in every pueblo, +and he is so powerful that he often dominates half a dozen outlying +barrios to the extent that he receives a large share, often one-half, +of the output of all the productive labors of the barrio. Immediately +north of the Bontoc area, in Tinglayan, the headman is again found. He +has no place whatever in Bontoc. The control of the pueblos of the +Bontoc area is in the hands of groups of old men; however, each +group, called "intugtukan," operates only within a single political +and geographic portion of the pueblo, so that no one group has in +charge the control of the pueblo. The pueblo is a loose federation +of smaller political groups. + +The other institution is a social development. It is the olag, +an institution of trial marriage. It is not known to exist among +adjoining people, but is found throughout the area in which the +intugtukan exists; they are apparently coextensive. I was repeatedly +informed that the olag is not found in the Banawi area south of Bontoc, +or in the Tinglayan area east, or among the Tinguian to the north, +or in Benguet far southwest, or in Lepanto immediately southwest -- +though I have some reason to believe that both the intugtukan and +olag exist in a crumbling way among certain Lepanto Igorot. + +Besides these two institutions there are other differing marks of +culture between the Bontoc area and adjoining people. Some of these +were suggested a few pages back, others will appear in following pages. + +Without doubt the limits of the spread of the common culture have +been determined mainly by the physiography of the country. One of the +two pueblos in the area not on the common drainage system is Lias, +but Lias was largely built by a migration from Bontoc pueblo -- the +hotbed of Bontoc culture. Barlig, the other pueblo not on the common +drainage system (both Barlig and Lias are on the Sibbu River), lies +between Lias and the other pueblos of the Bontoc culture area, and so +naturally has been drawn in line and held in line with the culture +of the geographic area in which it is located -- its institutions +are those of its environment. + + +The Bontoc man + + +Introduction + +The Bontoc Igorot has been in Bontoc longer than the endurance of +tradition, for he says he never lived elsewhere, that he never drove +any people out before him, and that he was never driven; and has +always called himself the "I-pu-kao'" or "I-fu-gao'" -- the "people." + +This word for people survives not only throughout the Province +of Bontoc but also far toward the northern end of Luzon, where it +appears as "Apayao" or "Yaos." Bontoc designates the people of the +Quiangan region as "I-fu-gao'," though a part of them at least have +a different name for themselves. + +The Bontoc Igorot have their center in the pueblo of Bontoc, +pronounced "Ban-tak'," a Spanish corruption of the Igorot name +"Fun-tak'," a common native word for mountain, the original name +of the pueblo. To the northwest their culture extends to that of +the historic Tinguian, a long-haired folk physiographically cut off +by a watershed. To the east of the Cordillera Central the Tinguian +call themselves "It-neg'." To the northeast the Bontoc culture area +embraces the pueblo of Basao, stopping short of Tinglayan. The eastern +limit of Bontoc culture is fixed by the pueblos of Lias and Barlig, +and is thus about coextensive with the province. Southward the area +includes all to the top of the watershed of Polis Mountain, which +turns southward the numerous streams feeding the Rio Magat. The +pueblos south of this watershed -- Lubong, Gisang, Banawi, etc. -- +belong to the short-haired people of Quiangan culture. To the west +Bontoc culture extends to the watershed of the Cordillera Central, +which turns westward the various affluents of the Rio del Abra. On +the southwest this cuts off the short-haired Lepanto Igorot, whose +culture seems to be more allied to that of Benguet than Bontoc. + +The men of the Bontoc area know none of the peoples by whom they +are surrounded by the names history gives or the peoples designate +themselves, with the exception of the Lepanto Igorot, the It-neg', +and the Ilokano of the west coast. They do not know the "Tinguian" +of Abra on their north and northwest by that name; they call them +"It-neg'." Farther north are the people called by the Spaniards +"Nabayuganes," "Aripas," and "Ipugaos;" to the northeast and east +are the "Caylingas," "Comunanges," "Bayabonanes," "Dayags," and +"Gaddannes" -- but Bontoc knows none of these names. Bontoc culture +and Kalinga culture lie close together on the east, and the people of +Bontoc pueblo name all their eastern neighbors It-neg' -- the same +term they apply to the Tinguian to the west and northwest, because, +they say, they all wear great quantities of brass on the arms and +legs. To the south of Bontoc are the Quiangan Igorot, the Banawi +division of which, at least, names itself May'-yo-yet, but whom Bontoc +calls "I-fu-gao'." They designate the people of Benguet the "Igorot +of Benguet," but these peoples designate themselves "Ib-a-loi'" in +the northern part, and "Kan-ka-nay'" in the southern part, neither +of which names Bontoc knows. + +She has still another set of names for the people surrounding her +-- people whom she vaguely knows are there but of whom or of whose +lands she has no first-hand knowledge. The people to the north are +"Am-yan'-an," and the northern country is "La'-god." The "Day'-ya" +are the eastern people, while "Bar'-lig" is the name of the eastern +and southeastern land. "Ab-a-ga'-tan" are the people of the south, and +"Fi'-lig ab-a-ga'-tan," is the south land. The people of the west are +"Loa'-od," and "Fi'-lig lao'-od," or "Lo'-ko" (the Provinces of Ilokos +Norte and Ilokos Sur) is the country lying to the west and southwest. + +Some of the old men of Bontoc say that in the past the Igorot people +once extended to the seacoast in the Provinces of Ilokos Norte +and Ilokos Sur. This, of course, is a tradition of the prehistoric +time before the Ilokano invaded northern Luzon; but, as has been +stated, the Bontoc people claim never to have been driven by that +invasion, neither have they any knowledge of such a movement. It is +not improbable, however, that traditions of the invasion may linger +with the people nearer the coast and farther north. + + +Historical sketch + +It is regretted that the once voluminous historical records and data +which the Spaniards prepared and kept at Bontoc were burned -- tons of +paper, they say -- probably late in 1898 or early in 1899 by Captain +Angels, an insurrecto. However, from scanty printed historical data, +but mostly from information gathered in Bontoc from Igorot and resident +Ilokano, the following brief sketch is presented, with the hope that it +will show the nature of the outside influences which have been about +Bontoc for the past half century prior to American occupation. It is +believed that the data are sufficiently truthful for this purpose, +but no claim is made for historical accuracy. + +It seems that in 1665 the Spanish governor of the Philippines, +Governor-General D. Diego de Salcedo, sent an expedition from Manila +into northern Luzon. Some time during the three years the expedition +was out its influence was felt in Fidelisan and Tanolang, two pueblos +in the western part of the Bontoc culture area, for history says they +paid tribute.[9] It is not probable that any considerable party from +the expedition penetrated the Igorot mountain country as far as the +above pueblos. + +After the year 1700 expeditions occasionally reached Cayan, which, +until about twenty-five years ago, as has been stated, was a Spanish +capital. In 1852 the entire territory of present Lepanto-Bontoc and a +large part of northern Nueva Vizcaya were organized as an independent +"distrito," under the name of "Valle de Cayan;"[10] and a few years +later, though the author does not give the date, Bontoc was established +as an independent "distrito." + +The Spaniards and Ilokano in and about Bontoc Province say that it +was about fifty years ago that the Spaniards first came to Bontoc. The +time agrees very accurately with the time of the establishment of the +district. From then until 1899 there was a Spanish garrison of 200 +or 300 men stationed in Bontoc pueblo. Christian Ilokano from the +west coast of northern Luzon and the Christian Tagalog from Manila +and vicinity were the soldiers. + +The Spanish comandante of the "distrito," the head of the +political-military government, resided there, and there were also +a few Spanish army officers and an army chaplain. A large garrison +was quartered in Cervantes; there was a church in both Bontoc and +Cervantes. In the district of Bontoc there was a Spanish post at +Sagada, between the two capitals, Bontoc and Cervantes. Farther to the +east was a post at Tukukan and Sakasakan, and farther east, at Basao, +there was a post, a church, and a priest. + +Most of the pueblos had Ilokano presidentes. The Igorot say that the +Spaniards did little for them except to shoot them. There is yet a +long, heavy wooden stock in Bontoc pueblo in which the Igorot were +imprisoned. Igorot women were made the mistresses of both officers and +soldiers. Work, food, fuel, and lumber were not always paid for. All +persons 18 or more years old were required to pay an annual tax of 50 +cents or an equivalent value in rice. A day's wage was only 5 cents, +so each family was required to pay an equivalent of twenty days' labor +annually. In wild towns the principal men were told to bring in so +many thousand bunches of palay -- the unthreshed rice. If it was not +all brought in, the soldiers frequently went for it, accompanied by +Igorot warriors; they gathered up the rice, and sometimes burned the +entire pueblo. Apad, the principal man of Tinglayan, was confined six +years in Spanish jails at Bontoc and Vigan because he repeatedly failed +to compel his people to bring in the amount of palay assessed them. + +They say there were three small guardhouses on the outskirts of Bontoc +pueblo, and armed Igorot from an outside town were not allowed to +enter. They were disarmed, and came and went under guard. + +The Spanish comandantes in charge of the province seem to have remained +only about two years each. Saldero was the last one. Early in the +eighties of the nineteenth century the comandante took his command +to Barlig, a day east of Bontoc, to punish that town because it had +killed people in Tulubin and Samoki; Barlig all but exterminated +the command -- only three men escaped to tell the tale. Mandicota, a +Spanish officer, went from Manila with a battalion of 1,000 soldiers +to erase Barlig from the map; he was also accompanied from Bontoc +by 800 warriors from that vicinity. The Barlig people fled to the +mountains, losing only seven men, whose heads the Bontoc Igorot cut +off and brought home. + +Comandante Villameres is reported to have taken twenty soldiers and +about 520 warriors of Bontoc and Samoki to punish Tukukan for killing +a Samoki woman; the warriors returned with three heads. + +They say that in 1891 Comandante Alfaro took 40 soldiers and 1,000 +warriors from the vicinity of Bontoc to Ankiling; sixty heads adorned +the triumphant return of the warriors. + +In 1893 Nevas is said to have taken 100 soldiers and 500 warriors to +Sadanga; they brought back one head. + +A few years later Saldero went to "clear up" rebellious Sagada with +soldiers and Igorot warriors; Bontoc reports that the warriors returned +with 100 heads. + +The insurrectos appeared before Cervantes two or three months after +Saldero's bloody work in Sagada. The Spanish garrison fled before +the insurrectos; the Spanish civilians went with them, taking their +flocks and herds to Bontoc. A thousand pesos was the price offered +by the Igorot of Sagada to the insurrectos for Saldero's head when +the Philippine soldiers passed through the pueblo; but Saldero made +good his escape from Bontoc, and left the country by boat from Vigan. + +The Bontoc Igorot assisted the insurrectos in many ways when they +first came. About 2 miles west of Bontoc is a Spanish rifle pit, +and there the Spanish soldiers, now swelled to about 600 men, lay +in wait for the insurrectos. There on two hilltops an historic sham +battle occurred. The two forces were nearly a mile apart, and at that +distance they exchanged rifle bullets three days. The Spaniards finally +surrendered, on condition of safe escort to the coast. For fifty years +they had conquered their enemy who were armed only with spear and ax; +but the insurrectos were armed with guns. However, the really hard +pressing came from the rear -- there were still the ax and spear -- +and few soldiers from cuartel or trench who tried to bring food or +water for the fighting men ever reported why they were delayed. + +The feeling of friendship between the Igorot and insurrectos was so +strong that when the insurrectos asked the Igorot to go to Manila +to fight the new enemy (the Americans), 400 warriors, armed only +with spear, battle-ax, and shield, went a three weeks' journey to +get American heads. At Caloocan, just outside Manila, they met the +American Army early in February, 1899. They threw their spears, the +Americans fired their guns -- "which must be brothers to the thunder," +the Igorot said -- and they let fall their remaining weapons, and, +panic stricken, started home. All but thirteen arrived in safety. They +are not ashamed of their defeat and retreat; they made a mistake when +they went to fight the Americans, and they were quick to see it. They +are largely blessed with the saving sense of humor, and some of the +warriors who were at Caloocan have been known to say that they never +stopped running until they arrived home. + +When these men told their people in Bontoc what part they and +the insurrectos played in the fight against the Americans, the +tension between the Igorot and insurrectos was at its greatest. The +insurrectos were evidently worse than the Spaniards. They did all +the things the Spaniards had done, and more -- they robbed through +falsehood. Consequently, insurrectos frequently lost their heads. + +Major Marsh went through Bontoc close after Aguinaldo in December, +1899. The Igorot befriended the Americans; they brought them food +and guided them faithfully along the bewildering mountain trails +when the insurrectos split and scattered -- anywhere, everywhere, +fleeing eastward, northward, southward, in the mountains. + +When Major Marsh returned through Bontoc, after following Aguinaldo +into the heart of the Quiangan area, he left in the pueblo some sixty +shoeless men under a volunteer lieutenant. The lieutenant promptly +appointed an Ilokano presidente, vice-presidente, secretary, and +police force in Bontoc and also in Sagada, and when the soldiers left +in a few weeks he gave seven guns to the "officials" in Bontoc and +two to those in Sagada. A short time proved that those "officials" +were untrustworthy men; many were insurrectos who had dropped +behind Aguinaldo. They persecuted the Igorot even worse than had the +insurrectos. They seemed to have the American Army behind them -- +and the Igorot stood in awe of American arms. + +The crisis came. An Igorot obtained possession of one of the guns, +and the Ilokano chief of police was killed and his corporal wounded. + +This shooting, at the time apparently unpremeditated, but, in reality, +carefully planned and successfully executed, was the cause of the +arrival in Bontoc pueblo of the first American civilians. At that time +a party of twenty Americans was at Fidelisan, a long day northwest +of Bontoc; they were prospecting and sightseeing. The Ilokano sent +these men a letter, and the Igorot sent a messenger, begging them to +come to the help of the pueblo. Three men went on August 27, 1900; +they were Truman K. Hunt, M.D., Mr. Frank Finley, and Mr. Riley. The +disagreement was settled, and several Ilokano families left Bontoc +under the protection of Mr. Riley. + +August 9, 1901, when the Board of Health for the Philippine Islands +was organized, Dr. Hunt, who had remained in Bontoc most of the +preceding year, was appointed "superintendent of public vaccination +and inspection of infectious diseases for the Provinces of Bontoc +and Lepanto." He was stationed at Bontoc. About that time another +American civilian came to the province -- Mr. Reuben H. Morley, now +secretary-treasurer of the Province of Nueva Vizcaya, who lived nearly +a year in Tulubin, two hours from Bontoc. December 14 Mr. William +F. Smith, an American teacher, was sent to Bontoc to open a school. + +Early in 1902 Constabulary inspectors, Lieutenants Louis A. Powless and +Ernest A. Eckman, also came. May 28, 1902, the Philippine Commission +organized the Province of Lepanto-Bontoc; on June 9 Dr. Hunt was +appointed lieutenant-governor of the province. May 1, 1903, Dr. Hunt +resigned and E. A. Wagar, M.D., became his successor. + +The Spaniard was in Bontoc about fifty years. To summarize the Spanish +influence on the Igorot -- and this includes any influence which the +Ilokano or Tagalog may have had since they came among the people under +Spanish protection -- it is believed that no essential institution of +the Igorot has been weakened or vitiated to any appreciable degree. No +Igorot attended the school which the Spaniards had in Bontoc; +to-day not ten Igorot of the pueblo can make themselves understood +in Spanish about the commonest things around them. I fail to detect +any occupation, method, or device of the Igorot which the Spaniards' +influence improved; and the Igorot flatly deny any such influence. + +The Spaniard put the institution of pueblo presidente pretty well +throughout the area now in province, but the presidente in no way +interferes with the routine life of the people -- he is the mouthpiece +of the Government asking for labor and the daily necessities of a +nonproductive, resident foreign population. + +The "tax" levied was scarcely in the nature of a modern tax; it was +more the means taken by the Spaniard to secure his necessary food. In +no other way was the political life and organization of the pueblo +affected. In the realm of religion and spirit belief the surface +has scarcely been scratched. The only Igorot who became Christians +were the wives of some of the Christian natives who came in with the +Spaniard, mainly as soldiers. There are now eight or ten such women, +wives of the resident Ilokanos of Bontoc pueblo, but those whose +husbands left the pueblo have reverted to Igorot faith. + +In the matter of war and head-hunting the effect of the Spaniard was +to intensify the natural instinct of the Igorot in and about Bontoc +pueblo. Nineteen men in twenty of Bontoc and Samoki have taken a human +head, and it has been seen under what conditions and influences some of +those heads were taken. An Igorot, whose confidence I believe I have, +an old man who represents the knowledge and wisdom of the people, told +me recently that if the Americans wanted the people of Bontoc to go out +against a pueblo they would gladly go; and he added, suggestively, that +when the Spaniards were there the old men had much better food than +now, for many hogs were killed in the celebration of war expeditions +-- and the old men got the greater part of the meat. The Igorot is a +natural head-hunter, and his training for the last sixty years seems +to have done little more for him than whet this appetite. + + +Somatology + + +Man + +The Bontoc men average about 5 feet 4 1/8 inches in height, and have +the appearance of being taller than they are. Again and again one +is deceived by their height, and he repeatedly backs a 5-foot-7-inch +Igorot up against a 6-foot American, vainly expecting the stature of +the brown man to equal that of the white. Almost never does the Bontoc +man appear heavy or thickset, as does his brother, the Benguet Igorot +-- the human pack horse seen so constantly on the San Fernando-Baguio +trail -- muscularly one of the most highly developed primitive people +in the world to-day + +Of thirty-two men measured from Bontoc and vicinity the shortest was +4 feet 9 1/8 inches and the tallest was slightly more than 5 feet 9 +inches. The following table presents the average measurements of the +thirty-two men: + +Average measurements of Bontoc men + + + +Measurements + + +CM. + +Stature +160.287 + +Spread of arms +165.684 + +Head length +19.212 + +Head breadth +15.203 + +Cephalic index (per cent) +79.1328 + +Nasal length +5.25625 + +Nasal breadth +4.1625 + +Nasal index (per cent) +79.191 + + +From these measurements it appears that the composite man -- +the average of the combined measurements of thirty-two men -- is +mesaticephalic. Among the thirty-two men the extremes of cephalic index +are 91.48 and 67.48. This first measurement is of a young man between +20 and 25 years of age. It stands far removed from other measurements, +the one nearest it being 86.78, that of a man about 60 years old. The +other extreme is 67.48, the measure of a young man between 25 and 30 +years of age. Among the thirty-two men, nine are brachycephalic -- that +is, their cephalic index is greater than 80; twenty of the thirty-two +are mesaticephalic, with cephalic index between 75 and 80; and only +three are dolichocephalic -- that is, the cephalic index is below 75. + +The nasal indexes of the thirty-two men show that the Bontoc man +has the "medium" or mesorhine nose. They also show that one is +very extremely platyrhine, the index being 104.54, and one is very +leptorhine, being 58.18. Of the total, five are leptorhine -- that +is, have the "narrow" nose with nasal index below 70. Seventeen men +are mesorhine, with the "medium" nose with nasal index between 70 +and 85; and ten are platyrhine -- that is, the noses are "broad," +with an index greater than 85. + +The Bontoc men are never corpulent, and, with the exception of the +very old, they are seldom poor. During the period of a man's prime he +is usually muscled to an excellent symmetry. His neck, never long, is +well formed and strong and supports the head in erect position. His +shoulders are broad, even, and full muscled, and with seeming ease +carry transportation baskets laden with 75 to 100 pounds. His arms +are smoothly developed and are about the same relative length as the +American's. The hands are strong and short. The waist line is firm +and smaller than the shoulders or hips. The buttocks usually appear +heavy. His legs are generally straight; the thighs and calves are those +of a prime pedestrian accustomed to long and frequent walks. The ankles +are seldom thick; and the feet are broad and relatively short, and, +almost without exception, are placed on the ground straight ahead. He +has the feet of a pedestrian -- not the inturned feet of the constant +bearer of heavy burdens on the back or the outturned feet of the +man who sits or stands. The perfection of muscular development of +two-thirds of the men of Bontoc between the ages of 25 and 30 would +be the envy of the average college athlete in the States. + +In color the men are brown, though there is a wide range of tone from +a light brown with a strong saffron undertone to a very dark brown +-- as near a bronze as can well be imagined. The sun has more to do +with the different color tones than has anything else, after which +habits of personal cleanliness play a very large role. There are men +in the Bontoc Igorot Constabulary of an extremely light-brown color, +more saffron than brown, who have been wearing clothing for only one +year. During the year the diet of the men in the Constabulary has +been practically the same as that of their darker brothers among whom +they were enlisted only twelve months ago. All the members of the +Constabulary differ much more in color from the unclothed men than +the unclothed differ among themselves. Man after man of these latter +may pass under the eye without revealing a tint of saffron, yet there +are many who show it faintly. The natural Igorot never washes himself +clean. He washes frequently, but lacks the means of cleansing the skin, +and the dirtier he is the more bronze-like he appears. At all times his +face looks lighter and more saffron-tinted than the remainder of his +body. There are two reasons for this -- because the face is more often +washed and because of its contrast with the black hair of the head. + +The hair of the head is black, straight, coarse, and relatively +abundant. It is worn long, frequently more than half way to the hips +from the shoulders. The front is "banged" low and square across the +forehead, cut with the battle-ax; this line of cut runs to above and +somewhat back of the ear, the hair of the scalp below it being cut +close to the head. When the men age, a few gray hairs appear, and +some old men have heads of uniform iron-gray color. I have never seen +a white-haired Igorot. A few of the old men have their hair thinning +on the crown, but a tendency to baldness is by no means the rule. + +Bontoc pueblo is no exception to the rule that every pueblo in the +Philippines has a few people with curly or wavy hair. I doubt whether +to-day an entire tribe of perfectly straight-haired primitive Malayan +people exists in the Archipelago. Fu-nit is a curly-haired Bontoc +man of about 45 years of age. Many people told me that his father +and also his grandfather were members of the pueblo and had curly +hair. I have never been able to find any hint at foreign or Negrito +blood in any of the several curly haired people in the Bontoc culture +area whose ancestors I have tried to discover. + +The scanty growth of hair on the face of the Bontoc man is pulled +out. A small pebble and the thumb nail or the blade of the battle-ax +and the bulb of the thumb are frequently used as forceps; they never +cut the hair of the face. It is common to see men of all ages with +a very sparse growth of hair on the upper lip or chin, and one of +50 years in Bontoc has a fairly heavy 4-inch growth of gray hair on +his chin and throat; he is shown in Pl. XIII. Their bodies are quite +free from hair. There is none on the breast, and seldom any on the +legs. The pelvic growth is always pulled out by the unmarried. The +growth in the armpits is scant, but is not removed. + +The iris of the eye is brown -- often rimmed with a lighter or darker +ring. The brown of the iris ranges from nearly black to a soft hazel +brown. The cornea is frequently blotched with red or yellow. The +Malayan fold of the upper eyelid is seen in a large majority of the +men, the fold being so low that it hangs over and hides the roots of +the lashes. The lashes appear to grow from behind the lid rather than +from its rim. + +The teeth are large and strong, and, whereas in old age they frequently +become few and discolored, during prime they are often white and +clean. The people never artificially stain the teeth, and, though +surrounded by betel-nut chewers with dark teeth or red-stained lips, +they do not use the betel. + +Since the Igorot keeps no record of years, it is impossible to know +his age, but it is believed that sufficient comparative data have +been collected in Bontoc to make the following estimates reliable: + +At the age of 20 a man seems hardly to have reached his physical best; +this he attains, however, before he is 25. By 35 he begins to show the +marks of age. By 45 most of the men are fast getting "old"; their faces +are seamed, their muscles losing form, their carriage less erect, and +the step slower. By 55 all are old -- most are bent and thin. Probably +not over one or two in a hundred mature men live to be 70 years old. + +The following census taken from a Spanish manuscript found in Quiangan, +and written in 1894, may be taken as representative of an average +Igorot pueblo: + +Census of Magulang, district of Quiangan + + +Years +Females +Males + +0 to 1 +191 +200 + +1 to 5 +209 +210 + +5 to 10 +144 +123 + +10 to 15 +132 +159 + +15 to 20 +129 +114 + +20 to 30 +121 +134 + +30 to 40 +212 +239 + +40 to 50 +118 +126 + +50 and over +79 +62 + +Total +1,335 +1,367 + + +From this census it seems that the Magulang Igorot man is at his +prime between the ages of 30 and 40 years, and that the death rate +for men between the ages of 40 and 50 is nearly as great as the +death rate among children between 5 to 10 years of age, being 52.7 +per cent. Beyond the age of 50 collapse is sudden, since all the men +more than 50 years old are less than half the number of those between +the ages of 40 and 50 years. + + +Woman + +The women average 4 feet 9 3/8 inches in height. In appearance they +are short and stocky. Twenty-nine women from Bontoc and vicinity were +measured; the tallest was 5 feet 4 3/4 inches, and the shortest 4 feet +4 3/4 inches. The following table presents the average measurements +of twenty-nine women: + +Average measurements of Bontoc women + + + +Measurements + + +CM. + +Stature +145.800 + +Spread of arms +149.603 + +Head length +18.593 + +Head breadth +14.706 + +Cephalic index (per cent) +79.094 + +Nasal length +4.582 + +Nasal breadth +3.608 + +Nasal index (per cent) +78.744 + + +These measurements show that the composite woman -- the average +of the measurements of twenty-nine women -- is mesaticephalic. The +extremes of cephalic index are 87.64 and 64.89; both are measurements +of women about 35 years of age. Of the twenty-nine women twelve +are brachycephalic; twelve are mesaticephalic; and five are +dolichocephalic. + +The Bontoc woman has a "medium," or mesorhine, nose, as is shown by +the above figures. Four of the twenty-nine women have the "narrow" +leptorhine nose with nasal index below 70; seven have platyrhine or +the "broad" nose with index greater than 85; while seventeen have the +"medium" or mesorhine nose with nasal index between 70 and 85. The +broadest nose has an index of 97.56, and the narrowest an index +of 58.53. + +The women reach the age of maturity well prepared for its +responsibilities. They have more adipose tissue than the men, yet are +never fat. The head is carried erect, but with a certain stiffness +-- often due, in part, no doubt, to shyness, and in part to the fact +that they carry all their burdens on their heads. I believe the neck +more often appears short than does the neck of the man. The shoulders +are broad, and flat across the back. The breasts are large, full, +and well supported. The hips are broad and well set, and the waist +(there is no natural waist line) is frequently no smaller than the +hips, though smaller than the shoulders. Their arms are smooth and +strong, and they throw stones as men do, with the full-arm throw from +the shoulder. Their hands are short and strong. Their legs are almost +invariably straight, but are probably more frequently bowed at the +knees than are the men's. The thighs are sturdy and strong, and the +calves not infrequently over-large. This enlargement runs low down, +so the ankles, never slender, very often appear coarse and large. In +consequence of this heavy lower leg, the feet, short at best, usually +look much too short. They are placed on the ground straight ahead, +though the tendency to inturned feet is slightly more noticeable than +it is among the men. + +Their carriage is a healthful one, though it is not always graceful, +since their long strides commonly give the prominent buttocks a jerky +movement. They prove the naturalness of that style of walking which, in +profile, shows the chest thrust forward and the buttocks backward; the +abdomen is in, and the shoulders do not swing as the strides are made. + +It can not be said that at base the color of the women's skin differs +from that of the men, but the saffron undertone is more commonly +seen than it is in the unclothed men. It shows on the shaded parts +of the body, and where the skin is distended, as on the breast and +about certain features of the face. + +The hair of the head is like that of the man's; it is worn long, and +is twisted and wound about the head. It has a tendency to fall out +as age comes on, but does not seem thin on the head. The tendency to +gray hairs is apparently somewhat less than it is with the men. The +remainder of the body is exceptionally free from hair. The growth in +the armpits and the pelvic hair are always pulled out by the unmarried, +and a large per cent of the women do not allow it to grow even in +old age. + +Their eyes are brown, varied as are those of the men, and with the +Malayan fold of the upper eyelid. + +Their teeth are generally whiter and cleaner than are those of their +male companions, a condition due largely, probably, to the fact that +few of the women smoke. + +They seem to reach maturity at about 17 or 18 years of age. The +first child is commonly born between the ages of 16 and 22. At 23 the +woman has certainly reached her prime. By 30 she is getting "old"; +before 45 the women are old, with flat, pendent folds of skin where +the breasts were. The entire front of the body -- in prime full, +rounded, and smooth -- has become flabby, wrinkled, and folded. It is +only a short time before collapse of the tissue takes place in all +parts of the body. An old woman, say, at 50, is a mass of wrinkles +from foot to forehead; the arms and legs lose their plumpness, +the skin is "bagged" at the knees into half a dozen large folds; +and the disappearance of adipose tissue from the trunk-front, sides, +and back -- has left the skin not only wrinkled but loose and flabby, +folding over the girdle at the waist. + +The census of Magulang, page 42, should be again referred to, from +which it appears that the death rate among women is greater between +the ages of 40 and 50 years than it is with men, being 55.66 per +cent. The census shows also that there are relatively a larger number +of old women -- that is, over 50 years old -- than there are old men. + + +Child + +The death rate among children is large. Of fifteen families in Bontoc, +each having had three or more children, the death rate up to the age +of puberty was over 60 per cent. According to the Magulang census +the death rate of children from 5 to 10 years of age is 63.73 per cent. + +The new-born babe is as light in color as the average American babe, +and is much less red, instead of which color there is the slightest +tint of saffron. As the babe lies naked on its mother's naked breast +the light color is most strikingly apparent by contrast. The darker +color, the brown, gradually comes, however, as the babe is exposed +to the sun and wind, until the child of a year or two carried on its +mother's back is practically one with the mother in color. + +Some of the babes, perhaps all, are born with an abundance of dark hair +on the head. A child's hair is never cut, except that from about the +age of 3 years the boy's hair is "banged" across the forehead. Fully +30 per cent of children up to 5 or 6 years of age have brown hair -- +due largely to fading, as the outer is much lighter than the under +hair. In rare cases the lighter brown hair assumes a distinctly red +cast, though a faded lifeless red. Before puberty is reached, however, +all children have glossy black hair. + +The iris of a new-born babe is sometimes a blue brown; it is decidedly +a different brown from that of the adult or of the child of five +years. Most children have the Malayan fold of the eyelid; the lower +lid is often much straighter than it is on the average American. When, +in addition to these conditions, the outer corner of the eye is higher +than the inner, the eye is somewhat Mongolian in appearance. About +one-fifth of the children in Bontoc have this Mongolian-like eye, +though it is rarer among adults -- a fact due, in part, apparently, +to the down curving and sagging of the lower lid as one's prime is +reached and passed. + +Children's teeth are clean and white, and very generally remain so +until maturity. + +The child from 1 to 3 years of age is plump and chubby; his front +is full and rounded, but lacks the extra abdominal development so +common with the children of the lowlands, and which has received from +the American the popular name of "banana belly." By the age of 7 the +child has lost its plump, rounded form, which is never again had by +the boys but is attained by the girls again early in puberty. During +these last half dozen years of childhood all children are slender and +agile and wonderfully attractive in their naturalness. Both girls and +boys reach puberty at a later time than would be expected, though data +can not be gathered to determine accurately the age at puberty. All the +Ilokano in Bontoc pueblo consistently maintain that girls do not reach +puberty until at least 16 and 17 years of age. Perhaps it is arrived +at by 14 or 15, but I feel certain it is not as early as 12 or 13 -- +a condition one might expect to find among people in the tropics. + + +Pathology + +The most serious permanent physical affliction the Bontoc Igorot +suffers is blindness. Fully 2 per cent of the people both of Bontoc +and her sister pueblo, Samoki, are blind; probably 2 per cent more +are partially so. Bontoc has one blind boy only 3 years old, but +I know of no other blind children; and it is claimed that no babes +are born blind. There is one woman in Bontoc approaching 20 years +of age who is nearly blind, and whose mother and older sister are +blind. Blindness is very common among the old people, and seems to +come on with the general breaking down of the body. + +A few of the people say their blindness is due to the smoke in their +dwellings. This doubtless has much to do with the infirmity, as their +private and public buildings are very smoky much of the time, and +when the nights are at all chilly a fire is built in their closed, +low, and chimneyless sleeping rooms. There are many persons with +inflamed and granulated eyelids whose vision is little or not at all +impaired -- a forerunner of blindness probably often caused by smoke. + +Twenty per cent of the adults have abnormal feet. The most common +and most striking abnormality is that known as "fa'-wing"; it is an +inturning of the great toe. Fa'-wing occurs in all stages from the +slightest spreading to that approximating forty-five degrees. It is +found widely scattered among the barefoot mountain tribes of northern +Luzon. The people say it is due to mountain climbing, and their +explanation is probably correct, as the great toe is used much as is +a claw in securing a footing on the slippery, steep trails during the +rainy reason. Fa'-wing occurs quite as commonly with women as with men, +and in Ambuklao, Benguet Province, I saw a boy of 8 or 9 years whose +great toes were spread half as much as those shown in Pl. XXV. This +deformity occurs on one or both feet, but generally on both if at all. + +An enlargement of the basal joint of the great toe, probably a bunion, +is also comparatively common. It is not improbable that it is often +caused by stone bruises, as such are of frequent occurrence; they +are sometimes very serious, laying a person up ten days at a time. + +The feet of adults who work in the water-filled rice paddies are dry, +seamed, and cracked on the bottoms. These "rice-paddy feet," called +"fung-as'," are often so sore that the person can not go on the trails +for any considerable distance. + +I believe not 5 per cent of the people are without eruptions of +the skin. It is practically impossible to find an adult whose body +is not marked with shiny patches showing where large eruptions have +been. Babes of one or two months do not appear to have skin diseases, +but those of three and four are sometimes half covered with itching, +discharging eruptions. Babes under a year old, such as are most +carried on their mother's backs, are especially subject to a mass of +sores about the ankles; the skin disease is itch, called ku'-lid. I +have seen babes of this age with sores an inch across and nearly an +inch deep in their backs. + +Relatively there are few large sores on the people such as boils +and ulcers, but a person may have a dozen or half a hundred itching +eruptions the size of a half pea scattered over his arms, legs, +and trunk. From these he habitually squeezes the pus onto his thumb +nail, and at once ignorantly cleans the nail on some other part of +the body. The general prevalence of this itch is largely due to the +gregarious life of the people -- to the fact that the males lounge in +public quarters, and all, except married men and women, sleep in these +same quarters where the naked skin readily takes up virus left on the +stone seats and sleeping boards by an infected companion. In Banawi, +in the Quiangan culture area, a district having no public buildings, +one can scarcely find a trace of skin eruption. + +There are two adult people in Samoki pueblo who are insane; one of +them at least is supposed to be affected by Lumawig, the Igorot god, +and is said, when he hallooes, as he does at times, to be calling to +Lumawig. Bontoc pueblo has a young woman and a girl of five or six +years of age who are imbecile. Those four people are practically +incapacitated from earning a living, and are cared for by their +immediate relatives. There are two adult deaf and dumb men in Bontoc +pueblo, but both are industrious and self-supporting. + +Igorot badly injured in war or elsewhere are usually killed at +their own request. In May, 1903, a man from Maligkong was thrown to +the earth and rendered unconscious by a heavy timber he and several +companions brought to Bontoc for the school building. His companions +immediately told Captain Eckman to shoot him as he was "no good." I +can not say whether it is customary for the Igorot to weed out those +who faint temporarily -- as the fact just cited suggests; however, +they do not kill the feeble aged, and the presence of the insane +and the imbecile shows that weak members of the group are not always +destroyed voluntarily. + + + +PART 3 + +General Social Life + + +The pueblo + +Bontoc and Samoki pueblos, in all essentials typical of pueblos in +the Bontoc area, lie in the mountains in a roughly circular pocket +called Pa-pas'-kan. A perfect circle about a mile in diameter might +be described within the pocket. It is bisected fairly accurately by +the Chico River, coursing from the southwest to the northeast. Its +altitude ranges from about 2,750 feet at the river to 2,900 at +the upper edge of Bontoc pueblo, which is close to the base of the +mountain ridge at the west, while Samoki is backed up against the +opposite ridge to the southeast. The river flows between the pueblos, +though considerably closer to Samoki than to Bontoc. + +The horizon circumscribing this pocket is cut at the northeast, +where the river makes its exit, and lifting above this gap are two +ranges of mountains beyond. At the south-southeast there is another +cut, through which a small affluent pours into the main stream. At +the southwest the river enters the pocket, although no cut shows in +the horizon, as the stream bends abruptly and the farther range of +mountains folds close upon the near one. + +Bontoc lies compactly built on a sloping piece of ground, roughly +about half a mile square. Through the pueblo are two water-cut ravines, +down which pour the waters of the mountain ridge in the rainy season, +and in which, during much of the remainder of the year, sufficient +water trickles to supply several near-by dwellings. + +Adjoining the pueblo on the north and west are two small groves where +a religious ceremonial is observed each month. Granaries for rice are +scattered all about the outer fringe of dwellings, and in places they +follow the ravines in among the buildings of the pueblo. The old, +broad Spanish trail runs close to the pueblo on the south and east, +as it passes in and out of the pocket through the gaps cut by the +river. About the pueblo at the east and northeast are some fifteen +houses built in Spanish time, most of them now occupied by Ilokano +men with Igorot or half-breed wives. There also were the Spanish +Government buildings, reduced to a church, a convent, and another +building used now as headquarters for the Government Constabulary. + +The pueblo, now 2,000 or 2,500 people, was probably at one time +larger. There is a tradition common in both Bontoc and Samoki that +in former years the ancestors of this latter pueblo lived northeast +of Bontoc toward the northern corner of the pocket. They say they +moved to the opposite side of the river because there they would +have more room. There they have grown to 1,200 or 1,500 souls. Still +later, but yet before the Spanish came, a large section of people +from northeastern Bontoc moved bodily to Lias, about two days to the +east. They tell that a Bontoc woman named Fank'-a was the wife of a +Lias man, and when a drought and famine visited Bontoc the section +of the pueblo from which she came moved as a whole to Lias, then a +small collection of people. Still later, La'-nao, a detached section +of Bontoc on the lowland near the river, was suddenly wiped out by +a disease. + +The Igorot is given to naming even small areas of the earth within +his well-known habitat, and there are four areas in Bontoc pueblo +having distinct names. These names in no way refer to political or +social divisions -- they are not the "barrio" of the coast pueblos of +the Islands, neither are they in any way like a "ward" in an American +city, nor are they "additions" to an original part of the pueblo -- +they are names of geographic areas over which the pueblo was built +or has spread. From south to north these areas are A-fu', Mag-e'-o, +Dao'-wi, and Um-feg'. + + +Ato + +Bontoc is composed of seventeen political divisions, called +"a'-to." The geographic area of A-fu' contains four a'-to, namely, +Fa-tay'-yan, Po-lup-o', Am-ka'-wa, and Bu-yay'-yeng; Mag-e'-o contains +three, namely, Fi'-lig, Mag-e'-o, and Cha-kong'; Dao'-wi has six, +namely, Lo-wing'-an, Pud-pud-chog', Si-pa'-at, Si-gi-chan', So-mo-wan', +and Long-foy'; Um-feg' has four, Po-ki'-san, Lu-wa'-kan, Ung-kan', +and Cho'-ko. Each a'-to is a separate political division. It has +its public buildings; has a separate governing council which makes +peace, challenges to war, and accepts or rejects war challenges, +and it formally releases and adopts men who change residence from +one a'-to to another. + +Border a'-to Fa-tay'-yan seems to be developing an offspring -- a +new a'-to; a part of it, the southwestern border part, is now known +as "Tang-e-ao'." It is disclaimed as a separate a'-to, yet it has a +distinctive name, and possesses some of the marks of an independent +a'-to. In due time it will doubtless become such. + +In Sagada, Agawa, Takong, and near-by pueblos the a'-to is said to +be known as dap'-ay; and in Balili and Alap both names are known. + +The pueblo must be studied entirely through the a'-to. It is only +an aggregate of which the various a'-to are the units, and all the +pueblo life there is is due to the similarity of interests of the +several a'-to. + +Bontoc does not know when her pueblo was built -- she was always +where she now is -- but they say that some of the a'-to are newer than +others. In fact, they divide them into the old and new. The newer ones +are Bu-yay'-yeng, Am-ka'-wa, Po-lup-o', Cha-kong', and Po-ki'-san; +all these are border a'-to of the pueblo. + +The generations of descendants of men who did distinct things are +kept carefully in memory; and from the list of descendants of the +builders of some of the newer a'-to it seems probable that Cha-kong' +was the last one built. One of the builders was Sal-lu-yud'; he had +a son named Tam-bul', and Tam-bul' was the father of a man in Bontoc +now some twenty-five years old. It is probable that Cha-kong' was +built about 1830 -- in the neighborhood of seventy-five years ago. The +plat of the pueblo seems to strengthen the impression that Cha-kong' +is the newest a'-to, since it appears to have been built in territory +previously used for rice granaries; it is all but surrounded by such +ground now. + +One of the builders of Bu-yay'-yeng, an a'-to adjoining Cha-kong', +and also one of the newer ones, was Ba-la-ge'. Ba-la-ge' was the +great-great-great-grandfather of Mud-do', who is a middle-aged man +now in Bontoc. The generations of fathers descending from Ba-la-ge' to +Mud-do' are the following: Bang-eg', Cag-i'-yu, Bit-e', and Ag-kus'. It +seems from this evidence that the a'-to Bu-yay'-yeng was built about +one hundred and fifty years ago. These facts suggest a much greater +age for the older a'-to of the pueblo. + +An a'-to has three classes of buildings occupied by the people -- +the fawi and pabafunan, public structures for boys and men, and the +olag for girls and young women before their permanent marriage; and +the dwellings occupied by families and by widows, which are called +afong. Each of these three classes of buildings plays a distinct role +in the life of the people. + + +Pabafunan and fawi + +The pa-ba-fu'-nan is the home of the various a'-to ceremonials. It +is sacred to the men of the a'-to, and on no occasion do the women +or girls enter it. + +All boys from 3 or 4 years of age and all men who have no wives sleep +nightly in the pa-ba-fu'-nan or in the fa'-wi. + +The pa-ba-fu'-nan building consists of a low, squat, stone-sided +structure partly covered with a grass roof laid on a crude frame of +poles; the stone walls extend beyond the roof at one end and form an +open court. The roofed part is about 8 by 10 feet, and usually is +not over 5 feet high in any part, inside measure; the size of the +court is approximately the same as that of the roofed section. In +some pa-ba-fu'-nan a part of the court is roofed over for shelter in +case of rain, but is not walled in. Under this roof skulls of dogs +and hogs are generally found tucked away. Carabao horns and chicken +feathers are also commonly seen in such places. + +In many cases the open court is shaded by a tree. Posts are found +reared above most of the courts. Some are old and blackened; others +are all but gone -- a short stump being all that projects above the +earth. The tops of some posts are rudely carved to represent a human +head; on the tops of others, as in a'-to Lowingan and Sipaat, there +are stones which strikingly resemble human skulls. It is to the tops +of these posts that the enemy's head is attached when a victorious +warrior returns to his a'-to. Both the roofed and court sections +are paved with stone, and large stones are also arranged around the +sides of the court, some more or less elevated as seats; they are +worn smooth and shiny by generations of use. In the center of the +court is the smoldering remains of a fire. The only opening into the +covered part is a small doorway connecting it with the court. This +door is barely large enough to permit a man to squeeze in sidewise; +it is often not over 2 1/2 feet high and 10 inches wide. The occupants +of the pa-ba-fu'-nan usually sleep curled up naked on the smooth, +flat stones. A few people have runo slat mats, some of which roll up, +while others are inflexible, and they lie on these over the stone +pavement. Fires are built in all sleeping rooms when it is cold, +and the rooms all close tightly with a door. + +In the court of the building the men lounge when not at work in +the fields; they sleep, or smoke and chat, tend babies, or make +utensils and weapons. The pa-ba-fu'-nan is the man's club by day, +and the unmarried man's dormitory by night, and, as such, it is the +social center for all men of the a'-to, and it harbors at night all +men visiting from other pueblos. + +Each a'-to, except Chakong, has a pa-ba-fu'-nan. When the men of +Chakong were building theirs they met the pueblo of Sadanga in combat, +and one of the builders lost his head to Sadanga. Then the old men of +Chakong counciled together; they came to the conclusion that it was +bad for the a'-to to have a pa-ba-fu'-nan, and none has ever been +built. This absence of the pa-ba-fu'-nan in some way detracts from +the importance of the a'-to in the minds of the people. For instance, +in the early stages of this study I was told several times that there +are sixteen (and not seventeen) a'-to in Bontoc. The first list of +a'-to written did not include Chakong; it was discovered only when +the pueblo was platted, and at that time my informants sought to pass +it over by saying "It is Chakong, but it has no pa-ba-fu'-nan." The +explanation of the obscurity of Chakong in the minds of the Igorot +seems to be that the a'-to ceremonial is more important than the a'-to +council -- that the emotional and not the mental is held uppermost, +that the people of Bontoc flow together through feeling better than +they drive together through cold force or control. + +The a'-to ceremonials of Chakong are held in the pa-ba-fu'-nan of +neighboring a'-to, as in Sigichan, Pudpudchog, or Filig, and this seems +partially to destroy the ESPRIT DE CORPS of the unfortunate a'-to. + +Each a'-to has a fa'-wi building -- a structure greatly resembling to +the pa-ba-fu'-nan, and impossible to be distinguished from it by one +looking at the structure from the outside. The fa'-wi and pa-ba-fu'-nan +are shown in Pls. XXX, XXXI, and XXXII. Pl. XXIX shows a section of +Sipaat a'-to with its fa'-wi and pa-ba-fu'-nan. The fa'-wi is the +a'-to council house; as such it is more frequented by the old men +than by the younger. The fa'-wi also shelters the skulls of human +heads taken by the a'-to. Outside the pueblo, along certain trails, +there are simple structures also called "fa'-wi," shelters where +parties halt for feasts, etc., while on various ceremonial journeys. + +The fa'-wi and pa-ba-fu'-nan of each a'-to are near together, and in +five they are under the same roof, though there is no doorway for +intercommunication. What was said of the pa-ba-fu'-nan as a social +center is equally true of the fa'-wi; each is the lounging place of +men and boys, and the dormitory of unmarried males. + +In Samoki each of the eight a'-to has only one public building, +and that is known simply as "a'-to." + +One is further convinced of an extensive early movement of the +primitive Malayan from its pristine nest by the presence of +institutions similar to the pa-ba-fu'-nan and fa'-wi over a vast +territory of the Asiatic mainland as well as the Asiatic Islands +and Oceania. That these widespread institutions sprang from the +same source will be seen clearly in the quotations appearing in the +footnote below.[11] The visible exponent of the institutions is a +building forbidden to women, the functions of which are several; it +is a dormitory for men -- generally unmarried men -- a council house, +a guardhouse, a guest house for men, a center for ceremonials of the +group, and a resting place for the trophies of the chase and war -- +a "head house." + + + +Olag + +The o'-lag is the dormitory of the girls in an a'-to from the age of +about 2 years until they marry. It is a small stone and mud-walled +structure, roofed with grass, in which a grown person can seldom +stand erect. It has but a single opening -- a door some 30 inches +high and 10 inches wide. Occupying nearly all the floor space are +boards about 4 feet long and from 8 to 14 inches wide; each board is +a girl's bed. They are placed close together, side by side, laid on +a frame about a foot above the earth. One end, where the head rests, +is slightly higher that the other, while in most o'-lag a pole for a +foot rest runs along the foot of the beds a few inches from them. The +building as shown in Pl. XXXIII is typical of the nineteen found in +Bontoc pueblo -- though it does not show, what is almost invariably +true, that it is built over one or more pigsties. This condition is +illustrated in Pl. XXIX, where a widow's house is shown literally +resting above the stone walls of several sties. Unlike the fawi +and pabafunan, the o'-lag has no adjoining court, and no shady +surroundings. It is built to house the occupants only at night. + +The o'-lag is not so distinctly an ato institution as the pabafunan and +fawi. Ato Ungkan never had an o'-lag. The demand is not so urgent as +that of some ato, since there are only thirteen families in Ungkan. The +girls occupy o'-lag of neighboring ato. + +The o'-lag of Luwakan, of Lowingan, and of Sipaat (the last situated +in Lowingan) are broken down and unused at present. There are no +marriageable girls in any of these three ato now, and the small girls +occupy near-by o'-lag. These three o'-lag will be rebuilt when the +girls are large enough to cook food for the men who build. The o'-lag +of Amkawa is in Buyayyeng near the o'-lag of the latter; it is there +by choice of the occupants. + +Mageo, with her twenty families, also has two o'-lag, but both are +situated in Pudpudchog. + +The o'-lag is the only Igorot building which has received a specific +name, all others bear simply the class name.[12] + +In Sagada and some nearby pueblos, as Takong and Agawa, the o'-lag +is said to he called If-gan'. + +Mr. S. H. Damant is quoted from the Calcutta Review (vol. 61, p. 93) +as saying that among the Nagas, frontier tribes of northeast India -- + +Only very young children live entirely with their parents; ... the +women have also a house of their own called the "dekhi chang," where +the unmarried girls are supposed to live. + +Again Mr. Damant wrote: + +I saw Dekhi chang here for the first time. All the unmarried girls +sleep there at night, but it is deserted in the day. It is not much +different from any ordinary house.[13] + +Separate sleeping houses for girls similar to the o'-lag, I judge, +are also found occasionally in Assam.[14] + +Whereas, so far as known, the o'-lag occurs with the Igorot only among +the Bontoc culture group, yet the above quotations and references point +to a similar institution among distant people -- among some of the same +people who have an institution very similar to the pabafunan and fawi. + + +Afong + +A'-fong is the general name for Bontoc dwellings, of which there are +two kinds. The first is the fay'-u (Pls. XXXIV and XXXVI), the large, +open, board dwelling, some 12 by 15 feet square, with side walls only +3 1/2 feet high, and having a tall, top-heavy grass roof. It is the +home of the prosperous. The other is the kat-yu'-fong (Pl. XXXVII), +the smaller, closed, frequently mud-walled dwelling of poor families, +and commonly of the widows. + +The family dwelling primarily serves two purposes -- it is the place +where the man, his wife, and small child sleep, and where the entire +family takes its food. + +The fay'-u is built at considerable expense. Three or four men are +required for a period of about two months to get out the pine boards +and timbers in the forest. Each piece of timber for any permanent +building is completed at the time it is cut from the tree, and is left +to season in the mountains; sometimes it remains several years. (See +Pl. XXXV.) When all is ready to construct the dwelling the owner +announces his intention. Some 200 men of the pueblo gather to erect +the building, and two or three dozen women come to prepare and cook +the necessary food, for, whereas no wage is paid the laborers, all +are feasted at the cost of much rice and several hogs and a carabao +or two. The toiling and feasting continue about ten days. + +The following description of a fay'-u is of an ordinary dwelling +in Bontoc pueblo: The fay'-u are all constructed on the same plan, +though a few are larger than the one here described, and some few are +smaller. The front and back walls of the house are 3 feet 6 inches +high and 12 feet 6 inches long. The two side walls are the same height +as the ends, but are 15 feet 6 inches long. The rear wall is built of +stones carefully chinked with mud. The side walls consist each of two +boards extending the full length of the structure. The front wall is +cut near the middle from top to bottom with a doorway 1 foot 4 inches +wide; otherwise the front wall is like the two side walls, except +that it has a roughly triangular timber grooved along the lower side +and fitted over the top board as a cap. The doorposts are two timbers +sunk in the ground; their tops fit into the two "caps," and each has +a groove from top to bottom into which the ends of the boards of the +front wall are inserted. A few dwellings have a door consisting of a +single board set on end and swinging on a projection sunk in a hole in +a doorsill buried in the earth; the upper part of the door swings on a +string secured to the doorpost and passing through a hole in the door. + +At each of the four corners of the building, immediately inside +the walls, is a post set in the ground and standing 6 feet 9 inches +high. The boards of the walls are tied to these corner posts, and the +greater part of the weight of the roof rests on their tops. Four other +posts, also planted in the ground and about as high as the corner +posts, stand about 4 feet inside the walls of the house equidistant +from the corner post and marking the corners of a rectangle about 5 1/2 +feet square. They directly support the second story of the building. + +There is no floor except the earth in the first story of the Bontoc +dwelling, and from the door at the front of the building to the two +rear posts of the four central ones there is an unobstructed passage +or aisle called "cha-la'-nan." At one's left, as he enters the door, +is a small room called "chap-an'" 5 1/2 feet square separated from +the aisle by a row of low stones partially sunk in the earth. The +earth in this room is excavated so that the floor is about 1 foot +lower than that of the remainder of the building, and in its center +the peculiar double wooden rice mortar is imbedded in the earth. It +is in the chap-an' that the family rice and millet is threshed. At the +left of the aisle and immediately beyond the chap-an', separated from +it by a board partition the same height as the outside walls of the +house, is the cooking room, called "cha-le-ka-nan' si mo-o'-to." It is +approximately the same size as the threshing room. There are neither +boards nor stones to cut this cooking room off from the open aisle of +the house, but its width is determined by a low pile of stones built +along its farther side from the outer house wall toward the aisle and +ending at the rear left post of the four central ones. In the face of +this stone wall are three concavities -- fireplaces over which cooking +pots are placed. Arranged along the outer wall, and about 2 feet high, +is a board shelf on which the water jars are kept. + +At the right of the aisle, as one enters the building, is a broad +shelf about 12 feet long; in width it extends from the side wall +to the two right central posts. On this shelf, called "chuk'-so," +are placed the various baskets and other utensils and implements of +everyday use. Beneath it are stored the small cages or coops in which +the chickens sleep at night. There are a few fay'-u in Bontoc in which +the threshing room and cooking room are on the right of the aisle +and the long bench is on the left, but they are very rare exceptions. + +In the rear of the building is a board partition apparently extending +from one side wall to the other. The bench at the right of the aisle +ends against this partition, and on the left the stone fireplaces +are built against it. This rear section is covered over with boards +at the height of the outside wall, so that a low box is formed, 3 1/2 +feet high and 4 1/4 feet wide. At the rear of the aisle a door 3 feet +high and 1 foot 4 inches wide swings into this rear apartment, which, +when the door is again closed, is as black as night. An examination of +the inside of this section shows it to be entirely walled with stones +except where the narrow door cuts it. By inside measure it is only +3 feet 6 inches wide and 6 feet 6 inches long. This is the sleeping +apartment, and is called ang-an'. As one crawls into this kennel he is +likely to place his hands among ashes and charred sticks which mark the +place for a fire on cold nights. The left end of the ang-an' contains +two boards or beds for the man and his wife. Each board is about 18 +inches wide and 4 feet long; they are raised 2 or 3 inches from the +earth, and the head of the bed is slightly higher than the foot. A pole +is laid across the apartment at the lower end of the sleeping boards, +and on this the occupants rest their feet and toast them before the +small fire. At both ends of the ang-an', outside the store walls, +is a small hidden secret space called "kub-kub," in which the family +hides many of its choice possessions. During abundant camote[15] +gathering, however, I have seen the kub-kub filled with camotes. I +should probably not have discovered these spaces had there not been +so great a discrepancy between the inside measure of the sleeping +room and width of the building. + +I know of no other primitive dwellings in the Philippines than +the ones in the Bontoc culture area which are built directly on +the ground. Most of them are raised on posts several feet from the +earth. Some few have side walls extending to the ground, but even +those have a floor raised 2, 3, or more feet from the ground and +which is reached by means of a short ladder. + +The second story of the Bontoc dwelling is supported on the four +central posts. On all sides it projects beyond them, so that it +is about 7 feet square; it is about 5 feet high. A door enters the +second story directly from the aisle, and is reached by an 8-foot +ladder. This second story is constructed, floor and side walls, of +boards. The side walls cease at about the height of 2 feet where a +horizontal shelf is built on them extending outside of them to the +roof. It is about 2 feet wide and is usually stored with unthreshed +rice and millet or with jars of preserved meats. Just at the left on +the floor, as one enters the second story, is an earth-filled square +corner walled in by two poles. On this earth are three stones -- +the fireplace, where each year a chicken is cooked in a household +ceremony at the close of rice harvests. + +Rising above the second story is a third. In the smaller dwellings +this third story is only an attic of the second, but in the larger +buildings it is an independent story. To be sure, it is entered through +the floor, but a ladder is used, and its floor is of strong heavy +boards. It is at all times a storeroom, usually only for cereals. In +the smaller houses it amounts simply to a broad shelf about the height +of one's waist as he stands on the floor of the second story and his +head and upper body rise through the hole in the floor. In the larger +houses a person may climb into the third story and work there with +practically as much freedom as in the second. + +The 5-foot ridgepole of the steep, heavy, grass roof is supported +by two posts rising from the basal timbers of the third story. The +roof falls away sharply from the ridgepole not only at the sides +but at the ends, so that, except at the ridge, the roof appears +square. Immediately beneath both ends of the ridgepole there is a small +opening in the grass through which the smoke of the cooking fires is +supposed to escape. However, I have scarcely ever seen smoke issue +from them, and, since the entire inner part of the building from the +floor of the second story to the ridgepole is thickly covered with +soot, it seems that little unconsumed carbon escapes through the +smoke holes. The lower part of the roof, for 3 1/2 feet, descends at +a less steep angle, thus forming practically an awning against sun +and rain. Its lower edge is about 4 feet from the ground and projects +some 4 feet beyond the side walls of the lower story. + +The kat-yu'-fong, the dwelling of the poor, consists of a one-story +structure built on the ground with the earth for the floor. Some such +buildings have a partition or partial partition running across them, +beyond which are the sleeping boards, and there are shelves here and +there; but the kat-yu'-fong is a makeshift, and consequently is not +so fixed a type of dwelling as the fay'-u. + +Piled close around the dwellings is a supply of firewood in the shape +of pine blocks 3 or 4 feet long, usually cut from large trees. These +blocks furnish favorite lounging places for the women. The people +live most of the time outside their dwellings, and it is there that +the social life of the married women is. Any time of day they may be +seen close to the a'-fong in the shade of the low, projecting roof +sitting spinning or paring camotes; often three or four neighbors +sit thus together and gossip. The men are seldom with them, being +about the ato buildings in the daytime when not working. A few small +children may be about the dwelling, as the little girls frequently +help in preparing food for cooking. + +During the day the dwelling is much alone. When it is so left one +and sometimes two runo stalks are set up in the earth on each side +of the door leaning against the roof and projecting some 8 feet +in the air. This is the pud-i-pud', the "ethics lock" on an Igorot +dwelling. An Igorot who enters the a'-fong of a neighbor when the +pud-i-pud' is up is called a thief -- in the mind of all who see him +he is such. + + +The family + +Bontoc families are monogamous, and monogamy is the rule throughout +the area, though now and then a man has two wives. The presidente of +Titipan has five wives, for each of whom he has a separate house, and +during my residence in Bontoc he was building a sixth house for a new +wife; but such a family is the exception -- I never heard of another. + +Many marriage unions produce eight and ten children, though, since +the death rate is large, it is probable that families do not average +more than six individuals. + + +Childbirth + +A woman is usually about her daily labors in the house, the mountains, +or the irrigated fields almost to the hour of childbirth. The child +is born without feasting or ceremony, and only two or three friends +witness the birth. The father of the child is there, if he is the +woman's husband; the girl's mother is also with her, but usually +there are no others, unless it be an old woman. + +The expectant woman stands with her body bent strongly forward at +the waist and supported by the hands grasping some convenient house +timber about the height of the hips; or she may take a more animal-like +position, placing both hands and feet on the earth. + +The labor, lasting three or four hours, is unassisted by medicines +or baths; but those in attendance -- the man as well as the woman -- +hasten the birth by a gently downward drawing of the hands about the +woman's abdomen. + +During a period of ten days after childbirth the mother frequently +bathes herself about the hips and abdomen with hot water, but has no +change of diet. For two or three days she keeps the house closely, +reclining much of the time. + +The Igorot woman is a constant laborer from the age of puberty or +before, until extreme incapacity of old age stays the hands of toil; +but for two or three months following the advent of each babe the +mother does not work in the fields. She busies herself about the +house and with the new-found duties of a mother, while the husband +performs her labors in the fields. + +The Igorot loves all his children, and says, when a boy is born, +"It is good," and if a girl is born he says it is equally "good" -- +it is the fact of a child in the family that makes him happy. People in +the Igorot stage of culture have little occasion to prize one sex over +the other. The Igorot neither, even in marriage. One is practically +as capable as the other at earning a living, and both are needed in +the group. + +Six or seven days after birth a chicken is killed and eaten by the +family in honor of the child, but there is no other ceremony -- +there is not even a special name for the feast. + +If a woman gives birth to a stillborn child it is at once washed, +wrapped in a bit of cloth, and buried in a camote sementera close to +the dwelling. + + +Twins + +The Igorot do not understand twins, -- na-a-pik', as they say. Carabaos +have only one babe at a birth, so why should women have two babes? they +ask. They believe that one of the twins, which unfortunate one they +call "a-tin-fu-yang'," is an anito child; it is the offspring of an +anito.[16] The anito father is said to have been with the mother of +the twins in her unconscious slumber, and she is in no way criticised +or reproached. + +The most quiet babe, or, if they are equally quiet, the larger one, +is said to be "a-tin-fu-yang'," and is at once placed in an olla[17] +and buried alive in a sementera near the dwelling. + +On the 13th of April, 1903, the wife of A-li-koy', of Samoki, gave +birth to twin babies. Contrary to the advice and solicitations of the +old men and the universal custom of the people, A-li-koy' saved both +children, because, as he pointed out, an Ilokano of Bontoc had twin +children, now 7 years old, and they are all right. Thus the breaking +down of this peculiar form of infanticide may have begun. + + +Abortion + +Both married and unmarried women practice abortion when for any +reason the prospective child is not desired. It is usual, however, +for the mother of a pregnant girl to object to her aborting, saying +that soon she would become "po'-ta" -- the common mate of several men, +rather than the faithful wife of one. + +Abortion is accomplished without the use of drugs and is successful +only during the first eight or ten weeks of pregnancy. The abdomen +is bathed for several days in hot water, and the body is pressed +and stroked downward with the hands. The foetus is buried by the +woman. Only the woman herself or her mother or other near female friend +is present at the abortion, though no effort is made at secrecy and +its practice is no disgrace. + + +Child + + +Care of child in parents' dwelling + +All male babes are called "kil-lang'" and all girl babes "gna-an'." All +live practically the same life day after day. Their sole nourishment is +their mother's milk, varied now and then by that of some other woman, +if the mother is obliged to leave the babe for a half day or so. When +the babe's first teeth appear it has a slight change of diet; its +attendant now and then feeds it cooked rice, thoroughly masticated +and mixed with saliva. This food is passed to the child's mouth +directly from that of the attendant by contact of lips -- quite as +the domestic canary feeds its young. The babes are always unclothed, +and for several months are washed daily in cold water, usually both +morning and night. It is a common sight at the river to see the mother, +who has come down with her babe on her back for an olla of water, +bathe the babe, who never seems at all frightened in the process, +but to enjoy it -- this, too, at times when the water would seem +to be uncomfortably cold. One often sees the father or grandmother +washing the older babes at the river. + +But in spite of these baths the Igorot babe, at least after it has +reached the age of six or eight months, when seen in the pueblo is +almost without exception very dirty; a child of a year or a year and +a half is usually repulsively so. Its head has received no attention +since birth, and is scaly and dirty if not actually full of sores. Its +baths are now relatively infrequent, and its need of them as it plays +on the dirt floor of the dwelling or pabafunan even more urgent than +when it spent most of its time in the carrying blanket. + +Babes have no cradles or stationary places for rest or sleep. A babe, +slumbering or awake, is never laid down alone because of the fear that +an anito will injure it. At night the babe sleeps between its parents, +on its mother's arm. It spends its days almost without exception +sitting in a blanket which is tied over the shoulder of one of its +parents, its brother, or its sister. There it hangs, awake or asleep, +sitting or sprawling, often a pitiable little object with the sun +in its eyes and the flies hovering over its dirty face. Frequently a +child of only 5 or 6 years old may be seen with a babe on its back, +and older children are constant baby tenders. Babes may be found in +the fawi and pabafunan where the men are lounging (Pl. XXXII), and +the old men and women also care for their grandchildren. Grown people +quite as commonly carry the babe astride one hip if they have an empty +hand which they can put around it, and often a mother along the trail +carries it at her breast where it seemingly nurses as contentedly as +when in the shade of the dwelling. + +Children are generally weaned long before they are 2 years old, +but twice I have seen a young pillager of 5 years, while patting +and stroking his mother's hips and body as she transplanted rice, +yield to his early baby instinct and suckle from her pendant breasts. + +After the child is about 2 years of age it is not customary for it to +sleep longer at the home of the parents; the girl goes nightly to the +olag, and the boy to the pabafunan or the fawi. However, this is not +a hard-and-fast rule, and the age at which the child goes to the olag +or fawi depends much on circumstances. The length of time it sleeps +with the parents doubtless depends upon the advent or nonadvent of +another child. If a little girl has a widowed grandmother or aunt she +may sleep for a few years with her. During the warmer months one or +two children may sleep on the stationary broad bench, the chukso, in +the open part of the parents' house. It is safe to say that after the +ages of 6 or 7 all children are found nightly in the olag, pabafunan, +or fawi. I have seen a group of little girls from 4 to 10 years old, +immediately after supper and while some families were still eating, +sitting around a small blaze of fire just outside the door of their +olag. The Igorot child as a rule knows its parents' home only as a +place to eat. There is almost an entire absence of anything which +may be called home life. + + +Naming + +The Igorot has no definite system of naming. Parents may frequently +change the name of a child, and an individual may change his during +maturity. There are several reasons why names are changed, but there +is no system, nor is it ever necessary to change them. + +A child usually receives its first personal name between the years +of 2 and 5. This first name is always that of some dead ancestor, +usually only two or three generations past. The reason for this is +the belief that the anito of the ancestor cares for and protects its +descendants when they are abroad. If the name a child bears is that +of a dead ancestor it will receive the protection of the anito of the +ancestor; if the child does not prosper or has accidents or ill health, +the parents will seek a more careful or more benevolent protector in +the anito of some other ancestor whose name is given the child. + +To illustrate this changing of names: A boy in Tukukan, two hours from +Bontoc, was first named Sa-pang' when less than a year old. At the +end of a year the paternal grandfather, An-ti'-ko, died in Tukukan, +and the babe was named An-ti'-ko. In a few years the boy's father died, +and the mother married a man in Bontoc, the home of her childhood. She +moved to Bontoc with her boy, and then changed his name to Fa-li-kao', +her dead father's name. The reason for this last change was because the +anito of An-ti'-ko, always in or about Tukukan, could not care for the +child in Bontoc, whereas the anito of Fa-li-kao' in Bontoc could do so. + +The selection of the names of ancestors is shown by the following +generations: + + +1. Mang-i-lot' + 2. Cho-kas' + 3. Kom-ling' + 4. Mang-i-lot' + 5 A. Kom-ling' + 5 B. Ta-kay'-yeng + 5 C. Teng-ab' + 5 D. Ka-weng' + + +Mang-i-lot' (4) is the baby name of an old man now about 60 years old; +it was the name of his great-grandfather (1). Numbers 5 A, 5 B, 5 C, +and 5 D are the sons of Mang-i-lot' (4), all of whom died before +receiving a second name. The child Kom-ling' (5 a) was given the +name of his paternal grandfather (3). Ta-kay'-yeng (5 B) bears the +name of his maternal great-grandfather. Teng-ab' (5 C) and Ka-weng' +(5 D) both bear the names of uncles, brothers of the boy's mother. The +present name of Mang-i-lot' (4) is O-lu-wan'; this is the name of a +man at Barlig whose head was the first one taken by Mang-i-lot'. A +man may change his name each time he takes a head, though it is not +customary to do so more than once or twice. + +Girls as well as boys may receive during childhood two or three names, +that they may receive the protection of an anito. In Igorot names there +is no vestige of a kinship group tracing relation through either the +paternal or maternal line. + +The people are generally reticent about telling their names; and when +they do tell, the name given is usually the one borne in childhood; +an old man will generally answer " am-a'-ma," meaning simply "old man." + + +Circumcision + +Most boys are circumcised at from 4 to 7 years of age. The act of +circumcision, called "sig-i-at'," occurs privately without feasting +or rite. The only formality is the payment of a few leaves of tobacco +to the man who performs the operation. There are one or two old men +in each ato who understand circumcision, but there is no cult for +its performance or perpetuation. + +The foreskin is cut lengthwise on the upper side for half an +inch. Either a sharp, blade-like piece of bamboo is inserted in +the foreskin which is cut from the inside, or the back point of a +battle-ax is stuck firmly in the earth, and the foreskin is cut by +being drawn over the sharp point of the blade. + +The Igorot say that if the foreskin is not cut it will grow long, +as does the unclipped camote vine. What the origin or purpose of +circumcision was is not now known by the people of Bontoc. The +practice is believed to have come with them from an earlier home; +it is widespread in the Archipelago. + + +Amusements + +The life of little girls is strangely devoid of games and +playthings. They have no dolls and, I have never seen them play with +the puppies which are scattered throughout the pueblo much of the +year -- both common playthings for the girls of primitive people. It +is not improbable that the instinct which compels most girls, no +matter what their grade of culture, to play the mother is given full +expression in the necessary care of babes -- a care in which the +girls, often themselves almost babes, have a much larger part than +their brothers. Girls also go to the fields with their parents much +more than do the boys. + +Girls and boys never play together in the same group. Time and +again one comes suddenly on a romping group of chattering, naked +little boys or girls. They usually run noiselessly into the nearest +foliage or behind the nearest building, and there stand unmoving, +as a pursued chicken pokes its head into the grass and seems to think +itself hidden. They need not be afraid of one, seeing him every day, +yet the instinct to flee is strong in them -- they do exactly what +their mothers do when suddenly met in the trail -- they run away, +or start to. + +Several times I have found little girls building tiny sementeras with +pebbles, and it is probable they play at planting and harvesting the +crops common to their pueblo. They have one game called "I catch +your ankle," which is the best expression of unfettered childplay +and mirth I have ever seen. + +After the sun had dropped behind the mountain close to the pueblo, +from six to a dozen girls ranging from 5 to 10 or 11 years of age came +almost nightly to the smooth grass plat in front of our house to play +"sis-sis'-ki" (I catch your ankle). They laid aside their blankets +and lined up nude in two opposing lines twelve or fifteen feet +apart. All then called: "Sis-sis'-ki ad wa'-ni wa'-ni!" (which is, +"I catch your ankle, now! now!"). Immediately the two lines crouched +on their haunches, and, in half-sitting posture, with feet side by +side, each girl bounced toward her opponent endeavoring to catch +her ankle. After the two attacking parties met they intermingled, +running and tumbling, chasing and chased, and the successful girl +rapidly dragged her victim by the ankle along the grass until caught +and thrown by a relief party or driven away by the approach of superior +numbers. They lined up anew every five or ten minutes. + +During the entire game, lasting a full half hour or until night settled +on them or a mother came to take home one of the little, romping, wild +things -- just as the American child is called from her games to an +early bed -- peal after peal of the heartiest, sweetest laughter rang +a constant chorus. The boys have at least two systematic games. One is +fug-fug-to', in imitation of a ceremonial of the men after each annual +rice harvest. The game is a combat with rocks, and is played sometimes +by thirty or forty boys, sometimes by a much smaller number. The game +is a contest -- usually between Bontoc and Samoki -- with the broad, +gravelly river bed as the battle ground. There they charge and retreat +as one side gains or loses ground; the rocks fly fast and straight, +and are sometimes warded off by small basket-work shields shaped like +the wooden ones of war. They sometimes play for an hour and a half +at a time, and I have not yet seen them play when one side was not +routed and driven home on the run amid the shouts of the victors. + +The other game is kag-kag-tin'. It is also a game of combat and of +opposing sides, but it is not so dangerous as the other and there are +no bruises resulting. Some half-dozen or a dozen boys play kag-kag-tin' +charging and retreating, fighting with the bare feet. The naked foot +necessitates a different kick than the one shod with a rigid leather +shoe; the stroke from an unshod foot is more like a blow from the fist +shot out from the shoulder. The foot lands flat and at the side of +or behind the kicker, and the blow is aimed at the trunk or head -- +it usually lands higher than the hips. This game in a combat between +individuals of the opposing sides, though two often attack a single +opponent until he is rescued by a companion. The game is over when +the retreating side no longer advances to the combat. + +The boys are constantly throwing reed spears, and they are fairly +expert spearmen several years before they have a steel-bladed spear +of their own. Frequently they roll the spherical grape fruit and +throw their reeds at the fruit as it passes. + +Here, there, and everywhere, singly or in groups, boys perform the +Igorot dance step. A tin can in a boy's hands is irresistibly beaten in +rhythmic time, and the dance as surely follows the peculiar rhythmic +beating as the beating follows the possession of the can. As the +boys come stringing home at night from watching the palay fields, +they come dancing, rhythmically beating a can, or two sticks, or +their dinner basket, or beating time in the air -- as though they +held a gangsa[18]. The dance is in them, and they amuse themselves +with it constantly. + +Both boys and girls are much in the river, where they swim and dive +with great frolic. + +During the months of January and February, 1903, when there was much +wind, the boys were daily flying kites, but it is a pastime borrowed +of the Ilokano in the pueblo. Now and then a little fellow may be +seen with a small, very rude bow and arrow, which also is borrowed +from the Ilokano since the arrival of the Spaniard. + + + +Puberty + +Puberty is reached relatively late, usually between the fourteenth +and sixteenth years. No notice whatever is taken of it by the social +group. There is neither feast nor rite to mark the event either for +the individual or the group. + +This nonobservance of the fact of puberty would be very remarkable, +since its observance is so widespread among primitive people, +were it not for the fact that the Igorot has developed the olag -- +an institution calculated to emphasize the fact and significance +of puberty. + + +Life in olag + +Though the o'-lag is primarily the sleeping place of all unmarried +girls, in the mind of the people it is, with startling consistency, +the mating place of the young people of marriageable age. + +A common sight on a rest day in the pueblo is that of a young man +and woman, each with an arm around the other, loitering about under +the same blanket, talking and laughing, one often almost supporting +the other. There seems at all times to be the greatest freedom +and friendliness among the young people. I have seen both a young +man carrying a young woman lying horizontally along his shoulders, +and a young woman carrying a young man astride her back. However, +practically all courtship is carried on in the o'-lag. + +The courtship of the Igorot is closely defined when it is said that +marriage never takes place prior to sexual intimacy, and rarely +prior to pregnancy. There is one exception. This is when a rich and +influential man marries a girl against her desires, but through the +urgings of her parents. + +It is customary for a young man to be sexually intimate with one, two, +three, and even more girls at the same time. Two or more of them may +be residents of one o'-lag, and it is common for two or three men to +visit the same o'-lag at one time. + +A girl is almost invariably faithful to her temporary lover, and this +fact is the more surprising in the face of the young man's freedom +and the fact that the o'-lag is nightly filled with little girls +whose moral training is had there. + +Young men are boldly and pointedly invited to the o'-lag. A common form +of invitation is for the girl to steal a man's pipe, his pocket hat, +or even the breechcloth he is wearing. They say one seldom recovers +his property without going to the, o'-lag for it. + +When a girl recognizes her pregnancy she at once joyfully tells her +condition to the father of the child, as all women desire children and +there are few permanent marriages unblessed by them. The young man, +if he does not wish to marry the girl, may keep her in ignorance of +his intentions for two or three months. If at last he tells her he +will not marry her she receives the news with many tears, it is said, +but is spared the gossip and reproach of others, and she will later +become the wife of some other man, since her first child has proved +her power to bear children. + +When the mother notices her condition she asks who the father of the +child is, and on being told that the man will not marry her the mother +often tries to exert a rather tardy influence for better morals. She +says, "That is bad. Why have you done this?" (when the chances are +that the unfortunate, girl was born into a family of but one head); +"it will be well for him to give the child a sementera to work." About +the same time the young man informs his mother of his relations with +the girl, and of her condition, and again the maker of a people's +morals seems to attempt to mold the already hardened clay. She says, +"My son, that is bad. Why have you done it? Why do you not marry +her?" And the son answers simply and truthfully, "I have another +girl." Without attempt at remonstrance the father gives a rice +sementera to the child when it is 6 or 7 years old, for that is the +price fixed by the group conscience for deserting a girl with a child. + +It is not usual for a married man to go to the o'-lag, though a +young man may go if one of his late mates is still alone. He is +usually welcomed by the girl, for there may yet be possibilities +of her becoming his permanent wife. A man whose wife is pregnant, +however, seldom visits the o'-lag, because he fears that, if he does, +his wife's child will be prematurely born and die. + +The o'-lag is built where the girls desire it and is said to be +commonly located in places accessible to the men; this appears true +to one going over the pueblo with this statement in mind. + +The life in the o'-lag does not seem to weaken the boys or girls +or cause them to degenerate, neither does it appear to make them +vicious. Whereas there is practically no sense of modesty among the +people, I have never seen anything lewd. Though there is no such +thing as virtue, in the modern sense of the word, among the young +people after puberty, children before puberty are said to be virtuous, +and the married woman is said always to be true to her husband. + +According to a recent translator of Blumentritt[19] that author is +made to say (evidently speaking of the o'-lag): + +Amongst most of the tribes [Igorot] the chastity of maidens is +carefully guarded, and in some all the young girls are kept together +till marriage in a large house where, guarded by old women, they +are taught the industries of their sex, such as weaving, pleating, +making cloth from the bark of trees, etc. + +There is no such institution in Bontoc Igorot society. The purpose of +the o'-lag is as far from enforcing chastity as it well can be. The +old women never frequent the o'-lag, and the lesson the girls learn +there is the necessity for maternity, not the "industries of their +sex" -- which children of very primitive people acquire quite as a +young fowl learns to scratch and get its food. + + +Marriage + +The ethics of the group forbid certain unions in marriage. A man may +not marry his mother, his stepmother, or a sister of either. He may +not marry his daughter, stepdaughter, or adopted daughter. He may +not marry his sister, or his brother's widow, or a first cousin by +blood or adoption. Sexual intercourse between persons in the above +relations is considered incest, and does not often occur. The line of +kin does not appear to be traced as far as second cousin, and between +such there are no restrictions. + +Rich people often pledge their small children in marriage, though, +as elsewhere in the world, love, instead of the plans of parents, is +generally the foundation of the family. In February, 1903, the rich +people of Bontoc were quite stirred up over the sequel to a marriage +plan projected some fifteen years before. Two families then pledged +their children. The boy grew to be a man of large stature, while the +girl was much smaller. The man wished to marry another young woman, who +fought the first girl when visited by her to talk over the matter. Then +the blind mother of the pledged girl went to the dwelling, accompanied +by her brother, one of the richest men in the pueblo, whereupon the +father and mother of the successful girl knocked them down and beat +them. To all appearances the young lovers will marry in spite of the +early pledges of parents. They say such quarrels are common. + +If a man wishes to marry a woman and she shares his desire, or +if on her becoming pregnant he desires to marry her, he speaks +with her parents and with his. If either of her parents objects, +no marriage occurs; but he does not usually falter, even though +his parents do object. They say the advent of a babe seldom fails +to win the good will of the young man's parents. In the case of the +girl's pregnancy, marriage is more assured, and her father builds or +gives her a house. The olag is no longer for her. In her case it has +served its ultimate purpose -- it has announced her puberty and proved +her powers of womanhood. In the case of a desire of marriage before +the girl is pregnant she usually sleeps in the olag, as in the past, +and the young man spends most of his nights with her. It is customary +for the couple to take their meals with the parents of the girl, in +which case the young man gives his labors to the family. The period +of his labors is usually less than a year, since it is customary for +him to give his affections to another girl within a year if the first +one does not become pregnant. + +In other words their union is a true trial union. If the trial is +successful the girl's father builds her a dwelling, and the marriage +ceremony occurs immediately upon occupation of the dwelling. The +ceremony is in two parts. The first is called "in-pa-ke'," and at +that time a hog or carabao is killed, and the two young people start +housekeeping. The kap'-i-ya ceremony follows -- among the rich this +marriage ceremony occupies two days, but with the poor only one +day. The kap'-i-ya is performed by an old man of the ato in which +the couple is to live. He suggestively places a hen's egg, some rice, +and some tapui[20] in a dish before him while he addresses Lumawig, +the one god, as follows: + +Thou, Lumawig! now these children desire to unite in marriage. They +wish to be blessed with many children. When they possess pigs, may +they grow large. When they cultivate their palay, may it have large +fruitheads. May their chickens also grow large. When they plant their +beans may they spread over the ground, May they dwell quietly together +in harmony. May the man's vitality quicken the seed of the woman. + +The two-day marriage ceremony of the rich is very festive. The parents +kill a wild carabao, as well as chickens and pigs, and the entire +pueblo comes to feast and dance. It is customary for the pueblo to +have a rest day, called "fo-sog'," following the marriage of the +rich, so the entire period given to the marriage is three days. Each +party to the, marriage receives some property at the time from the +parents. There are no women in Bontoc pueblo who have not entered +into the trial union, though all have not succeeded in reaching the +ceremony of permanent marriage. However, notwithstanding all their +standards and trials, there are several happy permanent marriages +which have never been blessed with children. There are only two men +in Bontoc who have never been married and who never entered the trial +stage, and both are deaf and dumb. + + +Divorce + +The people of Bontoc say they never knew a man and woman to separate +if a child was born to the pair and it lived and they had recognized +themselves married. But, as the marriage is generally prompted because +a child is to be born, so an unfruitful union is generally broken in +the hope that another will be more successful. + +If either party desires to break the contract the other seldom +objects. If they agree to separate, the woman usually remains in their +dwelling and the man builds himself another. However, if either person +objects, it is the other who relinquishes the dwelling -- the man +because he can build another and the woman because she seldom seeks +separation unless she knows of a home in which she will be welcome. + +Nothing in the nature of alimony, except the dwelling, is commonly +given by either party to a divorce. There are two exceptions -- +in case a party deserts he forfeits to the other one or more rice +sementeras or other property of considerable value; and, again, +if the woman bore her husband a child which died he must give her a +sementera if he leaves her. + + +The widowed + +If either party to a marriage dies the other does not remarry for +one year. There is no penalty enforced by the group for an earlier +marriage, but the custom is firmly fixed. Should the surviving person +marry within a year he would die, being killed by an anito whose +business it is to punish such sacrilege. The widowed frequently +remarry, as there are certain advantages in their married life. It +is quite impossible for a man or woman alone to perform the entire +round of Igorot labors. The hours of labor for the lone person must +usually be long and tiresome. + +Most of the widowed live in the katyufong, the smaller dwelling +of the poor. The reason for this is that even if one has owned the +better class of dwelling, the fayu, it is generally given to a child +at marriage, the smaller house being sufficient and suitable for the +lone person, especially as the widowed very frequently take their +meals with some married child. + + +Orphans + +Orphans without homes of their own become members of the household of +an uncle or aunt or other near relative. The property they received +from their parents is used by the family into whose home they go. Upon +marriage the children receive the property as it was left them, +the annual increase having gone to the family which cared for them. + +If there are no relatives, orphans with property readily find a home; +if there are neither relatives nor property, some family receives the +children more as servants than as equals. When they are married they +are usually not given more than a dwelling. + + +The aged + +There are few old and infirm persons who have not living +relatives. Among these relatives are usually descendants who have +been materially benefited by property accumulated or kept intact by +their aged kin. It is the universal custom for relatives to feed and +otherwise care for the aged. Not much can be done for the infirm, +and infirmity is the beginning of the end with all except the blind. + +The chances are that the old who have no relatives have at least a +little property. Such persons are readily cared for by some family +which uses the property at the time and falls heir to it when the owner +dies. There are a very few blind persons who have neither relatives nor +property, and these are cared for by families which offer assistance, +and two of these old blind men beg rice from dwelling to dwelling. + + +Sickness, disease, and remedies + +All disease, sickness, or ailment, however serious or slight, among +the Bontoc Igorot is caused by an a-ni'-to. If smallpox kills half a +dozen persons in one day, the fell work is that of an a-ni'-to; if a +man receives a stone bruise on the trail an a-ni'-to is in the foot and +must be removed before recovery is possible. There is one exception to +the above sweeping charge against the a-ni'-to -- the Igorot says that +toothache is caused by a small worm twisting and turning in the tooth. + +Igorot society contains no person who is so malevolent as to cause +another sickness, insanity, or death. So charitable is the Igorot's +view of his fellows that when, a few years ago, two Bontoc men died +of poison administered by another town, the verdict was that the +administering hands were directed by some vengeful or diabolical +a-ni'-to. + +As a people the Bontoc Igorot are healthful. It is seldom that an +epidemic reaches them; bubonic plague and leprosy are unknown to them. + +By far the majority of deaths among them is due to what the Igorot +calls fever -- as they say, "im-po'-os nan a'-wak," or "heat of the +body" -- but they class as "fever" half a dozen serious diseases, +some almost always fatal. + +The men at times suffer with malaria. They go to the low west coast as +cargadors or as primitive merchants, and they return to their mountain +country enervated by the heat, their systems filled with impure water, +and their blood teeming with mosquito-planted malaria. They get down +with fever, lose their appetite, neither know the value of nor have +the medicines of civilization, their minds are often poisoned with +the superstitious belief that they will die -- and they do die in +from three days to two months. In February, 1903, three cargadors +died within two weeks after returning from the coast. + +Measles, chicken pox, typhus and typhoid fevers, and a disease +resulting from eating new rice are undifferentiated by the Igorot -- +they are his "fever." Measles and chicken pox are generally fatal to +children. Igorot pueblos promptly and effectually quarantine against +these diseases. When a settlement is afflicted with either of them it +shuts its doors to all outsiders -- even using force if necessary; +but force is seldom demanded, as other pueblos at once forbid their +people to enter the afflicted settlement. The ravages of typhus and +typhoid fever may be imagined among a people who have no remedies +for them. The diseased condition resulting each year from eating new +rice has locally been called "rice cholera." During the months of +June, July, and August -- the two harvest months of rice and the one +following -- considerable rice of the new crop is annually eaten. If +rice has been stored in the palay houses until it is sweated it is +in every way a healthful, nutritious food, but when eaten before it +sweats it often produces diarrhea, usually leading to an acute bloody +dysentery which is often followed by vomiting and a sudden collapse -- +as in Asiatic cholera. + +In 1893 smallpox, ful-tang', came to Bontoc with a Spanish soldier +who was in the hospital from Quiangan. Some five or six adults and +sixty or seventy children died. The ravage took half a dozen in a day, +but the Igorot stamped out the plague by self-isolation. They talked +the situation over, agreed on a plan, and were faithful to it. All the +families not afflicted moved to the mountains; the others remained to +minister or be ministered to, as the case might be. About thirty-five +years ago smallpox wiped out a considerable settlement of Bontoc, +called La'-nao, situated nearer the river than are any dwellings +at present. + +About thirty years ago cholera, pish-ti', visited the people, and +fifty or more deaths resulted. + +Some twelve years ago ka-lag'-nas, an unidentified disease, destroyed +a great number of people, probably half a hundred. Those afflicted +were covered with small, itching festers, had attacks of nausea, +and death resulted in about three days. + +Two women died in Bontoc in 1901 of beri-beri, called fu-tut. These +are the only cases known to have been there. + +About ten years ago a man died from passing blood -- an ailment +which the Igorot named literally "in-is'-fo cha'-la or in-tay'-es +cha'-la." It was not dysentery, as the person at no time had a +diarrhea. He gradually weakened from the loss of small amounts of +blood until, in about a year, he died. + +The above are the only fatal diseases now in the common memory of +the pueblo of Bontoc. + +It is believed 95 per cent of the people suffer at some time, probably +much of the time, with some skin disease. They say no one has been +known to die of any of these skin diseases, but they are weakening and +annoying. Itch, ku'-lid, is the most common, and it takes an especially +strong hold on the babes in arms. This ku'-lid is not the ko'-lud +or gos-gos, the white scaly itch found among the people surrounding +those of the Bontoc culture area but not known to exist within it. + +Two or three people suffer with rheumatism, fig-fig, but are seldom +confined to their homes. + +One man has consumption, o'-kat. He has been coughing five or six +years, and is very thin and weak. + +Diarrhea, or o-gi'-ak, frequently makes itself felt, but for only one +or two days at a time. It is most common when the locusts swarm over +the country, and the people eat them abundantly for several days. They +say no one, not even a babe, ever died of diarrhea. + +Two of the three prostitutes of Bontoc, the cast-off mistresses of +Spanish soldiers, have syphilis, or na-na. Formerly one civilian was +afflicted, and at present four or five of the Constabulary soldiers +have contracted the disease. + +Lang-ing'-i, a disease of sores and ulcers on the lips, nostrils, +and rectum, afflicted a few people three or four years ago. This +disease is very common in the pueblo of Ta-kong', but is reported as +never causing death. + +Goiter, fi-kek' or fin-to'-kel, is quite common with adults, and is +more common with women than men. + +Varicose veins, o'-pat, are not uncommon on the calves of both men +and women. + +Many old people suffer greatly with toothache, called "pa-tug' nan +fob-a'." They say it is caused by a small worm, fi'-kis, which wriggles +and twists in the tooth. When one has an aching tooth extracted he +looks at it and inquires where "fi'-kis" is. + +They suffer little from colds, mo-tug', and one rarely hears an +Igorot cough. + +Headache, called both sa-kit' si o'-lo and pa-tug' si o'-lo, rarely +occurs except with fever. + +Sore eyes, a condition known as in-o'-ki, are very frequently seen; +they doubtless precede most cases of blindness. + +The Igorot bears pain well, but his various fatalistic superstitions +make him often an easy victim to a malady that would yield readily +to the science of modern medicine and from which, in the majority of +cases, he would probably recover if his mind could only assist his +body in withstanding the disease. + +One is surprised to find that sores from bruises do not generally +heal quickly. + +The Igorot attempts no therapeutic remedies for fevers, cholera, +beri-beri, rheumatism, consumption, diarrhea, syphilis, goiter, colds, +or sore eyes. + +Some effort, therapeutic in its intent, is made to assist nature in +overcoming a few of the simplest ailments of the body. + +For a cut, called "na-fa'-kag," the fruit of a grass-like herb named +la-lay'-ya is pounded to a paste, and then bound on the wound. + +Burns, ma-la-fub-chong', are covered over with a piece of bark from +a tree called ta-kum'-fao. + +Kay-yub', a vegetable root, is rubbed over the forehead in cases +of headache. + +Boils, fu-yu-i', and swellings, nay-am-an' or kin-may-yon', are +treated with a poultice of a pounded herb called ok-ok-ong'-an. + +Millet burned to a charcoal, pulverized, and mixed with pig fat is +used as a salve for the itch. + +An herb called a-kum' is pounded and used as a poultice on ulcers +and sores. + +For toothache salt is mixed with a pounded herb named ot-o'-tek and +the mass put in or around the aching tooth. + +Leaves of the tree kay'-yam are steeped, and the decoction employed +as a bath for persons with smallpox. + + +Death and burial + +It must be said that the Bontoc Igorot does not take death very +sorrowfully, and he does not take it at all passionately. A mother +weeps a day for a dead child or her husband, but death is said not to +bring tears from any man. Death causes no long or loud lamentation, +no tearing of the hair or cutting the body; it effects no somber +colors to deaden the emotions; no earth or ashes for the body -- +all widespread mourning customs among primitive peoples. However, +when a child or mature man or woman dies the women assemble and sing +and wail a melancholy dirge, and they ask the departed why he went +so early. But for the aged there are neither tears nor wailings -- +there is only grim philosophy. "You were old," they say, "and old +people die. You are dead, and now we shall place you in the earth. We +too are old, and soon we shall follow you." + +All people die at the instance of an anito. There have been, however, +three suicides in Bontoc. Many years ago an old man and woman hung +themselves in their dwellings because they were old and infirm, and +a man from Bitwagan hung himself in the Spanish jail at Bontoc a few +years ago. + +The spirit of the person who dies a so-called natural death is called +away by an anito. The anito of those who die in battle receive the +special name "pin-teng'"; such spirits are not called away, but the +person's slayer is told by some pin-teng', "You must take a head." So +it may be said that no death occurs among the Igorot (except the rare +death by suicide) which is not due directly to an anito. + +Since they are warriors, the men who die in battle are the most +favored, but if not killed in battle all Igorot prefer to die in +their houses. Should they die elsewhere, they are at once taken home. + +On March 19, 1903, wise, rich Som-kad', of ato Luwakan, and the oldest +man of Bontoc, heard an anito saying, "Come, Som-kad'; it is much +better in the mountains; come." The sick old man laboriously walked +from the pabafunan to the house of his oldest son, where he had for +nearly twenty years taken his food, and there among his children +and friends he died on the night of March 21. Just before he died a +chicken was killed, and the old people gathered at the house, cooked +the chicken, and ate, inviting the ancestral anitos and the departing +spirit of Som-kad' to the feast. Shortly after this the spirit of +the live man passed from the body searching the mountain spirit land +for kin and friend. They closed the old man's eyes, washed his body +and on it put the blue burial robe with the white "anito" figures +woven in it as a stripe. They fashioned a rude, high-back chair with +a low seat, a sung-a'-chil (Pl. XLI), and bound the dead man in it, +fastening him by bands about the waist, the arms, and head -- the +vegetal band entirely covering the open mouth. His hands were laid +in his lap. The chair was set close up before the door of the house, +with the corpse facing out. Four nights and days it remained there +in full sight of those who passed. + +One-half the front wall of the dwelling and the interior partitions +except the sleeping compartment were removed to make room for those +who sat in the dwelling. Most of these came and went without function, +but day and night two young women sat or stood beside the corpse +always brushing away the flies which sought to gather at its nostrils. + +During the first two days few men were about the house, but they +gathered in small groups in the vicinity of the fawi and pabafunan, +which were only three or four rods distant. Much of the time a blind +son of the dead man, the owner of the house where the old man died, +sat on his haunches in the shade under the low roof, and at frequent +intervals sang to a melancholy tune that his father was dead, that +his father could no longer care for him, and that he would be lonely +without him. On succeeding days other of the dead man's children, +three sons and five daughters, all rich and with families of their +own, were heard to sing the same words. Small numbers of women +sat about the front of the house or close in the shade of its roof +and under its cover. Now and then some one or more of them sang a +low-voiced, wordless song -- rather a soothing strain than a depressing +dirge. During the first days the old women, and again the old men, +sang at different times alone the following song, called "a-na'-ko" +when sung by the women, and "e-ya'-e" when by the men: + +Now you are dead; we are all here to see you. We have given you all +things necessary, and have made good preparation for the burial. Do +not come to call away [to kill] any of your relatives or friends. + +Nowhere was there visible any sign of fear or awe or wonder. The +women sitting about spun threads on their thighs for making skirts; +they talked and laughed and sang at will. Mothers nursed their babes +in the dwelling and under its projecting roof. Budding girls patted +and loved and dimpled the cheeks of the squirming babes of more +fortunate young women, and there was scarcely a child that passed in +or out of the house, that did not have to steady itself by laying a +hand on the lap of the corpse. All seemed to understand death. One, +they say, does not die until the anito calls -- and then one always +goes into a goodly life which the old men often see and tell about. + +In a well-organized and developed modern enterprise the death of +a principal man causes little or no break. This is equally true in +Igorot life. The former is so because of perfected organization -- +there are new men trained for all machines; and the latter is true +because of absence of organization -- there is almost no machinery +to be left unattended by the falling of one person. + +On the third day the numbers increased. There were twenty-five or +thirty men in the vicinity of the house, on the south side of which +were half a dozen pots of basi,[21] from which men and boys drank +at pleasure, though not half a dozen became intoxicated. Late in +the afternoon a double row of men, the sons and sons-in-law of the +deceased, lined up on their haunches facing one another, and for half +an hour talked and laughed, counted on their fingers and gesticulated, +diagrammed on their palms, questioned, pointed with their lips and +nodded, as they divided the goodly property of the dead man. There +was no anger, no sharp word, or apparent dissent; all seemed to know +exactly what was each one's right. In about half an hour the property +was disposed of beyond probable future dispute. + +There were more women present the third day than on the second, +and at all times about one-third more women than men; and there were +usually as many children about as there were grown persons. In all +the group of, say, 140 people, nowhere could one detect a sign of the +uncanny, or even the unusual. The apparent everydayness of it all to +them was what struck the observer most. The young women brushing away +the flies touched and turned the fast-blackening hands of the corpse +to note the rapid changes. Almost always there were small children +standing in the doorway looking into that blackened, swollen face, +and they turned away only to play or to loll about their mothers' +necks. Always there were women bending over other women's heads, +carefully parting the hair and scanning it. Women lay asleep stretched +in the shade; they talked, and droned, and laughed, and spun. + +During the second day men had succeeded in catching in the mountains +one of the half-wild carabaos -- property of the deceased -- and this +was killed. Its head was placed in the house tied up by the horns +above and facing Som-kad', so the faces of the dead seemed looking +at each other, while on the third day the flesh, bones, intestines, +and hide were cooked for the crowd. During the third and fourth days +one carabao, one dog, eight hogs, and twenty chickens were killed, +cooked, and eaten. + +On the fourth day the crowd increased. Custom lays idle all field +tools of an ato on the burial day of an adult of that ato; but the +day Som-kad' was buried the field work of the entire pueblo stood +still because of common respect for this man, so old and wise, so +rich and influential, and probably 200 people were about the house +all the day. By noon two well-defined groups of chanting old women +had formed -- one sitting in the house and the other in front of +it. Wordless, melancholy chants were sung in response between the +groups. The spaces surrounding the house became almost packed -- +so much so that a dog succeeded in getting into the doorway, and the +threatenings and maledictions that drove it away were the loudest, +most disturbed expressions noted during the four days. + +Before the house, which faced the west, lay the large pine coffin lid, +while to the south of it, turned bottom up, was the coffin with fresh +chips beside it hewn out that morning in further excavation. Children +played around the coffin and people lounged on its upturned +bottom. Near the front of the house a pot of water was always hot +over a smoldering, smoking fire. Now and then a chicken was brought, +light wood was tossed under the pot, the chicken was beaten to death +-- first the wings, then the neck, and then the head. The fowl was +quickly sprawled over the blaze, its feathers burned to a crisp, and +rubbed off with sticks. Its legs were severed from the body with the +battle-ax and put in the pot. From its front it was then cut through +its ribs with one gash. The back and breast parts were torn apart, +the gall examined and nodded over; the intestines were placed beneath +a large rock, and the gizzard, breast of the chicken, and back with +head attached dropped in the pot. During the killing and dressing +neither of the two men who prepared the feast hurried, yet scarcely +five minutes passed from the time the first blow was struck on the +wing of the squawking fowl until the work was over and the meat in +the boiling pot. The cooking of a fowl always brought a crowd of boys +who hung over the fragrant vessel, and they usually got their share +when, in about twenty minutes, the meat came forth. Three times in +the afternoon a fowl was thus distributed. Cooked pork was passed +among the people, and rice was always being brought. Twice a man went +through the crowd with a large winnowing tray of cooked carabao hide +cut in little blocks. This food was handed out on every side, people +tending children receiving double share. The people gathered and ate +in the congested spaces about the dwelling. The heat was intense -- +there was scarcely a breath of air stirring. The odor from the body +was heavy and most sickening to an American, and yet there was no +trace of the unusual on the various faces. + +New arrivals came to take their last look at Som-kad', now a black, +bloated, inhuman-looking thing, and they turned away apparently +unaffected by the sight. + +The sun slid down behind the mountain ridge lying close to the pueblo, +and a dozen men armed with digging sticks and dirt baskets filed along +the trail some fifteen rods to the last fringe of houses. There they +dug a grave in a small, unused sementera plat where only the old, +rich men of the pueblo are buried. A group of twenty-five old women +gathered standing at the front of the house swaying to the right, +to the left, as they slowly droned in melancholy cadence: + +You were old, and old people die. You are dead, and now we shall +place you in the earth. We too are old, and soon we shall follow you. + +Again and again they droned, and when they ceased others within +the house took up the strain. During the singing the carabao head +was brought from the house, and the horns, with small section of +attached skull, chopped out, and the head returned to the ceiling of +the dwelling. + +Presently a man came with a slender stick to measure the coffin. He +drove a nursing mother, with a woman companion and small child, +from comfortable seats on the upturned wood. The people, including +the group of old women, were driven away from the front of the house, +the coffin was laid down on the ground before the door, and an unopened +8-gallon olla of "preserved" meat was set at its foot. An old woman, +in no way distinguishable from the others by paraphernalia or other +marks, muttering, squatted beside the olla. Two men untied the bands +from the corpse, and one lifted it free from the chair and carried +it in his arms to the coffin. It was most unsightly, and streams of +rusty-brown liquid ran from it. It was placed face up, head elevated +even with the rim, and legs bent close at the knees but only slightly +at the hips. The old woman arose from beside the olla and helped lay +two new breechcloths and a blanket over the body. The face was left +uncovered, except that a small patch of white cloth ravelings, called +"fo-ot'," was laid over the eyes, and a small white cloth was laid +over the hair of the head. The burden was quickly caught up on men's +shoulders and hurried without halting to the grave. Willing bands +swarmed about the coffin. At all times as many men helped bear it +as could well get hold, and when they mounted the face of a 7-foot +sementera wall a dozen strong pairs of hands found service drawing +up and supporting the burden. Many men followed from the house one +brought the coffin cover and another the carabao horns -- but the +women and children remained behind, as is their custom at burials. + +At the grave the coffin rested on the earth a moment[22] while a few +more basketfuls of dirt were thrown out, until the grave was about 5 +feet deep. The coffin was then placed in the grave, the cover laid on, +and with a joke and a laugh the pair of horns was placed facing it +at the head. Instantly thirty-two men sprang on the piles of fresh, +loose dirt, and with their hands and the half dozen digging sticks +filled and covered the grave in the shortest possible time, probably +not over one minute and a half. And away they hurried, most of them +at a dogtrot, to wash themselves in the river. + +From the instant the corpse was in the coffin until the grave was +filled all things were done in the greatest haste, because cawing +crows must not fly over, dogs must not bark, snakes or rats must not +cross the trail -- if they should, some dire evil would follow. + +Shortly after the burial a ceremony, called "kap-i-yan si na-tu'," is +performed by the relatives in the dwelling wherein the corpse sat. It +is said to be the last ceremony given for the dead. Food is eaten +and the one in charge addresses the anito of the dead man as follows: + +We have fixed all things right and well for you. When there was no rice +or chicken for food, we got them for you -- as was the custom of our +fathers -- so you will not come to make us sick. If another anito seeks +to harm us, you will protect us. When we make a feast and ask you to +come to it, we want you to do so; but if another anito kills all your +relatives, there will be no more houses for you to enter for feasts. + +This last argument is considered to be a very important one, as all +Igorot are fond of feasting, and it is assumed that the anito has +the same desire. + +The night following the burial all relatives stay at the house lately +occupied by the corpse. + +On the day after the burial all the men relatives go to the river +and catch fish, the small kacho. The relatives have a fish feast, +called "ab-a-fon'," at the hour of the evening meal. To this feast +all ancestral anito are invited. + +All relatives again spend the night at the house, from which they +return to their own dwellings after breakfast of the second day and +each goes laden with a plate of cooked rice. + +In this way from two to eight days are given to the funeral rite, +the duration being greater with the wealthier people. + +Only heads of families are buried in the large pine coffins, which +are kept ready stored beside the granaries everywhere about the +pueblo. As in the case of Som-kad', all old, rich men are buried in a +plat of ground close to the last fringe of dwellings on the west of +the pueblo, but all other persons except those who lose their heads +are buried close to their dwellings in the camote sementeras. + +The burial clothes of a married man are the los-a'-dan, or blue +anito-figured burial robe, and a breechcloth of beaten bark, called +"chi-nang-ta'." In the coffin are placed a fa'-a, or blue cotton +breechcloth made in Titipan, the fan-cha'-la, a striped blue-and-white +cotton blanket, and the to-chong', a foot-square piece of beaten bark +or white cloth which is laid on the head. + +A married woman is buried in a kay-in', a particular skirt made for +burial in Titipan, and a white blue-bordered waistcloth or la-ma. In +the coffin are placed a burial girdle, wa'-kis, also made in Titipan, +a blue-and-white-striped blanket called bay-a-ong', and the to-chong', +the small cloth or bark over the hair. + +The unmarried are buried in graves near the dwelling, and these are +walled up the sides and covered with rocks and lastly with earth; +it is the old rock cairn instead of the wooden coffin. The bodies are +placed flat on their backs with knees bent and heels drawn up to the +buttocks. With the men are buried, besides the things interred with +the married men, the basket-work hat, the basket-work sleeping hat, +the spear, the battle-ax, and the earrings if any are possessed. These +additional things are buried, they say, because there is no family +with which to leave them, though all things interred are for the use +of the anito of the dead. + +In addition to the various things buried with the married woman, +the unmarried has a sleeping hat. + +Babes and children up to 6 or 7 years of age are buried in the +sementera wrapped in a crude beaten-bark mantle. This garment is +folded and wrapped about the body, and for babes, at least, is bound +and tied close about them. + +Babies are buried close to the dwelling where the sun and storm +do not beat, because, as they say, babes are too tender to receive +harsh treatment. + +For those beheaded in battle there is another burial, which is +described in a later chapter. + + + +PART 4 + +Economic Life + + +Production + +Under the title "Economic life" are considered the various activities +which a political economist would consider if he studied a modern +community -- in so far as they occur in Bontoc. This method was chosen +not to make the Bontoc Igorot appear a modern man but that the student +may see as plainly as method will allow on what economic plane the +Bontoc man lives. The desire for this clear view is prompted by the +belief that grades of culture of primitive peoples may be determined +by the economic standard better than by any other single standard. + + +Natural production + +It would be impossible for the Bontoc Igorot at present to subsist +themselves two weeks by natural production. It is doubtful whether +at any time they could have depended for even as much as a day in a +week on the natural foods of the Bontoc culture area. The country +has wild carabaos, deer, hogs, chickens, and three animals which +the Igorot calls "cats," but all of these, when considered as a +food supply for the people, are relatively scarce, and it is thought +they were never much more abundant than now. Fish are not plentiful, +and judging from the available waters there are probably as many now +as formerly. It is believed that no nut foods are eaten in Bontoc, +although an acorn is found in the mountains to the south of Bontoc +pueblo. The banana and pineapple now grow wild within the area, but +they are not abundant. Of small berries, such as are so abundant in the +wild lands of the United States, there are almost none in the area. On +the outside, near Suyak of Lepanto, there is a huckleberry found so +plentifully that they claim it is gathered for food in its season. + + +Hunting + +A large pile of rocks stands like a compact fortress on the mountain +horizon to the north of Bontoc pueblo. Here a ceremony is observed +twice annually by rich men for the increase of ay-ya-wan', the wild +carabao. It is claimed that there are now seventeen wild carabaos in +Ma-ka'-lan Mountain near the pueblo. There are others in the mountains +farther to the north and east, and the ceremony has among its objects +that of inducing these more distant herds to migrate to the public +lands surrounding the pueblo. + +The men go to the great rock, which is said to be a transformed +anito, and there they build a fire, eat a meal, and have the ceremony +called "mang-a-pu'-i si ay-ya-wan'," freely, "fire-feast for wild +carabaos." The ceremony is as follows: + + + +Ay-ya-wan ad Sa-ka'-pa a-li-ka is-na ma-am'-mung is-na. +Ay-ya-wan ad O-ki-ki a-li-ka is-na ma-am'-mung is-na. +Fay-cha'-mi ya'-i nan a-pu'-i ya pa'-tay. + + + +This is an invitation addressed to the wild carabaos of the Sakapa +and Okiki Mountains to come in closer to Bontoc. They are also asked +to note that a fire-feast is made in their honor. + +The old men say that probably 500 wild carabaos have been killed by +the men of the pueblo. There is a tradition that Lumawig instructed +the people to kill wild carabaos for marriage feasts, and all of those +killed -- of which there is memory or tradition -- have been used in +the marriage feasts of the rich. The wild carabao is extremely vicious, +and is killed only when forty or fifty men combine and hunt it with +spears. When wounded it charges any man in sight, and the hunter's +only safety is in a tree. + +The method of hunting is simple. The herd is located, and as cautiously +as possible the hunters conceal themselves behind the trees near the +runway and throw their spears as the desired animal passes. No wild +carabaos have been killed during the past two years, but I am told +that the numbers killed three, four, six, seven, and eight years ago +were, respectively, 5, 8, 7, 10, and 8. + +Seven men in Bontoc have dogs trained to run deer and wild boar. One +of the men, Aliwang, has a pack of five dogs; the others have one +or two each. The hunting dogs are small and only moderately fleet, +but they are said to have great courage and endurance. They hunt out +of leash, and still-hunt until they start their prey, when they cry +continually, thus directing the hunter to the runway or the place +where the victim is at bay. + +Not more than one deer, og'-sa, is killed annually, and they claim +that deer were always very scarce in the area. A large net some 3 +1/2 feet high and often 50 feet long is commonly employed in northern +Luzon and through the Archipelago for netting deer and hogs, but no +such net is used in Bontoc. The dogs follow the deer, and the hunter +spears it in the runway as it passes him or while held at bay. + +The wild hog, la'-man or fang'-o, when hunted with dogs is a surly +fighter and prefers to take its chances at bay; consequently it is +more often killed then by the spearman than in the runway. The wild +hog is also often caught in pitfalls dug in the runways or in its +feeding grounds. The pitfall, fi'-to, is from 3 to 4 feet across, +about 4 feet deep, and is covered over with dry grass. + +In the forest feeding grounds of Polus Mountains, between the Bontoc +culture area and the Banawi area to the south, these pitfalls are +very abundant, there frequently being two or three within a space +one rod square. + +A deadfall, called "il-tib'," is built for hogs near the sementeras +in the mountains. These deadfalls are quite common throughout the +Bontoc area, and probably capture more hogs than the pitfall and the +hunter combined. The hogs are partial to growing palay and camotes, +and at night circle about a protecting fence anxious to take advantage +of any chance opening. The Igorot leaves an opening in a low fence +built especially for that purpose, as he does not commonly fence in the +sementeras. The il-tib' is built of two sections of heavy tree trunks, +one imbedded in the earth, level with the ground, and the other the +falling timber. As the hog enters the sementera, the weight of his +body springs the trigger which is covered in the loose dirt before +the opening, and the falling timber pins him fast against the lower +timber firmly buried in the earth. From half a dozen to twenty wild +hogs are annually killed by the people of the pueblo. They are said +to be as plentiful as formerly. + +Bontoc pueblo does not catch many wild fowls. Fowl catching is an +art she never learned to follow, although two or three of her boys +annually catch half a dozen chickens each. The surrounding pueblos, as +Tukukan, Sakasakan, Mayinit, and Maligkong, secure every year in the +neighborhood of fifty to one hundred fowl each. The sa'-fug, or wild +cock, is most commonly caught in a snare, called "shi'-ay," to which +it is lured by another cock, a domestic one, or often a half-breed or +a wild cock partially domesticated, which is secured inside the snare +set up in the mountains near the feeding grounds of the wild fowls. + +The shi'-ay when set consists of twenty-four si'-lu, or running loops, +attached to a cord forming three sides of an open square space. As the +snare is set the open side is placed against a rock or steep base of +a rise. The shi'-ay is made of braided bejuco, and when not in use. is +compactly packed away in a basket for the purpose (see Pl. XLIV). There +are also five pegs fitted into loops in the basket, four of which are +employed in pegging out the three sides of the snare, and the other +for securing the lure cock within the square. Only cocks are caught +with the shi'-ay, and they come to fight the intruder who guides them +to the snare by crowing his challenge. As the wild cock rushes at the +other he is caught by one of the loops closing about him. The hunter, +always hiding within a few feet of the snare, rushes upon the captive, +and at once resets his snare for another possible victim. + +A spring snare, called kok-o'-lang, is employed by the Igorot in +catching both wild cocks and hens. It is set in their narrow runways +in the heavy undergrowth. It consists of two short uprights driven into +the ground one on either side of the path. These are bound together at +the tops with two crosspieces. Near the lower ends of these uprights is +a loose crosspiece, the trigger, which the fowl in passing knocks down, +thus freeing the short upright, marked C, in fig. 1. When this is freed +the loop, E, at once tightens around the victim, as the cord is drawn +taut by the releasing of the spring -- a shrub bent over and secured +by the upper end of the cord. This spring is not shown in the drawing. + + +FIGURE 1 + +Fig. 1. -- Spring snare, Kok-o'-lang. (A, +Kok-o'-lang; B, I-pit' C, +Ting'-a; D, Chug-shi'; E, +Lo-fid'.) + + +Bontoc has two or three quadrupeds which it names "cats." One of these +is a true cat, called in'-yao. It is domesticated by the Ilokano in +Bontoc and becomes a good mouser.[23] The kok-o'-lang is used to catch +this cat. Pl. XLVI shows with what success this spring snare may be +employed. The cat shown was caught in the night while trying to enter +a chicken coop. He was a wild in'-yao, was beautifully striped like +the American "tiger cat," and measured 35 inches from tip to tip. The +in'-yao is plentiful in the mountains, and is greatly relished by the +Igorot, though Bontoc has no professional cat hunters and probably +not a dozen of the animals are captured annually. + +The Igorot claim to have two other "cats," one called "co'-lang," +as large as in'-yao, with large legs and very large feet. A Spaniard +living near Sagada says this animal eats his coffee berries. The other +so-called "cat" is named "si'-le" by the Igorot. It is said to be +a long-tailed, dark-colored animal, smaller than the in'-yao. It is +claimed that this si'-le is both carnivorous and frugivorous. These +two animals are trapped at times, and when caught are eaten. + +During the year the boys catch numbers of small birds, all of which +are eaten. Probably not over 200 are captured, however, during a year. + +The ling-an', a spring snare, is the most used for catching birds. I +saw one of them catch four shrikes, called ta'-la, in a single +afternoon, and a fifth one was caught early the next morning. Pl. XLVII +shows the ling-an' as it is set, and also shows ta'-la as he is caught. + +The kok-o'-lang is also employed successfully for such birds as +run on the ground, especially those which run in paths. The si-sim' +is another spring snare set on the open ground. Food is scattered +about leading to it, and is placed abundantly in an inclosure, the +entrance to which is through the fatal noose which tightens when the +bird perches on the trigger at the opening to the inclosure. + +When the palay is in the milk a great many birds which feed upon it +are captured by means of a broom-like bundle of runo. As the birds fly +over the sementeras a boy sweeps his broom, the ka-lib', through the +flock, and rarely fails to knock down a bird. The ka-lib' is about 7 +feet long, 2 1/2 inches in diameter at the base, and flattened and +broadened to 14 or 15 inches in width at the outer end. What the +ka-lib' really does for the boy is to give him an arm about 9 feet +long and a long open hand a foot and a quarter wide. + + +Fishing + +The only water available to Bontoc pueblo for fishing purposes is the +river passing between it and her sister pueblo, Samoki. In the dry +season, where it is not dammed, the river is not over six and eight +rods across in its widest places, and is from a few inches to 3 feet +deep. All the water would readily pass, at the ordinary velocity of +the stream, in a channel 20 feet wide and 6 feet deep. + +Three methods are employed in fishing in this river -- the first, +catching each fish in the hand; the second, driving the fish upstream +by fright into a receptacle; a third, a combined process of driving +the fish downstream by fright and by water pressure into a receptacle. + +The Igorot seems not to have a general word for fish, but he has +names for the three varieties found in the river. One, ka-cho', a +very small, sluggish fish, is captured during the entire year. In +February these fish were seldom more than 2 inches in length, and +yet they were heavy with spawn. The ka-cho' is the fish most commonly +captured with the hands. It is a sluggish swimmer and is provided with +an exterior suction valve on its ventral surface immediately back of +the gill opening. This valve seems to enable the fish to withstand the +ordinary current of the river which, in the rainy season, becomes a +torrent. This valve is also one of the causes of the Igorot's success +in capturing the fish, which is not readily frightened, but clings to +the bed of the stream until almost brushed away, and then ordinarily +swims only a few inches or feet. Small boys from 6 to 10 years old +capture by hand a hundred or more ka-cho' during half a day, simply +by following them in the shallow water. + +The ka-cho' is also caught in great numbers by the second or driving +method. Twenty to forty or more men fish together with a large, +closely woven, shovel-like trap called ko-yug', and the operation is +most interesting to witness. At the river beach the fishermen remove +all clothing, and stretch out on their faces in the warm, sun-heated +sand. Three men carry the trap to the middle of the swift stream, and +one holds it from floating away below him by grasping the side poles +which project at the upper end for that purpose. The two other men, +below the trap at its mouth, put large stones on their backs between +the shoulder blades, so they will not float downstream, and disappear +beneath the water. As quickly as possible, coming up a dozen times to +breathe during the process, they clear away the rocks below the trap, +piling them in it over its floor, until it finally sinks and remains +stationary on the cleared spot of sandy bed. Their task being ended, +the three trap setters come to shore, and sprawl on the hot sands to +warm their dripping skins, while the sun dries and toasts their backs. + +Then the drivers or beaters enter the river and stretch in a line from +shore to shore about 75 feet below the trap. Each fellow squats in +the water and places a heavy stone on his back. One of the men calls, +and the row of strange, hump-backed creatures disappears beneath +the water. There the men work swiftly, and, as later appears, +successfully. Each turns over all the bowlders within his reach +as large or larger than his two fists, and he works upstream 4 to +6 feet. They come up blowing, at first a head here and there, but +soon all are up with renewed breath, waiting the next call to beat +up the prey. This process is repeated again and again, and each +time the outer ends of the line bend upstream, gradually looping +in toward the trap. When the line of men has become quite circular +and is contracting rapidly, a dozen other men enter the river from +the shore and line up on each side of the mouth of the trap, a flank +movement to prevent the fish running upstream outside the snare. From +the circle of beaters a few now drop out; the others are in a bunch, +the last stone is turned, and the prey seeks covert under the rocks +in the trap, which the flankers at once lift above the water. The +rocks are thrown out and the trap and fish carried to the shore. + +In each drive they catch about three quarts of fish. These are dumped +into baskets, usually the carrying basket of the man, and when the +day's catch is made and divided each man receives an equal share, +usually about 1 pound per household. A procession of men and boys +coming in from the river, each carrying his share of fish in his +basket hat in his hand and the last man carrying the fish trap, +is a sight very frequently seen in the pueblo. + +The ka-cho' is also caught in a small trap, called ob-o'-fu, by the +third method mentioned above. A small strip of shallow water along the +shore is quite effectually cut off from the remainder of the stream +by a row of rocks. The lower end of this strip is brought to a point +where the water pours out and into the upturned ob-o'-fu, carrying +with it the ka-cho' which happen to be in the swift current, the fish +having been startled from their secure resting places by the fishermen +who have gradually proceeded downstream overturning the stones. + +A fish called "li'-ling," which attains a length of about 6 inches, +is also caught by the last-described method. It is not nearly so +plentiful as the ka-cho'. + +One man living in Bontoc may be called a fisherman. He spends most +of his time with his traps in the river, and sells his fish to the +Ilokano and Igorot residents of the pueblo. He places large traps +in the deep parts of the stream, adjusts them, and revisits them by +swimming under the water, and altogether is considered by the Igorot +boys as quite a "water man." He catches each year many ka-cho' and +li'-ling, and one or more large fish, called "cha-lit." The cha-lit +is said to acquire a length of 3, 4, or 5 feet. + +Women and small children wade about the river and pick up quantities of +small crabs, called "ag-ka'-ma," and also a small spiral shell, called +"ko'-ti." It is safe to say that every hour of a rainless day one or +more persons of Bontoc is gathering such food in the river. Immediately +after the first rain of the season of 1903, coming April 5, there +were twenty-four persons, women and small children, within ten rods +of one another, searching the river for ag-ka'-ma and ko'-ti. + +The women wear a small rump basket tied around the waist in which they +carry their lunch to the rice sementeras, and once or twice each week +they bring home from a few ounces to a pound of small crustaceans. One +variety is named song'-an, another is kit-an', a third is fing'-a, +and a fourth is lis'-chug. They are all collected in the mud of +the sementeras. + + +Vegetal production + +All materials for timbers and boards for the dwellings, granaries, +and public buildings, all wood for fires, all wood for shields, for +ax and spear handles, for agricultural implements, and for household +utensils, and all material for splints employed in various kinds of +basket work, and for strings (warp and woof) employed in the weaving +of Bontoc girdles and skirts, are gathered wild with no effort at +cultural production. There are three exceptions to this statement, +however. One small shrub, called "pu-ug'," is planted near the house +as a fiber plant, and is no longer known to the Igorot in the wild +state. Much of the bamboo from which the basket-work splints are made +is purchased from people west of Bontoc. And, lastly, there is no +doubt that a certain care is taken in preserving pine trees for large +boards and timbers and for coffins; there is a cutting away of dead +and small branches from these trees. Moreover, the cutting of other +trees and shrubs for firewood certainly has a beneficial effect upon +the forest trees left standing. In fact, all persons preserve the +small pitch-pine trees on private lands, and it is a crime to cut +them on another's land, although a poor man may cut other varieties +on private lands when needed. + + +Cultural production + + +Agriculture + +In all of Igorot culture the most apparent and strikingly noteworthy +fact is its agriculture. In agriculture the Igorot has reached his +highest development. On agriculture hangs his claim to the rank of +barbarian -- without it he would be a savage. + +Igorot agriculture is unique in Luzon, and, so far as known, throughout +the Archipelago, in its mountain terraces and irrigation. + +There are three possible explanations of the origin of Philippine +rice terraces. First, that they (and those of other islands peopled +by primitive and modern Malayans, and those of Japan and China) are +indigenous -- the product of the mountain lands of each isolated area; +second, that most of them are due to cultural influences from one +center, or possibly more than one center, to the north of Luzon -- +as influences from China or Japan spreading southward from island +to island; third, that they, especially all those of the Islands -- +excluding only China -- are due to influences originating south of +the Philippines, spreading northward from island to island. + +Terracing may be indigenous to many isolated areas where it is +found, and doubtless is to some; it is found more or less marked +wherever irrigation is or was practiced in ancient or modern +agriculture. However, it is believed not to be an original production +of the Philippines. Certain it is that it is not a Negrito art, +nor does it belong to the Moro or to the so-called Christian people. + +Different sections of China have rice terraces, and as early as the +thirteenth century Chinese merchants traded with the Philippines, +yet there is no record that they traded north of Manila -- where +terracing is alone found. Besides, the Chinese record of the early +commerce with the Islands -- written by Chao Jukua about 1250 it is +claimed -- specifically states that the natives of the Islands were +the merchants, taking the goods from the shore and trading them even +to other islands; the Chinese did not pass inland. Even though the +Chinaman brought phases of his culture to the Islands, it would not +have been agriculture, since he did not practice it here. Moreover, +whatever culture he did leave would not be found in the mountains +three or four days inland, while the people with whom he traded were +without the art. The same arguments hold against the Japanese as the +inspirers of Igorot terraces. There is no record that they traded +in the Islands as early as did the Chinese, and it is safe to say, +no matter when they were along the coasts of Luzon, that they never +penetrated several days into the mountains, among a wild, head-hunting +people, for what the agricultural Igorot had to sell. + +The historic cultural movements in Malaysia have been not from the +north southward but from Sumatra and Java to the north and east; they +have followed the migrations of the people. It is believed that the +terrace-building culture of the Asiatic islands for the production +of mountain rice by irrigation during the dry season has drawn its +inspiration from one source, and that such terraces where found to-day +in Java, Lombok, Luzon, Formosa, and Japan are a survival of very early +culture which spread from the nest of the primitive Malayan stock and +left its marks along the way -- doubtless in other islands besides +these cited. If Japan, as has Formosa, had an early Malayan culture, +as will probably be proved in due time, one should not be surprised +to find old rice terraces in the mountains of Batanes Islands and +the Loo Choo Islands which lie between Luzon and Japan. + + +Building the sementera + +It must be noted here that all Bontoc agricultural labors, from the +building of the sementera to the storing of the gathered harvest, +are accompanied by religious ceremonials. They are often elaborate, +and some occupy a week's time. These ceremonials are left out of this +chapter to avoid detail; they appear in the later chapter on religion. + +There are two varieties of sementeras -- garden patches, called +"pay-yo'" -- in the Bontoc area, the irrigated and the unirrigated. The +irrigated sementeras grow two crops annually, one of rice by irrigation +during the dry season and the other of camotes, "sweet potatoes," grown +in the rainy season without irrigation. The unirrigated sementera +is of two kinds. One is the mountain or side-hill plat of earth, +in which camotes, millet, beans, maize, etc., are planted, and the +other is the horizontal plat (probably once an irrigated sementera), +usually built with low terraces, sometimes lying in the pueblo among +the houses, from which shoots are taken for transplanting in the +distant sementeras and where camotes are grown for the pigs. Sometimes +they are along old water courses which no longer flow during the dry +season; such are often employed for rice during the rainy season. + +The unirrigated mountain-side sementera, called "fo-ag'," is built by +simply clearing the trees and brush from a mountain plat. No effort +is made to level it and no dike walls are built. Now and then one is +hemmed in by a low boundary wall. + +The irrigated sementeras are built with much care and labor. The earth +is first cleared; the soil is carefully removed and placed in a pile; +the rocks are dug out; the ground shaped, being excavated and filled +until a level results. This task for a man whose only tools are sticks +is no slight one. A huge bowlder in the ground means hours -- often +days -- of patient, animal-like digging and prying with hands and +sticks before it is finally dislodged. When the ground is leveled +the soil is put back over the plat, and very often is supplemented +with other rich soil. These irrigated sementeras are built along +water courses or in such places as can be reached by turning running +water to them. Inasmuch as the water must flow from one to another, +there are practically no two sementeras on the same level which +are irrigated from the same water course. The result is that every +plat is upheld on its lower side, and usually on one or both ends, +by a terrace wall. Much of the mountain land is well supplied with +bowlders and there is an endless water-worn supply in the beds of +all streams. All terrace walls are built of these undressed stones +piled together without cement or earth. These walls are called +"fa-ning'." They are from 1 to 20 and 30 feet high and from a foot +to 18 inches wide at the top. The upper surface of the top layer of +stones is quite flat and becomes the path among the sementeras. The +toiler ascends and descends among the terraces on stone steps made +by single rocks projecting from the outside of the wall at regular +intervals and at an angle easy of ascent and descent (see Pl. LIII). + +These stone walls are usually weeded perfectly clean at least once +each year, generally at the time the sementera is prepared for +transplanting. This work falls to the women, who commonly perform it +entirely nude. At times a scanty front-and-back apron of leaves is +worn tucked under the girdle. + +In the Banawi district, south of the Bontoc area, there are terrace +walls certainly 75 feet in height, though many of these are not stoned, +since the earth is of such a nature that it does not readily crumble. + +It is safe to say that nine-tenths of the available water supply of +the dry season in the Bontoc area is utilized for irrigation. In some +areas, as about Bontoc pueblo, there is practically not a gallon of +unused water where there is space for a sementera. + +A single area consisting of several thousand acres of mountain side +is frequently devoted to sementeras, and I have yet to behold a more +beautiful view of cultivated land than such an area of Igorot rice +terraces. Winding in and out, following every projection, dipping +into every pocket of the mountain, the walls ramble along like running +things alive. Like giant stairways the terraces lead up and down the +mountain side, and, whether the levels are empty, dirt-colored areas, +fresh, green-carpeted stairs, or patches of ripening, yellow grain, +the beholder is struck with the beauty of the artificial landscape +and marvels at the industry of an otherwise savage people. + + + +Irrigating + +By irrigation is meant the purposeful distribution of water over soil +by man by means of diverting streams or by the use of canals in the +shape of ditches or troughs for conveying and directing part of a +water supply, or by means of some other man-directed power to raise +water to the required level. + +The Igorot employ three methods of irrigation: One, the simplest and +most natural, is to build sementeras along a small stream which is +turned into the upper sementera and passes from one to another, falling +from terrace to terrace until all water is absorbed, evaporated, +or all available or desired land is irrigated. Usually such streams +are diverted from their courses, and they are often carried long +distances out of their natural way. The second method is to divert a +part of a river by means of a stone dam. The third method is still more +artificial than the preceding -- the water is lifted by direct human +power from below the sementera and poured to run over the surface. + +The first method is the most common, since the mountains in Igorot land +are full of small, usually perpetual, streams. There are practically no +streams within reach of suitable pueblo sites which are not exhausted +by the Igorot agriculturist. Everywhere small streams are carefully +guarded and turned wherever there is a square yard of earth that may +be made into a rice sementera. Small streams in some cases have been +wound for miles around the sides of a mountain, passing deep gullies +and rivers in wooden troughs or tubes. + +Much land along the river valleys is irrigated by means of dams, called +by the Igorot "lung-ud'." During the season of 1903 there was one dam +(designated the main dam in Pl. LVII -- see also Pls. LV and LVI) +across the entire river at Bontoc, throwing all the water which did +not leak through the stones into a large canal on the Bontoc side of +the valley. Half a mile above this was another dam (called the upper +dam in Pl. LVII) diverting one-half the stream to the same valley, +only onto higher ground. Immediately below the main dam were two low +piles of stones (designated weirs) jutting into the shallow stream +from the Bontoc side, and each gathering sufficient water for a few +sementeras. Within a quarter of a mile below the main dam were three +other loose, open weirs of rocks, two of which began on a shallow +island, throwing water to the Samoki side of the river. In the stream +a short distance farther down a shallow row of rocks and gravel turned +water into three new sementeras constructed early in the year on a +gravel island in the river. + +The main dam is about 12 feet high, 2 feet broad at the top, 8 or +10 at the bottom, and is about 300 feet long. It is built each year +during November and December, and requires the labor of fifteen +or twenty men for about six weeks. It is constructed of river-worn +bowlders piled together without adhesive. The top stones are flat on +the upper surface, and the dam is a pathway across the river for the +people from the time of its completion until its destruction by the +freshets of June or July. + +The upper dam is a new piece of primitive engineering. It, with its +canal, has been in mind for at least two years; but it was completed +only in 1903. The dam is small, extending only half way across the +river, and beginning on an island. This dam turns water into a canal +averaging 3 feet wide and carrying about 5 inches of water. The +canal, called "a'-lak," is about 3,000 feet long from the dam at A +in Pl. LVII to the place of discharge into the level area at B. For +about 530 feet of this distance it was impossible for the primitive +engineer to construct a canal in the earth, as the solid rock of +the mountain dips vertically into the river. About fifty sections +of large pine trees were brought and hollowed into troughs, called +"ta-la'-kan," which have been secured above the water by means of +buttresses, by wooden scaffolding, called "to-kod'," and by attachment +to the overhanging rocks, until there is now a continuous artificial +waterway from the dam to the tract of irrigated land. + +Considerable engineering sense has been shown and no small amount of +labor expended in the construction of this last irrigating scheme. The +pine logs are a foot or more in diameter, and have a waterway dug +in them about 10 or 12 inches deep and wide. These trees were felled +and the troughs dug with the wasay, a short-handled tool with an iron +blade only an inch or an inch and a half wide, and convertible alike +into ax and adz. + +There seems to be a fall of about 22 feet between A at the upper +dam and B at the discharge from the troughs.[24] This fall in a +distance of about 3,000 feet seems needlessly great; however, the +primitive engineer has shown excellent judgment in the matter. First, +by putting the dam (upper dam) where it is, only half the stream had +to be built across. Second, there is a rapids immediately below the +dam, and, had the Igorot built his dam below the rapids, a dam of the +same height would have raised the water to a much lower level; this +would have necessitated a canal probably 10 or 12 feet deep instead +of three. Third, the height of the water at the upper dam has enabled +him to lay the log section of the waterway above the high-water mark +of the river, thus, probably, insuring more or less permanence. Had +the dam been built much lower down the stream the troughs would have +been near the surface of the river and been torn away annually by +the freshets, or the people would be obliged each year to tear down +and reconstruct that part of the canal. As it now is it is probable +that only the short dam will need to be rebuilt each year. + +All dams and irrigating canals are built directly by or at the expense +of the persons benefited by the water. Water is never rented to persons +with sementeras along an artificial waterway. If a person refuses +to bear his share of the labor of construction and maintenance his +sementeras must lie idle for lack of water. + +All sementera owners along a waterway, whether it is natural or +artificial, meet and agree in regard to the division of the water. If +there is an abundance, all open and close their sluice gates when they +please. When there is not sufficient water for this, a division is made +-- usually each person takes all the water during a certain period of +time. This scheme is supposed to be the best, since the flow should +be sufficient fully to flood the entire plat -- a 100-gallon flow in +two hours is considered much better than an equal flow in two days. + +During the irrigating season, if there is lack of water, it becomes +necessary for each sementera owner to guard his water rights against +other persons on the same creek or canal. If a man sleeps in his house +during the period in which his sementeras are supposed to receive +water, it is pretty certain that his supply will be stolen, and, since +he was not on guard, he has no redress. But should sleep chance to +overtake him in his tiresome watch at the sementeras, and should some +one turn off and steal his water, the thief will get clubbed if caught, +and will forfeit his own share of water when his next period arrives. + +The third method of irrigation -- lifting the water by direct human +power -- is not much employed by the Igorot. In the vicinity of Bontoc +pueblo there are a few sementeras which were never in a position to be +irrigated by running water. They are called "pay-yo' a kao-u'-chan," +and, when planted with rice in the dry season, need to be constantly +tended by toilers who bring water to them in pots from the river, +creeks, or canals. On the Samoki side of the valley during a week or +so of the driest weather in May, 1903, there were four "well sweeps," +each with a 5-gallon kerosene-oil can attached, operating nearly all +day, pouring water from a canal into sementeras through 60 or 80 feet +of small, wooden troughs. + + +Turning the soil + +Since rice, called "pa-ku'." is the chief agricultural product of +the Igorot it will be considered in the following sections first, +after which data of other vegetable products will be given. + +Turning the soil for the annual crop of irrigated rice begins in the +middle of December and continues nearly two months. The labor of +turning and fertilizing the soil and transplanting the young rice +is all in progress at the same time -- generally, too, in the same +sementera. Since each is a distinct process, however, I shall consider +each separately. Before the soil is turned in a sementera it has given +up its annual crop of camotes, and the water has been turned on to +soften the earth. From two to twenty adults gather in a sementera, +depending on the size of the plat, of which there are relatively few +containing more than 10,000 square feet. They commonly range from +30 square feet to 1,500 or 2,000. The following description is one +of several made in detail while watching the rice industry of the +Bontoc Igorot. + +The sementera is about 20 by 50 feet, or about 1,000 square feet, +and lies in the midst of the large valley area between Bontoc and +Samoki. It is on the Samoki side of the river, but is the property of a +Bontoc family. There are two groups of soil turners in the sementera -- +three men in one, and two unmarried women, an older married woman, and +a youth in the other. At one end of the plat two, and part of the time +three, women are transplanting rice. Four men are bringing fertilizer +for the soil. Strange to say, each of the men in the group of three is +"clothed" -- one wears his breechcloth as a breechcloth, and the other +two wear theirs simply as aprons, hanging loose in front. Three of the +men bringing fertilizer are entirely nude except for their girdles, +since they ford the river with their loads between the sementera and +Bontoc and do not care to wet their breechcloths; the other man wears +a bladder bag hanging from his girdle as an apron. One of the young +women turning the soil wears a skirt; the other one and the old woman +wear front-and-back aprons of camote vines; the youth with them is +nude. The three transplanters wear skirts, and one of them wears an +open jacket. Besides these there are three children in and about the +sementera; one is a pretty, laughing girl of about 9 years; one is +a shy, faded-haired little girl of 3 or 4 years; and the other is a +fat chunk of a boy about 5 years. All three are perfectly naked. It is +impossible to say what clothing these toilers wore before I went among +them to watch their work, but it is certain they were not more clothed. + +Let us watch the typical group of the three women and the youth: +Each has a sharpened wooden turning stick, the kay-kay, a pole about +6 feet long and 2 inches in diameter. The four stand side by side +with their kay-kay stuck in the earth, and, in unison, they take one +step forward and push their tools from them, the earth under which +the tools are thrust falling away and crumbling in the water before +them. While it is falling away the toilers begin to sing, led by the +elder woman. The purport of the most common soil-turning song is this: +"It is hard work to turn the soil, but eating the rice is good." The +song continues while the implements are withdrawn from the earth +and jabbed in again in a new place, while the syllable pronounced +at that instant is also noticeably jabbed into the air. Again they +withdraw their implements and, singing and working in rhythmic unison, +again jab kay-kay and syllable. The implements are now thrust about +8 inches below the surface; the song ceases; each toiler pries her +section of the soil loose and, in a moment, together they push their +tools from them, the mass of soil -- some 2 feet long, 1 foot wide, +and 8 inches deep -- falls away in the water, and the song begins +again. As the earth is turned a camote, passed by in the camote +harvest, is discovered; the old woman picks it up and lays it on +the dry ground beside her. The little girl shyly comes for it and +stores it in a basket on the terrace wall with a few dozen others +found during the morning. + +After a section of earth 10 or 15 feet square has been turned the +rhythmic labor and song ceases. Each person now grasps her kay-kay +with one hand at the middle and the other near the sharpened end and +with it rapidly crumbles and spreads about the new-turned soil. Now +they trample the bed thoroughly, throwing out any stones or pebbles +discovered by their feet, and frequently using the kay-kay further +to break up some small clod of earth. Finally a large section of +the sementera is prepared, and the toilers form in line abreast and +slowly tread back and forth over the plat, making the bed soft and +smooth beneath the water for the transplanting. + +It is a delightful picture in the soil-turning season to see the acres +of terraces covered by groups of toilers, relieving their labors with +almost constant song. + +I saw only one variation from the above methods in the Bontoc area. In +some of the large sementeras in the flat river bottom near Bontoc +pueblo a herd of seventeen carabaos was skillfully milled round and +round in the water, after the soil was turned, stirring and mixing +the bed into a uniform ooze. The animals were managed by a man who +drove them and turned them at will, using only his voice and a long +switch. It is impossible to get carabaos to many irrigated sementeras +because of the high terrace walls, but this herd is used annually in +the Bontoc river bottom. + +After each rice harvest the soil of the irrigated sementera is turned +for planting camotes, but this time it is turned dry. More effort is +needed to thrust the kay-kay deep enough into the dry soil, and it +is thrust three or four times before the earth may be turned. Only +one-half the surface of a sementera is turned for camotes. Raised +beds are made about 2 feet wide and 8 to 12 inches high. The spaces +between these beds become paths along which the cultivator and +harvester walks. The soil is turned from the spaces used as paths +over the spaces which become beds, but the earth under the bed is +not turned or loosened. + +Bontoc beds are almost invariably constructed like parallel-sided, +square-cornered saw teeth standing at right angles to the blade of the +saw, which is also a camote bed, and are well shown in Pl. LXII. In +Tulubin this saw-tooth bed also occurs, but the continuous spiral +bed and the broken, parallel, straight beds are equally as common; +they are shown in figs. 2 and 3. + + +Fig 2. -- Parallel camote beds. + + + +Fig 3. -- Spiral camote beds. + + +The mountain-side sementera for camotes, maize, millet, and beans is +prepared simply by being scratched or picked an inch or two deep with +the woman's camote stick, the su-wan'. If the plat is new the grass is +burned before the scratching occurs, but if it is cultivated annually +the surface seldom has any care save the shallow work of the su-wan'; +in fact, the surface stones are seldom removed. + +In the season of 1903, the first rains came April 5, and the first +mountain sementera was scratched over for millet April 10, after five +successive daily rains. + + + +Fertilizing + +Much care is taken in fertilizing the irrigated sementeras. The hog +of a few pueblos in the Bontoc area, as in Bontoc and Samoki, is kept +confined all its life in a walled, stone-paved sty dug in the earth +(see Pl. LXXVII). Into this inclosure dry grasses and dead vines are +continually placed to absorb and become rotted by the liquids. As the +soil of the sementera is turned for the new rice crop these pigsties +are cleaned out and the rich manure spread on the beds. + +The manure is sometimes carried by women though generally by men, +and the carriers in a string pass all day between the sementeras and +the pueblo, each bearing his transportation basket on his shoulder +containing about 100 pounds of as good fertilizer as agricultural +man ever thought to employ. + +The manure is gathered from the sties with the two hands and is dumped +in the sementera in 10-pound piles about 5 feet apart after the soil +has been turned and trod soft and even. + +It is said that in some sections of Igorot land dry vegetable matter +is burned so that ash may be had for fertilizing purposes. + +I have seen women working long, dry grass under the soil in camote +sementeras at the time the crop was being gathered (Pl. LXIV), +but I believe fertilizers are seldom employed, except where rice +is grown. Mountain-side sementeras are frequently abandoned after +a few years' service, as they are supposed to be exhausted, whereas +fertilization would restore them. + + +Seed planting + +Pad-cho-kan' is the name of the sementera used as a rice seed bed. One +or more small groups of sementeras in every pueblo is so protected from +the cold rains and winds of November and December and is so exposed to +the warm sun that it answers well the purposes of a primitive hotbed; +consequently it becomes such, and anyone who asks permission of the +owner may plant his seed there (see Pl. LXV). + +The seed is planted in the beds after they have been thoroughly +worked and softened, the soil usually being turned three times. The +planting in Bontoc occurs the first part of November. November 15, +1902, the rice had burst its kernel and was above water in the Bontoc +beds. The seed is not shelled before planting, but the full fruit +heads, sin-lu'-wi, are laid, without covering, on the soft ooze, under +3 or 4 inches of water. They are laid in rows a few inches apart, +and are so close together that by the time the young plants are 3 +inches above the surface of the water the bed is a solid mass of green. + +Bontoc pueblo has six varieties of rice. Neighboring pueblos have +others; and it is probable that fifty, perhaps a hundred, varieties are +grown by the different irrigating peoples of northern Luzon. In Bontoc, +ti'-pa is a white beardless variety. Ga'-sang is white, and cha-yet'-it +is claimed to be the same grain, except it is dark colored; it is the +rice from which the fermented beverage, tapui, is made. Pu-i-a-pu'-i +and tu'-peng are also white; tu'-peng is sowed in unirrigated mountain +sementeras in the rainy season. Gu-mik'-i is a dark grain. + +Camotes, or to-ki', are planted once in a long period in the sementeras +surrounding the buildings in the pueblo. There is nothing to kill them, +the ground has no other use, so they are practically perpetual. + +The average size of all the eight varieties of Bontoc camotes is +about 2 by 4 inches in diameter. Six of the varieties are white and +two are red. The white ones are the following: Li-no'-ko, pa-to'-ki, +ki'-nub fa-fay'-i, pi-i-nit', ki-weng', and tang-tang-lab'. The red +ones are si'-sig and pit-ti'-kan. + +To illustrate the many varieties which may exist in a small area I +give the names of five other camotes grown in the pueblo of Balili, +which is only about four hours from Bontoc. The Balili white camotes +are bi-tak'-no, a-go-bang'-bang, and la-ung'-an and the red are +gis-gis'-i and ta-mo'-lo. + +Millet, called "sa'-fug," is sowed on the surface of the earth. The +sowing is "broadcast," but in a limited way, as the fields are usually +only a few rods square. The seed is generally sowed by women, who +carry a small basket or dish of it in one hand and scatter the seed +from between the thumb, forefinger, and middle finger of the free hand. + +There are said to be four varieties of millet in Bontoc. Mo-di' and +poy-ned' are light-colored seeds; pi-ting'-an is a darker seed -- +the Igorot says "black;" and si-nang'-a is the fourth. I have never +seen it but I am told it is white. + +Maize, or pi'-ki, and beans, practically the only other seeds +planted, are planted annually in "hills." The rows of "hills" are +quite irregular. Maize, as is also millet, is planted immediately +after the first abundant rains, occurring early in April. + +The Bontoc man has three varieties of beans. One is called ka'-lap; +the kernel is small, being only one-fifth of an inch long. Usually it +is pale green in color, though a few are black; both have an exterior +white germ. I'-tab is about one-third of an inch long. It is both +gray and black in color, and has a long exterior white germ. The third +variety is black with an exterior white germ. It is called ba-la'-tong, +and is about one-fourth of an inch in length. + + +Transplanting + +Transplanting is always the work of women, since they are recognized +as quicker and more dexterous in most work with the hands than are +the men. + +The women pull up the young rice plants in the seed beds and tie them +in bunches about 4 inches in diameter. They transport them by basket +to the newly prepared sementera and dump them in the water so they +will remain fresh. + +As has been said, the manure fertilizer is placed about the sementera +in piles. The women thoroughly spread this fertilizer with their hands +and feet when they transplant (see Pl. LIX). When the soil is ready +the transplanter grasps a handful of the plants, twists off 3 or 4 +inches of the blades, leaving the plant about 6 inches long, and, while +holding the plants in one hand, with the other she rapidly thrusts them +one by one into the soft bed. They are placed in fairly regular rows, +and are about 5 inches apart. The planter leans enthusiastically over +her work, usually resting one elbow on her knee -- the left elbow, +since most of the women are right-handed -- and she sets from forty +to sixty plants per minute. + +When the sementeras are planted they present a clean and beautiful +appearance -- even the tips of the rice blades twisted off are +invariably crowded into the muddy bed to assist in fattening the crop. + +As many as a dozen women often work together in one sementera to +hasten the planting. There are usually two or three little girls with +their mothers, who while away the hours playing work. They stuff up +the chinks of the stone walls with dirt and vegetable matter; they +carry together the few camotes discovered in this last handling of +the old camote bed; and they quite successfully and industriously +play at transplanting rice, though such small girls are not obliged +to work in the field. + +Camotes are also transplanted. The women cut or pick off the "runners" +from the perpetual vines in the sementeras near the dwellings. These +they transplant in the unirrigated mountain sementeras after the +crops of millet and maize have been gathered. + +The irrigated sementeras are also planted to camotes by transplanting +from these house beds. This transplanting lasts about six weeks in +Bontoc, beginning near the middle of July. + +Some little sugar cane is grown by the Igorot of the Bontoc area. It +is claimed to grow up each year from the roots left at the preceding +harvest. At times new patches of cane are started by transplanting +shoots from the parent plants. It is said that in January the stalks +are cut and set in a rich mud, and that in the season of Baliling, +from about July 15 until early in September, the rooted shoots are +transplanted to the new beds. + + +Cultivating + +The chief cultivation given to Igorot crops is bestowed on rice, +though all cultivated lands are remarkably free from weeds. The rice +sementeras are carefully weeded, "suckers" are pulled out, and the +beds are thinned generally, so that each plant will have all needful +chance to develop fruit. This weeding and thinning is the work of +women and half-grown children. Every day for nearly two months, +or until the fruit heads appear, the cultivators are diligently at +work in the sementeras. No tools or agricultural implements other +than bare hands are used in this work. + +The men keep constant watch of the sementera walls and the irrigating +canals, repairing all, thus indirectly assisting the women in their +cultivation by directing water to the growing crop and by conserving +it when it is obtained. + + +Protecting + +The rice begins to fruit early in April, at which time systematic +effort to protect the new grain from birds, rats, monkeys, and wild +hogs commences. This effort continues until the harvest is completed, +practically for three months. Much of this labor is performed by +water power, much by wind power, and about all the children and old +people in a pueblo are busied from early dawn until twilight in the +sementera as independent guards. Besides, throughout the long night +men and women build fires among the sementeras and guard their crop +from the wild hog. It is a critical time with the Igorot. + +The most natural, simplest, and undoubtedly the most successful +protection of the grain is the presence of a person on the terrace +walls of the sementera, whether by day or night. Hundreds of fields +are so guarded each day in Bontoc by old people and children, who +frequently erect small screens of tall grass to shade and protect +themselves from the sun. + +The next simplest method is one followed by the boys. They employ +a hollow section of carabao horn, cut off at both ends and about 8 +inches in length; it is called "kong-ok'." This the boys beat when +birds are near, producing an open, resonant sound which may readily +be heard a mile. + +The wind tosses about over the growing grain various "scarecrows." The +pa-chek' is one of these. It consists of a single large dry leaf, +or a bunch of small dry leaves, suspended by a cord from a heavy, +coarse grass 6 or 8 feet high; the leaf, the sa-gi-kak', hangs 4 feet +above the fruit heads. It swings about slightly in the breeze, and +probably is some protection against the birds. I believe it the least +effective of the various things devised by the Igorot to protect his +rice from the multitudes of ti-lin' -- the small, brown ricebird[25] +found broadly over the Archipelago. + +The most picturesque of these wind-tossed bird scarers is the +ki'-lao. The ki'-lao is a basket-work figure swung from a pole and is +usually the shape and size of the distended wings of a large gull, +though it is also made in other shapes, as that of man, the lizard, +etc. The pole is about 20 feet high, and is stuck in the earth at such +an angle that the swinging figure attached by a line at the top of the +pole hangs well over the sementera and about 3 or 4 feet above the +grain (see Pl. LXVII). The bird-like ki'-lao is hung by its middle, +at what would be the neck of the bird, and it soars back and forth, +up and down, in a remarkably lifelike way. There are often a dozen +ki'-lao in a space 4 rods square, and they are certainly effectual, +if they look as bird-like to ti-lin' as they do to man. When seen +a short distance away they appear exactly like a flock of restless +gulls turning and dipping in some harbor. + + +FIGURE 4 + +Fig. 4. -- Bird scarer in rice field. + + +The water-power bird scarers are ingenious. Across a shallow, +running rapids in the river or canal a line, called "pi-chug'," is +stretched, fastened at one end to a yielding pole, and at the other to +a rigid pole. A bowed piece of wood about 15 inches long and 3 inches +wide, called "pit-ug'," is suspended by a line at each end from the +horizontal cord. This pit-ug' is suspended in the rapids, by which it +is carried quickly downstream as far as the elasticity of the yielding +pole and the pi-chug' will allow, then it snaps suddenly back upstream +and is ready to be carried down and repeat the jerk on the relaxing +pole. A system of cords passes high in the air from the jerking pole at +the stream to other slender, jerked poles among the sementeras. From +these poles a low jerking line runs over the sementeras, over which +are stretched at right angles parallel cords within a few feet of the +fruit heads. These parallel cords are also jerked, and their movement, +together with that of the leaves depending from them, is sufficient +to keep the birds away. One such machine may send its shock a quarter +of a mile and trouble the birds over an area half an acre in extent. + +Other Igorot, as those of the upper Abra River in Lepanto Province, +employ this same jerking machine to produce a sharp, clicking sound in +the sementera. The jerking cord repeatedly raises a series of hanging, +vertical wooden fingers, which, on being released, fall against a +stationary, horizontal bamboo tube, producing the sharp click. These +clicking machines are set up on two supporting sticks a few feet +above the grain every three or four yards about the sementeras. + +There are many rodents, rats and mice, which destroy the growing grain +during the night unless great care is taken to cheek them. The Igorot +makes a small dead fall which he places in the path surrounding the +sementera. I have seen as many as five of these traps on a single +side of a sementera not more than 30 feet square. The trap has a +closely woven, wooden dead fall, about 10 or 15 inches square; one +end is set on the path and the other is supported in the air above +it by a string. One end of this string is fastened to a tall stick +planted in the earth, the lower end is tied to a short stick -- +a part of the "spring" held rigid beneath the dead fall until the +trigger is touched. The dead fall drops when the rat, in touching +the trigger, releases the lower end of the cord. The animal springs +the trigger either by nibbling a bait on it or by running against it, +and is immediately killed, since the dead fall is weighted with stones. + +Sementeras near some forested mountains in the Bontoc area are pestered +with monkeys. Day and night people remain on guard against them in +lonely, dangerous places -- just the kind of spot the head-hunter +chooses wherein to surprise his enemy. + +All border sementeras in every group of fields are subject to the +night visits of wild hogs. In some areas commanding piles of earth +for outlooks are left standing when the sementeras are constructed. In +other places outlooks are erected for the purpose. Permanent shelters, +some of them commodious stone structures, are often erected on these +outlooks where a person remains on guard night and day (Pl. LXVIII), +at night burning a fire to frighten the wild hogs away. + +At this season of the year when practically all the people of the +pueblo are in the sementeras. it is most interesting to watch the +homecoming of the laborers at night. At early dusk they may be +seen coming in over the trails leading from the sementeras to the +pueblo in long processions. The boys and girls 5 or 6 years old or +more, most of them entirely naked, come playing or dancing along -- +the boys often marking time by beating a tin can or two sticks -- +seemingly as full of life as when they started out in the morning. The +younger children are toddling by the side of their father or mother, +a small, dirty hand smothered in a large, labor-cracked one; or else +are carried on their father's back or shoulder, or perhaps astride +their mother's hip. The old men and women, almost always unsightly +and ugly, who go to the sementera only to guard and not to toil, come +slowly and feebly home, often picking their way with a staff. There is +much laughing and coquetting among the young people. A boy dashes by +with several girls in laughing pursuit, and it is not at all likely +that he escapes them with all his belongings. Many of the younger +married women carry babies; some carry on their heads baskets filled +with weeds used as food for the pigs, and all have their small rump +baskets filled with "greens" or snails or fish. + +A man may carry on his shoulder a huge short log of wood cut in the +mountains, the wood partially supported on the shoulder by his spear; +or he perhaps carries a large bunch of dry grass to be thrown into the +pigpen as bedding; or he comes swinging along empty handed save for +his spear used as a staff. Most of the returning men and boys carry +the empty topil, the small, square, covered basket in which rice for +the noon meal is carried to the sementera; sometimes a boy carries a +bunch of three or four, and he dangles them open from their strings +as he dances along. + +For an hour or more the procession continues -- one almost-naked +figure following another -- all dirty, most of them doubtless tired, +and yet seemingly happy and content with the finish of their day of +toil. It is long after dark before the last straggler is in. + + +Harvesting + +Rice harvesting in Bontoc is a delightful and picturesque sight to +an American, and a most serious religious matter to the Igorot. + +Though ceremonials having to do with agriculture have purposely +been omitted from this chapter, yet, since one of the most striking +and important features of the harvesting is the harvest ceremonial, +it is thought best to introduce it here. + +Sa-fo'-sab is the name of the ceremony. It is performed in a pathway +adjoining each sementera before a single grain is gathered. In the +path the owner of the field builds a tiny fire beside which he stands +while the harvesters sit in silence. The owner says: + +"So-mi-ka-ka' pa-ku' ta-mo i-sa'-mi sik'-a kin-po-num' nan a-lang'," + +which, freely rendered, means, "Palay, when we carry you to the +granary, increase greatly so that you will fill it." + +As soon as the ceremonial is said the speaker harvests one handful +of the grain, after which the laborers arise and begin the harvest. + +In the trails leading past the sementera two tall stalks of runo are +planted, and these, called "pud-i-pud'," warn all Igorot that they +must not pass the sementera during the hours of the harvest. Nor will +they ignore the warning, since if they do they are liable to forfeit +a hog or other valuable possession to the owner of the grain. + +I spent half a day trying to get close enough to a harvesting party +to photograph it. All the harvesters were women, and they scolded our +party long and severely while we were yet six or eight rods distant; +my Igorot boys carrying the photographic outfit -- boys who had +lived four months in my house -- laughingly but positively refused +to follow me closer than three or four rods to the sementera. No +photographs were obtained at that time. It was only after the matter +was talked over by some of the men of the pueblo that photographs +could be willingly obtained, and the force of the warning pud-i-pud' +withdrawn for our party. Even during the time my Igorot boys were +in the trail by a harvest party all other Igorot passed around the +warning runo. The Igorot says he believes the harvest will be blasted +even while being gathered should one pass along a pathway skirting +any side of the sementera. + +Several harvesters, from four to a dozen, labor together in +each sementera. They begin at one side and pass across the plat, +gathering all grain as they pass. Men and women work together, +but women are recognized the better harvesters, since their hands +are more nimble. Each fruited stalk is grasped shortly below the +fruit head, and the upper section or joint of the stalk, together +with the fruit head and topmost leaf, is pulled off. As most Bontoc +Igorot are right-handed, the plucked grain is laid in the left hand, +the fruit heads projecting beyond between the thumb and forefinger +while the leaf attached to each fruit head lies outside and below the +thumb. When the proper amount of grain is in hand (a bunch of stalks +about an inch in diameter) the useless leaves, all arranged for one +grasp of the right hand, are stripped off and dropped; the bunch +of fruit heads, topping a 6-inch section of clean stalk or straw is +handed to a person who may be called the binder. This person in all +harvests I have seen was a woman. She binds all the grain three, +four, or five persons can pluck; and when there is one binder for +every three gatherers the binder finds some time also to gather. + +The binder passes a small, prepared strip of bamboo twice around +the palay stalks, holds one end between her teeth and draws the +binding tight; then she twists the two ends together, and the bunch +is secure. The bunch, the manojo of the Spaniard, the sin fing-e' +of the Igorot, is then piled up on the binder's head until a load +is made. Before each bunch is placed on the pile the fruitheads are +spread out like an open fan. These piles are never completed until +they are higher than the woman's arm can reach -- several of the last +bunches being tossed in place, guided only by the tips of the fingers +touching the butt of the straw. The women with their heads loaded +high with ripened grain are striking figures -- and one wonders at +the security of the loads. + +When a load is made it is borne to the transportation baskets in some +part of the harvested section of the sementera, where it is gently slid +to the earth over the front of the head as the woman stoops forward. It +is loaded into the basket at once unless there is a scarcity of binders +in the field, in which case it awaits the completion of the harvest. + +In all agricultural labors the Igorot is industrious, yet his humor, +ever present with him, brings relief from continued toil. The harvest +field is no exception, since there is much quiet gossip and jest +during the labors. + +In 1903 rice was first harvested May 2. The harvest continued one +month, the crop of a sementera being gathered here and there as it +ripened. The Igorot calls this first harvest month the "moon of the +small harvest." During June the crop is ripened everywhere, and the +harvest is on in earnest; the Igorot speaks of it as the "moon of +the all harvest." + +I had no view of the harvest of millet or maize; however, I have seen +in the pueblo much of each grain of some previous harvest. The millet +I am told, is harvested similarly to the rice, and the clean-stalked +bunches are tied up in the same way -- only the bunches are four or +five times larger. + +The fruit head, or ears, of the maize is said to be plucked off the +stalks in the fields as the American farmer gathers green corn or +seed corn. It is stored still covered with its husks. + +The camote harvest is continued fairly well throughout the +year. Undoubtedly some camotes are dug every day in the year from the +dry mountain-side sementeras, but the regular harvest occurs during +November and December, during which time the camotes are gathered +from the irrigated sementeras preparatory to turning the soil for +the transplanting of new rice. + +Women are the camote gatherers. I never saw men, nor even boys, +gathering camotes. At no other time does the Igorot woman look so +animal like as when she toils among the camote vines, standing with +legs straight and feet spread, her body held horizontal, one hand +grasping the middle of her short camote stick and the other in the soil +picking out the unearthed camotes. She looks as though she never had +stood erect and never would stand erect on two feet. Thus she toils day +after day from early morning till dusk that she and her family may eat. + + +Storing + +No palay is carried to the a-lang', the separate granary building, +or to the dwelling for the purpose of being stored until the entire +crop of the sementera is harvested. It may be carried part way, +but there it halts until all the grain is ready to be carried home. + +It is spread out on the ground or on a roof in the sun two or three +days to dry before storing. When the grain is to be stored away an +old man -- any man -- asks a blessing on it that it may make men, +hogs, and chickens well, strong, and fat when they consume it. This +ceremony is called "ka-fo'-kab," and the man who performs it is known +by the title of "in-ka-fa'." + +The Igorot granary, the a-lang', is a "hip-roofed" structure about 8 +feet long, 5 wide, 4 feet high at the sides and 6 at the ridgepole. Its +sides are built of heavy pine planks, which are inserted in grooved +horizontal timbers, the planks being set up vertically. The floor +is about a foot from the earth. The roof consists of a heavy, thick +cover of long grass securely tied on a pole frame. It is seldom that +a granary stands alone -- usually there are two or more together, and +Bontoc has several groups of a dozen each, as shown in Pl. LXXII. When +built together they are better protected from the rain storms. The +roofs also are made so they extend close to the earth, thus almost +entirely protecting the sides of the structure from the storms. All +cracks are carefully filled with pieces of wood wedged and driven +in. Even the door, consisting of two or three vertical planks set in +grooved timbers, is laboriously wedged the same way. The building is +rodent proof, and, because of its wide, projecting roof and the fact +that it sets off the earth, it is practically moisture proof. + +Most palay is stored in the granaries in the small bunches tied at +harvest. The a-lang' is carefully closed again after each sementera +crop has been put in. There are granaries in Bontoc which have +not been opened, it is said, in eight or more years, except to +receive additional crops of palay, and yet the grain is as perfectly +preserved as when first stored. Some palay, especially that needed +for consumption within a reasonable time, is stored in the upper part +of the family dwelling. + +Maize and millet are generally stored in the dwelling, in the second +and third stories, since not enough of either is grown to fill an +a-lang', it is said. + +Camotes are sometimes stored in the granary after the harvest of +the irrigated fields. Often they are put away in the kubkub, the two +compartments at either end of the sleeping room on the ground floor +of the dwelling. At other times one sees bushels of camotes put away +on the earth under the broad bench extending the full length of the +dwelling. In the poorer class of dwellings the camotes are frequently +dumped in a corner. + +Beans are dried and shelled before storing and are set away in a +covered basket, usually in the upper part of the dwelling. Only one +or two cargoes are grown by each family, so little space is needed +for storage. + +Since rice is the staple food and may be preserved almost +indefinitely. the Igorot has developed a means and place to care for +it. Maize and millet, while probably capable of as long preservation, +are generally not grown in sufficient quantity to require more storage +space than the upper part of the dwelling affords. The Igorot has not +developed a way to preserve his camotes long after harvest; they are +readily perishable, consequently no place has been differentiated as +a storehouse. + + +Expense and profit + +An irrigated sementera 60 by 100 feet, having 6,000 square feet of +surface, is valued at two carabaos, or, in money, about 100 pesos. It +produces an average annual crop of ten cargoes of palay, each worth +1 peso. Thus there is an annual gross profit of ten per cent on the +value of the permanent investment. + +It requires ten men one day to turn the soil and fertilize the +plat. The wage paid in palay is equivalent to 5 cents per laborer, +or 50 cents. Five women can transplant the rice in one day; cost, +25 cents. Cultivating and protecting the crop falls to the members +of the family which owns the sementera, so the Igorot say; he claims +never to have to pay for such labor. Twenty people can harvest the +crop in a day; cost, 1 peso. + +The total annual expense of maintaining the sementera as a productive +property is, therefore, equivalent to 1.75 pesos. This leaves 8.25 +pesos net profit when the annual expense is deducted from the annual +gross profit. A net profit of 8.25 per cent is about equivalent to +the profit made on the 10,000-acre Bonanza grain farms in the valley +of the Red River of the North, and the 5,000-acre corn farm of Iowa. + + +Zooculture + +The carabao, hog, chicken, and dog are the only animals domesticated +by the Igorot of the Bontoc culture area. + +Cattle are kept by Benguet Igorot throughout the extent of the +province. Some towns, as Kabayan, have 300 or 400 head, but the Bontoc +Igorot has not yet become a cattle raiser. + +In Benguet, Lepanto, and Abra there are pueblos with half a hundred +brood mares. Daklan, of Benguet, has such a bunch, and other pueblos +have smaller herds. + +In Bontoc Province between Bontoc pueblo and Lepanto Province a few +mares have recently been brought in. Sagada and Titipan each have +half a dozen. Near the east side of the Bontoc area there are a few +bunches of horses reported among the Igorot, and in February, 1903, an +American brought sixteen head from there into Bontoc. These horses are +all descendants of previous domestic animals, and an addition of half +a hundred is said to have been made to the number by horses abandoned +by the insurgents about three years past. Some of the sixteen brought +out in 1903 bore saddle marks and the brands common in the coastwise +lands. These eastern horses are not used by the Igorot except for food, +and no property right is recognized in them, though the Igorot brands +them with a battle-ax brand. He exercises about as much protecting +control over them as the Bontoc man does over the wild carabao. + + +Carabao + +The people of Bontoc say that when Lumawig came to Bontoc they had +no domestic carabaos -- that those they now have were originally +purchased, before the Spaniards came, from the Tinguian of Abra +Province. + +There are in the neighborhood of 400 domestic carabaos owned in Bontoc +and Samoki. Most of them run half wild in the mountains encircling +the pueblos. Such as are in the mountains receive neither herding, +attention in breeding, feed, nor salt from their owners. The young +are dropped in February and March, and their owners mark them by +slitting the ear, each person recognizing his own by the mark. + +A herd of seventeen, consisting of animals belonging to five +owners, ranges in the river bottom and among the sementeras close +to Bontoc. These animals are more tame than those of the mountains, +but receive little more attention, except that they are taught to +perform a certain unique labor in preparing the sementeras for rice, +as has been noted in the section on agriculture. This is the only +use to which the Bontoc carabao is put as a power in industry. He +is seldom sold outside the pueblo and is raised for consumption, +chiefly on various ceremonial occasions. + +Four men in Bontoc own fifty carabaos each. Three others have a +herd of thirty in joint ownership. Others own five and six each, +and again a single carabao may be the joint property of two and even +six individuals. Carabaos are valued at from 40 to 70 pesos. + + +Hog + +Bontoc has no record of the time or manner of first acquiring the hog, +chicken, or dog. The people say they had all three when Lumawig came. + +Sixty or 70 per cent of the pigs littered in Bontoc are marked +lengthwise with alternate stripes of brick-red or yellowish hair, +the other hair being black or white; the young of the wild hog is +marked the same. All the pigs, both domestic and wild, outgrow this +red or yellow marking at about the age of six months, and when they +are a year old become fine-looking black hogs with white marking not +unlike the Berkshire of the States. There is no chance to doubt that +the Igorot domestic hog was the wild hog in the surrounding mountains +a few generations ago. + +The Bontoc hog is bred, born, and raised in a secure pen, yet wild +blood is infused direct, since pigs are frequently purchased by +Bontoc from surrounding pueblos, most of whose hogs run half wild and +intermingle with the wild ones of the mountains. That the domestic +hog in some places in northern Luzon does thus interbreed with the +wild ones is a proved fact. In the Quiangan area I was shown a litter +of half-breeds and was told that it was customary for the pueblo sows +to breed to the wild boar of the mountains. + +The Bontoc hog in many ways is a pampered pet. He is at all times kept +in a pen and fed regularly three times each day with camote vines +when in season, with camote parings, and small camotes available, +and with green vegetal matter, including pusleys, gathered by the +girls and women when there are no camote vines. All of his food is +carefully washed and cooked before it is given to him. + +The pigsty consists of a pit in the earth about 4 feet deep, 5 +or 6 feet wide, and 8 or 12 feet long. It is entirely lined with +bowlders, and the floor space consists of three sections of about +equal size. One end is two or more feet deeper than the other, and it +is into this lower space that the washings of the pen are stored in +the rotted straw and weeds, and from which the manure for fertilizer +is taken. The other end is covered over level with the outside earth +with timbers, stones, and dirt; it is the pig's bed and is entered +by a doorway in the stone wall. Most of these "beds" have a low, +grass roof about 30 inches high over them. Underneath the roof is an +opening in the earth where the people defecate. Connecting the "bed" +section and the opposite lower section of the sty is an incline on +which the stone "feed" troughs are located. + +As soon as a pig is weaned he is kept in a separate pen, and one family +may have in its charge three or four pens. The sows are kept mainly +for breeding, and there are many several years old. The richest man in +Bontoc owns about thirty hogs, and these are farmed out for feeding and +breeding -- a common practice. When one is killed it is divided equally +between the owner and the feeder. When a litter of pigs is produced +the bunch is divided equally, the sow remaining the property of the +owner and counting as one in the division. Throughout the Island of +Luzon it is the practice to leave most male animals uncastrated. But +in Bontoc the boar not intended for breeding is castrated. + +Hogs are raised for ceremonial consumption. They are commonly bought +and sold within the pueblo, and are not infrequently sold outside. A +pig weighing 10 pounds is worth about 3 pesos, and a hog weighing 60 +or 70 pounds is valued at about 12 pesos. + + +Chicken + +The Bontoc domestic chickens were originally the wild fowl, found in +all places in the Archipelago, although some of them have acquired +varied colorings and markings, largely, probably, from black and +white Spanish fowl, which are still found among them. The markings +of the wild fowl, however, are the most common, and practically all +small chickens are marked as are their wild kin. The wild fowl bears +markings similar to those of the American black-breasted red game, +though the fowls are smaller than the American game fowl. Each of +the twelve wild cocks I have had in my hands had perfect five-pointed +single combs, and the domestic cock of Bontoc also commonly has this +perfect comb. I know of no people within the Bontoc area who now +systematically domesticate the wild fowl, though this was found to be +the custom of the Ibilao southeast of Dupax in the Province of Nueva +Vizcaya. Those people catch the young wild fowl for domestication. + +The Bontoc domestic fowl are not confined in a coop except at night, +when they sleep in small cages placed on the ground in the dwelling +houses. In the daytime they range about the pueblo feeding much in +the pigpens, though they are fed a small amount of raw rice each +morning. Their nests are in baskets secured under the eaves of the +dwelling, and in those baskets the brooding hens hatch their chicks, +from eight to twenty eggs being given a hen. The fowl is raised +exclusively for ceremonial consumption, and is frequently sold in +the pueblo for that purpose, being valued at from half a peso to a +peso each. A wild fowl sells for half a peso. + +In Banawi of the Quiangan area, south of Bontoc, one may find large +capons, but Bontoc does not understand caponizing. + + +Dog + +The dog of the Bontoc Igorot is usually of a solid color, black, +white, or yellow, really "buckskin" color. Where he originated is +not known. He has none of the marks of the Asiatic dog which has left +its impress everywhere in the lowlands of the west coast of Luzon -- +called in the Islands the "Chino" dog, and in the States the "Eskimo" +dog. The Igorot dog is short-haired, sharp-eared, gaunt, and sinewy, +with long legs and body. In height and length he ranges from a +fair-sized fox terrier to a collie. I fail to see anything in him +resembling the Australian dingo or the "yellow cur" of the States. The +Ibilao have the same dog in two colors, the black and the "brindle" +-- the brown and black striped. In fact, a dog of the same general +characteristics occurs throughout northern Luzon. No matter what may be +his origin, a dog so widely diffused and so characteristically molded +and marked must have been on the island long enough to have acquired +its typical features here. The dog receives little attention from +his owners. Twice each day he is fed sparingly with cooked rice or +camotes. Except in the case of the few hunting dogs, he does nothing +to justify his existence. He lies about the dwelling most of the time, +and is a surly, more or less evil-tempered cur to strangers, though +when a pueblo flees to the mountains from its attacking enemies the +dog escapes in a spiritless way with the women and children. He is +bred mainly for ceremonial consumption. + +In Benguet the Igorot eats his dog only after it has been reduced +to skin and bones. I saw two in a house so poor that they did not +raise their heads when I entered, and the man of the house said +they would be kept twenty days longer before they would be reduced +properly for eating. No such custom exists in Bontoc, but dogs are +seldom fat when eaten. They are not often bought or sold outside the +pueblo. A litter of pups is generally distributed about the town, and +dogs are constantly bought and sold within the pueblo for ceremonial +purposes. They are valued at from 2 to 4 pesos. + + +Clothing production + + +Man's clothing + +Up to the age of 6 or 7 years the Igorot boys are as naked as when +born. At that time they put on the suk'-lang, the basket-work hat +worn on the back of the head, held in place by a cord attached at +both sides and passing across the forehead and usually hidden by +the front hair. The suk'-lang is made in nearly all pueblos in the +Bontoc culture area. It does not extend uninterruptedly to the western +border, however, since it is not worn at all in Agawa, and in some +other pueblos near the Lepanto border, as Fidelisan and Genugan, +it has a rival in the headband. The beaten-bark headband, called +"a-pong'-ot," and the headband of cloth are worn by short-haired men, +while the long-haired man invariably wears the hat. The suk'-lang +varies in shape from the fez-like ti-no-od' of Bontoc and Samoki, +through various hemispherical forms, to the low, flat hats developing +eastward and perfected in the last mountains west of the Rio Grande +de Cagayan. Barlig makes and wears a carved wooden hat, either +hemispherical or slightly oval. It goes in trade to Ambawan. + +The men of the Bontoc area also have a basket-work, conical rain +hat. It is waterproof, being covered with beeswax. It is called +"seg-fi'," and is worn only when it rains, at which time the suk'-lang +is often not removed. + +About the age of 10 the boys frequently affect a girdle. These girdles +are of four varieties. The one most common in Bontoc and Samoki is the +song-kit-an', made of braided bark-fiber strings, some six to twelve +in number and about 12 feet long. They are doubled, and so make the +girdle about 6 feet in length. The strings are the twisted inner bark +of the same plants that play a large role in the manufacture of the +woman's skirt. This girdle is usually worn twice around the body, +though it is also employed as an apron, passing only once around the +body and hanging down over the genitals (see Pl. XXI). Another girdle +worn much in Tukukan, Kanyu, and Tulubin is called the "i-kit'." It +is made of six to twelve braided strings of bejuco (see Pl. LXXX). It +is constructed to fit the waist, has loops at both ends, passes once +around the body, and fastens by a cord passing from one loop to the +other. Both the sang-ki-tan' and the i-kit' are made by the women. A +third class of girdles is made by the men. It is called ka'-kot, +and is worn and attached quite as is the i-kit'. It is a twisted rope +of bejuco, often an inch in diameter, and is much worn in Mayinit. A +fourth girdle, called "ka'-ching," is a chain, frequently a dog chain +of iron purchased on the coast, oftener a chain manufactured by the +men, and consisting of large, open links of commercial brass wire +about one-sixth of an inch in diameter. + +At about the age of puberty, say at 15, it is usual for the boy to +possess a breechcloth, or wa'-nis. However, the cloth is worn by a +large per cent of men in Bontoc and Samoki, not as a breechcloth but +tucked under the girdle and hanging in front simply as an apron. Within +the Bontoc area fully 50 per cent of the men wear the breechcloth +simply as an apron. + +There are several varieties of breechcloths in the area. The simplest +of these is of flayed tree bark. It is made by women in Barlig, +Tulubin, Titipan, Agawa, and other pueblos. It is made of white +and reddish-brown bark, and sometimes the white ones are colored +with red ocher. The white one is called "so'-put" and the red one +"ti-nan'-ag." Some of the other breechcloths are woven of cotton +thread by the women. Much of this cotton is claimed by the Igorot +to be tree cotton which they gather, spin and weave, but much also +comes in trade from the Ilokano at the coast. Some is purchased in the +boll and some is purchased after it has been spun and colored. Many +breechcloths are now bought ready made from the Ilokano. + +Men generally carry a bag tucked under the girdle, and very often +indeed these bags are worn in lieu of the breechcloth aprons -- the +girdle and the bag apron being the only clothing (see Pl. CXXV and +also Frontispiece, where, from left to right, figs. 1, 2, 3, 5, and 7 +wear simply a bag). One of the bags commonly worn is the fi-chong', +the bladder of the hog; the other, cho'-kao, is a cloth bag some 8 +inches wide and 15 inches long. These cloth bags are woven in most +of the pueblos where the cotton breechcloth is made. + +Old men now and then wear a blanket, pi'-tay, but the younger men +never do. They say a blanket is for the women. + +Some few of the principal men in many of the pueblos throughout the +area have in late years acquired either the Army blue-woollen shirt, +a cotton shirt, or a thin coat, and these they wear during the cold +storms of January and February, and on special social occasions. + +During the period of preparing the soil for transplanting palay +the men frequently wear nothing at the middle except the girdle. In +and out of the pueblo they work, carrying loads of manure from the +hogpens to the fields, apparently as little concerned or noticed as +though they wore their breechcloths. + +All Igorot -- men, women, and children -- sleep without breechcloth, +skirt, or jacket. If a woman owns a blanket she uses it as a covering +when the nights are cold. All wear basket-work nightcaps, called +"kut'-lao." They are made to fit closely on the head, and have a small +opening at the top. They may be worn to keep the hair from snarling, +though I was unable to get any reason from the Igorot for their use, +save that they were worn by their ancestors. + + +Woman's clothing + +From infancy to the age of 8 and very often 10 years the little girls +are naked; not unfrequently one sees about the pueblo a girl of a dozen +years entirely nude. However, practically all girls from about 5 years, +and also all women, have blankets which are worn when it is cold, as +almost invariably after sundown, though no pretense is made to cover +their nakedness with them. During the day this pi'-tay, or blanket, is +seldom worn except in the dance. I have never seen women or girls dance +without it. The blankets of the girls are usually small and white with +a blue stripe down each side and through the middle; they are called +"kud-pas'." Those of the women are of four kinds -- the ti-na'-pi, +the fa-yi-ong', the fan-che'-la, and the pi-nag-pa'-gan. In Barlig, +Agawa, and Tulubin the flayed tree-bark blanket is worn; and in +Kambulo, east of Barlig, woven bark-fiber blankets are made which +sometimes come to Bontoc. + +Before a girl puts on her lu-fid', or woven bark-fiber skirt, at +about 8 or 10 years of age, she at times wears simply the narrow +girdle, later worn to hold up the skirt. The skirt is both short and +narrow. It usually extends from below the navel to near the knees. It +opens on the side, and is frequently so scant and narrow that one leg +is exposed as the person walks, the only part of the body covered on +that side being under the girdle, or wa'-kis -- a woven band about 4 +inches wide passing twice around the body (see Pl. XXIII). The women +sometimes wear the braided-string bejuco belt, i-kit', worn by the men. + +The lu-fid' and the wa'-kis are the extent of woman's ordinary +clothing. For some months after the mother gives birth to a child +she wears an extra wa'-kis wrapped tightly about her, over which the +skirt is worn as usual. During the last few weeks of pregnancy the +woman may leave off her skirt entirely, wearing simply her blanket +over one shoulder and about her body. Women wear breechcloths during +the three or four days of menstruation. + +During the period when the water-soaked soil of the sementera is turned +for transplanting palay the women engaged in such labor generally lay +aside their skirts. Sometimes they retain a girdle and tuck an apron of +camote leaves or of weeds under it before and behind. I have frequently +come upon women entirely naked climbing up and down the steep, stone +dikes of their sementeras while weeding them, and also at the clay +pits where Samoki women get their earth for making pottery. In May, +1903, it rained hard every afternoon for two or three hours in Bontoc +pueblo, and at such times the women out of doors uniformly removed +their clothing. They worked in the fields and went from the fields +to their dwellings nude, wearing on their heads while in the trail +either their long, basket rain protector or a head covering of camote +vines, under which reposed their skirts in an effort to keep them +dry. Sometimes while passing our house en route from the field to the +pueblo the women wore the girdle with the camote-vine apron, called +pay-pay. Often no girdle was worn, but the women held a small bunch +of leaves against the body in lieu of an attached apron. Sometimes, +however, their hands were occupied with their burdens, and their +nudity seemed not to trouble them in the least. The women remove their +skirts, they say, because they usually possess only one at a time, +and they prefer to go naked in the rain and while working in the wet +sementeras rather than sit in a wet skirt when they reach home. + +Few women in the Bontoc area wear jackets or waists. Those to the +west, toward the Province of Lepanto, frequently wear short ones, +open in front without fastening, and having quarter sleeves. Those +women also wear somewhat longer skirts than do the Bontoc women. + +In Agawa, and near-by pueblos to the west, and in Barlig and +vicinity to the east, the women make and wear flayed-bark jackets +and skirts. From Barlig bark jackets for women come in trade +to Tulubin. They are not simply sheets of bark, but the bark is +strengthened by a coarse reinforcement of a warp sewed or quilted. + +Many of the women's skirts and girdles woven west of Bontoc pueblo +are made also of the Ilokano cotton. The skirts and girdles of Bontoc +pueblo and those found commonly eastward are entirely of Igorot +production. Four varieties of plants yield the threads; the inner +bark is gathered and then spun or twisted on the naked thigh under +the palm of the hand (see Pl. LXXXIII). + +All weaving in Igorot land is done by the woman with the simplest +kind of loom, such as is scattered the world over among primitive +people. It is well shown in Pl. LXXXIV, which is a photograph of a +Lepanto Igorot loom. + + +Implement and utensil production + + +Introduction + +It is only after one has brought together all the implements and +utensils of an Igorot pueblo that he realizes the large part played +in it by basket work. Were basketry and pottery cut from the list of +his productions the Igorot's everyday labors would be performed with +bare hands and crude sticks. + +Where is the Igorot's "stone age"? There are stone hammers and +stones used as anvils in the ironsmith's shop. There are stone +troughs or bowls in most pigpens in which the animal's food is +placed. Very rarely, as in the Quiangan area, one sees a large, flat +stone supported a foot or two from the earth by other stones. It +is used as a bench or table, but has no special purpose. There are +whetstones for sharpening the steel spear and battle-ax; there is the +stone of the "flint-and-steel" fire machine; and of course stones are +employed as seats, in constructing terrace walls, in dams, and in the +building of various inhabited structures, but that is all. There is no +"stone age" -- no memory of it -- and, if the people were swept away +to-day, to-morrow would reveal no trace of it. It is believed that +the Igorot is to-day as much in the "stone age" as he ever has been +in his present land. He had little use for stone weapons, implements, +or utensils before he manufactured in iron. + +Before he had iron he was essentially a user and maker of weapons, +implements, utensils, and tools of wood. There are many vestiges of +the wood age to-day; several show the use of wood for purposes usually +thought of as solely within the sphere of stone and metal. Among +these vestiges may be noted the bamboo knife used in circumcision; +the sharp stick employed in the ceremonial killing of domestic hogs +in Benguet; the bamboo instrument of ten or a dozen cutting blades +used to shape and dress the hard, wooden spear shafts and battle-ax +handles; the use of bamboo spearheads attached to hard-wood shafts; +and the bamboo spikes stuck in trails to impale the enemy. + +In addition to the above uses of wood for cutting flesh and working +wood there follow, in this and subsequent chapters, enough data +regarding the uses of wood to demonstrate that the wood age plays a +large part in the life of a primitive people prior to the common use +of metals. Without metals there was practically no occasion for the +development of stone weapons and tools in a country with such woods +as the bamboo; so in the Philippines we find an order of development +different from that widespread in the temperate zones -- the "stone +age" appears to be omitted. + + +Wooden implements and utensils + +The kay-kay (Pl. LXI) is one of the most indispensable wooden tools +in Igorot land. It is a hard-wood implement from 5 to 7 feet long, +sharpened to a dull, flat edge at one end; this end is fire tempered +to harden and bind the fibers, thus preventing splitting and excessive +wear. The kay-kay is obtained in the mountains in the vicinity of most +pueblos, so it is seldom bought or sold. It is the soil-turning stick, +used by both men and women in turning the earth in all irrigated +sementeras for rice and camotes. It is also employed in digging +around and prying out rocks to be removed from sementeras or needed +for walls. It is spade, plow, pickax, and crowbar. A small per cent of +the kay-kay is shod with an iron point, rendering them more efficient, +especially in breaking up new or sod ground. + +The su-wan', the woman's camote stick, is about 2 feet long and an +inch in diameter (Pl. LXXV). It is a heavy, compact wood, and is +used by the woman until worn down 6 or 8 inches, when it usually +becomes the property of a small girl for gathering wild plants for +the family pigs. The su-wan' of the woman of Bontoc and Samoki comes, +mostly in trade, from the mountains near Tulubin. It is employed in +picking the earth loose in all unirrigated sementeras, as those for +camotes, millet, beans, and maize. It is also used to pick over the +earth in camote sementeras when the crop is gathered. Perhaps 1 per +cent of these sticks is shod with an iron point. Such an instrument +is of genuine service in the rough, stony mountain lands, but is +not so serviceable as the unshod stick in the irrigated sementeras, +because it cuts and bruises the vegetables. + +The most common wooden vessel in the Bontoc area is the kak-wan', +a vessel, or "pail" holding about six or eight quarts. In it the +cooked food of the pigs is mixed and carried to the animals. Every +household has two or more of them. + +A few small, poorly made wooden dishes, called "chu'-yu," are found +in each dwelling, from which the people eat broth of fish or other +meats. All are of inferior workmanship and, in common with all things +of wood made by the Igorot, are the product of the man's art. Both +the knife and fire are used to hollow out these bowls. + +A long-handled wooden dipper, called "ka-od'," is found in every +dwelling. It belongs with the kak-wan', the pig-food pail. + +Tug-on' is a large, long-handled spoon used exclusively as a drinking +dipper for the fermented liquor called "sa-fu-eng'." + +Fa'-nu is a wooden ladle employed in cooking foods. + +A few very crude eating spoons, about the size of the dessert spoon +of America, are found in most dwellings. They are usually without +ornament, and are called "i-chus'." + + +Metal implements and utensils + +The wa'-say is the only metal implement employed at all commonly in the +area; it is found in each family. It consists of an iron, steel-bitted +blade from an inch to an inch and a half in width and about 6 inches +in length. It is attached to the short, wooden handle by a square haft +inserted into the handle. Since the haft is square the implement may +be instantly converted into either an "ax" with blade parallel to +the handle or an "adz" with blade at right angle to the handle. + +This is the tool used in felling and cutting up all trees, and in +getting out and dressing all timbers and boards. It is the sole +carpenter tool, unless the man by chance possess a bolo. + +There are no metal agricultural implements in common use. As was noted +earlier in the chapter, the soil-turning stick and the woman's camote +stick are now and then shod with iron, but they are rare. + +There are a few large, shallow Chinese iron boilers in the area, +used especially for boiling sugar, evaporating salt in Mayinit, +and for cooking carabao or large quantities of hog on ceremonial +occasions. There are probably not more than two or three dozen such +boilers in Bontoc pueblo, though they are becoming much more plentiful +during the past three years -- since the Igorot has more money and +goes more often to Candon on the coast, where he buys them. + + +Pottery + +Most of the pottery consumed in the Bontoc area is the product +of Samoki, the sister pueblo of Bontoc. Samoki pottery meets no +competition down the river to the north until in the vicinity of +Bitwagan, which makes and vends similar ware both up and down the +river. To the south there is also competition, since Data makes and +sells an excellent pot to Antedao, Fidelisan, Sagada, Titipan, and +other near-by pueblos. It is probable, also, that Lias and Barlig, to +the east, are supplied with pottery, and, if so, that their source is +Bitwagan. But Bitwagan and Data pots are really not competitors with +those of Samoki; they rather supply areas which the Samoki potters +can not reach because of distance and the hostility of the people. + +There are no traditions clustering around pottery making in Samoki. The +potters say they taught themselves, and have always made earthenware. + +To-day Samoki pottery is made of two clays -- one a reddish-brown +mineral dug from pits several feet deep on the hillside, shown in +Pl. LXXXII, and the other a bluish mineral gathered from a shallow +basin situated on the hillside nearer the river than the pits, and +in which a little water stands much of the year. + +Formerly Samoki made pottery of only the brown clay, and she used +cut grass intermixed for a temper, but she claims those earlier pots +were too porous to glaze well. Consequently the experiment was made +of adding the blue surface clay, in which there is a considerable +amount of fresh and decaying vegetable matter -- probably sufficient +to give temper, although the potters do not recognize it as such. + +Samoki consists of eight ato, one of which is I-kang'-a. occupying +the outer fringe of dwellings on the northwest side of the pueblo. It +is claimed that all of the women of I-kang'-a, whether married or +single, are potters. Even women who marry men of the I-kang'-a ato, +and who come to that section of the pueblo to live, learn and follow +the potter's art. A few married women in other ato also manufacture +pottery. They seem to be married daughters of I-kang'-a ato. + +A fine illustration of community industry is presented by the ato +potters of Samoki. It could not be learned that there are any definite +regulations, other than custom, demanding that all women of I-kang'-a +manufacture pots, or any regulation which forces daughters of that +ato to discontinue the art when they marry outside. But custom has +fixed quite rigidly such a regulation, and though, as just stated, +a few I-kang'-a women married into other ato of Samoki do manufacture +pottery, yet no I-kang'-a women married into other pueblos carry on +the art. It may be argued that a lack of suitable clay has thwarted +manufacture in other pueblos, but clay is common in the mountains of +the area, and the sources of the materials used in Samoki are readily +accessible to at least the pueblo of Bontoc, where also there are +many Samoki women living. + +The clay pits lie north of Samoki, between a quarter and a half +of a mile distant, and the potters go to them in the early morning +while the earth is moist, and dig and bring home the clays. The woman +gathers half a transportation basket of each of the clays, and while +at the pits crudely works both together into balls 4 or 5 inches in +diameter. In this form the clay is carried to the pueblo. + +All the pottery is manufactured in the shade of the potter's dwelling, +and the first process is a thorough mixing of the two clays. The balls +of the crudely mixed material are put into a small, wooden trough, are +slightly moistened, and then thoroughly worked with a wooden pestle, +the potter crouching on her haunches or resting on her knees during +the labors. She is shown in Pl. LXXXIX A. After the clay is mixed +it is manipulated in small handfuls, between the thumb and fingers, +in order that all stones and coarse pieces of vegetable matter may +be removed. When the mortarful has thus been handled it is ready for +making pots. + +A mass of this clay, thoroughly mixed and plastic, is placed on a +board on the earth before the kneeling or crouched potter. She pokes +a hole in the top of this mass with thumbs and fingers, and quickly +enlarges it. As soon as the opening is large enough to admit one hand +it is dug out and enlarged by scraping with the ends of the fingers, +and the clay so gathered is immediately built onto the upper rim of the +mass. The inside is next further scraped and smoothed with the side +of the forefinger. At this juncture a small mass of clay is rolled +into a strip between the hands and placed on the upper edge of the +shaping mass, completely encircling it. This roll is at once shaped by +the hands into a crude, flaring rim. A few swift touches on the outer +face of the crude pot removes protruding masses and roughly shapes the +surface. The rim is moistened with water and smoothed inside and out by +the hand and a short, round stick. This process is well illustrated in +Pl. XC. The first stage of manufacture is completed and the vessel is +set in the sun with the rim of an old broken pot for a supporting base. + +In the course of a few hours the shaped and nearly completed rim +of the pot becomes strong and set by the heat of the sun. However, +the rough and irregular bowl has apparently retained relatively a +larger amount of moisture and is in prime condition to be thinned, +expanded, and given final form. The pot is now handled by the rim, +which is sufficiently rigid for the purpose, and is turned about on +its supporting base as is needed, or the base is turned about on the +earth like a crude "potter's wheel." A smooth discoidal stone, some 4 +or 5 inches in diameter, and a wooden paddle are the instruments used +to shape the bowl. The paddle is first dipped in water and rubbed over +one of the flattish surfaces of the stone slightly to moisten it, and +is then beaten against the outer surface of the bowl, while the stone, +tapped against the inner surface, prevents indenting or cracking, +and, by offering a more or less nonresisting surface, assists in +thinning and expanding the clay. After the upper part of the bowl +has been thus completed the potter sits on her feet and haunches, +with her knees thrust forward from her. Again and again she moistens +her paddle and discoidal stone, and continues the spanking process +until the entire bowl of the pot is shaped. It is then set in the +sun to dry -- this time usually bottom side up. + +After it has thoroughly dried, both the inner and outer surfaces are +carefully and patiently smoothed and polished with a small stone, +commonly a ribbon agate. During this process all pebbles found +protruding from the surface are removed and the pits are filled with +new clay thoroughly smoothed in place, and the thickness of the pot +is made more uniform. The vessel is again placed on its supporting +base in the sun, and kept turned and tilted until it has become well +dried and set. Two and sometimes three days are required to bring +a pot thus far toward completion, though during the same time there +are several equally completed by each potter. + +There remains yet the burning and glazing. Samoki burns her pots +in the morning before sunrise. Immediately on the outskirts of the +pueblo there is a large, gravelly place strewn with thin, black ash +where for generations the potters coming and going have completed +their primitive ware. Usually two or more firings occur each week, +and several women combine and burn their pots together. On the earth +small stones are laid upon which one tier of vessels is placed, each +lying upon its side. Tier upon tier of pots is then placed above the +first layer, each on its side and each supported by and supporting +other pots. The heat is supplied by pine bark placed beneath and +around the lower layer. The pile is entirely blanketed with dead +grass tied in small bunches which has been gathered, prepared, and +kept in the houses of the potters for the purpose. The grass retains +its form long after the blaze and glow have ceased, and clings about +the pile as a blanket, checking the wasteful radiation of heat and +cutting out the drafts of air that would be disastrous to the heated +clay. As this blanket of grass finally gives way here and there the +attending potters replenish it with more bunches. The pile is fired +about one hour; when sufficiently baked the pots are lifted from +the fire by inserting in each a long pole. Each potter then takes +a vessel at a time, places it red hot on its supporting base on the +earth before her, and immediately proceeds, with much care and labor, +to glaze the rim and inside of the bowl. The glaze is a resin obtained +in trade from Barlig. It is applied to the vessel from the end of +a glazing stick -- sometimes a pole 6 or 7 feet long, but usually +about a yard in length. After the rim and inner surface of the bowl +have been thoroughly glazed the potter begins on another vessel -- +turning the last one over to one or two little girls, from 4 to 6 +years of age, who find great happiness in smearing the outer surface +of the now cooling and dull-brown pot with resin held in bunches in +the hands. This outer glaze, applied by the young apprentices, who, +in play, are learning an art of their future womanhood, is neither +so thick nor so carefully laid as is the glaze of the rim and inner +surface of the vessel. When the glazing is completed the pot is still +too hot to be borne in the hands; however, the glaze has become rigid +and hard. + +Analyses made at the Bureau of Government Laboratories, Manila, show +that the clays used in the Samoki pots contain the following mineral: + +Analyses of Samoki pottery clays + + +Minerals. +Brown pit clay +Blue surface clay + + +Per cent +PER CENT + +Silica +54.46 +60.99 + +Oxide of aluminum +16.77 +17.71 + +Ferric oxide of iron +11.14 +9.53 + +Oxide of calcium +0.53 +0.59 + +Loss by ignition +16.81 +10.65 + +Oxide of magnesium +Trace +Trace + +Oxide of potassium +Trace + -- + +Oxide of sodium + -- +Trace + +Carbon dioxide + -- +Trace + + +The botanist of the Bureau of Government Laboratories[26] says in +the report of his analysis of the resin used to glaze these pots: + +This gum is known as Almaciga (Sp.). It is produced by some +species of the dipterocarpus or shorea -- which it is impossible +to determine. ... It should not be confounded with the other common +almaciga from the trees of the genus Agathis. + +The Government analyst[27] who analyzed the clays and examined the +finished and glazed pots says of the Samoki pot that about two-thirds +of the organic matter in the clay is consumed in the baking or burning +of the pot. The organic matter in the middle one-third of the wall +of the pot is not consumed. The clay is a remarkably hard one and +is difficult of ignition; this is the reason it makes good cooking +vessels. He further says that the glaze is not a true glaze. It seems +that the resin does nothing except lose its oils when applied to the +red-hot pots, and there is left on the surface the unconsumed carbon. + + +Basket work + +All basket work is done by the men. Much of the time when they are in +the fawi or pabafunan, gossiping and smoking, they are busied making +the ordinary and necessary utensils of the field and dwelling. The +basket work is all crude, with the possible exception of some of the +hats worn by the men. + +As is brought forth later under the head of "Commerce," much basket +work is done by only one or two communities, and from them passes +in trade over a large area. Most of the basket work of the area is +of bejuco or bamboo. There are two varieties of bamboo used in the +area -- a'-nis and fi'-ka. A'-nis is found in the area and fi'-ka is +brought in in trade from the southwest. + +The most important piece of basket work is the ki-ma'-ta, the +man's transportation basket, made of a'-nis bamboo; it is shown in +Pl. CXX. It is made by many pueblos, and is found throughout the +area. It consists of two baskets joined firmly to a light, wooden +crossbar called "pa'-tang." The entire ki-ma'-ta weighs about 5 pounds, +and with it the Igorot carries loads weighing as much as 100 pounds. + +The man has another basket called "ko-chuk-kod'," which is used +frequently by him, also sometimes by women, for carrying earth when +building the sementeras. The ko-chuk-kod' is made in Bontoc and +Samoki. It is not shown in any of the illustrations, but is quite +similar to the tay-ya-an', or large transportation basket of the woman, +yet is slimmer. It is also similar in shape and size to the woman's +transportation basket in Benguet which is worn on the back supported +by a headband. + +The woman has two important a'-nis bamboo transportation baskets, +which are constantly employed. One called "lu'-wa," the shallow lower +basket shown in Pl. LXXV, is made only in Samoki; the other tay-ya-an', +shown in Pl. XCIII, holds about three pecks. It is made only in Bontoc +and Samoki. + +Ag-ka-win' is the small rump basket almost invariably worn by women +when working in the irrigated sementera. It is of fi'-ka bamboo, is +made commonly in Bontoc and Samoki, and occasionally in Tulubin. The +field toiler often carries her lunch to the field in the ag-ka-win', +and when she returns the basket is usually filled with crustaceans +and mollusks picked up in the wet sementera or gathered in the river, +or with weeds or grasses to be cooked as "greens." + +The woman's rain protector, a scoop-shaped affair about 4 feet long, +called "tug-wi'," is said to be made only in Ambawan and Barlig. It +consists of a double weave of coarse splints, between which is a +waterproof layer of a large palm leaf. It is worn over the head, +and is an excellent protection from the rain. It may well have been +suggested to primitive man by the banana leaf, which I have repeatedly +seen carried over the head and back by the Igorot in many sections +of northern Luzon during the rains. I have also seen it used many +times in Manila by Tagalog who were caught out in a storm without an +umbrella. The rain protector is shown lying in front of the house in +Pl. XXXVII. + +Tak-o-chug' is the man's dirt scoop made of a'-nis bamboo. It resembles +the tug-wi' in shape, but is only about 1 1/2 feet long. It is employed +in handling earth, and conveying the dirt to the ko-chuk-kod', or +dirt transportation basket. + +A basket very similar to tak-o-chug', but called "sug-fi'," is employed +by the woman in her housework in handling vegetables. It is shown in +Pl. XCIV, containing camote parings. + +The to'-pil is the man's "dinner pail." It is made of a'-nis bamboo, +is a covered basket, and is constructed to contain from one and a +half to three quarts of solid food. In it men and boys carry their +lunch to the fields. All the pueblos make the to'-pil. + +Another basket, called "sang'-i," is generally employed in carrying the +man's food. It is used for long trips from home, although I have seen +it used simply for carrying the field lunch. It is made of bejuco in +Ambawan, Barlig, and Tulubin, and passes widely in the area through +commerce. It is worn on the back, secured by bejuco straps passing +in front of the shoulders. + +Fang'-ao is the sang'-i with a waterproof bejuco covering. As it +is worn on the back, the man appears to be wearing a cape made of +hanging vegetable threads. This is the basket commonly known as the +"head basket," but it is used for carrying food, blankets, anything, +on the trail. It is made in Ambawan, Barlig, and Kanyu, and is found +pretty well scattered throughout the area. It is shown, front and +back view, in Pl. XCV. + +Fa'-i si gang'-sa is an open-work bejuco basket, in shape very similar +to the sang'-i, used to carry the gang'-sa, or metal drum. It is worn +slung on the back as is the sang'-i. + +A house basket holding about a peck, called "fa-lo'-ko," is made +of a'-nis bamboo. It is used in various capacities, for vegetables +and cereals, in and about the house. It is made in all the pueblos +and is shown in Pl. XCIV. A few other household baskets are often +found. Among these are the large, bottle-shaped locust basket, i-wus', +a smaller basket, ko'-lug, of the same shape used to hold threshed +rice, and the open-work spoon basket, so'-long, which usually hangs +over the fireplace in each dwelling. + +The large winnowing tray, lig-o', shown bottom up in Pl. XCIII, is +made in Samoki and Kanyu of a'-nis bamboo. There are two sizes of +winnowing trays, both of which are employed everywhere in the area. + +Several small a'-nis bamboo eating trays, called "ki'-ug," are shown +in Pl. XCIV. These food dishes are used on ceremonial occasions, +and some of them can not be purchased. They are made in all pueblos. + +Samoki alone is said to make the rice sieve, called "a-ka'-ug. It +passes widely in the pueblo. + +Aside from these various basket utensils and implements there are +the three kinds of fish traps described in the section on fishing. + +There are also three varieties of basket-work hats. The rain hat called +"seg-fi'," is made in Bontoc, and may be in imitation of those worn +nearer the western coast. This with the suk-lang, the pocket hat +always worn by the men and boys, and the kut'-lao. or sleeping hat, +worn by children and adults of both sexes, are described under the +head of "Clothing." + + +Weapon production + +Igorot weapons are few and relatively simple. The bow and arrow, +used wherever the Negrito is in Luzon, is not known to the Igorot +warrior of the Bontoc culture area. Small boys in Bontoc pueblo +make for themselves tiny bows 1 1/2 or 2 feet long with which they +snap light arrows a few feet. But the instrument is of the crudest, +merely a toy, and is a thing of the day, being acquired from the +culture of the Ilokano who live in the pueblo. The Igorot claim they +never employed the bow and arrow, and, to-day at least, consider the +question as to their ever using it as very foolish, since, they say, +pointing to the child's toy, "It is nothing." + +In 1665 -- 1668 Friar Casimiro Diaz wrote of the Igorot that they +used arrows,[28] but it is believed his statement did not apply to +the Bontoc man. Igorot-like people throughout northern Luzon commonly +do not have this weapon, yet the large Tinguian group of Abra, west +and north of Bontoc, and the Ibilao of southeastern Nueva Vizcaya, +Nueva Ecija, and adjacent Isabela employ the bow constantly. + +The natural projectile weapon of the Negrito is the bow and arrow; +that of the Malayan seems to be the blowgun -- at present, however, +largely replaced by the spear, though in some southern islands, +especially in Paragua, it has held its own. + + + +Wooden weapons + +Shields are universally made and used by the Igorot. They are made +by the men of each pueblo, and are seldom bought or sold. They are +cut from single pieces of wood, and are generally constructed of very +light wood, though some are heavy. The hand grip is cut in the solid +timber. is almost invariably made for the left hand, and will usually +accommodate only three fingers -- the thumb and little finger remaining +outside the grip and free to press forward the upper and lower ends +of the shield, respectively, slanting it to glance a blow of a spear. + +Within the present boundary of Bontoc Province there are three +distinct patterns of wooden shields in use in three quite distinct +culture areas. There is still another shield immediately beyond the +western border of the province but which is believed to be produced +also in the Bontoc area. + +First, is the shield of the Bontoc culture area. It is usually about +3 feet long and 1 foot wide, is blackened with a greasy soot, though +now and again one in original wood is seen. The upper part or "chief" +of the shield is cut, leaving three points projecting several inches +above the solid field; the lower end or "base" is cut, leaving two +points. Across both ends of the shield is a strengthening lace of +bejuco, passing through perforations from front to back. The front +surface of the shield is most prominent over the deep-cut hand grip +at the boss or "fess point," toward which a wing approaches on both +the dexter and sinister sides of the front of the shield, being carved +slightly on the field. This is the usual Bontoc shield, but some few +have meaningless straight-line decorations cut in the field. + +In the Tinglayan culture area, immediately north of Bontoc, the usual +shield is very similar to the above, except that various sections +of both the face and back of the shield are of natural wood or are +colored dull red. The strengthening of bejuco lacings and the raised +wings are also found. + +Still farther north is the Kalinga shield -- a slim, gracefully formed +shield, differing from the typical Bontoc weapon chiefly in its more +graceful outline. It is of a uniform black color and has the bejuco +lacings the same as the others. + +The fourth variety, made at Bagnen, immediately across the Bontoc +border, in Lepanto, and probably also made and certainly used near at +hand in Bontoc, is quite similar to the Bontoc type but is smaller +and cruder. It is uncolored, and on its front has crude drawings of +snakes and frogs (or perhaps men) drawn with soot paint. + +Banawi area, south of the Bontoc area. has a shield differing +markedly from the others. It is longer, usually somewhat wider, +and not cut at either end. The lower end is straight across at right +angles to the sides; the upper end rises to a very obtuse angle at +the middle. The front is usually much plainer than is that of the +other shields mentioned. + +Throughout the Bontoc area there is a spear with a bamboo blade, +entirely a wooden weapon. The spear is employed in warfare, and is +losing its place only as iron becomes plentiful enough and cheap +enough to substitute for the bamboo blades or heads. Even in sections +in which iron spears are relatively common the wooden spear is used +much in warfare, since spears thrown at an enemy are frequently lost. + +Sharp-pointed bamboo spikes are often stuck in the trails of war +parties when they are returning from some foray in which they have +been successful. These spikes are from about 6 inches in length, +as among the people of the Bontoc area, to 3 or more feet, as among +the Ibilao of southeastern Nueva Vizcaya. The latter people nightly +place these long spikes, called "luk'-dun," in the trails leading to +their dwellings. They are placed at a considerable angle, and would +impale an intruder in the groin or upper thigh, inflicting a cruel +and disabling wound. The shorter spikes either cut through the bottom +of the foot or stab the instep or leg near the ankle. They are much +dreaded, and, though crude, are very effective weapons. + + +Metal weapons + +The metal spear blade or head is a product of Igorot +workmanship. Baliwang, situated about six hours north of Bontoc, +makes most of the metal spear blades used in the Bontoc area. Sapao, +located about a day and a half to the south, makes excellent metal +blades, but they seldom reach the Bontoc culture area, although +blades of inferior production from Sapao are found in Ambawan, the +southernmost pueblo of the area. + +Baliwang has four smithies, in each of which two or three men labor, +each man in a smithy performing a separate part of the work. One +operates the bellows, another feeds the fire and does the heavy +striking during the initial part of the work, and the other -- the +real blade maker, the artist -- directs all the labor, and performs +the finer and finishing parts of the blade production. + +The smithies are about 12 feet square without side walls. They have +a grass roof sloping to within 3 feet of the earth, enlarging the +shaded area to near 20 feet square. Near one side of the room is +the bellows, called "op-op'," consisting of two vertical, parallel +wooden tubes about 5 feet long and 10 inches in diameter, standing +side by side. Each tube has a piston or plunger, called "dot-dot';" +the packing ring of the piston is of wood covered with chicken +feathers, making it slightly flexible at the rim, so it fits snugly +in the tube. The lower end of the bellows tubes rests in the earth, +4 inches above which a small bamboo tube leads the compressed air +to the fireplace from each bellows tube. These small tubes, called +"to-bong'," end near an opening through a brick at the back of the +fire, and the air forced through them passes on through the brick +to the burning charcoal. The outer end of the to-bong' is cut at +an angle, and as the tubes end outside the opening in the brick, +the air inbreathed by the bellows, as the plungers are raised, is +drawn from back of the fireplace -- thus the fire is not disturbed. + +The fuel is an inferior charcoal prepared by the Igorot from pine. This +bellows is found throughout the Archipelago and is evidently a Malayan +product. It is believed that it came to Bontoc with the Igorot from +their earlier home and is not, as some say, a Chinese invention.[29] +The Igorot manufacturer of metal pipes uses exactly the same kind of +bellows, except that it is very much smaller, and so appears like a +toy. It is poorly shown in Pl. CIX. + +Much of the iron now employed in the manufacture of Igorot weapons is +Chinese bar iron coming from China to the Islands at Candon, in Ilokos +Sur. However, the people readily make weapons from any iron they may +acquire, greatly preferring the scraps of broken Chinese cast-iron +pots, vessels purchased primarily for making sugar. In his choice of +cast iron the Igorot exhibits a practical knowledge of metallurgy, +since cast iron makes better steel than wrought iron -- that is, +as he has to work. + + +FIGURE 5 + +Ironsmith's stone hammer. + + +The anvils of the smithy, numbering four or five, are large rocks set +solidly in the earth. The hammers are nearly all stone, though some +of the workmen have a small iron hammer used in finishing the weapons. + +There are several varieties of stone hammers. One weighing about +30 pounds is 16 inches long, 10 inches wide, and from 4 to 6 inches +thick. An inch-deep groove is cut in both edges of the hammer, and +into these grooves the short, double wooden handle is attached by a +withe. Another hammer, similar to the above in shape and attachment, +is about one-third its size and weight. There is a still smaller +hammer lashed with leather bands to a single, straight wooden handle; +and there is also a round hammer stone about 3 inches in diameter +without handle or attachment, which hammer, together with the larger +one last mentioned, is largely superseded in some of the smithies by +the metal hammer. + +The bellows operator sits squatting on a slight platform the height +of the bellows, and constantly works the plungers up and down with +rhythmic strokes. + +Two men at first handle the hot iron -- one, the real blade maker, +holds the white-hot metal with long-handled iron pinchers (purchased +in Candon) and his helper wields the 30-pound hammer. He stands with +legs well apart, grasps the heavy hammer with both hands, and swings +it back and forth between his legs. The blow is struck at the downward, +backward swing. + +These smiths weld iron, and also temper it to make steel. The following +detailed picture of a welding observed in a Baliwang smithy may be +duplicated there any day. The two pieces of iron to be welded were +separately heated a dull red. One was then laid on the other and both +were cooled with water. Wet earth, gathered for the occasion at the +side of the smithy, was then put over them; while still covered they +were inserted again in the fire. When red-hot they were withdrawn, +the little mound of earth covering the two pieces of iron being still +in place but having been brought also to a red heat. A few light blows +fell on the red mass, and it was again returned to the fire. Four times +the iron was withdrawn and received a few blows with a light hammer +wielded by the master smith. On being withdrawn the fifth time half a +dozen blows were struck by the helper with the 30-pound hammer. Again +the iron was heated, but when removed the sixth time the welding was +evidently considered finished, as the shaping of the weapon was then +begun. Weldings made by these smiths seem to be complete. + +The tempering done by the Igorot is crude, and is such as may be seen +in any country blacksmith shop in the States. The iron is heated and +is tempered by cooling in a small wooden trough of water. There is +great difference in the quality of the steel turned out by the Igorot, +even by the same man, though some men are recognized as more skillful +than others. + +There are four styles of spear blades made by Baliwang. The one most +common is called "fal-feg'." It is a simple, single-barbed blade, +and ranges from 2 inches to 6 inches in length. This style of blade +is the most used in warfare, and the smaller, lighter blades are +considered better for this purpose than the heavier ones. + +The fang'-kao, or barbless lance blade, is next common in use. It is +not a war blade, but is used almost entirely in killing carabaos and +hogs. There is one notable exception to this statement -- Ambawan +has almost no other class of spear. These blades range from 4 to 12 +or 14 inches in length. + +The other two blades, si-na-la-wi'-tan and kay-yan', are relatively +rare. The former is quite similar to the fal-feg', except that instead +of the single pair of barbs there are other barbs -- say, from one +to ten pairs. This spear is not considered at all serviceable as a +hunting spear, and is not used in war as much as is the fal-feg'. It +is prized highly as an anito scarer. When a man passes alone in +the mountains anito are very prone to walk with him; however, if +the traveler carries a si-na-la-wi'-tan, anito will not molest him, +since they are afraid when they see the formidable array of barbs. + +Kay-yan' is a gracefully formed blade not used in hunting, and +employed less in war than is si-na-la-wi'-tan. Though the Igorot +has almost nothing in his culture for purely aesthetic purposes, yet +he ascribes no purpose for the kay-yan' -- he says it looks pretty; +but I have seen it carried to war by war parties. + +The pueblo of Sapao makes superior-looking steel weapons, though many +Igorot claim the steel of the Baliwang spear is better than that from +Sapao. In Quiangan I saw a fang'-kao, or lance-shaped blade made +in Sapao, having six faces on each side. The five lines separating +the faces ran from the tang to the point of the blade, and were as +regular and perfect as though machine made. The best class of Sapao +blades is readily distinguishable by its regular lines and the smooth +and perfect surface finish. + +All spearheads are fastened to the wooden shaft by a short haft or tang +inserted in the wood. An iron ferrule or a braided bejuco ferrule is +employed to strengthen the shaft where the tang is inserted. A conical +iron ferrule or cap is also placed on the butt of the shaft. This +ferrule is often used, as the spear is always stuck in the earth +close at hand when the warrior works any distance from home; and as +he passes along the steep mountain trails or carries heavy burdens +he commonly uses the spear shaft as a staff. + +The spear shafts are made by the owner of the weapon, it not being +customary for anyone to produce them for sale. Some of them are rather +attractively decorated with brass and copper studs, and a few have +red and yellow bejuco ferrules near the blade. In some pueblos of the +Bontoc area, as at Mayinit, spear shafts are worked down and eventually +smoothed and finished by a flexible, bamboo knife-blade machine. It +consists of about a dozen blades 8 or 10 inches in length, fastened +together side by side with string. The blades lie one overlapping the +other like the slats of an American window shutter. Each projecting +blade is sharpened to a chisel edge. The machine is grasped in the +hand, as shown in fig. 6, and is slid up and down the shaft with a +slight twisting movement obtained by bending the wrist. The machine +becomes a flexible, many-bladed plane. + +Baliwang alone makes the genuine Bontoc battle-ax. It is a strong, +serviceable blade of good temper, and is hafted to a short, strong, +straight wooden handle which is strengthened by a ferrule of iron +or braided bejuco. The ax has a slender point opposed to the bit or +cutting edge of the blade. This point is often thrust in the earth +and the upturned blade used as a stationary knife, on which the Igorot +cuts meats and other substances by drawing them lengthwise along the +sharp edge. The bit of the ax is at a small angle with the front and +back edges of the blade, and is nearly a straight line. The axes are +kept keen and sharp by whetstones collected and preserved solely for +the purpose. Besao, near Sagada, quarries and barters a good grade +of whetstone. + + +FIGURE 6 + +Bamboo spear-shaft dresser. + + +A slender, long-handled battle-ax now and then comes into the area +in trade from the north. Balbelasan, of old Abra Province, but now in +the northern part of extended Bontoc Province, is one of the pueblos +which produce this beautiful ax. The blade is longer and very much +slimmer than the Bontoc blade, but its marked distinguishing feature +is the shape of the cutting edge. The blade is ground on two straight +lines joined together by a short curved line, giving the edge the +striking form of the beak of a rapacious bird. The slender, graceful +handle, always fitted with a long iron ferrule, has a process on the +under side near the middle. The handle is also usually fitted with +a decorated metal ferrule at the tip and frequently is decorated for +its full length with bands of brass or tin, or with sheets of either +metal artistically incised. + +The Balbelasan ax is not used by the pueblos making it, or at least +by many of them, but finds its field of usefulness east and northeast +of Bontoc pueblo as far as the foothills of the mountains west of +the Rio Grande de Cagayan. I was told by the Kalinga of this latter +region that the people in the mountain close to the Cagayan in the +vicinity of Cabagan Nuevo, Isabela Province, also use this ax. + +In the southern and western part of the Bontoc area the battle-ax +shares place with the bolo, the sole hand weapon of the Igorot of +adjoining Lepanto, Benguet, and Nueva Vizcaya Provinces. + +The bolo within the Bontoc area comes from Sapao and from the Ilokano +people of the west coast. The southern pueblo in the Bontoc area, +Ambawan, uses the bolo of Sapao to the entire exclusion of the +battle-ax. Tulubin, the next pueblo to Ambawan, and only an hour +from it, uses almost solely the Baliwang battle-ax. Such pueblos as +Titipan and Antedao, about three hours west of Bontoc, use both the +ax and bolo, while the pueblos further west, as Agawa, Sagada, Balili, +Alap, etc., use the bolo exclusively -- frequently an Ilokano weapon. + +The Sapao bolo is, in appearance, superior to that of Ilokano +manufacture. It is a broad blade swelling markedly toward the center, +and is somewhat similar in shape to the barong of the Sulu Moro of +the Sulu Archipelago. This weapon finds its chief field of use in the +Quiangan and Banawi areas. In these districts the bolo is fitted with +an open scabbard, and the bright blade presents a novel appearance +lying exposed against the red scabbard. The Igorot manufacturer of the +bolo does not make the scabbard, and most of the bolos used within +the Bontoc area are sheathed in the closed wooden scabbard commonly +found in Lepanto and Benguet. + + +Pipe production, and smoking + +The Igorot of Bontoc area make pipes of wood, clay, and metal. All +their pipes have small bores and bowls. In Benguet a wooden pipe is +commonly made with a bowl an inch and a half in diameter; it has +a large bore also. In Banawi I obtained a wooden pipe with a bowl +8 1/4 inches in circumference and 4 inches in height, but having a +bore averaging only half an inch in diameter. + +Nearly all pueblos make the pipes they use, but pipes of clay and metal +are manufactured by the Igorot for Igorot trade. I never learned that +wooden pipes are made by them for commercial purposes. + +The wooden pipe of the area varies from simple tubular forms, exactly +like a modern cigar holder, to those having bowls set at right angle +to the stem. All wooden pipes are whittled by the men, and some of +them are very graceful in form and have an excellent polish. They are +made of at least three kinds of wood -- ga-sa'-tan, la-no'-ti, and +gi-gat'. Most pipes -- wooden, clay, or metal -- have separable stems. + +A few men in Agawa, a pueblo near the western border of the area, make +beautiful clay pipes, called "ki-na-lo'-sab." The clay is carefully +macerated between the fingers until it is soft and fine. It is then +roughly shaped by the fingers, and afterwards, when partially hardened, +is finished with a set of five light, wooden tools. + +The finished bowls are in three different colors. When baked about +nine hours the pipes come forth gray. Those coming out red have been +burned about twelve hours, usually all night. The black ones are made +by reburning the red bowls about half an hour in palay straw. + +Two men in Sabangan and one each in Genugan and Takong -- all western +pueblos -- manufacture metal "anito" pipes. To-day brass wire and +the metal of cartridge shells are most commonly employed in making +these pipes. + +The process of manufacture is elaborate and very interesting. First a +beeswax model is made the exact size and shape of the finished metal +pipe. All beeswax, called "a-tid'," used in pipe making comes from +Barlig through Kanu, and the illustration (Pl. CVIII) shows the form +in which it passes in commerce in the area. A small amount of wax +is softened by a fire until it can be flattened in the palm of the +hand. It is then rolled around a stick the size of the bore in the +bowl. The outside of the wax bowl is next designed as is shown in the +illustration (Pl. CVIII). A careful examination of the illustration +will show that the design represents the sitting figure of a man. He +is resting his elbows on his knees and holding his lower jaw in his +hands -- eyes, ears, nose, mouth, and fingers are all represented. This +design is made in the wax with a small knife. The wax for the short +stem piece is flattened and folded around a stick the size of the +bore of the stem. The stem piece is then set into the bowl and the +design which was started on the bowl is continued over the stem. + +When the wax pipe is completed a projecting point of wax is attached +to the base of the pipe, and the whole is imbedded in a clay jacket, +the point of wax, however, projecting from the jacket. The clay used +by the pipe maker is obtained in a pit at Pingad in the vicinity of +Genugan. Around the wax point a clay funnel is built. The clay mold, +called "bang-bang'-a," is thoroughly baked by a fire. In less than +an hour the mold is hardened and brown, and the wax pipe within it +has melted and the wax been poured out of the mold through the gate +or opening left by the melting point of wax, leaving the mold empty. + +A small Malayan bellows, called "op-op'," the exact duplicate in +miniature of the double tubular bellows described in the preceding +section on "metal weapons," furnishes the draught for a small charcoal +fire. The funnel of the clay mold is filled with pieces of metal, and +the entire thing is buried in the fired charcoal. In fifteen minutes +the metal melts and runs down through the gate at the bottom of the +funnel into the hollow, wax-lined mold. Since the entire mold is hot, +the metal does not cool or harden promptly, and the pipe maker taps and +jars the mold in order to make the metal penetrate and fill every part. + +The mold is set aside to cool and is then broken away from the metal +core. To-day the pipe maker possesses a file with which to smooth and +clean the crude pipe. Formerly all that labor, and it is extensive, +was performed with stones. + +It requires two men to make the "anito" pipes -- tin-ak-ta'-go. One +superintends all the work and performs the finest of it, and the +second pumps the bellows and smooths and cleans the pipe after it is +cast. The two men make four pipes per day, but the purchaser of an +"anito" pipe puts days of toil on the metal, smoothing and perfecting +it by cleaning and digging out the design until it becomes really a +beautiful bit of primitive art. + +When a pueblo wants a few tin-ak-ta'-go it sends for the manufacturer, +and he comes to the pueblo with his helper and remains as long as +necessary. Ay-o'-na, of Genugan, annually visits Titipan, Ankiling, +Sagada, Bontoc, and Samoki. He usually furnishes all material, +and receives a peseta for each pipe, but the pueblo furnishes the +food. In this way a pipe maker is a journeyman about half the year. + +Tukukan makes a smooth, cast-metal pipe, called "pin-e-po-yong'," and +Baliwang makes tubular iron pipes at her smithies. They are hammered +out and pounded and welded over a core. I have seen several of such +excellent workmanship that the welded seam could not be detected on +the surface. + +In the western part of the area both men and women smoke, and some +smoke almost constantly. Throughout the areas occupied by Christians +children of 6 or 7 years smoke a great deal. I have repeatedly seen +girls not over 6 years of age smoking rolls of tobacco, "cigars," +a foot long and more than an inch in diameter, but in Bontoc area +small children do not smoke. In most of the area women do not smoke +at all, and boys seldom smoke until they reach maturity. + +In Bontoc the tobacco leaf for smoking is rolled up and pinched off +in small sections an inch or so in length. These pieces are then +wrapped in a larger section of leaf. When finished for the pipe the +tobacco resembles a short stub of a cigar. Only half a dozen whiffs +are generally taken at a smoke, and the pipe with its tobacco is +then tucked under the edge of the pocket hat. Four pipes in five as +they are seen sticking from a man's hat show that the owners stopped +smoking long before they exhausted their pipes. + + + +Fire making + +The oldest instrument for fire making used by the Bontoc Igorot is +now seldom found. However, practically all boys of a dozen years know +how to make and use it. + +It is called "co-li'-li," and is a friction machine made of two +pieces of dry bamboo. A 2-foot section of dead and dry bamboo is split +lengthwise and in one piece a small area of the stringy tissue lining +the tube is splintered and picked quite loose. Immediately over this, +on the outside of the tube, a narrow groove is cut at right angles +to it. This piece of bamboo becomes the stationary lower part of +the fire machine. One edge of the other half of the original tube is +sharpened like a chisel blade. This section is grasped in both hands, +one at each end, and is at first slowly and heavily, afterwards more +rapidly, drawn back and forth through the groove of the stationary +bamboo, making a small conical pile of dry dust beneath the opening. + +After a dozen strokes the sides of the groove and the edge of the +friction piece burn brown, presently a smell of smoke is plain, and +before three dozen strokes have been made smoke may be seen. Usually +before one hundred strokes a larger volume of smoke tells that the +dry dust constantly falling on the pile has grown more and more +charred until finally a tiny friction-fired particle falls, carrying +combustion to the already heated dust cone. + +The machine is carefully raised, and, if the fire is permanently +kindled, the pinch of smoldering dust is inserted in a wisp of dry +grass or other easily inflammable material; in a minute or two flames +burst forth, and the fire may be transferred where desired. + +The pal-ting', the world-wide flint and steel-percussion fire machine, +is found with all Bontoc men. + +At Sagada there is a ledge of exposed and crumbling rock from which +most of the men of the western part of the Bontoc culture area obtain +their "flint." The "steel" is any piece of iron which may be had -- +probably a part of the ferrule from the butt of a spear shaft is used +more than is any other one kind of iron. + +The pal-ting' is secured either in a very small basket or a leather +roll which is fastened closed by a string. In this receptacle a small +amount of dry tree cotton is also carried. The pal-ting' receptacle +is carried about in the large bag hanging at the girdle. + +Fire is made by a tiny percussion-heated particle of the stone as it +flies away under the sharp, glancing blow of the "steel" and catches +in the dry cotton held by the thumb nail on the upper surface of +the stone. + +If the fire maker wishes to light his pipe, he tucks the smoldering +cotton lightly into his roll of tobacco; a few draws are sufficient to +ignite the pipeful. If an out-of-door fire is desired the cotton is +first used to ignite a dry bunch of grass. Should the fire be needed +in the dwelling, the cotton is placed on charcoal. Blowing and care +will produce a good, blazing wood fire in a few minutes. + +To-day friction matches are known throughout the area, although +probably not one person in one hundred has ever owned a box of matches. + +The fire syringe, common west of Bontoc Province among the Tinguian, +is not known in the Bontoc culture area. + + +Division of labor + +Under this title must be grouped all forms of occupations which are +considered necessary to the life of the pueblo. + +Up to the age of 5 or 6 years Bontoc children do not work. As has been +said in a previous chapter, during the months of April and May many +little girls from 5 to 10 work and play together for long hours daily +gathering a few varieties of wild plants close about the pueblo for +food for the pigs. This labor is unnecessary as soon as the camote +vines become large enough for gathering. During June and July these +same girls gather the camote vines for pig food. About August this +labor falls to the women. + +Mention has also been made of the fact that during the latter half +of April and May the boys and girls of all ages from 6 or 7 years to +13 or 14 guard the palay sementeras against the birds from earliest +dawn till heavy twilight. + +Little girls often help about the dwelling by paring camotes for the +forthcoming meal. + +At all times the elder children, both boys and girls, are baby tenders +while their parents work. + +Man is the sole hunter and warrior, and he alone fishes when traps +or snares are employed. + +Only men go to the mountains to cut and bring home firewood and lumber +for building purposes; widowed women sometimes bring home dead fallen +wood found along the trails. Only men construct the various private and +public buildings. They alone build the stone dikes of the sementeras +and construct the irrigating ditches and dams; they transport to +the pueblo most of the harvested palay. They manufacture and vend +basi, and prepare the salted meats. They make all weapons, and all +implements and utensils for field and household labors. Contrary +to a widespread custom among primitive people, as has been noted, +the Igorot man constructs all basket work, whether hats, baskets, +trays, or ornaments, and bindings of weapons and implements. Men +are the workers of all metal and stone. They are the only cargadors, +though in the Kiapa area of Benguet Province women sometimes go on +the trails as paid burden bearers for Americans. + +Only men are said to tattoo and circumcise. They determine the days +of rest and of ceremony for the pueblo, and all pueblo ceremonies are +in their hands; so also are the ceremonies of the ato -- only men are +"priests," except for private household ceremonials. + +Men constitute the "control element" of the pueblo. They are the +legislative, executive, and judicial power for the pueblo and each +ato; they are considered the wisdom of their people, and they alone, +it is said, give public advice on important matters. + +The woman is the only weaver of fabrics and the only spinner of +the materials of which the fabrics are made. On the west coast the +Ilokano men do a great deal of the spinning, but the Igorot man has not +imitated them in the industry, though he has often seen them. Women +are the sole potters of Samoki, and they alone transport and vend +their wares to other pueblos. In the Mayinit salt industry only the +woman tends the salt house, gathering the crude salt solution. + +Only the women plant the rice seed, and they alone transplant the +palay; they also care for the growing plants and harvest most of the +crops. In the transplanting and harvesting of palay the woman is given +credit for greater dexterity than the man; men harvest palay only when +sufficient women can not be found. Women plant, care for, harvest, +and transport to the pueblo all camotes, millet, maize, and beans. + +The men and women together construct and repair irrigated sementeras, +men usually digging the earth while the women transport it. Together +they prepare the soil of irrigated sementeras, and carry manure +to them from the pigpens. Men at times do the women's work in +harvesting, and women sometimes assist the men to carry the harvest +to the pueblo. Either threshes out and hulls the rice, though the +woman does more than half this work. Both prepare foods for cooking, +cook the meals, and serve them. Both bring water from the river +for household uses, though the woman brings the greater part. Each +tends the babe while the other works in the field. Both care for the +chickens and pigs, even to cooking the food for the latter. Men and +women catch fish by hand in the river, manufacture tapui, and in the +salt industry both evaporate the salt solution and vend the salt. + +In the treatment of the sick and the driving out of afflicting anito, +men and women alike serve. + +Little work is demanded of the old people, though the labors they +perform are of great value to the pueblo, as the strong are thus +given more time for a vigorous industrial life. + +Great service is rendered the pueblo by the councils of the old men, +and they are the "priests" of all ceremonials, except those of the +household. + +The old men do practically nothing at manual labor in the +field. However, numbers of old men and women guard the palay sementeras +from the birds, and they frequently tend their grandchildren about +the pueblo. They also bring water from the river to the dwelling. + +Old women seem generally busy. They prepare and cook foods, and they +spin materials for women's skirts and girdles. The blind women share +in these labors, even going to the river for water. + +By labor of the group is meant the common effort of two or more people +whose everyday possessions and accumulations are not in common, as +they are in a family, to perform some definite labor which can be +better done by such effort than by the separate labors of the several +members of the group. + +A pueblo war probably represents the largest necessary +group-occupation, because at such time all available warriors unite in +a concerted effort. Next to this, though possibly coming before it, +is the group assembled for the erection of a dwelling. As has been +noted, all dwellings are built by a group, and when a rich man's +domicile is to be put up a great many people assemble -- the men to +erect the dwelling, and the women to prepare and cook the food. A +great deal of agricultural labor is performed by the group. New +irrigation ditches are built by, or at the instance of, all those +who will benefit by them. The dam built annually across the river +at Bontoc pueblo is constructed by all, or at the instance of all, +who benefit from the additional irrigation water. Wild carabaos are +hunted by a group of men, and the domestic carabaos can be caught +only when several men surround and attack them. + +All interpueblo commerce is carried on by a group of people. Almost +never does a person pass from one pueblo to another alone, and commerce +is the chief thing which causes the interpueblo communication. These +groups of traveling merchants consist of from two or three persons +to a dozen or more -- as in the case of the Samoki pottery sellers. + + +Wages, and exchange of labor + +The woman receives the same wage as the man. There are two reasons +why she should. First, all labor is by the day, so the facts of +sickness and maternity never keep the woman from her labor when she +is expected and is depended on; and, second, she is as efficient in +the labors she performs as is the man -- in some she is recognized +as more efficient. She does as much work as a man, and does it as +well or better. It is worth so much to have a certain work done in a +particular time, and the Igorot pays the wage to whomever does the +work. The growing boy or girl who performs the same labors as an +adult receives an equal wage. + +Not only do the people work by the day, but they are paid daily +also. Every night the laborer goes to the dwelling of his employer +and receives the wage; the wages of unmarried children are paid to +their parents. + +To all classes of laborers dinner and sometimes supper is supplied. For +weeding and thinning the sementeras of young palay and for watching +the fruiting palay to drive away the birds, the only wage is these +two meals. But this labor is light, and frightening away the birds is +usually the work of children or very old people who can not perform +hard labors. In all classes of work for which only food is given, +much time is left to the laborers in which the men may weave their +basket work and the women spin the bark-fiber thread for skirts. + +Five manojos of palay is the daily wage for all laborers except +those mentioned in the last paragraph. This is the wage of the wood +gatherer in the mountains, of the builder of granaries, sementeras, +irrigating ditches, and dikes, and of those who prepare soils and +who plant and harvest crops. + +There is much exchange of labor between individuals, and even between +large groups of people, such as members of an ato. Formerly exchange +of labor was practiced slightly more than at present, but to-day, +as has been noted, all dwellings are built by the unpaid labor +of those who come for the accompanying feast and "good time," and +because their own dwellings were or will be built by such labor. A +great deal of agricultural labor is now paid for in kind; practically +all the available labor in an ato turns out to help a member when a +piece of work is urgent. However, it is not customary for poor people +to exchange their labor, since they constantly need food for those +dependent on them. When the poor man desires a wage for his toil he +needs only to tell some rich person that he wishes to work for him -- +both understand that a wage will be paid. + + +Distribution + +By the term "distribution" is here meant the ordinary division of +the productions of Bontoc area among the several classes of Igorot +in the area -- in other words, what is each person's share of that +which the area produces? + +It must be said that distribution is very equitable. Wages are +uniform. No man or set of men habitually spoils another's accumulations +by exacting from him a tax or "rake off." There is no form of gambling +or winning another's earnings. There are no slaves or others who +labor without wages; children do not retain their own wages until +they marry, but they inherit all their parents' possessions. There is +almost no usury. There is no indigent class, and the rich men toil +as industriously in the fields as do the poor -- though I must say +I never knew a rich man to go as cargador on the trail. + + +Theft + +Higher forms of society, even such society as the Christianized +Filipinos of the coastal cities, produce and possess a considerable +number of people who live and often raise families on personal +property stolen and carried away from the lawful owners. Almost no +thief in the Bontoc area escapes detection -- the society is too +simple for him to escape -- and when he is apprehended he restores +more than he took away. There is no opportunity for a thief class +to develop, consequently there is no chance for theft to distort the +usual equitable division of products. + + +Conquest + +Conquest, or the act of gaining control and acquisition of another's +property by force of arms, is not operative in the Bontoc area. Moro +and perhaps other southern Malayan people frequently capture people +by conquest whom they enslave, and they also bring back much valuable +loot in the shape of metals and the much-prized large earthen jars. + +Certain Igorot, as those of Asin, make forcible conquests on their +neighbors and carry away persons for slavery. Asin made a raid westward +into Suyak of Lepanto Province in 1900, and some American miners joined +the expedition of natives to try to recover the captives. But Bontoc +has no such conquests, and, since the people have long ago ceased +migration, there is no conquest of territory. In their interpueblo +warfare loot is seldom carried away. There is practically nothing in +the form of movable and easily controlled valuable possessions, such +as domestic cattle, horses, or carabaos, so the usual equilibrium of +Bontoc property distribution has little to disturb it. + +The primitive agriculturist is thought of in history as the victim of +warlike neighbors who make predatory forays against him, repeatedly +robbing him of his hard-earned accumulations. In Igorot land this +is not the case. There are no savage or barbaric people, except the +Negritos who are not agriculturists. Sometimes, however, some of +the Igorot groups descend to the settlements of the Christians in +the lowlands and in the night bring back a few carabaos and hogs. The +Igorot of Quiangan are noted for such robberies made on the pueblos of +Bagabag and Ibung to the south in central Nueva Vizcaya. Sometimes, +also, one Igorot group speaks of another as Busol, or enemy, and +says the Busol come to rob them in the night. I believe, however, +from inquiries made, that relatively very small amounts of property +pass from one Igorot group to another by robbery or conquest. + +The Bontoc Igorot appears to be in a transition stage, not usually +emphasized, between the communism of the savage or barbarian in which +each person is said to have a share as long as necessities last, and +the more advanced forms of society in which many classes are able to +divert to their own advantage much which otherwise would not come +to them. The Igorot is not a communist, neither in any sense does +he get the monopolist's share. He is living a life of such natural +production that he enjoys the fruits of his labors in a fairer way +than do many of the men beneath him or above him in culture. + + + +Consumption + +Under this title will be considered simply the foods and beverages +of the people. No attempt will be made to treat of consumption in +its breadth as it appears to the economist. + + +Foods + +There are few forms of animal life about the Igorot that he will not +and does not eat. The exceptions are mainly insectivora, and such +larger animals as the mythology of the Igorot says were once men -- +as the monkey, serpent-eagle, crow, snake, etc. However, he is not +wholly lacking in taste and preference in his foods. Of his common +vegetable foods he frequently said he prefers, first, beans; second, +rice; third, maize; fourth, camotes; fifth, millet. + +Rice is the staple food, and most families have sufficient for +subsistence during the year. When rice is needed for food bunches +of the palay, as tied up at the harvest, are brought and laid in the +small pocket of the wooden mortar where they are threshed out of the +fruit head. One or two mortarsful is thus threshed and put aside on +a winnowing tray. When sufficient has been obtained the grain is put +again in the mortar and pounded to remove the pellicle. Usually only +sufficient rice is threshed and cleaned for the consumption of one +or two days. When the pellicle has been pounded loose the grain is +winnowed on a large round tray by a series of dexterous movements, +removing all chaff and dirt with scarcely the loss of a kernel of +good rice. + +The work of threshing, hulling, and winnowing usually falls to the +women and girls, but is sometimes performed by the men when their +women are preoccupied. At one time when an American wished two or +three bushels of palay threshed, as horse food for the trail, three +Bontoc men performed the work in the classic treadmill manner. They +spread a mat on the earth, covered it with palay, and then tread, +or rather "rubbed," out the kernels with their bare feet. They often +scraped up the mass with their feet, bunching it and rubbing it in +a way that strongly suggested hands. + +Rice is cooked in water without salt. An earthern pot is half filled +with the grain and is then filled to the brim with cold water. In +about twenty minutes the rice is cooked, filling the vessel, and +the water is all absorbed or evaporated. If there is no great haste, +the rice sets ten or fifteen minutes longer while the kernels dry out +somewhat. As the Igorot cooks rice, or, for that matter, as the native +anywhere in the Islands cooks it, the grains are not mashed and mussed +together, but each kernel remains whole and separate from the others. + +Cooked rice, ma-kan', is almost always eaten with the fingers, being +crowded into the mouth with the back of the thumb. In Bontoc, Samoki, +Titipan, Mayinit, and Ganang salt is either sprinkled on the rice +after it is dished out or is tasted from the finger tips during the +eating. In some pueblos, as at Tulubin, almost no salt is eaten at +any time. When rice alone is eaten at a meal a family of five adults +eats about ten Bontoc manojo of rice per day. + +Beans are cooked in the form of a thick soup, but without salt. Beans +and rice, each cooked separately, are frequently eaten together; +such a dish is called "sib-fan'." Salt is eaten with sib-fan' by +those pueblos which commonly consume salt. + +Maize is husked, silked, and then cooked on the cob. It is eaten from +the cob, and no salt is used either in the cooking or eating. + +Camotes are eaten raw a great deal about the pueblo, the sementera, +and the trail. Before they are cooked they are pared and generally +cut in pieces about 2 inches long; they are boiled without salt. They +are eaten alone at many meals, but are relished best when eaten with +rice. They are always eaten from the fingers. + +One dish, called "ke-le'-ke," consists of camotes, pared and sliced, +and cooked and eaten with rice. This is a ceremonial dish, and is +always prepared at the lis-lis ceremony and at a-su-fal'-i-wis or +sugar-making time. + +Camotes are always prepared immediately before being cooked, as they +blacken very quickly after paring. + +Millet is stored in the harvest bunches, and must be threshed before it +is eaten. After being threshed in the wooden mortar the winnowed seeds +are again returned to the mortar and crushed. This crushed grain is +cooked as is rice and without salt. It is eaten also with the hands -- +"fingers" is too delicate a term. + +Some other vegetable foods are also cooked and eaten by the +Igorot. Among them is taro which, however, is seldom grown in the +Bontoc area. Outside the area, both north and south, there are large +sementeras of it cultivated for food. Several wild plants are also +gathered, and the leaves cooked and eaten as the American eats +"greens." + +The Bontoc Igorot also has preferences among his regular flesh +foods. The chicken is prized most; next he favors pork; third, fish; +fourth, carabao; and fifth, dog. Chicken, pork (except wild hog), +and dog are never eaten except ceremonially. Fish and carabao are +eaten on ceremonial occasions, but are also eaten at other times -- +merely as food. + +The interesting ceremonial killing, dressing, and eating of chickens is +presented elsewhere, in the sections on "Death" and "Ceremonials." It +is unnecessary to repeat the information here, as the processes +are everywhere the same, excepting that generally no part of the +fowl, except the feathers, is unconsumed -- head, feet, intestines, +everything, is devoured. + +The hog is ceremonially killed by cutting its throat, not by +"sticking," as is the American custom, but the neck is cut, half +severing the head. At Ambuklao, on the Agno River in Benguet Province, +I saw a hog ceremonially killed by having a round-pointed stick an +inch in diameter pushed and twisted into it from the right side behind +the foreleg, through and between the ribs, and into the heart. The +animal bled internally, and, while it was being cut up by four men +with much ceremony and show, the blood was scooped from the rib basin +where it had gathered, and was mixed with the animal's brains. The +intestines were then emptied by drawing between thumb and fingers, +and the blood and brain mixture poured into them from the stomach +as a funnel. A string of blood-and-brain sausages resulted, when the +intestines were cooked. The mouth of the Bontoc hog is held or tied +shut until the animal is dead. The Benguet hog could be heard for +fifteen minutes at least a quarter of a mile. + +After the Bontoc hog is killed it is singed, cut up, and all put in +the large shallow iron boiler. When cooked it is cut into smaller +pieces, which are passed around to those assembled at the ceremonial. + +Fish are eaten both ceremonially and privately whenever they +may be obtained. The small fish, the kacho, are in no way +cleaned or dressed. Two or three times I saw them cooked and +eaten ceremonially, and was told they are prepared the same way +for private consumption. The fish, scarcely any over 2 inches in +length, were strung on twisted green-grass strings about 6 inches in +length. Several of these strings were tied together and placed in an +olla of water. When cooked they were lifted out, the strings broken +apart, and the fish stripped off into a wooden bowl. Salt was then +liberally strewn over them. A large green leaf was brought as a plate +for each person present, and the fish were divided again and again +until each had an equal share. However, the old men present received +double share, and were served before the others. At one time a man +was present with a nursing babe in his arms, and he was given two +leaves, or two shares, though no one expected the babe could eat its +share. After the fish food was passed to each, the broth was also +liberally salted and then poured into several wooden bowls. At one +fish feast platters of cooked rice and squash were also brought and +set among the people. Handful after handful of solid food followed +its predecessor rapidly to the always-crammed mouth. The fish was +eaten as one might eat sparingly of a delicacy, and the broth was +drunk now and then between mouthfuls. + +Two other fish are also eaten by the Igorot of the area, the liling, +about 4 to 6 inches in length -- also cooked and eaten without dressing +-- and the chalit, a large fish said to acquire the length of 4 feet. + +Several small animals, crustaceans and mollusks, gathered in the +river and picked up in the sementeras by the women, are cooked +and eaten. All these are considered similar to fish and are eaten +similarly. Among these is a bright-red crab called "agkama."[30] +This is boiled and all eaten except part of the back shell and the +hard "pinchers." A shrimp-like crustacean obtained in the irrigated +sementeras is also boiled and eaten entire. A few mollusks are eaten +after being cooked. One, called kitan, I have seen eaten many times; +it is a snail-like animal, and after being boiled it is sucked into the +mouth after the apex of the shell has been bitten or broken off. Two +other animals said to be somewhat similar are called finga and lischug. + +The carabao is killed by spearing and, though also eaten simply as +food, it is seldom killed except on ceremonial occasions, such as +marriages, funerals, the building of a dwelling, and peace and war +feasts whether actual events at the time or feasts in commemoration. + +The chief occasion for eating carabao merely as a food is when an +animal is injured or ill at a time when no ceremonial event is at +hand. The animal is then killed and eaten. All is eaten that can be +masticated. The animal is neither skinned, singed, nor scraped. All is +cut up and cooked together -- hide, hair, hoofs, intestines, and head, +excepting the horns. Carabao is generally not salted in cooking, and +the use of salt in eating the flesh depends on the individual eater. + +Sometimes large pieces of raw carabao meat are laid on high racks +near the dwelling and "dried" in the sun. There are several such +racks in Bontoc, and one can know a long distance from them whether +they hold "dried" meat. If one pueblo, in the area exceeds another in +the strength and unpleasantness of its "dried" meat it is Mayinit, +where on the occasion of a visit there a very small piece of meat +jammed on a stick-like a "taffy stick" -- and joyfully sucked by a +2-year-old babe successfully bombarded and depopulated our camp. + +Various meats, called "it-tag'," as carabao and pork, are "preserved" +by salting down in large bejuco-bound gourds, called "fa'-lay," +or in tightly covered ollas, called "tu-u'-nan." All pueblos in the +area (except Ambawan, which has an unexplained taboo against eating +carabao) thus store away meats, but Bitwagan, Sadanga, and Tukukan +habitually salt large quantities in the fa'-lay. Meats are kept thus +two or three years, though of course the odor is vile. + +The dog ranks last in the list of regular flesh foods of the Bontoc +man. In the Benguet area it ranks second, pork receiving the first +place. The Ibilao does not eat dog -- his dog is a hunter and guard, +giving alarm of the approaching enemy. + +In Bontoc the dog is eaten only on ceremonial occasions. Funerals +and marriages are probably more often celebrated by a dog feast than +are any other of their ceremonials. The animal's mouth is held closed +and his legs secured while he is killed by cutting the throat. Then +his tail is cut off close to the body -- why, I could not learn, +but I once saw it, and am told it always is so. The animal is singed +in the fire and the crisped hair rubbed off with sticks and hands, +after which it is cut up and boiled, and then further cut up and +eaten as is the carabao meat. + +Young babies are sometimes fed hard-boiled fresh eggs, but the Igorot +otherwise does not eat "fresh" eggs, though he does eat large numbers +of stale ones. He prefers to wait, as one of them said, "until +there is something in the egg to eat." He invariably brings stale +or developing eggs to the American until he is told to bring fresh +ones. It is not alone the Igorot who has this peculiar preference -- +the same condition exists widespread in the Archipelago. + +Locusts, or cho'-chon, are gathered, cooked, and eaten by the Igorot, +as by all other natives in the Islands. They are greatly relished, +but may be had in Bontoc only irregularly -- perhaps once or twice +for a week or ten days each year, or once in two years. They are +cooked in boiling water and later dried, whereupon they become crisp +and sweet. By some Igorot they are stored away, but I can not say +whether they are kept in Bontoc any considerable time after cooking. + +The locusts come in storms, literally like a pelting, large-flaked +snowstorm, driving across the country for hours and even days at a +time. All Igorot have large scoop nets for catching them and immense +bottle-like baskets in which to put them and transport them home. The +locust catcher runs along in the storm, and, whirling around in it with +his large net, scoops in the victims. Many families sometimes wander +a week or more catching locusts when they come to their vicinity, and +cease only when miles from home. The cry of "enemy" will scarcely set +an Igorot community astir sooner than will the cry of "cho'-chon." The +locust is looked upon by them as a very manna from heaven. Pi-na-lat' +is a food of cooked locusts pounded and mixed with uncooked rice. All +is salted down in an olla and tightly covered over with a vegetable +leaf or a piece of cloth. When it is eaten the mixture is cooked, +though this cooking does not kill the strong odor of decay. + +Other insect foods are also eaten. I once saw a number of men +industriously robbing the large white "eggs" from an ant nest in +a tree. The nest was built of leaves attached by a web. Into the +bottom of this closed pocket the men poked a hole with a long stick, +letting a pint or more of the white pupae run out on a winnowing tray +on the earth. From this tray the furious ants were at length driven, +and the eggs taken home for cooking. + + +Beverages + +The Igorot drinks water much more than any other beverage. On the +trail, though carrying loads while the American may walk empty handed, +he drinks less than the American. He seldom drinks while eating, +though he makes a beverage said to be drunk only at mealtime. After +meals he usually drinks water copiously. + +Ba-si is the Igorot name of the fermented beverage prepared from sugar +cane. "Ba-si," under various names, is found widespread throughout +the Islands. The Bontoc man makes his ba-si in December. He boils +the expressed juice of the sugar cane about six hours, at which time +he puts into it a handful of vegetable ferment obtained from a tree +called "tub-fig'." This vegetable ferment is gathered from the tree +as a flower or young fruit; it is dried and stored in the dwelling +for future use. The brewed liquid is poured into a large olla, +the flat-bottom variety called "fu-o-foy'" manufactured expressly +for ba-si, and then is tightly covered over and set away in the +granary. In five days the ferment has worked sufficiently, and the +beverage may be drunk. It remains good about four months, for during +the fifth or sixth month it turns very acid. + +Ba-si is manufactured by the men alone. Tukukan and Titipan manufacture +it to sell to other pueblos; it is sold for about half a peso per +gallon. It is drunk quite a good deal during the year, though mostly +on ceremonial occasions. Men frequently carry a small amount of it +with them to the sementeras when they guard them against the wild hogs +during the long nights. They say it helps to keep them warm. One glass +of ba-si will intoxicate a person not accustomed to drink it, though +the Igorot who uses it habitually may drink two or three glasses before +intoxication. Usually a man drinks only a few swallows of it at a time, +and I never saw an Igorot intoxicated except during some ceremony and +then not more than a dozen in several months. Women never drink ba-si. + +Ta-pu-i is a fermented drink made from rice, the cha-yet'-it variety, +they say, grown in Bontoc pueblo. It is a very sweet and sticky rice +when cooked. This beverage also is found practically everywhere in the +Archipelago. Only a small amount of the cha-yet'-it is grown by Bontoc +pueblo. To manufacture ta-pu-i the rice is cooked and then spread on a +winnowing tray until it is cold. When cold a few ounces of a ferment +called "fu-fud" are sprinkled over it and thoroughly stirred in; all +is then put in an olla, which is tied over and set away. The ferment +consists of cane sugar and dry raw rice pounded and pulverized together +to a fine powder. This is then spread in the sun to dry and is later +squeezed into small balls some 2 inches in diameter. This ferment will +keep a year. When needed a ball is pulverized and sprinkled fine over +the cooked rice. An olla of rice prepared for ta-pu-i will be found +in one day half filled with the beverage. + +Ta-pu-i will keep only about two months. It is never drunk by the +women, though they do eat the sweet rice kernels from the jar, +and they, as well as the men, manufacture it. It is claimed never +to be manufactured in the Bontoc area for sale. A half glass of the +beverage will intoxicate. At the end of a month the beverage is very +intoxicating, and is then commonly weakened with water. Ta-pu-i is +much preferred to ba-si. + +The Bontoc man prepares another drink which is filthy, and, even they +themselves say, vile smelling. It is called "sa-fu-eng'," is drunk at +meals, and is prepared as follows: Cold water is first put in a jar, +and into it are thrown cooked rice, cooked camotes, cooked locusts, +and all sorts of cooked flesh and bones. The resulting liquid is drunk +at the end of ten days, and is sour and vinegar-like. The preparation +is perpetuated by adding more water and solid ingredients -- it does +not matter much what they are. + +The odor of sa-fu-eng' is the worst stench in Bontoc. I never closely +investigated the beverage personally -- but I have no reason to doubt +what the Igorot says of it; but if all is true, why is it not fatal? + + +Salt + +Throughout the year the pueblo of Mayinit produces salt from a number +of brackish hot springs occupying about an acre of ground at the +north end of the pueblo. + +Mayinit has a population of about 1,000 souls, probably half of whom +are directly interested in salt production. It is probable that the +pueblo owes its location to the salt springs, although adjoining it +to the south is an arable valley now filled with rice sementeras, +which may first have drawn the people. + +The hot springs slowly raise their water to the surface, where it +flows along in shallow streams. Over these streams, or rather sheets of +sluggish water, the Igorot have built 152 salt houses, usually about +12 feet wide and from 12 to 25 feet long. The houses, well shown in +Pl. CXV, are simply grass-covered roofs extending to the earth. + +There is no ownership in the springs to-day -- just as there is no +ownership in springs which furnish irrigating water -- one owns the +water that passes into his salt house, but has no claim on that which +passes through it and flows out below. So each person has ownership of +all and only all the water he can use within his plant, and the people +claim there are no disputes between owners of houses -- as they look +at it, each owner of a salt house has an equal chance to gather salt. + +The ground space of the salt house is closely paved with cobblestones +from 4 to 6 inches in diameter. The water passes among the bases of +these stones, and the salt is deposited in a thin crust over their +surface. (See Pl. CXVI.) + +These houses are inherited, and, as a consequence, several persons +may ultimately have proprietary interest in one house. In such a case +the ground space is divided, often resulting in many twig-separated +patches, as is shown in fig. 7. + +About once each month the salt is gathered. The women of the family +work naked in the stream-filled house, washing the crust of salt from +the stones into a large wooden trough, called "ko-long'-ko." Each +stone is thoroughly washed and then replaced in the pavement. The +saturated brine is preserved in a gourd until sufficient is gathered +for evaporation. + + +FIGURE 7 + +Ground plan of Mayinit salt house. + + +Two or more families frequently join in evaporating their salt. The +brine is boiled in the large, shallow iron boilers, and from half a +day to a day is necessary to effect the evaporation. Evaporation is +discontinued when the salt is reduced to a thick paste. + +The evaporated salt is spread in a half-inch layer on a piece of banana +leaf cut about 5 inches square. The leaf of paste is supported by two +sticks on, but free from, a piece of curved broken pottery which is +the baking pan. The salt thus prepared for baking is set near a fire +in the dwelling where it is baked thirty or forty minutes. It is then +ready for use at home or for commerce, and is preserved in the square, +flat cakes called "luk'-sa." + +Analyses have been made of Mayinit salt as prepared by the crude +method of the Igorot. The showing is excellent when the processes +are considered, the finished salt having 86.02 per cent of sodium +chloride as against 90.68 per cent for Michigan common salt and 95.35 +for Onondaga common salt. + +Table of salt composition + + +Constituent elements +Mayinit salt[31] +Common fine -- + + +Saturated brine +Evaporated salt +Baked salt +Michigan salt[32] +Onondaga salt. + + +PER CENT +PER CENT +PER CENT +PER CENT +PER CENT + +Calcium sulphate +0.73 +1.50 +0.46 +0.805 +1.355 + +Sodium sulphate +.92 +6.28 +10.03 + -- + -- + +Sodium chloride +7.95 +72.19 +86.02 +90.682 +95.353 + +Insoluble matter +2.14 +.16 +.45 + -- + -- + +Water +88.03 +19.19 +1.78 +6.752 +3.000 + +Undetermined +.23 +.68 +.1.26 + -- + -- + +Calcium chloride + -- + -- + -- +.974 +.155 + +Magnesium chloride + -- + -- + -- +.781 +.136 + +Total +100 +100 +100 +99.994 +99.999 + + +One house produces from six to thirty cakes of salt at each baking. A +cake is valued at an equivalent of 5 cents, thus making an average +salt house, producing, say, fifteen cakes per month, worth 9 pesos +per year. Salt houses are seldom sold, but when they are they claim +they sell for only 3 or 4 pesos. + + +Sugar + +In October and November the Bontoc Igorot make sugar from cane. The +stalks are gathered, cut in lengths of about 20 inches, tied in bundles +a foot in diameter, and stored away until the time for expressing +the juice. + +The sugar-cane crusher, shown in Pl. CXVIII, consists of two sometimes +of three, vertical, solid, hard-wood cylinders set securely to revolve +in two horizontal timbers, which, in turn, are held in place by two +uprights. One of the cylinders projects above the upper horizontal +timber and has fitted over it, as a key, a long double-end sweep. This +main cylinder conveys its power to the others by means of wooden cogs +which are set firmly in the wood and play into sockets dug from the +other cylinder. Boys commonly furnish the power used to crush the cane, +and there is much song and sport during the hours of labor. + +Two people, usually boys, sitting on both sides of the crusher, feed +the cane back and forth. Three or four stalks are put through at a +time, and they are run through thirty or forty times, or until they +break into pieces of pulp not over three or four inches in length. + +The juice runs down a slide into a jar set in the ground beneath +the crusher. + +The boiling is done in large shallow iron boilers over an +open fire under a roof. I have known the Igorot to operate the +crusher until midnight, and to boil down the juice throughout the +night. Sugar-boiling time is known as a-su-fal'-i-wis. + +A delicious brown cake sugar is made, which, in some parts of the +area, is poured to cool and is preserved in bamboo tubes, in other +parts it is cooked and preserved in flat cakes an inch in thickness. + +There is not much sugar made in the area, and a large part of the +product is purchased by the Ilokano. The Igorot cares very little for +sweets; even the children frequently throw away candy after tasting it. + + +Meals and mealtime + +The man of the family arises about 3.30 or 4 o'clock in the morning. He +builds the fires and prepares to cook the family breakfast and the +food for the pigs. A labor generally performed each morning is the +paring of camotes. In about half an hour after the man arises the +camotes and rice are put over to cook. The daughters come home from +the olag, and the boys from their sleeping quarters shortly before +breakfast. Breakfast, called "mang-an'," meaning simply "to eat," +is taken by all members of the family together, usually between 5 and +6 o'clock. For this meal all the family, sitting on their haunches, +gather around three or four wooden dishes filled with steaming hot food +setting on the earth. They eat almost exclusively from their hands, +and seldom drink anything at breakfast, but they usually drink water +after the meal. + +The members of the family who are to work away from the dwelling +leave about 7 or 7.30 o'clock -- but earlier, if there is a rush of +work. If the times are busy in the fields, the laborers carry their +dinner with them; if not, all members assemble at the dwelling and +eat their dinner together about 1 o'clock. This midday meal is often +a cold meal, even when partaken in the house. + +Field laborers return home about 6.30, at which time it is too dark +to work longer, but during the rush seasons of transplanting and +harvesting palay the Igorot generally works until 7 or 7.30 during +moonlight nights. All members of the family assemble for supper, and +this meal is always a warm one. It is generally cooked by the man, +unless there is a boy or girl in the family large enough to do it, +and who is not at work in the fields. It is usually eaten about 7 or +7.30 o'clock, on the earth floor, as is the breakfast. A light is used, +a bright, smoking blaze of the pitch pine. It burns on a flat stone +kept ready in every house -- it is certainly the first and crudest +house lamp, being removed in development only one infinitesimal step +from the Stationary fire. This light is also sometimes employed at +breakfast time, if the morning meal is earlier than the sun. + +Usually by 8 o'clock the husband and wife retire for the night, +and the children leave home immediately after supper. + + +Transportation + +The human is the only beast of burden in the Bontoc area. Elsewhere +in northern Luzon the Christianized people employ horses, cattle, +and carabaos as pack animals. Along the coastwise roads cattle and +carabaos haul two-wheel carts, and in the unirrigated lowland rice +tracts these same animals drag sleds surmounted by large basket-work +receptacles for the palay. The Igorot has doubtless seen all of these +methods of animal transportation, but the conditions of his home are +such that he can not employ them. + +He has no roads for wheels; neither carabaos, cattle, nor horses could +go among his irrigated sementeras; and he has relatively few loads of +produce coming in and going out of his pueblo. Such loads as he has +can be transported by himself with greater safety and speed than by +quadrupeds; and so, since he almost never moves his place of abode, +he has little need of animal transportation. + +To an extent the river is employed to transport boards, timbers, +and firewood to both Bontoc and Samoki during the high water of the +rainy season. Probably one-fourth of the firewood is borne by the +river a part of its journey to the pueblos. But there is no effort +at comprehensive water transportation; there are no boats or rafts, +and the wood which does float down the river journeys in single pieces. + +The characteristic of Bontoc transportation is that the men invariably +carry all their heavy loads on their shoulders, and the women as +uniformly transport theirs on their heads. + +In Benguet all people carry on their backs, as also do the women of +the Quiangan area. + +In all heavy transportation the Bontoc men carry the spear, using the +handle as a staff, or now and then as a support for the load; the women +frequently carry a stick for a staff. Man's common transportation +vehicle is the ki-ma'-ta, and in it he carries palay, camotes, and +manure. He swings along at a pace faster than the walk, carrying +from 75 to 100 pounds. He carries all firewood from the mountains, +directly on his bare shoulders. Large timbers for dwellings are borne +by two or more men directly on the shoulders; and timbers are now, +season of 1903, coming in for a schoolhouse carried by as many as +twenty-four men. Crosspieces, as yokes, are bound to the timbers with +bark lashings, and two or four men shoulder each yoke. + +Rocks built into dams and dikes are carried directly on the bare +shoulders. Earth, carried to or from the building sementeras, in the +trails, or about the dwellings, is put first in the tak-o-chug', the +basket-work scoop, holding about 30 or 40 pounds of earth, and this +is carried by wooden handles lashed to both sides and is dumped into +a transportation basket, called "ko-chuk-kod'." This is invariably +hoisted to the shoulder when ready for transportation. When men carry +water the fang'-a or olla is placed directly on the shoulder as are +the rocks. + +When the man is to be away from home over night he usually carries his +food and blanket, if he has one, in the waterproof fang'-ao slung on +his back and supported by a bejuco strap passing over each shoulder +and under the arm. This is the so-called "head basket," and, as a +matter of fact, is carried on war expeditions by those pueblos that +use it, though it is also employed in more peaceful occupations. As +a cargador the man carries his burdens on the shoulder in three ways +-- either double, the cargo on a pole between two men; or singly, +with the cargo divided and tied to both ends of the pole; or singly, +with the cargo laid directly on the shoulder. + +Women carry as large burdens as do the men. They have two commonly +employed transportation baskets, neither of which have I seen a man +even so much as pick up. These are the shallow, pan-shaped lu'-wa +and the deeper, larger tay-ya-an'. In these two baskets, and also at +times in the man's ki-ma'-ta, the women carry the same things as are +borne by the men. Not infrequently the woman uses her two baskets +together at the same time -- the tay-ya-an' setting in the lu'-wa, +as is shown in Pls. CXIX and CXXI. When she carries the ki-ma'-ta she +places the middle of the connecting pole, the pal-tang on her head, +with one basket before her and the other behind. At all times the +woman wears on her head beneath her burden a small grass ring 5 or 6 +inches in diameter, called a "ki'-kan." Its chief function is that of +a cushion, though when her burden is a fang'-a of water the ki'-kan +becomes also a base -- without which the round-bottomed olla could +not be balanced on her head without the support of her hands. + +The woman's rain protector is often brought home from the camote +gardens bottom up on the woman's head full of camote vines as food +for the pigs, or with long, dry grass for their bedding. And, as has +been noted, all day long during April and May, when there were no +camote vines, women and little girls were going about bearing their +small scoop-shaped sug-fi' gathering wild vegetation for the hogs. + +Almost all of the water used in Bontoc is carried from the river to the +pueblo, a distance ranging from a quarter to half a mile. The women +and girls of a dozen years or more probably transport three-fourths +of the water used about the house. It is carried in 4 to 6 gallon +ollas borne on the head of the woman or shoulder of the man. Women +totally blind, and many others nearly blind, are seen alone at the +river getting water. + +About half the women and many of the men who go to the river daily +for water carry babes. Children from 1 to 4 years old are frequently +carried to and from the sementeras by their parents, and at all +times of the day men, women, and children carry babes about the +pueblo. They are commonly carried on the back, sitting in a blanket +which is slung over one shoulder, passing under the other, and tied +across the breast. Frequently the babe is shifted forward, sitting +astride the hip. At times, though rarely, it is carried in front of +the person. A frequent sight is that of a woman with a babe in the +blanket on her back and an older child astride her hip supported by +her encircling arm. + +When one sees a woman returning from the river to the pueblo at +sundown a child on her back and a 6-gallon jar of water on her head, +and knows that she toiled ten or twelve hours that day in the field +with her back bent and her eyes on the earth like a quadruped, and +yet finds her strong and joyful, he believes in the future of the +mountain people of Luzon if they are guided wisely -- they have the +strength and courage to toil and the elasticity of mind and spirit +necessary for development. + + +Commerce + +The Bontoc Igorot has a keen instinct for a bargain, but his importance +as a comerciante has been small, since his wants are few and the +state of feud is such that he can not go far from home. + +His bargain instinct is shown constantly. The American stranger is +charged from two to ten times the regular price for things he wishes +to buy. Early in April of the last two years the price of palay +for the American has, on a plea of scarcity, advanced 20 per cent, +although it has been proved that there is at all times enough palay +in the pueblo for three years' consumption. + +Rather than spoil a possible high price of a product, outside pueblos +have left articles overnight with Bontoc friends to be sold to the +American next day at his own price, and when those pueblos came again +to vend similar wares the high prices were maintained. + + +Barter + +Most commerce is carried on by barter. Within a pueblo naturally having +neither stores nor a legalized currency people trade among themselves, +but the word "barter" as here used means the systematic exchange of +the products of one community for those of another. + +To note the articles produced for commerce by two or three pueblos will +give a fair illustration of the importance which interpueblo commerce +carried on entirely by barter has assumed among the Igorot. of the +Bontoc culture group, though the comerciante rarely remains from home +more than one night at a time. + +The luwa, the woman's shallow transportation basket, is made by the +pueblo of Samoki only, and it is employed by fifteen or eighteen other +pueblos. Samoki also makes the akaug, or rice sieve, which is used +commonly in the vicinity. Bontoc and Samoki alone make the woman's +deeper transportation basket, the tayyaan, and it is used quite as +extensively as is the luwa. + +The sleeping hat is made only by Bontoc and Samoki; it goes extensively +in commerce. The large winnowing tray employed universally by the +Igorot is said to be made nowhere in the vicinity except in Samoki and +Kamyu. Bontoc and Samoki alone make the man's dirt scoop, the takochug, +and it is invariably employed by all men laboring in the sementeras. + +Neither Bontoc nor Samoki is within the zone of bejuco, from +which a considerable part of their basket work is made, and, as a +consequence, the raw material is bartered for from pueblos one or +two days distant. Barlig furnishes most of the bejuco. Every manojo +of Bontoc and Samoki palay is tied up at harvest time with a strip of +one variety of bamboo called "fika" made by the pueblos from sections +of bamboo brought in bundles from a day's journey westward to barter +during April and May. The rain hat of the Bontoc man is coated with +beeswax coming in trade from Barlig, as does also the clear and pure +resin used by the women of Samoki in glazing their pots. + +Towns to the east of Bontoc, such as Tukukan, Sakasakan, and Tinglayan, +grow tobacco which passes westward in trade from town to town nearly, +if not quite, through the Province of Lepanto. It doubles its value +for about every day of its journey, or at each trading. + +Samoki pottery and the salt of Mayinit offer as good illustrations as +there are of the Igorot barter. A dozen loads of earthenware, from +sixty to seventy-five pots, leave Samoki at one time destined for a +single pueblo (see Pl. CXXIII). The Samoki pot is made for a definite +trade. Titipan uses many of a certain kind for her commercial basi and +the potters say that they make pots somewhat different for about all +the two dozen pueblos supplied by them. The potter has learned the art +of catering to the trade. There is not only a variety of forms made +but the capacity of the fangas ranges from about one quart to ten and +twelve gallons, and each variety is made to satisfy a particular and +known demand. Samoki ware seldom passes as far east as Sakasakan, only +four or five hours distant, because similar ware is made in Bituagan, +which supplies not only Sakasakan but the pueblos farther up the river. + +There are supposed to be between 280 and 290 families dwelling +in Bontoc, and, at a conservative estimate, each family has eight +fangas. Each dwelling of a widow has several, so it is a fair estimate +to say there are 300 dwellings in the pueblo, having a total of 2,400 +fangas. Samoki has about 1,200 fangas in daily use. The estimated +population of the several towns that use Samoki pots is 24,000. + +There is about one pot per individual in daily use in Bontoc and +Samoki, and this estimate is probably fair for the other pueblos. So +about 24,000 Samoki pots are daily in use, and this number is +maintained by the potters. Igorot claim the average life of a fanga +of Samoki is one year or less, so the pueblo must sell at least +24,000 pots per annum. At the average price of 5 centavos about the +equivalent of 1,200 pesos come to the pueblo annually from this art, +or about 40 pesos for each of the thirty potters, whether or not she +works at her art. A few years ago, during a severe state of feud, +Samoki pots increased in value about thirty-fold; it is said that the +potters purchased carabao for ten large ollas each. To-day the large +ollas are worth about 2 pesos, and carabaos are valued at from 40 to +70 pesos. + +Mayinit salt passes in barter to about as many pueblos as do the +Samoki pots, but while the pots go westward to the border of the +Bontoc culture area the salt passes far beyond the eastern border, +being bartered from pueblo to pueblo. It does not go far north of +Mayinit, or go at all regularly far west, because those pueblos within +access of the China Sea coast buy salt evaporated from sea water by +the Ilokano of Candon. In April at two different times twelve loads +of Candon salt passed eastward through Bontoc on the shoulders of +Tukukan men, but during the rainy season and the busy planting and +harvesting months Mayinit salt supplies a large demand. + +In Bontoc and Samoki there are about one hundred and fifty gold +earrings which came from the gold-producing country about Suyak, +Lepanto Province. Carabaos are almost invariably traded for +these. Sometimes one carabao, sometimes two, and again three are +bartered for one gold earring. During the months of March and April +the pueblo of Balili traded three of these earrings to Bontoc men +for carabaos, and this particular form of barter has been carried on +for generations. + +Balili, Alap, Sadanga, Takong, Sagada, Titipan and other pueblos +between Bontoc pueblo and Lepanto Province to the west weave +breechcloths and skirts which are brought by their makers and disposed +of to Bontoc and adjacent pueblos. Agawa, Genugan, and Takong bring in +clay and metal pipes of their manufacture. Much of these productions +is bartered directly for palay. If money is paid for the articles it +is invariably turned into palay, because this is the greatest constant +need of manufacturing Igorot pueblos. + + +Sale + +The Spaniard left his impress on the Igorot of Bontoc pueblo in no +realm probably more surely than in that of the appreciation of the +value of money. + +The sale instinct, and not the barter instinct, is foremost now in +Bontoc and Samoki when an American is a party to a bargain, and +this is true in all pueblos on the main trail to Lepanto and the +west coast. But one has little difficulty in bartering for Igorot +productions if he has things the people want -- such as brass wire, +cloth for the woman's skirt, the man's breechcloth, a shirt, or +coat. In many pueblos the people try to buy for money the articles +the American brings in for barter, although it is true that barter +will often get from them many things which money can not buy. To +the northeast and south of Bontoc barter will purchase practically +anything. + +The conditions of peace among the pueblos since the arrival of the +Americans and the money which is now everywhere within the area have +been the important factors in helping to develop interpueblo commerce +from barter to sale. + +Most of the clothing worn in the pueblos of Lepanto Province is made +from cotton purchased for money at the coast. With few exceptions the +breechcloths and blankets worn by Bontoc and Samoki are purchased for +money, though it is not very many years since the bark breechcloth made +in Titipan and Barlig was worn, and in Tulubin, only two hours distant, +Barlig blankets and breechcloths of whole bark are worn to-day. + +One week in April a Bontoc Igorot traded a carabao to an Ilokano of +Lepanto Province for a copper ganza, the customary way of purchasing +ganzas, and the following week another Bontoc man sold a carabao for +money to another Lepanto Ilokano. + +The Baliwang battle-ax and spear are now more generally sold for +money than is any other production made or disposed of within the +Bontoc area. They are said to-day to be seldom bartered for. + + +Medium of exchange + +That a people with such incipient social and political institutions +as has the Bontoc Igorot should have developed a "money" is +remarkable. The North American Indian with his strong tendency and +adaptability to political organization had no such money. Nothing +of the kind has been presented as belonging to the Australian of +ultrasocial development, and I am not aware that anything equal +has been produced by other similar primitive peoples. However, +it seems not improbable that allied tribes (say, of Malayan stock) +which have solved the problem of subsistence in a like way have a +similar currency, although I find no mention of it among four score +of writers whose observations on similar tribes of Borneo have come +to hand, and nothing similar has yet been found in the Philippines. + +The Bontoc Igorot has a "medium of exchange" which gives a "measure +of exchange value" for articles bought and sold, and which has a +"standard of value." In other words he has "good money" probably the +best money that could have been devised by him for his society. It +is his staple product -- palay, the unthreshed rice. + +Palay is at all times good money, and it is the thing commonly +employed in exchange. It answers every purpose of a suitable medium +of exchange. It is always in demand, since it is the staple food. It +is kept eight or ten years without deterioration. Except when used to +purchase clothing, it is seldom heavier or more difficult to transport +than is the object for which it is exchanged. It is of very stable +value, so much so that as a purchaser of Igorot labor and products +its value is constant; and it can not be counterfeited. + +Aside from this universal medium of exchange the characteristic +production of each community, in a minor way, answers for the community +the needs of a medium of exchange. + +Samoki buys many things with her pots, such as tobacco and salt +from Mayinit; cloth from Igorot comerciantes, breechcloth and basi +from the Igorot producers; chickens, pigs, palay, and camotes from +neighboring pueblos. Mayinit uses her salt in much the same way, +only probably to a less extent. Salt is not consumed by all the people. + +To-day, as formerly, the live pig and hog and pieces of pork and +carabao meat are used a great deal in barter. As far back as the +pueblo memory extends pigs have been used to purchase a particularly +good breechcloth called "balakes," made in Balangao, three days east +of Bontoc. + +In all sales the medium of exchange is entirely in coin. Paper will not +be received by the Igorot. The peso (the Spanish and Mexican silver +dollar) passes in the area at the rate of two to one with American +money. There is also the silver half peso, the peseta or one-fifth +peso, and the half peseta. The latter two are not plentiful. The only +other coin is the copper "sipen." + +No centavos (cents) reach the districts of Lepanto and Bontoc from +Manila, and for years the Igorot of the copper region of Suyak and +Mankayan, Lepanto, have manufactured a counterfeit copper coin +called "sipen." All the half-dozen copper coins current in the +active commercial districts of the Islands are here counterfeited, +and the "sipen" passes at the high rate of 80 per peso; it is common +and indispensable. A crude die is made in clay, and has to be made +anew for each "sipen" coined. The counterfeit passes throughout +the area, but in Tinglayan, just beyond its eastern border, it is +not known. Within two days farther east small coins are unknown, +the peso being the only money value in common knowledge. + + +Measure of exchange value + +The Igorot has as clear a conception of the relative value of two +things bartered as has the civilized man when he buys or sells for +money. The value of all things, from a 5-cent block of Mayinit salt +to a P70 carabao, is measured in palay. To-day, as formerly, every +bargain between two Igorot is made on the basis of the palay value +of the articles bought or sold. This is so even though the payment +is in money. + + +Standard of value + +The standard of value of the palay currency is the sin fing-e' -- +the Spanish "manojo," or handful -- a small bunch of palay tied up +immediately below the fruit heads. It is about one foot long, half head +and half straw. The value of such a standard is not entirely uniform, +and yet there is a great uniformity in the size of the sin fing-e', +and all values are satisfactorily taken from it. + + +Palay currency + +An elaborate palay currency has been evolved from the standard, +of which the following are the denominations: + + + +Denomination +Number of handfuls + +Sin fing-e' +1 + +Sin i'-ting +5 + +Chu'-wa i'-ting +10 + +To-lo' i'-ting +15 + +I'-pat i'-ting +20 + +Pu'-ak or gu'-tad +25 + +Sin fu tek' +50 + +Sin fu-tek' pu'-ak +75 + +Chu'-wa fu-tek' +100 + +To-lo' fu-tek' +150 + +I'-pat fu-tek' +200 + +Li-ma' fu-tek' +250 + +I-nim' fu-tek' +300 + +Pi-to' fu-tek' +350 + +Wa-lo' fu-tek' +400 + +Si-am' fu-tek' +450 + +Sim-po'-o fu-tek' +500 + +Sin-o'-po +1,000 + + + +Trade routes + +Commerce passes quite commonly within the Bontoc culture area from +one pueblo to the next, and even to the second and third pueblos if +they are friends; but the general direction is along the main river +(the Chico), southwest and northeast, since here the people cling. This +being the case, those living to the south and north of this line have +much less commerce than those along the river route. For instance, +practically no people now pass through Ambawan, southeast of Bontoc. It +is the last pueblo in the area along the old Spanish calzada between +the culture areas of Bontoc and Quiangan to the south. No people live +farther southward along the route for nearly a day, and the first +pueblos met are enemies of Ambawan, fearful and feared. The only +commerce between the two culture areas over this route passes when a +detachment of native Constabulary soldiers makes the journey. Naturally +the area traversed by a comerciante is limited by the existing +feuds. The trader will not go among enemies without escort. + +Besides the general trade route up and down the river, there is one +between Bontoc and Barlig to the east via Kanyu and Tulubin. At Barlig +the trail splits, one branch running farther eastward through Lias +and Balangao and the other going southward through the Cambulo area +-- a large valley of people said to be similar in culture to those +of Quiangan. + +Another route from Bontoc leaves the main trail at Titipan and joins +the pueblos of Tunnolang, Fidelisan, and Agawa in a general southwest +direction. From Agawa the trail crosses the mountains, keeping its +general southwest course. It turns westward at the Rio Balasian, +which it follows to Ankiling on the Rio del Abra. The route is then +along the main road to Candon on the coast via Salcedo. + +Mayinit, the salt-producing pueblo, has her outlet on the main +trail via Bontoc, but she also passes eastward to the main trail at +Sakasakan, going through Baliwang, the battle-ax pueblo. She has no +outlet to the north. + + +Trade languages and traders + +Since the commerce is to-day nearly all interpueblo, the common +language of the Igorot is used almost exclusively in trade. While +the Spaniards were occupying the country, Chinamen -- the "Chino" +of the Islands -- passed up from the coast as far as Bontoc, and even +farther; the Ilokano also came. They brought much of the iron now in +the country, and also came with brass wire, cloth, cotton, gangsas, +and salt. These two classes of traders took out, in the main, the +money and carabaos of the Igorot, and the Spaniard's coffee, cocoa, +and money. To-day no comerciante from the coast dares venture farther +inland than Sagada. Of the tradesmen the Chinese did not apparently +affect the trade language at all, since the Chino commonly employs +the Ilokano language. The Spanish gave the words of salutation, as +"Buenos dias" (good day) and "a Dios" (adieu); he also gave some +of the names of coins. The peso, the silver dollar, is commonly +called "peho." However, the medio peso is known as "thalepi," from +the Ilokano "salepi." The peseta is called "peseta;" and the media +peseta is known as "dies ay seis" (ten and six), or, simply, "seis" +-- it is from the Spanish, meaning sixteen quartos. + +The Ilokano language was the more readily adopted, since it is of +Malayan origin, and is heard west of the Igorot with increasing +frequency until its home is reached on the coast. Among the Ilokano +words common in the language of commerce are the following: + +Ma'-no, how much; a-sin', salt; ba'-ag, breechcloth; bu-ya'-ang, black; +con-di'-man, red; fan-cha'-la, blanket, white, with end stripes; +pas-li-o', Chinese bar iron from which axes, spears, and bolos are +made; ba-rot', brass wire; pi-nag-pa'-gan, a woman's blanket of +distinctive design. + +An Americanism used commonly in commercial transactions in the area, +and also widely in northern Luzon, is "no got." It is an expression +here to stay, and its simplicity as a vocalization has had much to +do with its adoption. + + +Stages of commerce + +The commerce of the Igorot illustrates what seems to be the first +distinctively commercial activity. Preceding it is the stage of barter +between people who casually meet and who trade carried possessions +on the whim of the moment. If we wish to dignify this kind of barter, +it may properly be called "Fortuitous Commerce." + +The next stage, one of the two illustrated by the Igorot of the +Bontoc culture area, is that in which commodities are produced +before a widespread or urgent demand exists for them in the minds +of those who eventually become consumers through commerce. Such +commodities result largely from a local demand and a local supply of +raw materials. Gradually they spread over a widening area, carried +by their producers whose home demand is, for the time, supplied, and +who desire some commodity to be obtained among another people. Such +venders never or rarely go alone to exchange their goods, which, +also, are seldom produced by simply one person, but by a number of +individuals or a considerable group. The motive prompting this commerce +is the desire on the part of the trader to obtain the commodity for +which he goes. In order to obtain it in honor, he attempts to thrust +his own productions on the others by carrying his commodities among +them. Commerce in this stage may be called "Irregular Intrusive +Commerce." It also has its birth and development in barter. + +A higher stage of commerce, an immediate outgrowth of the preceding, +is that in which the producer anticipates a known demand for +his commodity, and at irregular times carries his stock to the +consumers. This commerce may be called "Irregular Invited Commerce." It +is in this stage that a medium of exchange is likely to develop. This +class of commerce is also in full operation in Bontoc to-day. + +A higher form is that in which the producer keeps a supply of his +commodity on hand. and periodically displays it repeatedly in a known +place -- a "market." This stage also may be developed simply through +barter, as is seen among certain pueblo Indians of southwestern United +States, but the Bontoc man has not begun to dream of a "market" for +satisfying his material wants. Such commerce may be called "Periodic +Free Commerce." It is widespread in the Philippines, displaying both +barter and sale. In many places in the Archipelago to-day, especially +in Mindanao, periodic commerce is carried on regularly on neutral +territory. Market places are selected where products are put down +by one party which then retires temporarily, and are taken up by the +other party which comes and leaves its own productions in exchange. + +Growing out of these monthly, semimonthly, weekly, biweekly, and +triweekly markets, as one sees them in the Philippines, is a still +higher form of commerce carried on very largely by sale, but not +entirely so. It may be called "Continual Free Commerce." + + +Property right + +The idea of property right among the Igorot is clear. The recognition +of property right is universal, and is seldom disputed, notwithstanding +the fact that the right of ownership rests simply in the memory +of the people -- the only property mark being the ear slit of the +half-wild carabao. + +The majority of property disputes which have come to light since +the Americans have been in Bontoc probably would not have occurred +nor would the occasion for them have existed in a society of Igorot +control. It is claimed in Bontoc that the Spaniard there settled most +disputes which came to him in favor of the party who would pay the +most money. In this way, it is said, the rich became the richer at the +expense of the poor. This condition is suggested by recent RECLAMOS +made by poor people. Again, since the American heard the RECLAMOS +of all classes of people, the poor who, according to Igorot custom, +forfeited sementeras to those richer as a penalty for stealing palay, +have come to dispute the ownership of certain real property. + + +Personal property of individual + +Most articles of personal property are individual. Such property +consists of clothing, ornaments, implements, and utensils of +out-of-door labor, the weapons of warfare, and such chickens, dogs, +hogs, carabaos, food stuffs, and money as the person may have at the +time of marriage or may inherit later. + +Four of the richest men of Bontoc own fifty carabaos each, and one of +them owns thirty hogs. Two other men and a woman, all called equally +rich, own ten head of carabaos each. Others have fewer, while two of +the ten richest men in the pueblo, have no carabaos. Some of these men +have eight granaries, holding from two to three hundred cargoes each, +now full of palay. Carabaos are at present valued in Bontoc at about +50 pesos, and hogs average about 8 pesos. All rich people own one or +more gold earrings valued at from one to two carabaos each. + +The so-called richest man in Bontoc, Lak-ay'-eng, has the following +visible personal property: + + + +Articles +Value in peso + +Fifty carabaos, at 50 pesos each +2,500 + +Thirty hogs, at 8 pesos each +240 + +Eight full granaries, with 250 1-peso cargoes +2,000 + +Eight earrings, at 75 pesos each +600 + +Coin from sale of palay, hogs, etc. +1,000 + +Total +6,340 + + +The above figures are estimates; it is impossible to make them +exact, but they were obtained with much care and are believed to be +sufficiently accurate to be of value. + + +Personal property of group + +All household implements and utensils and all money, food stuffs, +chickens, dogs, hogs, and carabaos accumulated by a married couple +are the joint property of the two. + +Such personal property as hogs and carabaos are frequently owned by +individuals of different families. It is common for three or four +persons to buy a carabao, and even ten have become joint owners of +one animal through purchase. Through inheritance two or more people +become joint owners of single carabao, and of small herds which they +prefer to own in common, pending such an increase that the herd may +be divided equally without slaughtering an animal. Until recent years +two, three, and even four or five men jointly owned one battle-ax. + +As the Igorot acquires more money, or, as the articles desired become +relatively cheaper, personal property of the group (outside the family +group) is giving way to personal property of the individual. The +extinction of this kind of property is logical and is approaching. + + +Real property of individual + +The individual owns dwelling houses, granaries, camote lands about +the dwellings and in the mountains, millet and maize lands. in the +mountains, irrigated rice lands, and mountain lands with forests. In +fact, the individual may own all forms of real property known to +the people. + +It is largely by the possession or nonpossession of real property +that a man is considered rich or poor. This fact is due to the more +apparent and tangible form of real than personal property. The ten +richest people in Bontoc, nine men and a woman, own, it is said, +in round numbers one hundred sementeras each. The average value +of a sementera is 10 pesos for every cargo of palay it produces +annually. A sementera producing 10 cargoes is rated a very good one, +and yet there are those yielding 20, 25, 30, and even 40 cargoes. + +It is practically impossible to get the truth concerning the value of +the personal or real property of the Igorot in Bontoc, because they +are not yet sure the American will not presently tax them unjustly, +as they say the Spaniard did. But the following figures are believed +to be true in every particular. Mang-i-lot', an old man whose ten +children are all dead, and who says his property is no longer of +value because he has no children with whom to leave it, is believed +to have spoken truthfully when he said he has the following sementeras +in the five following geographic areas surrounding the pueblo: + + +Geographic area +Number of sementeras +Number of cargoes produced + +Magkang +6 +15 + +Kogchog +3 +5 + +Felas +1 +8 + +Toyub +1 +5 + +Samuiyu +2 +10 + +Total +13 +43 + + +These sementeras produce the low average of 3 1/3 cargoes. The +average value of Mang-i-lot's' sementeras, then, is 33 1/3 pesos -- +which is thought to be a conservative estimate of the value of the +Bontoc sementera. Mang-i-lot' is rated among the lesser rich men. He +is relatively, as the American says, "well-to-do." However, when a +man possesses twenty sementeras he is considered rich. + +The richest man in Bontoc, with one hundred sementeras, has in them, +say, 3,330 pesos worth of real property in addition to his 6,340 +pesos of personal property. + +It is claimed that each household owns its dwelling and at least two +sementeras and one granary, though a man with no more property than +this is a poor man and some one in his family must work much of the +time for wages, because two average sementeras will not furnish all +the rice needed by a family for food. + +A dwelling house is valued at about 60 pesos, which is less than it +usually costs to build, and a granary is valued at about 10 or 15 +pesos. It is constructed with great care, is valueless unless rodent +proof, and costs much more than its avowed valuation. + +Title to all buildings, building lands in the pueblo, and irrigated +rice lands is recognized for at least two generations, though +unoccupied during that time. They say the right to such unoccupied +property would be recognized perpetually if there were heirs. At +least it is true that there are now acres of unused lands, once +palay sementeras, which have not been cultivated for two generations +because water can not be run to them, and the property right of the +grandsons of the men who last cultivated them is recognized. However, +if one leaves vacant any unirrigated agricultural mountain lands -- +used for millet, maize, or beans -- another person may claim and +plant them in one year's time, and no one disputes his title. + + +Real property of group + +All real property accumulated by a man and woman in marriage is their +joint property as long as both live and remain in union. + +No form of real property, except forests, can be the joint property +of other individuals than man and wife. Forests are most commonly the +property of a considerable group of people -- the descendants of a +single ancestral owner. The lands as well as the trees are owned, and +the sale of trees carries no right to the land on which they grow. It +is impossible even to estimate the value of any one's forest property, +but it is true that persons are recognized as rich or poor in forests. + + +Public property + +Public lands and forests extend in an irregular strip around most +pueblos. There is no public forest, or even public lands, between +Bontoc and Samoki, but Bontoc has access to the forests lying beyond +her sister pueblo. Neither is there public forest, or any forest, +between Bontoc and Tukukan, and Bontoc and Titipan, though there +are public lands. In all other directions from Bontoc public forests +surround the outlying private forests. They are usually from three +to six hours distant. From them any man gathers what he pleases, but +until the American came to Bontoc the Igorot seldom went that far for +wood or lumber, as it was unsafe. Now, however, the individual will +doubtless claim these lands, unless hindered by the Government. In +this manner real property was first accumulated -- a man claimed +public lands and forests which he cared for and dared to appropriate +and use. There have been few irrigated sementeras built on new water +supplies in two generations by people of Bontoc pueblo. The "era of +public lands" for Bontoc has practically passed; there is no more +undiscovered water. However, three new sementeras were built this year +on an island in the river near the pueblo, and are now (May, 1903) full +of splendid palay, but they can not be considered permanent property, +as an excessively rainy season will make them unfit for cultivation. + + +Sale of property + +Personal property commonly passes by transfer for value received from +one party to another. Such a thing as transfer of real property from +one Igorot to another for legal currency is unknown; the transfer is +by barter. The transfer of personal property was considered in the +preceding section on commerce. + +Real property is seldom transferred for value received except at the +death of the owner or a member of the family; at such times it is +common, and occurs from the necessity of quantities of food for the +burial feasts and the urgent need of blankets and other clothing for +the interment. + +Again, camote lands about the dwellings are disposed of to those +who may want to build a dwelling. Dwellings are also disposed of if +the original occupant is to vacate and some other person desires to +possess the buildings. + +Death may destroy one's personal property, such as hogs and +carabaos, but almost never does an Igorot "lose his property," if +it is real. Only a protracted family sickness or a series of deaths +requiring the killing of great numbers of chickens, hogs, and carabaos, +and the purchase of many things necessary for interment can lose to +a person real property of any considerable value. + +There is no formality to a "sale" of property, nor are witnesses +employed. It is common knowledge within the ato when a sale is on, +and the old men shortly know of and talk about the transaction -- +thenceforth it is on record and will stand. + + +Rent, loan, and lease of property + +Until recent years, long after the Spaniards came, it was customary +to loan money and other forms of personal property without interest +or other charge. This generous custom still prevails among most of +the people, but some rich men now charge an interest on money loaned +for one or more years. Actual cases show the rate to be about 6 or 7 +per cent. The custom of loaning for interest was gained from contact +with the Lepanto Igorot, who received it from the Ilokano. + +It is claimed that dwellings and granaries are never rented. + +Irrigated rice lands are commonly leased. Such method of cultivation +is resorted to by the rich who have more sementeras than they can +superintend. The lessee receives one-half of the palay harvested, +and his share is delivered to him. The lessor furnishes all seed, +fertilizers, and labor. He delivers the lessee's share of the harvest +and retains the other half himself, together with the entire camote +crop -- which is invariably grown immediately after the palay harvest. + +Unirrigated mountain camote lands are rented outright; the rent is +usually paid in pigs. A sementera that produces a yield of 10 cargoes +of camotes, valued at about six pesos, is worth a 2-peso pig as annual +rental. In larger sementeras a proportional rental is charged -- a +rental of about 33 1/3 per cent. All rents are paid after the crops +are harvested. + + + +Inheritance and bequest + +As regards property the statement that all men are born equal is as +false in Igorot land as in the United States. The economic status of +the present generation and the preceding one was practically determined +for each man before he was born. It is fair to make the statement that +the rich of the present generation had rich grandparents and the poor +had poor grandparents, although it is true that a large property is +now and then lost sight of in its division among numerous children. + +Children before their marriage receive little permanent property +during the lives of their parents, and they retain none which they +may accumulate themselves. A mother sometimes gives her daughter +the hair dress of white and agate beads, called "apong;" also she +may give a mature daughter her peculiar and rare girdle, called +"akosan." Either parent may give a child a gold earring; I know of +but one such case. This custom of not allowing an unmarried child to +possess permanent property is so rigid that, I am told, an unmarried +son or daughter seldom receives carabaos or sementeras until the +death of the parents, no matter how old the child may be. + +At the time of marriage parents give their children considerable +property, if they have it, giving even one-half the sementeras they +possess. If parents are no longer able to cultivate their lands when +their children marry, they usually give them all they have, and their +wants are faithfully met by the children. + +The conditions presented above are practically the only ones in which +the property owner controls the disposition of his possessions which +pass in gift to kin. + +The laws of inheritance and bequest are as firmly fixed as are the +customs of giving and not giving during life. + +Since all the property of a husband and wife is individual, except +that accumulated by the joint efforts of the two during union, the +property of each is divided on death. The survivor of a matrimonial +union receives no share of the individual property of the deceased +if there are kin. It goes first to the children or grandchildren. If +there are none and a parent survives, it goes to the parent. If there +are neither children, grandchildren, nor parents it goes to brothers +and sisters or their children. If there are none of these relatives +the property goes to the uncles and aunts or cousins. This seems to +be the extent of the kinship recognized by the Igorot. If there are +no relatives the property passes to the survivor of the union. If +there is no survivor the property passes to that friend who takes up +the responsibilities of the funeral and accompanying ceremonies. The +law of inheritance, then, is as follows: First, lineal descendants; +second, ascendants; third, lateral descendants; fourth, surviving +spouse; fifth, self-appointed executor who was a personal friend of +the deceased. + +Primogeniture is recognized, and the oldest living child, whether +male or female, inherits slightly more than any of the others. For +instance, if there were three or four or five sementeras per child, +the eldest would receive one more than the others. + +This law of primogeniture holds at all times, but if there are three +boys and one girl the girl is given about the same advantage over +the others, it is said, as though she were the eldest. If there are +three girls and only one boy, no consideration is taken of sex. When +there are only two children the eldest receives the largest or best +sementera, but he must also take the smallest or poorest one. + +It is said that division of the property of the deceased occurs during +the days of the funeral ceremonies. This was done on the third day +of the ceremonies at the funeral of old Som-kad', mentioned in the +section on "Death and Burial?" The laws are rigid, and all that is +necessary to be done is for the lawful inheritors to decide which +particular property becomes the possession of each. This is neither +so difficult nor so conducive of friction as might seem, since the +property is very undiversified. + + +Tribute, tax, and "rake off" + +There is no true systematic tribute, tax, or "rake off" among +the Bontoc Igorot, nor am I aware that such occurs at all commonly +sporadically. However, tribute, tax, and "rake off" are all found in +pure Malayan culture in the Archipelago, as among the Moros of the +southern islands. + +Tribute may be paid more or less regularly by one group of people +to a stronger, or to one in a position to harass and annoy -- for +the protection of the stronger, or in acknowledgment of submission, +or to avoid harassment or annoyance. Nothing of the sort exists in +Bontoc. The nearest approach to it is the exchange of property, +as carabaos or hogs, between two pueblos at the time a peace is +made between them -- at which time the one sueing for peace makes +by far the larger payment, the other payment being mere form. This +transaction, as it occurs in Bontoc, is a recognition of submission +and of inferiority, and is, as well, a guarantee of a certain amount of +protection. However, such payments are not made at all regularly and do +not stand as true tributes, though in time they might grow to be such. + +Nothing in the nature of a tax for the purpose of supporting a +government exists in Bontoc. The nearest approach to it is in a +practice which grew up in Spanish time but is of Igorot origin. When +to-day cargadors are required by Americans, as when Government supplies +must be brought in, the members of each cargador's ato furnish him +food for the journey, though the cargador personally receives and +keeps the wage for the trip. The furnishing of food seems to spring +from the feeling that the man who goes on the journey is the public +servant of those who remain -- he is doing an unpleasant duty for his +ato fellows. If this were carried one step further, if the rice were +raised and paid for carrying on some regular function of the Igorot +pueblo, it would be a true tax. It may be true, and probably is, in +pure Igorot society that if men were sent by an ato on some mission +for that ato they would receive support while gone. This would readily +develop into a true tax if those public duties were to be performed +continually, or even frequently with regularity. + +"Rake off," or, as it is known in the Orient, "squeeze," is so common +that every one -- Malay, Chino, Japanese, European, and American -- +expects his money to be "squeezed" if it passes through another's +hands or another is instrumental in making a bargain for him. In +much of the Igorot territory surrounding the Bontoc area "rake off" +occurs -- it follows the advent of the "headman." It is one of the +direct causes why, in Igorot society, the headman is almost always +a rich man. During the hunting stage of human development no "rich +man" can come up, as is illustrated by the primitive hunter folk of +North America. As soon, however, as there are productions which may +be traded in, there is a chance for one man to take advantage of his +fellows and accumulate a part of their productions -- this opportunity +occurs among primitive agricultural people. The Bontoc area, however, +has no "headman," no "rich man," and, consequently, no "rake off." + + + +PART 5 + +Political Life and Control + +It is impossible to put one's hand on any one man or any one group +of men in Bontoc pueblo of whom it may be said, "Here is the control +element of the pueblo." + +Nowhere has the Malayan attained national organization. He is known +in the Philippines as a "provincial," but in most districts he is +not even that. The Bontoc Igorot has not even a clan organization, +to say nothing of a tribal organization. I fail to find a trace of +matriarchy or patriarchy, or any mark of a kinship group which traces +relationship farther than first cousins. + +The Spaniard created a "presidente" and a "vice-presidente" for the +various pueblos he sought to control, but these men, as often Ilokano +as Igorot, were the avenue of Spanish approach to the natives -- +they were almost never the natives' mouthpiece. The influence of +such officials was not at all of the nature to create or foster the +feeling of political unity. + +Aside from these two pueblo officers the government and control +of the pueblo is purely aboriginal. Each ato, of which, as has +been noted, there are seventeen, has its group of old men called +"in-tug-tu'-kan." This in-tug-tu'-kan is not an organization, +except that it is intended to be perpetual, and, in a measure, +self-perpetuating. It is a thoroughly democratic group of men, since +it is composed of all the old men in the ato, no matter how wise or +foolish, rich or poor -- no matter what the man's social standing may +be. Again, it is democratic -- the simplest democracy -- in that is +has no elective organization, no headmen, no superiors or inferiors +whose status in the in-tug-tu'-kan is determined by the members of the +group. The feature of self-perpetuation displays itself in that it +decides when the various men of the ato become am-a'-ma, "old men," +and therefore members of the in-tug-tu'-kan. A person is told some +day to come and counsel with the in-tug-tu'-kan, and thenceforth he +is a member of the group. + +In all matters with which the in-tug-tu'-kan deals it is supreme +in its ato, but in the ato only; hence the opening statement of +the chapter that no man or group of men holds the control of the +pueblo. The life of the several ato has been so similar for such +a number of generations that, in matters of general interest, the +thoughts of one in-tug-tu'-kan will be practically those of all +others. For instance, there are eight ceremonial occasions on which +the entire pueblo rests from agricultural labors, simply because each +ato observes the same ceremonials on identical days. In one of these +ceremonials, all the men of the entire pueblo have a rock contest +with all the men of Samoki. Again, when a person of the pueblo has +been killed by another pueblo treacherously or in ambush, or in any +way except by fair fight, the pueblo as a unit hastens to avenge the +death on the pueblo of the slayer. + +In such matters as these -- matters of common defense and offense, +matters of religion wherein food supply is concerned -- custom has +long since crystallized into an act of democratic unity what may +once have been the result of the councils of all the in-tug-tu'-kan +of the pueblo. It is customary for an ato to rest from agricultural +labor on the funeral day of any adult man, but the entire pueblo thus +seeks to honor at his death the man who was old and influential. + +There is little differentiation of the functions of the +in-tug-tu'-kan. It hears, reviews, and judges the individual +disagreements of the members of the ato and makes laws by determining +custom. It also executes its judgments or sees that they are +executed. It makes treaties of peace, sends and accepts or rejects +challenges of war for its ato. In case of interato disagreements +of individuals the two in-tug-tu'-kan meet and counsel together, +representing the interests of the persons of their ato. In other +words, the pueblo is a federation made up of seventeen geographical +and political units, in each of which the members recognize that their +sanest, ripest wisdom dwells with the men who have had the longest +experience in life; and the group of old men -- sometimes only one man +and sometimes a dozen -- is known as in-tug-tu'-kan, and its wisdom is +respected to the degree that it is regularly sought and is accepted +as final judgment, being seldom ignored or dishonored. In matters of +a common interest the pueblo customarily acts as a unit. Probably +could it not so act, factions would result causing separation from +the federation. This state of things is hinted as one of the causes +why the ancestors of present Samoki separated from the pueblo of +Bontoc. The fact that they did separate is common knowledge, and +a cause frequently assigned is lack of space to develop. However, +there may have been disagreement. + + +Crimes, detection and punishment + +Theft, lying to shield oneself in some criminal act, assault and +battery, adultery, and murder are the chief crimes against Igorot +society. + +There are tests to determine which of several suspects is guilty of +a crime. One of these is the rice-chewing test. The old men of the +ato interested assemble, in whose presence each suspect is made to +chew a mouthful of raw rice, which, when it is thoroughly masticated, +is ejected on to a dish. Each mouthful is examined, and the person +whose rice is the driest is considered guilty. It is believed that +the guilty one will be most nervous during the trial, thus checking +a normal flow of saliva. + +Another is a hot-water test. An egg is placed in an olla of boiling +water, and each suspect is obliged to pick it out with his hand. When +the guilty man draws out the egg the hot water leaps up and burns +the forearm. + +There is an egg test said to be the surest one of all. A battle-ax +blade is held at an angle of about 60 degrees, and an egg is placed +at the top in a position to slide down. Just before the egg is freed +from the hand the question is asked "Is Liod (the name of the man +under trial) guilty?" If the egg slides down the blade to the bottom +the man named is innocent but if it sticks on the ax he is guilty. + +There is also a blood test employed in Bontoc pueblo, and also to +the west, extending, it is said, into Lepanto Province. An instrument +consisting of a sharp spike of iron projecting about one-sixteenth of +an inch from a handle with broad shoulders is placed against the scalp +of the suspects and the handle struck a sharp blow. The projecting +shoulder is supposed to prevent the spike from entering the scalp +of one farther than that of another. The person who bleeds most is +considered guilty -- he is "hot headed." + +I was once present at an Igorot trial when the question to be decided +was whether a certain man or a certain woman had lied. The old men +examined and cross-questioned both parties for fully a quarter of an +hour, at which time they announced that the woman was the liar. Then +they brought a test to bear evidence in binding their decision. They +killed a chicken and cut it open. The gall was found to be almost +entirely exposed on the liver -- clearly the woman had lied. She looked +at the all-knowing gall and nodded her acceptance of the verdict. If +the gall had been hidden by the upper lobe of the liver, the verdict +would not have been sustained. + +If a person steals palay, the injured party may take a sementera from +the offender. + +If a man is found stealing pine wood from the forest lands of another, +he forfeits not only all the wood he has cut but also his working ax. + +The penalty for the above two crimes is common knowledge, and if the +crime is proved there is no longer need for the old men to make a +decision -- the offended party takes the customary retributive action +against the offender. + +Cases of assault and battery frequently occur. The chief causes are +lovers' jealousies, theft of irrigating water during a period of +drought, and dissatisfaction between the heirs of a property at or +shortly following the time of inheritance. + +It is customary for the old men of the interested ato to consider all +except common offenses unless the parties settle their differences +without appeal. + +A fine of chickens, pigs, sementeras, sometimes even of carabaos, +is the usual penalty for assault and battery. + +Adultery is not a common crime. I was unable to learn that the +punishment for adultery was ever the subject for a council of the old +men. It seems rather that the punishment -- death of the offenders +-- is always administered naturally, being prompted by shocked and +turbulent emotions rather than by a council of the wise men. In +Igorot society the spouse of either criminal may take the lives +of both the guilty if they are apprehended in the crime. To-day +the group consciousness of the penalty for adultery is so firmly +fixed that adulterers are slain, not necessarily on the spur of +the moment of a suspected crime but sometimes after carefully laid +plans for detection. A case in question occurred in Suyak of Lepanto +Province. A man knew that his faithless wife went habitually at dusk +with another man to a secluded spot under a fallen tree. One evening +the husband preceded them, and lay down with his spear on the tree +trunk. When the guilty people arrived he killed them both in their +crime, thrusting his spear through them and pinning them to the earth. + +Among a primitive people whose warfare consists much in ambushing and +murdering a lone person it is not always possible to predict whether +the taking of human life will be considered a criminal act or an act +of legitimate warfare. + +It is considered warfare by the group of the murdered person, and as +such to be met by return warfare unless the group of the murderer is +a friendly one and at once comes to the offended people to sue for +continued peace. This applies to political groups within a pueblo as +well as to the people of distinct pueblos. + +When murder is considered simply as a crime, its punishment may be +one of two classes: First, the murderer may lose his life at the +hands of his own group; second, the crime may be compounded for the +equivalent of the guilty man's property. In this case the settlement +is between the guilty person and the political group of the victim, +and the value of the compound is consumed by feastings of the group. No +part of the price is paid the family of the deceased as a compensation +for the loss of his labor and other assistance. + +The three following specific cases of misdemeanors will illustrate +somewhat, more fully the nature of differences which arise between +individuals in pure Igorot society: + +In Samoki early in November, 1902, Bisbay pawned an iron pot -- +a sugar boiler -- to Yagao for 4 pesos. In about two months, when +sugar season was on, Bisbay went to redeem his property, but Yagao +would neither receive the money nor give up the boiler. The old men +of the ato counseled together over the matter, and, as a result, +Yagao received the 4 pesos and returned the pot, and the matter was +thus amicably settled between the two. + +Early in January, 1903, Mowigas, of the pueblo of Ganang, cut and +destroyed the grasshopper basket of Dadaag, of the pueblo of Mayinit, +and also slightly cut Dadaag with his ax, but did not attempt to kill +him. The cause of the assault was this: Mowigas had killed a chicken +and was having a ceremonial in his house at the time Dadaag passed +with his basket of grasshoppers. According to Igorot custom he should +not have taken grasshoppers past a house in which such a ceremony was +being performed. The breach made it necessary to hold another ceremony, +killing another chicken. Old men from Mayinit, the pueblo of Dadaag, +came to Ganang and told Mowigas he would have to pay 3 pesos for his +conduct, or Mayinit would come over and destroy the town. He paid the +money, whereas the basket was worth only one-sixth the price. Trouble +was thus averted, and the individuals reconciled. In this case the +two pueblos are friends, but Mayinit is much stronger than Ganang, +and evidently took advantage of the fact. + +In January, 1903, a woman and her son, of Titipan, stole camotes of +another Titipan family. The old men of the two ato of the interested +families fined the thieves a hog. The fine was paid, and the hog +eaten by the old men of the two ato. + +Very often the fine paid by the offender passes promptly down the +throats of the jury. However, it is the only compensation for their +services in keeping the peace of the pueblo, so they look upon it as +their rightful share -- it is the "lawyer's share" with a vengeance. + + +PART 6 + +War and Head-Hunting + +En-fa-lok'-net is the Bontoc word for war, but the expression +"na-ma'-ka" -- take heads -- is used interchangeably with it. + +For unknown generations these people have been fierce +head-hunters. Nine-tenths of the men in the pueblos of Bontoc and +Samoki wear on the breast the indelible tattoo emblem which proclaims +them takers of human heads. The fawi of each ato in Bontoc has its +basket containing skulls of human heads taken by members of the ato. + +There are several different classes of head-hunters among primitive +Malayan peoples, but the continuation of the entire practice is +believed to be due to the so-called "debt of life" -- that is, each +group of people losing a head is in duty and honor bound to cancel +the score by securing a head from the offenders. In this way the +score is never ended or canceled, since one or the other group is +always in debt. + +It seems not improbable that the heads may have been cut off first +as the best way of making sure that a fallen enemy was certainly +slain. The head was at all events the best proof to a man's tribesmen +of the discharge of the debt of life; it was the trophy of success +in defeating the foe. Whatever the cause of taking the head may have +been with the first people, it would surely spread to others of a +similar culture who warred with a head-taking tribe, as they would +wish to appear as cruel, fierce, and courageous as the enemy. + +Henry Ling Roth[33] quotes Sir Spencer St. John as follows concerning +the Seribas Dyaks of Borneo (p. 142): + +A certain influential man denied that head-hunting is a religious +ceremony among them. It is merely to show their bravery and manliness, +that it may be said that so-and-so has obtained heads. When they +quarrel it is a constant phrase, "How many heads did your father or +grandfather get?" If less than his own number, "Well, then, you have +no occasion to be proud!" Thus the possession of heads gives them +great considerations as warriors and men of wealth, the skulls being +prized as the most valuable of goods. + +Again he quotes St. John (p. 143): + +Feasts in general are: To make their rice grow well, to cause the +forest to abound with wild animals, to enable their dogs and snares +to be successful in securing game, to have the streams swarm with +fish, to give health and activity to the people themselves, and to +insure fertility to their women. All these blessings the possessing +and feasting of a fresh head are supposed to be the most efficient +means of securing. + +He quotes Axel. Dalrymple as follows (p. 141) + +The Uru Ais believe that the persons whose heads they take will become +their slaves in the next world. + +On the same page he quotes others to the same point regarding other +tribes of Borneo. + +Roth states (p. 163): + +From all accounts there can be little doubt that one of the chief +incentives to getting heads is the desire to please the women. It may +not always have been so and there may be and probably is the natural +blood-thirstiness of the animal in man to account for a great deal +of the head-taking. + +He quotes Mrs. F. F. McDougall in her statement of a Sakaran legend +of the origin of head-taking to the effect that the daughter of their +great ancestor residing near the Evening Star "refused to marry until +her betrothed brought her a present worth her acceptance." First +the young man killed a deer which the girl turned from with disdain; +then he killed and brought her one of the great monkeys of the forest, +but it did not please her. "Then, in a fit of despair, the lover went +abroad and killed the first man he met, and, throwing his victim's +head at the maiden's feet, he exclaimed at the cruelty she had made +him guilty of; but, to his surprise, she smiled and said that now +he had discovered the only gift worthy of herself" (p. 163). In the +three following pages of his book the author quotes three or four +other writers who cite in detail instances wherein heads were taken +simply to advance the slayer's interests with women. + +As showing the passion for head-hunting among these people, St. John +tells of a young man who, starting alone to get a head from a +neighboring tribe, took the head of "an old woman of their own tribe, +not very distantly related to the young fellow himself." When the +fact was discovered "he was only fined by the chief of the tribe and +the head taken from him and buried" (p. 161). + +Again (p. 159): + +The maxim of the ruffians (Kayans) is that out of their own country +all are fair game. "Were we to meet our father, we would slay him." The +head of a child or of a woman is as highly prized as that of a man. + +Mr. Roth writes that Mr. F. Witti "found that the latter (Limberan) +would not count as against themselves heads obtained on head-hunting +excursions, but only those of people who had been making peaceful +visits, etc. In fact, the sporting head-hunter bags what he can get, +his declared friends alone excepted" (p. 160). + +The Ibilao of Luzon, near Dupax, of the Province of Nueva Vizcaya, +give the name "debt of life" to their head-hunting practice; but they +have, in addition, other reasons for head taking. No man may marry who +has not first taken a head; and every year after they harvest their +palay the men go away for heads, often going journeys requiring a +month of time in order to strike a particular group of enemies. The +Christians of Dupax claim that in 1899 the Ibilao took the heads of +three Dupax women who were working in the rice sementeras close to +the pueblo. These same Christians also claim that they have seen a +human head above the stacks of harvested Ibilao palay; and they claim +the custom is practiced annually, though the Ibilao deny it. + +Some dozen causes for head-hunting among primitive Malayan peoples +have been here cited. These include the debt of life, requirements +for marriage, desire for abundant fruitage and harvest of cultivated +products, the desire to be considered brave and manly, desire for +exaltation in the minds of descendants, to increase wealth, to secure +abundance of wild game and fish, to secure general health and activity +of the people, general favor at the hands of the women, fecundity of +women, and slaves in the future life. + +From long continuance in the practice of head-hunting, many beliefs +and superstitions arise to foster it, until in the minds of the +people these beliefs are greater factors in its perpetuation than the +original one of the debt of life. The possession of a head, with the +accompanying honor, feasts, and good omens, seems in many cases to +be of first importance rather than the avenging of a life. + +The custom of head taking came with the Igorot to Luzon, a custom of +their ancestors in some earlier home. The people of Bontoc, however, +say that their god, Lumawig, taught them to go to war. When, a very +long time ago, he lived in Bontoc, he asked them to accompany him +on a war expedition to Lagod, the north country. They said they did +not wish to go, but finally yielded to his urgings and followed +him. On the return trip the men missed one of their companions, +Gu-ma'-nub. Lumawig told them that Gu-ma'-nub had been killed by +the people of the north. And thus their wars began -- Gu-ma'-nub +must be avenged. They have also a legend in regard to head taking: +The Moon, a woman called "Kabigat," was sitting one day making a +copper pot, and one of the children of the man Chalchal, the Sun, +came to watch her. She struck him with her molding paddle, cutting +off his head. The Sun immediately appeared and placed the boy's head +back on his shoulders. Then the Sun said to the Moon: "Because you +cut off my son's head, the people of the Earth are cutting off each +other's heads, and will do so hereafter." + +With the Bontoc men the taking of heads is not the passion it seems +to be with some of the people of Borneo. It, is, however, the almost +invariable accompaniment of their interpueblo warfare. They invariably, +too, take the heads of all killed on a head-hunting expedition. They +have skulls of Spaniards, and also skulls of Igorot, secured when on +expeditions of punishment or annihilation with the Spanish soldiers. + +But the possession of a head is in no way a requisite to marriage. A +head has no part in the ceremonies for palay fruitage and harvest, +or in any of the numerous agricultural or health ceremonies of the +year. It in no way affects a man's wealth, and, so far as I have been +able to learn, it in no way affects in their minds a man's future +existence. A beheaded man, far from being a slave, has special honor +in the future state, but there seems to be none for the head taker. As +shown by the Lumawig legend the debt of life is the primary cause +of warfare in the minds of the people of Bontoc, and it is to-day a +persistent cause. Moreover, since interpueblo warfare exists and head +taking is its form, head-hunting is a necessity with an individual +group of people in a state of nature. Without it a people could have +no peace, and would be annihilated by some group which believed it +a coward and an easy prey. + +There is no doubt that the desire to be considered brave and manly has +come to be a factor in Bontoc head taking. In my presence an Igorot +once told a member of ato Ungkan that the men of his ato were like +girls, because they had not taken heads. The statement was false, +but the pronounced judgment sincere. In this connection, also, it +may be said that although the taking of a head is not a requisite +to marriage, and they say that it does not win the men special favor +from the women, yet, since it makes them manly and brave in the eyes +of their fellows, it must also have its influence on the women. + +The desire for exaltation in the minds of descendants also has +a certain influence -- young men in quarrels sometimes brag of the +number of heads taken by their ancestors, and the prowess or success +of an ancestor seems to redound to the courage of the descendants; and +it is an affront to purposely and seriously belittle the head-hunting +results of a man's father. + +There can be no doubt that head-hunting expeditions are often made +in response to a desire for activity and excitement, with all the +feasting, dancing, and rest days that follow a successful foray. The +explosive nature of a man's emotional energy demands this bursting of +the tension of everyday activities. In other words, the people get to +itching for a head, because a head brings them emotional satisfaction. + +It is believed that now the people of the two sister pueblos, Bontoc +and Samoki, look on war and head-hunting somewhat as a game, as a +dangerous, great sport, though not a pastime. It is a test of agility +and skill, in which superior courage and brute force are minor factors. + +Primarily a pueblo is an enemy of every other pueblo, but it is +customary for pueblos to make terms of peace. Neighboring pueblos are +usually, but not always, friendly. The second pueblo away is usually +an enemy. On most of our trips through northern Luzon cargadors and +guides could readily be secured to go to the nearest pueblo, but in +most cases they absolutely refused to go on to the second pueblo, +and could seldom be driven on by any argument or force. The actual +negotiations for peace are generally between some two ato of the +two interested pueblos, since the debt of life is most often between +two ato. + +Bontoc and Samoki claim never to have sued for peace -- a statement +probably true, as they are by far the largest body of warriors in +the culture area, and their war reputation is the worst. When one +ato agrees on peace with another the entire pueblo honors the treaty. + +The following peace agreements have been sought by outside pueblos in +recent years of the following ato of Bontoc: Sakasakan sued for peace +from Somowan, and Barlig from Pudpudchog; Tulubin, from Buyayyeng; +Bitwagan, from Sipaat; Tukukan sought peace from both Amkawa and +Polupo, and Sabangan also from Polupo; Sadanga, from Choko; and +Baliwang, from Longfoy. + +The relations with two of these pueblos, Barlig and Sadanga, however, +are now not peaceful. Bontoc has many kin in Lias, some two days +to the east, the trail to which passes Barlig; but communication +between these pueblos of kin has ceased, because of the attitude of +Barlig. Communication between Bontoc and Tinglayan, northeast of the +Bontoc area on the river, has also ceased, because of the enmity of +Sadanga, which lies close to the trail between the two pueblos. + +The peace ceremonial, to which a hog or carabao is brought by the +entreating people and eaten by the two parties to the agreement, +is called "pwi-din." The peace is sealed by some exchange, as of a +battle-ax for a blanket, the people sued having the better part of +the trade. + +It now and then happens that of two pueblos at peace one loses a head +to the other. If the one taking the head desires continued peace, +some of its most influential men hasten to the other pueblo to talk +the matter over. Very likely the other pueblo will say, "If you wish +war, all right; if not, you bring us two carabaos, and we will still +be friends." If no effort for peace is made by the offenders, each +from that day considers the other an enemy. + +There is a formal way of breaking the peace between two pueblos: Should +ato Somowan of Bontoc, for instance, wish to break her peace with +Sakasakan she holds a ceremonial meeting, called "men-pa-kel'." In +this meeting the old men freely speak their minds; and when all +matters are settled a messenger departs for Sakasakan bearing a +battle-ax or spear -- the customary token of war with all these Bontoc +peoples. The life of the war messenger is secure, but, if possible, +he is a close relative of the challenged people. There is no record +that such a person was ever killed while on his mission. The messenger +presents himself to some old man of the ato or pueblo, and says, +"In-ya'-lak nan sud-sud in-fu-sul'-ta-ko," which means, roughly, +"I bring the challenge of war." + +If the challenge is accepted, as it usually is, an ax or spear is +given the messenger, and he hastens home to exclaim to his people, +"In-tang-i'-cha men-fu-sul'-ta-ko" -- that is, "They care to contest +in war." + +A peace thus canceled is followed by a battle between practically all +the men of both sides. It is customary for the challenging people, +within a few days, to appear before the pueblo of their late friends, +and the men at once come out in answer to the challenging cries of +the visitors -- "Come out if you dare to fight us?" Or it may he that +those challenged appear near the other pueblo before it has time to +back its challenge. + +If the challenged pueblo does not wish to fight, the spokesman tells +the messenger that they do not wish war; they desire continued +friendship; and the messenger returns to his people, not with a +weapon of war, but with a chicken or a pig; and he repeats to his +people the message he received from the old man. + +After a peace has been canceled the two pueblos keep up a predatory +warfare, with a head lost here and there, and with now and then a +more serious battle, until one or the other again sues for peace, +and has its prayer granted. In this predatory warfare the entire +body of enemies, one or more ato, at times lays in hiding to take a +few heads from lone people at their daily toil. Or when the country +about a trail is covered with close tropical growth an enemy may hide +close above the path and practically pick his man as he passes beneath +him. He hurls or thrusts his spear, and almost always escapes with his +own life, frequently bursting through a line of people on the trail, +and instantly disappearing in the cover below. Should the injured +pueblo immediately retaliate, it finds its enemies alert and on guard. + +At two places near the mountain trail between Samoki and Tulubin is a +trellis-like structure called "ko'-mis." It consists of several posts +set vertically in the ground, to which horizontal poles are tied, The +posts are the stem and root sections of the beautiful tree ferm. They +are set root end up, and the fine, matted rootlets present a compact +surface which the Igorot has carved in the traditional shape of the +"anito." Some of these heads have inlaid eyes and teeth of stone. Hung +on the ko'-mis are baskets and frames in which chickens and pigs have +been carried to the place for ceremonial feasting. + +These two ko'-mis were built four years ago when Bontoc and Samoki had +their last important head-hunting forays with Tulubin. When Bontoc or +Samoki (and usually they fight together) sought Tulubin heads they +spent a night at one of the ko'-mis, remaining at the first one, +if the signs were propitious -- but, if not, they passed on to the +second, hoping for better success. They killed and ate their fowls and +pigs in a ceremony called "fi-kat'," and, if all was well, approached +the mountains near Tulubin and watched to waylay a few of her people +when they came to the sementeras in the early morning. If a crow flew +cawing over the trail, or a snake or rat crossed before the warriors, +or a rock rolled down the mountain side, or a clod of earth caved +away under their feet, or if the little omen bird, "i'-chu," called, +the expedition was abandoned, as these were bad omens. + +The ceremony of the ko'-mis is held before all head-hunting +expeditions, except in the unpremeditated outburst of a people to +immediately punish the successful foray or ambush of some other. The +ko'-mis is built along all Bontoc war trails, though no others are +known having the "anito" heads. So persistent are the warriors if +they have decided to go to a particular pueblo for heads that they +often go day after day to the ko'-mis for eight or ten days before +they are satisfied that no good omens will come to them. If the omens +are persistently bad, it is customary for the warriors to return to +their ato and hold the mo-ging ceremony, during which they bury under +the stone pavement of the fawi court one of the skulls then preserved +in the ato. + +In this way they explode their extra emotions and partially work off +their disappointment. + +Occasionally a town has a bad strain of blood, and two or three men +break away without common knowledge and take heads. The entire body +of warriors in the pueblo where those murdered lived promptly rises +and pours itself unheralded on the pueblo of the murderers. If these +people are not warned the slaughter is terrible -- men, women, and +children alike being slain. None is spared, except mere babes, unless +they belong to the offended pueblo, marriage having taken them away +from home. Preceding a known attack on a pueblo it is customary for +the women and children to flee to the mountains, taking with them the +dogs, pigs, chickens, and valuable household effects. However, Bontoc +pueblo, because of her strength, is not so evacuated -- she expects +no enemy strong enough to burst through and reach the defenseless. + +In the Banawi area, where the dwellings are built on prominences +frequently a hundred or more feet above the surrounding territory, +they say the women often remain and assist in the defense by hurling +rocks. They are safer there than they would be elsewhere. + +Men go to war armed with a wooden shield, a steel battle-ax, and +one to three steel or wooden spears. It is a man's agility and skill +in keeping his shield between himself and the enemy that preserves +his life. Their battles are full of quick, incessant springing +motion. There are sudden rushes and retreats, sneaking flank movements +to cut an enemy off. The body is always in hand, always in motion, +that it may respond instantly to every necessity. Spears are thrown +with greatest accuracy and fatality up to 30 feet, and after the +spears are discharged the contest, if continued, is at arms' length +with the battle-axes. In such warfare no attitude or position can +safely be maintained except for the shortest possible time. + +Challenges and bluffs are sung out from either side, and these +bluffs are usually "called." In the last Bontoc-Tulubin foray a fine, +strapping Tulubin warrior sung out that he wanted to fight ten men -- +he was taken at his word so suddenly that his head was a Bontoc prize +before his friends could rally to assist him. + +In March we were returning from a trip to Banawi of the Quiangan area, +and were warned we might be attacked near a certain river. As we +approached it coming down a forested mountain side three or four men +were seen among the trees on the farther side of the stream. Presently +they called their dogs, which began to bark; then our Bontoc Igorot +Constabulary escort "joshed" the supposed enemy by loudly caning dogs +and hogs. Presently the calls worked themselves into a rhythmic chorus +for all like a strong college yell, "A'-su, a'-su, a'-su, a'-su, +fu'-tug, fu'-tug, fu'-tug, fu'-tug." It is probable the men across +the river were hunting wild hogs, but at the time the Constabulary +considered the dog calls simply a bluff, which they "called" in the +only way they could as they continued down the mountain trail. + +Rocks are often thrown in battle, and not infrequently a man's leg +is broken or he is knocked senseless by a rock, whereupon he loses +his head to the enemy, unless immediately assisted by his friends. + +There is little formality about the head taking. Most heads are +cut off with the battle-ax before the wounded man is dead. Not +infrequently two or more men have thrown their spears into a man who +is disabled. If among the number there is one who has never taken a +head, he will generally be allowed to cut this one from the body, +and thus be entitled to a head taker's distinct tattoo. However, +the head belongs to the man who threw the first disabling spear, +and it finds its resting place in his ato. If there is time, men of +other ato may cut off the man's hands and feet to be displayed in +their ato. Sometimes succeeding sections of the arms and legs are +cut and taken away, so only the trunk is left on the field. + +Frequently a battle ends when a single head is taken by either side -- +the victors calling out, "Now you go home, and we will go home; and +if you want to fight some other day, all right!" In this way battles +are ended in an hour or so, and often in half an hour. However, +they have battles lasting half a day, and ten or a dozen heads are +taken. Seven pueblos of the lower Quiangan region went against the +scattered groups of dwellings in the Banawi area of the upper Quiangan +region in May, 1902. The invaders had seven guns, but the people of +Banawi had more than sixty -- a fact the invaders did not know until +too late. However, they did not retire until they had lost a hundred +and fifty heads. They annihilated one of the groups of the enemy, +getting about fifty heads, and burned down the dwellings. This is by +far the fiercest Igorot battle of which there is any memory, and its +ferocity is largely due to firearms. + +When a head has been taken the victor usually starts at once for his +pueblo, without waiting for the further issue of the battle. He brings +the head to his ato and it is put in a small funnel-shaped receptacle, +called "sak-o'-long," which is tied on a post in the stone court of +the fawi. The entire ato joins in a ceremony for the day and night; +it is called "se'-dak." A dog or hog is killed, the greater part of +which is eaten by the old men of the ato, while the younger men dance +to the rhythmic beats of the gangsa. On the next day, "chao'-is," +a month's ceremony, begins. About 7 o'clock in the morning the old +men take the head to the river. There they build a fire and place +the head beside it, while the other men of the ato dance about it +for an hour. All then sit down on their haunches facing the river, +and, as each throws a small pebble into the water he says, "Man-i'-su, +hu! hu! hu! Tukukan!" -- or the name of the pueblo from which the head +was taken. This is to divert the battle-ax of their enemy from their +own necks. The head is washed in the river by sousing it up and down +by the hair; and the party returns to the fawi where the lower jaw is +cut from the head, boiled to remove the flesh, and becomes a handle +for the victor's gangsa. In the evening the head is buried under the +stones of the fawi. + +In a head ceremony which began in Samoki May 21, 1903, there was a +hand, a jaw, and an ear suspended from posts in the courts of ato +Nag-pi', Ka'-wa, and Nak-a-wang', respectively. In each of the eight +ato of the pueblo the head ceremony was performed. In their dances the +men wore about their necks rich strings of native agate beads which at +other dances the women usually wear on their heads. Many had boar-tusk +armlets, some of which were gay with tassels of human hair. Their +breechcloths were bright and long. All wore their battle-axes, two of +which were freshly stained halfway up the blade with human blood -- +they were the axes used in severing the trophies from the body of +the slain. + +On the second day the dance began about 4 o'clock in the morning, at +which time a bright, waning moon flooded the pueblo with light. At +every ato the dance circle was started in its swing, and barely +ceased for a month. A group of eight or ten men formed, as is shown +in Pl. CXXXI, and danced contraclockwise around and around the small +circle. Each dancer beat his blood and emotions into sympathetic +rhythm on his gangsa, and each entered intently yet joyfully into the +spirit of the occasion -- they had defeated an enemy in the way they +had been taught for generations. + +It was a month of feasting and holidays. Carabaos, hogs, dogs, +and chickens were killed and eaten. No work except that absolutely +necessary was performed, but all people -- men, women, and children -- +gathered at the ato dance grounds and were joyous together. + +Each ato brought a score of loads of palay, and for two days women +threshed it out in a long wooden trough for all to eat in a great +feast. This ceremonial threshing is shown in Pl. CXXXII. Twenty-four +persons, usually all women, lined up along each side of the trough, +and, accompanying their own songs by rhythmic beating of their pestles +on the planks strung along the sides of the trough, each row of happy +toilers alternately swung in and out, toward and from the trough, +its long heavy pestles rising and falling with the regular "click, +click, thush; click, click, thush!" as they fell rebounding on the +plank, and were then raised and thrust into the palay-filled trough. + +After heads have been taken by an ato any person of that ato -- man, +woman, or child -- may be tattooed; and in Bontoc pueblo they maintain +that tattooing may not occur at any other time, and that no person, +unless a member of the successful ato, may be tattooed. + +After the captured head has been in the earth under the fawi court of +Bontoc about three years it is dug up, washed in the river, and placed +in the large basket, the so-lo'-nang, in the fawi, where doubtless it +is one of several which have a similar history. At such time there is +a three-day's ceremony, called "min-pa-fa'-kal is nan mo'-king." It +is a rest period for the entire pueblo, with feasting and dancing, +and three or four hogs are killed. The women may then enter the fawi; +it is said to be the only occasion they are granted the privilege. + +In the fawi of ato Sigichan there are at present three skulls of men +from Sagada, one of a man from Balugan, and one of a man and two of +women from Baliwang. Probably not more than a dozen skulls are kept +in a fawi at one time. The final resting place of the skull is again +under the stones of the fawi. Samoki does not keep the skull at all; +it remains where buried under the ato court. As was stated before, a +skull is generally buried under the stones of the fawi court whenever +the omens are such that a proposed head-hunting expedition is given +up. They are doubtless, also, buried at other times when the basket +in the fawi becomes too full. Sigichan has buried twenty-eight skulls +in the memory of her oldest member -- making a total of thirty-five +heads taken, say, in fifty years. Three of these were men's heads +from Ankiling, nine were men's heads from Tukukan, three were men's +heads from Barlig, three were men's heads and four women's heads from +Sabangan, and six were men's heads from Sadanga. During this same +period Sigichan claims to have lost one man's head each to Sabangan +and Sadanga. + +No small children's skulls can be found in Bontoc, though some other +head-hunters take the heads even of infants. In fact, the men of +Bontoc say that babes and children up to about 5 years of age are not +killed by the head-hunter. If one should take a child's head he would +shortly be called to fate by some watchful pinteng in language as +follows: "Why did you take that babe's head? It does not understand +war. Pretty soon some pueblo will take your head." And the pinteng +is supposed to put it into the mind of some pueblo to get the head +of that particularly cruel man. + +The friends of a beheaded person take his body home from the scene +of death. It remains one day sitting in the dwelling. Sometimes a +head is bought back from the victors at the end of a day, the usual +price paid being a carabao. After the body has remained one day in +the dwelling it is said to be buried without ceremony near the trail +leading to the pueblo which took the head. The following day the entire +ato has a ceremonial fishing in the river, called "mang-o'-gao" or +"tid-wil." A fish feast follows for the evening meal. The next day +the mang-ay'-yu ceremony occurs. At that time the men of the ato, +go near the place where their companion lost his head and ask the +beheaded man's spirit, the pinteng, to return to their pueblo. + +Pl. CXXXVI shows the burial of a beheaded corpse in Banawi in April, +1903.[34] After the head-taking the body was set up two days under the +dwelling of the dead man, and was then carried to the mountain side +in the direction of Kambulo, the pueblo which killed the man. It was +tied on a war shield and the whole tied to a pole which was borne by +two men, as is shown in Pl. CXXXV. The funeral procession was made +up as follows: First, four warriors proceeded, one after the other, +along a narrow path on the dike walls, each beating a slow rhythm +with a stick on the long, black, Banawi war shield, each shield, +however, being striped differently with white-earth paint. The corpse +was borne next, after which followed about a dozen more warriors, +most of whom carried the white-marked shield -- an emblem of mourning. + +About half a mile from the dwelling the party left the sementeras and +climbed up a short, steep ascent to a spot resembling the entrance to +the earth burrow of some giant animal, and there the strange corpse was +placed on the ground. A small group of people, including one old woman, +was awaiting the funeral party. At the back end of the burrow two men +tore away the earth and disclosed a small wall of loose stones. These +they removed and revealed a vertical entrance in the earth about 2 feet +high and 2 1/2 feet wide. Through this small opening one of the men +crawled, and crouching in the narrow sepulcher scraped up and threw +out a few handfuls of earth. We were told that the corpse before us +was the fifth to be placed in that old tomb, all being victims of the +pueblo of Kambulo, and four of whom were descendants of the first man +buried at that place -- certainly "blood vengeance" with a vengeance. + +We were without means of understanding the two or three simple oral +ceremonies said over the body, but the woman played a part which it +is understood she does not in the Bontoc area. She carried a slender, +polished stick, greatly resembling a baton or "swagger stick," and +with this stood over the gruesome body, thrusting the stick again +and again toward and close to the severed neck, meanwhile repeating a +short, low-voiced something. After the body was cut from its shield +a blanket was wrapped about it -- otherwise it was nude, save for a +flayed-bark breechcloth -- and it was set up in the cramped sepulcher +facing Kambulo, and sitting supported away from the earth walls by four +short wooden sticks placed upright about it. An old bamboo-headed spear +was broken in the shaft and the two sections placed with the corpse. + +The stones were again piled across the entrance, and when all was +closed except the place for one small stone a man gave a few farewell +thrusts through the opening with a stick, uttering at the same time +a short low sentence or two. The final stone was placed and the earth +heaped against the wall. + +The pole to which the corpse was tied when borne to the burial +was placed horizontally before the tomb, supported with both ends +resting on the high side walls of the burrow, and on it were hung a +dozen white-bark headbands which were worn, evidently, as a mark of +mourning, by many of the men who attended the burial. + +How long it would be, in a state of nature, before the tomb would be +required for another burial is a matter of chance, but a relative, +frequently a son, nephew, or brother of the dead man, would be expected +to avenge the dead man on the pueblo of Kambulo, with chances in +favor of success, but also with equal chances of ultimate loss of +the warrior's head and burial where six kinsmen had preceded him. + + + +PART 7 + +AEsthetic Life + +There is relatively little "color" in the life of the Bontoc +Igorot. In the preceding chapter reference was made to the belief +that this lack of "color," the monotony of everyday life, has to +do with the continuation of head-hunting. The life of the Igorot is +somber-hued indeed as compared with that of his more advanced neighbor, +the Ilokano. + + +Dress + +The Bontoc Igorot is not much given to dress -- under which term are +considered the movable adornments of persons. Little effort is made +by the man toward dressing the head, though before marriage he at +times wears a sprig of flowers or of some green plant tucked in the +hat at either side. The young man's suklang is also generally more +attractive than that of the married man. With its side ornaments of +human-hair tassels, its dog teeth, or mother-of-pearl disks, and its +red and yellow colors, it is often very gay. + +About one hundred and fifty men in Bontoc and Samoki own and sometimes +wear at the girdle a large 7-inch disk of mother-of-pearl shell. It is +called "fi-kum'," and its use is purely ornamental. (See Pls. LXXX and +XXX.) It is valued highly, and I have not known half a dozen Igorot to +part with one for any price. This shell ornament is widespread through +the country east and also south of the Bontoc area, but nowhere is it +seen plentifully, except on ceremonial days -- probably not a dozen +are worn daily in Bontoc. + +Other forms of adornment, though only a means to a permanent end, are +the ear stretchers and variety of ear plugs which are worn in a slit in +the ear lobe preparing it for the earring -- the sing-sing, which all +hope to possess. The stretcher consists of two short pieces of bamboo +forced apart and so held by two short crosspieces inserted between +them. The bamboo ear stretcher is generally ornamented by straight +incised lines. The plugs are not all considered decorative. Some +are bunches of a vegetable pith (Pl. CXXXVIII), others are wads of +sugar-cane leaves. Some, however, are wooden plugs shaped quite like +an ordinary large cork stopper of a bottle (Pl. CXXXVII). The outer +end is often ornamented by straight incised lines or with red seeds +affixed with wax or with a small piece of a cheap glass mirror roughly +inlaid. The long ear slit is not the end sought, because if the owner +despairs of owning the coveted earring the stretchers and plugs are +eventually removed and the slit contracts from an inch and one-half +to a quarter of an inch or less in length. The long slit is desired +because the people consider the effect more beautiful when the ring +swings and dangles at the bottom of the pendant ear. The gold earring +is the most coveted, but a few silver and many copper rings are worn +in substitution for the gold. + + +FIGURE 8 + +Metal earrings. +(A, gold; B, copper (both are two or three generations old and their +patterns are no longer made); C, copper; D, silver.) + + +This is practically the extent of the everyday adornment worn by the +boys and men. Small boys sometimes wear a brass-wire bracelet; but +the brass wire, so commonly worn on the wrists, ankles, and necks of +the people east, north, and south of the Bontoc area, is not affected +by the people of Bontoc. + +As has been mentioned, there is an unique display of dress by the +man at the head-taking ceremony of the ato, when some of the dancers +wear boar-tusk armlets, called "ab-kil'," and a boar-tusk necklace, +called "fu-yay'-ya." + +The necklace quite resembles the Indian bear-claw necklace, but it +is worn with the tusks pointing away from the breast, not toward +it, as is the case with the Indian necklace. There are about six of +these necklaces in Bontoc, and it is almost impossible to buy one, +but the armlets are more plentiful. They are worn above the biceps, +and some are adorned with a tuft of hair cut from a captured head. + +The movable adornments of the woman are very similar to those of +the man. + +The unmarried woman wears the flowers or green sprigs in the hair, +though less often than does the man. She wears the ear stretchers, ear +plugs, and earrings exactly as he does. Probably 60 per cent of men and +women in some way dress one ear; probably half as many dress both ears. + +The chief adornment of the woman is her hairdress. It consists of +strings of various beads, called "a-pong'." The hair is never combed +in its dressing, except with the fingers, but the entire hair is +caught at the base of the skull and lightly twisted into a loose roll; +a string of beads is put beneath this twist at the back and carried +forward across the head. The roll is then brought to the front of the +head around the left side; at the front it is tucked forward under the +beads, being thus held tightly in place. The twist is carried around +the head as far as it will extend, and the end there tucked under the +beads and thus secured. One and not infrequently two additional strings +of beads are laid over the hair, more completely holding it in place. + +The first string of beads placed on the head usually consists of +compact, glossy, black seeds. Frequently brass-wire rings are regularly +dispersed along the string. These beads are shown in Pl. CXLII. The +second string, with its white, lozenge-shaped stone beads (Pl. CXXXIX), +is very striking and attractive against the black hair. This string +reaches its perfection when it is composed solely of spherical agate +beads the size of small marbles and the longer white stone beads +placed at regular intervals among the reddish agates. It is practically +impossible to purchase these beads, since they are heirlooms. The third +string is usually of dog teeth. They are strung alternately with black +seeds or with sections of dog rib. This string is worn over the hair, +running from the forehead around the back of the head, the white teeth +resting low on the back hair, and making a very attractive adornment +as they stand, points out, against the black hair. (See Pl. CLII.) + +Igorot women dress their hair richly in their important ceremonials. In +an in-pug-pug' ceremony of Sipaat ato in Bontoc I saw women wearing +seven strings of agate beads on their hair and about their necks. The +woman loves to show her friends her accumulated wealth in heirlooms, +and the ato or pueblo ceremonies are the most favorable opportunities +for such display. All these various hairdress beads are of Igorot +manufacture. + +I have seen Tukukan women come to Bontoc wearing a solid diadem about +the hair. It consisted of a rattan foundation encircling the head, +covered with blackened beeswax studded with three parallel rows of +encircling bright-red seeds. It made a very striking headdress. + +Now and then a woman is seen wearing beads around the neck, but the +Bontoc woman almost never has such adornment. They are seen frequently +in pueblos to the west, however. The beads for everyday wear are +seeds in black, brown, and gray. There is also a small, irregular, +cylindrical, wooden bead worn by the women. It is sometimes worn in +strings of three or four beads by men. I believe it is considered of +talismanic value when so worn. + +Many women in Mayinit and some women of Bontoc wear the heirloom +girdle, called "a-ko'-san," made of shells and brass wire encircling +a cloth girdle (see Pl. CXL). The cloth is made in the form of a long, +narrow wallet, practically concealed at the back by the encircling wire +and shells. Within this wallet the cherished agate and white stone +hairdress is often hidden away. In Mayinit this girdle is frequently +worn beneath the skirt, when it becomes, in every essential and in +the effect produced, a bustle. I have never seen it so worn in Bontoc. + + +Decoration + +Under this head are classed all the forms of permanent adornment of +the person. + +First must be cited the cutting and stretching of the ear. Whereas +the long, pendant earlobe is not the end in itself, nor is the long +slit always permanent, yet the mutilation of the ear is permanent +and desired. In a great many cases the lobe breaks, and the two, +and even three, long strips of lobe hanging down seem to give their +owner certain pride. Often the lower end of one of these strips is +pierced and supports a ring. The sexes share alike in the preparation +for and the wearing of earrings. + +The woman has a permanent decoration of the nature of the "switch" +of the civilized woman. The loose hair combed from the head with the +fingers is saved, and is eventually rolled with the live hair of the +head into long, twisted strings, some of which are an inch in diameter +and three feet long; some women have more than a dozen of these twisted +strings attached to the scalp. This is a common, though not universal, +method of decorating the head, and the mass of lard-soaked, twisted +hair stands out prominently around the crown, held more or less in +place by the various bead hairdresses. (See Pls. CXLI and CXLII.) + + +Tattoo + +The great permanent decoration of the Igorot is the tattoo. As has +been stated in Chapter VI on "War and Head-Hunting," all the members +-- men, women, and children -- of an ato may be tattooed whenever a +head is taken by any person of the ato. It is claimed in Bontoc that +at no other time is it possible for a person to be tattooed. But +Tukukan tattooed some of her women in May, 1903, and this in spite +of the fact that no heads had recently been taken there. However, +the regulations of one pueblo are not necessarily those of another. + +In every pueblo, there are one or more men, called "bu-ma-fa'-tek," +who understand the art of tattooing. There are two such in Bontoc -- +Toki, of Lowingan, and Finumti, of Longfoy -- and each has practiced +his art on the other. Finumti has his back and legs tattooed in an +almost unique way. I have seen only one other at all tattooed on the +back, and then the designs were simple. A large double scallop extends +from the hip to the knee on the outside of each of Finumti's legs. + +The design is drawn on the skin with ink made of soot and water. Then +the tattooer pricks the skin through the design. The instrument used +for tattooing is called "cha-kay'-yum." It consists of from four to +ten commercial steel needles inserted in a straight line in the end +of a wooden handle; "cha-kay'-yum" is also the word for needle. After +the pattern is pricked in, the soot is powdered over it and pressed in +the openings; the tattooer prefers the soot gathered from the bottom +of ollas. + +The finished tattoo is a dull, blue black in color, sometimes having a +greenish cast. A man in Tulubin has a tattoo across his throat which +is distinctly green, while the remainder of his tattoo is the common +blue black. The newly tattooed design stands out in whitish ridges, +and these frequently fester and produce a mass of itching sores +lasting about one month (see Pl. CXLVII). + +The Igorot distinguishes three classes of tattoos: The chak-lag', +the breast tattoo of the head taker; pong'-o, the tattoo on the arms +of men and women; and fa'-tek, under which name all other tattoos +of both sexes are classed. Fa'-tek is the general word for tattoo, +and pong'-o is the name of woman's tattoo. + +It is general for boys under 10 years of age to be tattooed. Their +first marks are usually a small, half-inch cross on either cheek or a +line or small cross on the nose. One boy in Bontoc, just at the age +of puberty, has a tattoo encircling the lower jaw and chin, a wavy +line across the forehead, a straight line down the nose, and crosses +on the cheeks; but he is the youngest person I have seen wearing the +jaw tattoo -- a mark quite commonly made in Bontoc when the chak-lag', +or head-taker's emblem, is put on. + +The chak-lag' is the most important tattoo of the Igorot, since it +marks its wearer as a taker of at least one human head. It therefore +stands for a successful issue in the most crucial test of the fitness +of a person to contribute to the strength of the group of which he is +a unit. It no doubt gives its wearer a certain advantage in combat -- +a confidence and conceit in his own ability, and, likely, it tends +to unnerve a combatant who has not the same emblem and experience. No +matter what the exact social importance or advantage may be, it seems +that every man in Bontoc who has the right to the emblem shows his +appreciation of the privilege, since nine-tenths of the men wear the +chak-lag'. It consists of a series of geometric markings running +upward from the breast near each nipple and curving out on each +shoulder, where it ends on the upper arm. The accompanying plates +(CXLIII to CXLIX) give an excellent idea of the nature and appearance +of the Igorot tattoo -- of course, reproductions in color would add +to the effect. The distinctness of the markings in the photographs +is about normal. + +The basis of the designs is apparently geometric. If the straight-line +designs originated in animal forms, they have now become so +conventional that I have not discovered their original form. + +The Bontoc woman is tattooed only on the arms. This tattoo begins +close back of the knuckles on the back of the hands, and, as soon +as it reaches the wrist, entirely encircles the arms to above the +elbows. Still above this there is frequently a separate design on +the outside of the arm; it is often the figure of a man with extended +arms and sprawled legs. + +The chak-lag' design on the man's breast is almost invariably +supplemented by two or three sets of horizontal lines on the biceps +immediately beneath the outer end of the main design. If the tattoo +on the arms of the woman were transferred to the arms of the man, +there would seldom be an overlapping -- each would supplement the +other. On the men the lines are longer and the patterns simpler than +those of the women, where the lines are more cross-hatched and the +design partakes of the nature of patch-work. + +It was not discovered that any tattoo has a special meaning, except +the head-taker's emblem; and the Igorot consistently maintains that +all the others are put on simply at the whim of the wearer. The face +markings, those on the arms, the stomach, and elsewhere on the body, +are believed to be purely aesthetic. The people compare their tattoo +with the figures of an American's shirt or coat, saying they both look +pretty. Often a cross-hatched marking is put over goiter, varicose +veins, and other permanent swellings or enlargements. Evidently they +are believed to have some therapeutic virtue, but no statement could +be obtained to substantiate this opinion. + +As is shown by Pls. CXLVIII and CXLIX, the tattoo of both Banawi men +and women seems to spring from a different form than does the Bontoc +tattoo. It appears to be a leaf, or a fern frond, but I know nothing +of its origin or meaning. There is much difference in details between +the tattoos of culture areas, and even of pueblos. For instance, +in Bontoc pueblo there is no tattoo on a man's hand, while in the +pueblos near the south side of the area the hands are frequently +marked on the backs. In Benguet there is a design popularly said to +represent the sun, which is seen commonly on men's hands. Instances +of such differences could be greatly multiplied here, but must be +left for a more complete study of the Igorot tattoo. + + +Music + + +Instrumental music + +The Bontoc Igorot has few musical instruments, and all are very +simple. The most common is a gong, a flat metal drum about 1 foot in +diameter and 2 inches deep. This drum is commonly said to be "brass," +but analyses show it to be bronze. + +Two gongs submitted to the Bureau of Government Laboratories, Manila, +consisted, in one case, of approximately 80 per cent copper, 15 per +cent tin, and 5 per cent zinc; in the other case of approximately 84 +per cent copper, 15 per cent tin, 1 per cent zinc, and a trace of iron. + +Early Chinese records read that tin was one of the Chinese imports +into Manila in the thirteenth century. Copper was mined and wrought +by the Igorot when the Spaniards came to the Philippines, and they +wrote regarding it that it was then an old and established industry +and art. It may possibly be that bronze was made in the Philippines +before the arrival of the Spaniard, but there is no proof of such +an hypothesis. + +The gong to-day enters the Bontoc area in commerce generally from +the north -- from the Igorot or Tinguian of old Abra Province -- +and no one in the Provinces of Benguet or Lepanto-Bontoc seems to +know its source. Throughout the Archipelago and southward in Borneo +there are metal drums or "gongs" apparently of similar material but +of varying styles. It is commonly claimed that those of the Moro are +made on the Asiatic mainland. It is my opinion that the Bontoc gong, +or gang'-sa, originates in China, though perhaps it is not now imported +directly from there. It certainly does not enter the Island of Luzon +at Manila, or Candon in Ilokos Sur, and, it is said, not at Vigan, +also in Ilokos Sur. + +In the Bontoc area there are two classes of gang'-sa; one is called +ka'-los, and the other co-ong'-an. The co-ong'-an is frequently larger +than the other, seems to be always of thicker metal, and has a more +bell-like and usually higher-pitched tone. I measured several gang'-sa +in Bontoc and Samoki, and find the co-ong'-an about 5 millimeters +thick, 52 to 55 millimeters deep, and from 330 to 360 millimeters in +diameter; the ka'-los is only about 2 to 3 millimeters thick. The +Igorot distinguishes between the two very quickly, and prizes the +co-ong'-an at about twice the value of the ka'-los. Either is worth +a large price to-day in the central part of the area -- or from one +to two carabaos -- but it is quite impossible to purchase them even +at that price. + +Gang'-sa music consists of two things -- rhythm and crude harmony. Its +rhythm is perfect, but though there is an appreciation of harmony as +is seen in the recognition of, we may say, the "tenor" and "bass" +tones of co-ong'-an and ka'-los, respectively, yet in the actual +music the harmony is lost sight of by the American. + +In Bontoc the gang'-sa is held vertically in the hand by a cord passing +through two holes in the rim, and the cord usually has a human lower +jaw attached to facilitate the grip. As the instrument thus hangs +free in front of the player (always a man or boy) it is beaten on the +outer surface with a short padded stick like a miniature bass-drum +stick. There is no gang'-sa music without the accompanying dance, +and there is no dance unaccompanied by music. A gang'-sa or a tin +can put in the hands of an Igorot boy is always at once productive +of music and dance. + +The rhythm of Igorot gang'-sa music is different from most primitive +music I have heard either in America or Luzon. The player beats 4/4 +time, with the accent on the third beat. Though there may be twenty +gang'-sa in the dance circle a mile distant, yet the regular pulse +and beat of the third count is always the prominent feature of the +sound. The music is rapid, there being from fifty-eight to sixty full +4/4 counts per minute. + +It is impossible for me to represent Igorot music, instrumental +or vocal, in any adequate manner, but I may convey a somewhat +clearer impression of the rhythm if I attempt to represent it +mathematically. It must be kept in mind that all the gang'-sa are +beaten regularly and in perfect time -- there is no such thing as +half notes. + +The gang'-sa is struck at each italicized count, and each unitalicized +count represents a rest, the accent represents the accented beat +of the gang'-sa. The ka'-los is usually beaten without accent and +without rest. Its beats are 1, 2, 3, 4; 1, 2, 3, 4; 1, 2, 3, 4; 1, +2, 3, 4; etc. The co-ong'-an is usually beaten with both accent and +rest. It is generally as follows: 1, 2, 3', 4; 1, 2, 3', 4; 1, 2, +3', 4; 1, 2, 3', 4; etc. Sometimes, however, only the first count +and again the first and second counts are struck on the individual +co-ong'-an, but there is no accent unless the third is struck. Thus +it is sometimes as follows: 1, 2, 3, 4; 1, 2, 3, 4; 1, 2, 3, 4; 1, +2, 3, 4; etc.; and again 1, 2, 3, 4; 1, 2, 3, 4; 1, 2, 3, 4; 1, 2, +3, 4; 1, 2, 3, 4; etc. However, the impression the hearer receives +from a group of players is always of four rapid beats, the third one +being distinctly accented. A considerable volume of sound is produced +by the gang'-sa of the central part of the area; it may readily be +heard a mile, if beaten in the open air. + +In pueblos toward the western part of the area, as in Balili, Alap, +and their neighbors, the instrument is played differently and the +sound carries only a few rods. Sometimes the player sits in very +un-Malayan manner, with legs stretched out before him, and places +the gang'-sa bottom up on his lap. He beats it with the flat of both +hands, producing the rhythmic pulse by a deadening or smothering of a +beat. Again the gang'-sa is held in the air, usually as high as the +face, and one or two soft beats, just a tinkle, of the 4/4 time are +struck on the inside of the gang'-sa by a small, light stick. Now +and then the player, after having thoroughly acquired the rhythm, +clutches the instrument under his arm for a half minute while he +continues his dance in perfect time and rhythm. + +The lover's "jews'-harp," made both of bamboo and of brass, is found +throughout the Bontoc area. It is played near to and in the olag +wherein the sweetheart of the young man is at the time. The instrument, +called in Bontoc "ab-a'-fu," is apparently primitive Malayan, and is +found widespread in the south seas and Pacific Ocean. + +The brass instrument, the only kind I ever saw in use except as +a semitoy in the hands of small boys, is from 2 to 3 inches in +length, and has a tongue, attached at one end, cut from the middle +of the narrow strip of metal. (The Igorot make the ab-a'-fu of +metal cartridges.) A cord is tied to the instrument at the end at +which the tongue is attached, and this the player jerks to vibrate +the tongue. The instrument is held at the mouth, is lightly clasped +between the lips, and, as the tongue vibrates, the player breathes a +low, soft tune through the instrument. One must needs get within 2 or +3 feet of the player to catch the music, but I must say after hearing +three or four men play by the half hour, that they produce tunes the +theme of which seems to me to bespeak a genuine musical taste. + +I have seen a few crude bamboo flutes in the hands of young men, +but none were able to play them. I believe they are of Ilokano +introduction. + +A long wooden drum, hollow and cannon-shaped, and often 3 feet and +more long and about 8 inches in diameter, is common in Benguet, and +is found in Lepanto, but is not found or known in Bontoc. A skin +stretched over the large end of the drum is beaten with the flat +of the hands to accompany the music of the metal drums or gang'-sa, +also played with the flat of the hands, as described, in pueblos near +the western border of Bontoc area. + + +Vocal music + +The Igorot has vocal music, but in no way can I describe it -- to say +nothing of writing it. I tried repeatedly to write the words of the +songs, but failed even in that. The chief cause of failure is that the +words must be sung -- even the singers failed to repeat the songs word +after word as they repeat the words of their ordinary speech. There +are accents, rests, lengthened sounds, sounds suddenly cut short -- +in fact, all sorts of vocal gymnastics that clearly defeated any +effort to "talk" the songs. I believe many of the songs are wordless; +they are mere vocalizations -- the "tra la la" of modern vocal music; +they may be the first efforts to sing. + +I was told repeatedly that there are four classes of songs, and only +four. The mang-ay-u-weng', the laborer's song, is sung in the field +and trail. The mang-ay-yeng' is said to be the class of songs rendered +at all ceremonies, though I believe the doleful funeral songs are of +another class. The mang-ay-lu'-kay and the ting-ao' I know nothing +of except in name. + +Most of the songs seem serious. I never heard a mother or other person +singing to a babe. However, boys and young men, friends with locked +arms or with arms over shoulders, often sing happy songs as they walk +along together. They often sing in "parts," and the music produced +by a tenor and a bass voice as they sing their parts in rhythm, and +with very apparent appreciation of harmony, is fascinating and often +very pleasing. + + +Dancing + +The Bontoc Igorot dances in a circle, and he follows the circle +contraclockwise. There is no dancing without gang'-sa music, and it +is seldom that a man dances unless he plays a gang'-sa. The dance +step is slower than the beats on the gang'-sa; there is one complete +"step" to every full 4/4 count. At times the "step" is simply a +high-stepping slow run, really a springing prance. Again it is a +hitching movement with both feet close to the earth, and one foot +behind the other. The line of dancers, well shown in Pls. CXXXI, CLI, +and CLII, passes slowly around the circle, now and again following +the leader in a spiral movement toward the center of the circle and +then uncoiling backward from the center to the path. Now and again +the line moves rapidly for half the distance of the circumference, +and then slowly backs a short distance, and again it all but stops +while the men stoop forward and crouch stealthily along as though in +ambush, creeping on an enemy. In all this dancing there is perfect +rhythm in music and movements. There is no singing or even talking -- +the dance is a serious but pleasurable pastime for those participating. + +As is shown also by the illustrations, the women dance. They throw +their blankets about them and extend their arms, usually clutching +tobacco leaves in either hand -- which are offerings to the old men and +which some old man frequently passes among them and collects -- and +they dance with less movement of the feet than do the men. Generally +the toes scarcely leave the earth, though a few of the older women +invariably dance with a high movement and backward pawing of one foot +which throws the dust and gravel over all behind them. I have more than +once seen the dance circle a cloud of dust raised by one pawing woman, +and the people at the margin of the circle dodging the gravel thrown +back, yet they only laughed and left the woman to pursue her peculiar +and discomforting "step." The dancing women are generally immediately +outside the circle, and from them the rhythm spreads to the spectators +until a score of women are dancing on their toes where they stand +among the onlookers, and little girls everywhere are imitating their +mothers. The rhythmic music is fascinating, and one always feels out +of place standing stiff legged in heavy, hobnailed shoes among the +pulsating, rhythmic crowd. Now and again a woman dances between two +men of the line, forcing her way to the center of the circle. She is +usually more spectacular than those about the margin, and frequently +holds in her hand her camote stick or a ball of bark-fiber thread +which she has spun for making skirts. I once saw such a dancer carry +the long, heavy wooden pestle used in pounding out rice. + +A few times I have seen men dance in the center of the circle somewhat +as the women do, but with more movement, with a balancing and tilting +of the body and especially of the arms, and with rapid trembling +and quivering of the hands. The most spectacular dance is that of +the man who dances in the circle brandishing a head-ax. He is shown +in Pls. CLII and CLIII. At all times his movements are in perfect +sympathy and rhythm with the music. He crouches around between the +dancers brandishing his ax, he deftly all but cuts off a hand here, +an arm or leg there, an ear yonder. He suddenly rushes forward and +grinningly feigns cutting off a man's head. He contorts himself in a +ludicrous yet often fiendish manner. This dance represents the height +of the dramatic as I have seen it in Igorot life. His is truly a +mimetic dance. His colleague with the spear and shield, who sometimes +dances on the outskirts of the circle, now charging a dancer and again +retreating, also produces a true mimetic and dramatic spectacle. This +is somewhat more than can be said of the dance of the women with the +camote sticks, pestles, and spun thread. The women in no way "act" +-- they simply purposely present the implements or products of their +labors, though in it all we see the real beginning of dramatic art. + +Other areas, and other pueblos also, have different dances. In the +Benguet area the musicians sit on the earth and play the gang'-sa and +wooden drum while the dancers, a man and woman, pass back and forth +before them. Each dances independently, though the woman follows the +man. He is spectacular with from one to half a dozen blankets swinging +from his shoulders, arms, and hands. + +Captain Chas. Nathorst, of Cervantes, has told me of a dance in +Lepanto, believed by him to be a funeral dance, in which men stand +abreast in a long line with arms on each other's shoulders. In this +position they drone and sway and occasionally paw the air with one +foot. There is little movement, and what there is is sluggish and +lifeless. + + +Games + +Cockfighting is the Philippine sport. Almost everywhere the natives +of the Archipelago have cockfights and horse races on holidays and +Sundays. They are also greatly addicted to the sport of gambling. The +Bontoc Igorot has none of the common pastimes or games of chance. This +fact is remarkable, because the modern Malayan is such a gamester. + +Only in toil, war, and numerous ceremonials does the Bontoc man work +off his superfluous and emotional energy. One might naturally expect +to find Jack a dull boy, but he is not. His daily round of toil +seems quite sufficient to keep the steady accumulation of energy at +a natural poise, and his head-hunting offers him the greatest game +of skill and chance which primitive man has invented. + + + +Formalities + +The Igorot has almost no formalities, the "etiquette" which one can +recognize as binding "form." When the American came to the Islands he +found the Christians exceedingly polite. The men always removed their +hats when they met him, the women always spoke respectfully, and some +tried to kiss his hand. Every house, its contents and occupants, to +which he might go was his to do with as he chose. Such characteristics, +however, seem not to belong to the primitive Malayan. The Igorot meets +you face to face and acts as though he considers himself your equal -- +both you and he are men -- and he meets his fellows the same way. + +When Igorot meet they do not greet each other with words, as most +modern people do. As an Igorot expressed it to me they are "all same +dog" when they meet. Sometimes, however, when they part, in passing +each other on the trial, one asks where the other is going. + +The person with a load has the right of way in the trail, and others +stand aside as best they can. + +There is commonly no greeting when a person comes to one's house, +nor is there a greeting between members of a family when one returns +home after an absence even of a week or more. + +Children address their mothers as "I'-na," their word for mother, +and address their father as "A'-ma," their word for father. They do +this throughout life. + +Igorot do not kiss or have other formal physical expression to show +affection between friends or relatives. Mothers do not kiss their +babes even. + +The Igorot has no formal or common expression of thankfulness. Whatever +gratitude he feels must be taken for granted, as he never expresses +it in words. + +When an Igorot desires to beckon a person to him he, in common with the +other Malayans of the Archipelago, extends his arm toward the person +with the hand held prone, not supine as is the custom in America, +and closes the hand, also giving a slight inward movement of the hand +at the wrist. This manner of beckoning is universal in Luzon. + +The hand is almost never used to point a direction. Instead, the head +is extended in the direction indicated -- not with a nod, but with +a thrusting forward of the face and a protruding of the open lips; +it is a true lip gesture. I have seen it practically everywhere in +the Islands, among pagans, Mohammedans, and Christians. + + +PART 8 + +Religion + + +Spirit belief + +The basis of Igorot religion is every man's belief in the spirit +world -- the animism found widespread among primitive peoples. It is +the belief in the ever-present, ever-watchful a-ni'-to, or spirit +of the dead, who has all power for good or evil, even for life or +death. In this world of spirits the Igorot is born and lives; there +he constantly entreats, seeks to appease, and to cajole; in a mild +way he threatens, and he always tries to avert; and there at last he +surrenders to the more than matchful spirits, whose numbers he joins, +and whose powers he acquires. + +All things have an invisible existence as well as a visible, material +one. The Igorot does not explain the existence of earth, water, fire, +vegetation, and animals in invisible form, but man's invisible form, +man's spirit, is his speech. During the life of a person his spirit is +called "ta'-ko." After death the spirit receives a new name, though +its nature is unchanged, and it goes about in a body invisible to +the eye of man yet unchanged in appearance from that of the living +person. There seems to be no idea of future rewards or punishments, +though they say a bad a-ni'-to is sometimes driven away from the +others. + +The spirit of all dead persons is called "a-ni'-to" -- this is the +general name for the soul of the dead. However, the spirits of certain +dead have a specific name. Pin-teng' is the name of the a-ni'-to of +a beheaded person; wul-wul is the name of the a-ni'-to of deaf and +dumb persons -- it is evidently an onomatopoetic word. And wong-ong +is the name of the a-ni'-to of an insane person. Fu-ta-tu is a bad +a-ni'-to, or the name applied to the a-ni'-to which is supposed to +be ostracized from respectable a-ni'-to society. + +Besides these various forms of a-ni'-to or spirits, the body itself +is also sometimes supposed to have an existence after death. Li-mum' +is the name of the spiritual form of the human body. Li-mum' is seen at +times in the pueblo and frequently enters habitations, but it is said +never to cause death or accident. Li-mum' may best be translated by +the English term "ghost," although he has a definite function ascribed +to the rather fiendish "nightmare" -- that of sitting heavily on the +breast and stomach of a sleeper. + +The ta'-ko, the soul of the living man, is a faithful servant of man, +and, though accustomed to leave the body at times, it brings to the +person the knowledge of the unseen spirit life in which the Igorot +constantly lives. In other words, the people, especially the old men, +dream dreams and see visions, and these form the meshes of the net +which has caught here and there stray or apparently related facts +from which the Igorot constructs much of his belief in spirit life. + +The immediate surroundings of every Igorot group is the home of the +a-ni'-to of departed members of the group, though they do not usually +live in the pueblo itself. Their dwellings, sementeras, pigs, chickens, +and carabaos -- in fact, all the possessions the living had -- are +scattered about in spirit form, in the neighboring mountains. There the +great hosts of the a-ni'-to live, and there they reproduce, in spirit +form, the life of the living. They construct and live in dwellings, +build and cultivate sementeras, marry, and even bear children; +and eventually, some of them, at least, die or change their forms +again. The Igorot do not say how long an a-ni'-to lives, and they +have not tried to answer the question of the final disposition of +a-ni'-to, but in various ceremonials a-ni'-to of several generations +of ancestors are invited to the family feast, so the Igorot does not +believe that the a-ni'-to ceases, as an a-ni'-to, in what would be +the lifetime of a person. + +When an a-ni'-to dies or changes its form it may become a snake -- +and the Igorot never kills a snake, except if it bothers about his +dwelling; or it may become a rock -- there is one such a-ni'-to rock +on the mountain horizon north of Bontoc; but the most common form for +a dead a-ni'-to to take is li'-fa, the phosphorescent glow in the +dead wood of the mountains. Why or how these various changes occur +the Igorot does not understand. + +In many respects the dreamer has seen the a-ni'-to world in great +detail. He has seen that a-ni'-to are rich or poor, old or young, +as were the persons at death, and yet there is progression, such +as birth, marriage, old age, and death. Each man seems to know in +what part of the mountains his a-ni'-to will dwell, because some one +of his ancestors is known to inhabit a particular place, and where +one ancestor is there the children go to be with him. This does not +refer to desirability of location, but simply to physical location -- +as in the mountain north of Bontoc, or in one to the east or south. + +As was stated in a previous chapter, with the one exception of +toothache, all injuries, diseases, and deaths are caused directly by +a-ni'-to. In certain ceremonies the ancestral a-ni'-to, are urged +to care for living descendants, to protect them from a-ni'-to that +seek to harm -- and children are named after their dead ancestors, +so they may be known and receive protection. In the pueblo, the +sementeras, and the mountains one knows he is always surrounded by +a-ni'-to. They are ever ready to trip one up, to push him off the +high stone sementera dikes or to visit him with disease. When one +walks alone in the mountain trail he is often aware that an a-ni'-to +walks close beside him; he feels his hair creeping on his scalp, he +says, and thus he knows of the a-ni'-to's presence. The Igorot has a +particular kind of spear, the sinalawitan, having two or more pairs +of barbs, of which the a-ni'-to is afraid; so when a man goes alone +in the mountains with the sinalawitan he is safer from a-ni'-to than +he is with any other spear. + +The Igorot does not say that the entire spirit world, except his +relatives, is against him, and he does not blame the spirits for the +evils they inflict on him -- it is the way things are -- but he acts +as though all are his enemies, and he often entreats them to visit +their destruction on other pueblos. It is safe to say that one feast +is held daily in Bontoc by some family to appease or win the good +will of some a-ni'-to. + +At death the spirit of a beheaded person, the pin-teng', goes above +to chayya, the sky. The old men are very emphatic in this belief. They +always point to the surrounding mountains as the home of the a-ni'-to, +but straight above to chayya, the sky, as the home of the spirit of the +beheaded. The old men say the pin-teng' has a head of flames. There +in the sky the pin-teng' repeat the life of those living in the +pueblo. They till the soil and they marry, but the society is exclusive +-- there are none there except those who lost their heads to the enemy. + +The pin-teng' is responsible for the death of every person who +loses his head. He puts murder in the minds of all men who are to +be successful in taking heads. He also sees the outrages of warfare, +and visits vengeance on those who kill babes and small children. + +In his relations with the unseen spirit world the Igorot has certain +visible, material friends that assist him by warnings of good and +evil. When a chicken is killed its gall is examined, and, if found to +be dark colored, all is well; if it is light, he is warned of some +pending evil in spirit form. Snakes, rats, crows, falling stones, +crumbling earth, and the small reddish-brown omen bird, i'-chu, +all warn the Igorot of pending evil. + + +Exorcist + +Since the anito is the cause of all bodily afflictions the chief +function of the person who battles for the health of the afflicted +is that of the exorcist, rather than that of the therapeutist. + +Many old men and women, known as "in-sup-ak'," are considered more or +less successful in urging the offending anito to leave the sick. Their +formula is simple. They place themselves near the afflicted part, +usually with the hand stroking it, or at least touching it, and say, +"Anito, who makes this person sick, go away." This they repeat over +and over again, mumbling low, and frequently exhaling the breath to +assist the departure of the anito -- just as, they say, one blows +away the dust; but the exhalation is an open-mouthed outbreathing, +and not a forceful blowing. One of our house boys came home from +a trip to a neighboring pueblo with a bad stone bruise for which +an anito was responsible. For four days he faithfully submitted to +flaxseed poultices, but on the fifth day we found a woman in-sup-ak' +at her professional task in the kitchen. She held the sore foot +in her lap, and stroked it; she murmured to the anito to go away; +she bent low over the foot, and about a dozen times she well feigned +vomiting, and each time she spat out a large amount of saliva. At no +time could purposeful exhalations be detected, and no explanation of +her feigned vomiting could be gained. It is not improbable that when +she bent over the foot she was supposed to be inhaling or swallowing +the anito which she later sought to cast from her. In half an hour +she succeeded in "removing" the offender, but the foot was "sick" +for four days longer, or until the deep-seated bruise discharged +through a scalpel opening. The woman unquestionably succeeded in +relieving the boy's mind. + +When a person is ill at his home he sends for an in-sup-ak', who +receives for a professional visit two manojos of palay, or two-fifths +of a laborer's daily wage. In-sup-ak' are not appointed or otherwise +created by the people, as are most of the public servants. They are +notified in a dream that they are to be in-sup-ak'. + +As compared with the medicine man of some primitive peoples the +in-sup-ak' is a beneficial force to the sick. The methods are all +quiet and gentle; there is none of the hubbub or noise found in the +Indian lodge -- the body is not exhausted, the mind distracted, or +the nerves racked. In a positive way the sufferer's mind receives +comfort and relief when the anito is "removed," and in most cases +probably temporary, often permanent, physical relief results from +the stroking and rubbing. + +The man or woman of each household acts as mediator between any sick +member of the family and the offending anito. There are several of +these household ceremonials performed to benefit the afflicted. + +If one was taken ill or was injured at any particular place in the +mountains near the pueblo, the one in charge of the ceremony goes to +that place with a live chicken in a basket, a small amount of basi +(a native fermented drink), and usually a little rice, and, pointing +with a stick in various directions, says the Wa-chao'-wad or Ay'-ug +si a-fi'-ik ceremony -- the ceremony of calling the soul. It is +as follows: + +"A-li-ka' ab a-fi'-ik Ba-long'-long en-ta-ko' is a'-fong sang'-fu." The +translation is: "Come, soul of Ba-long'-long; come with us to the +house to feast." The belief is that the person's spirit is being +enticed and drawn away by an anito. If it is not called back shortly, +it will depart permanently. + +The following ceremony, called "ka-taol'," is said near the river, +as the other is in the mountains: + +"A-li-ka' ta-en-ta-ko is a'-fong ta-ko' tay la-ting' is'-na." Freely +translated this is: "Come, come with us into the house, because it +is cold here." + +A common sight in the Igorot pueblo or in the trails leading out is a +man or woman, more frequently the latter, carrying the small chicken +basket, the tube of basi, and the short stick, going to the river or +the mountains to perform this ceremony for the sick. + +After either of these ceremonies the person returns to the dwelling, +kills, cooks, and, with other members of the family, eats the chicken. + +For those very ill and apparently about to die there is another +ceremony, called "a'-fat," and it never fails in its object, they +affirm -- the afflicted always recovers. Property equal to a full +year's wages is taken outside the pueblo to the spot where the +affliction was received, if it is known, and the departing soul is +invited to return in exchange for the articles displayed. They take a +large hog which is killed where the ceremony is performed; they take +also a large blue-figured blanket -- the finest blanket that comes +to the pueblo -- a battle-ax and spear, a large pot of "preserved" +meat, the much-prized woman's bustle-like girdle, and, last, a live +chicken. When the hog is killed the person in charge of the ceremony +says: "Come back, soul of the afflicted, in trade for these things." + +All then return to the sick person's dwelling, taking with them the +possessions just offered to the soul. At the house they cook the hog, +and all eat of it; as those who assisted in the ceremony go to their +own dwellings they carry each a dish of the cooked pork. + +The next day, since the afflicted person does not die, they have +another ceremony, called "mang-mang," in the house of the sick. A +chicken is killed, and the following ceremonial is spoken from the +center of the house: + +"The sick person is now well. May the food become abundant; may the +chickens, pigs, and rice fruit heads be large. Bring the battle-ax to +guard the door. Bring the winnowing tray to serve the food; and bring +the wisp of palay straw to sweep away the many words spoken near us." + +For certain sick persons no ceremony is given for recovery. They are +those who are stricken with death, and the Igorot claims to know a +fatal affliction when it comes. + + +Lumawig, the Supreme Being + +The Igorot has personified the forces of nature. The personification +has become a single person, and to-day this person is one god, +Lu-ma'-wig. Over all, and eternal, so far as the Igorot understands, +is Lu-ma'-wig -- Lu-ma'-wig, who had a part in the beginning of all +things; who came as a man to help the survivors and perpetuators +of Bontoc; who later came as a man to teach the people whom he had +befriended, and who still lives to care for them. Lu-ma'-wig is the +greatest of spirits, dwelling above in chayya, the sky. All prayers +for fruitage and increase -- of men, of animals, and of crops -- +all prayers for deliverance from the fierce forces of the physical +world are made to him; and once each month the pa'-tay ceremony, +entreating Lu-ma'-wig for fruitage and health, is performed for +the pueblo group by an hereditary class of men called "pa'-tay -- a +priesthood in process of development. Throughout the Bontoc culture +area Lu-ma'-wig, otherwise known but less frequently spoken of as +Fu'-ni and Kam-bun'-yan, is the supreme being. Scheerer says the +Benguet Igorot call their "god" Ka-bu-ni'-an -- the same road as +Kam-bun'-yan. + +In the beginning of all things Lu-ma'-wig had a part. The Igorot +does not know how or why it is so, but he says that Lu-ma'-wig gave +the earth with all its characteristics, the water in its various +manifestations, the people, all animals, and all vegetation. To-day +he is the force in all these things, as he always has been. + +Once, in the early days, the lower lands about Bontoc were covered +with water. Lu-ma'-wig saw two young people on top of Mount Po'-kis, +north of Bontoc. They were Fa-tang'-a and his sister Fu'-kan. They +were without fire, as all the fires of Bontoc were put out by +the water. Lu-ma'-wig told them to wait while he went quickly to +Mount Ka-lo-wi'-tan, south of Bontoc, for fire. When he returned +Fu'-kan was heavy with child. Lu-ma'-wig left them, going above +as a bird flies. Soon the child was born, the water subsided in +Bontoc pueblo, and Fa-tang'-a with his sister and her babe returned +to the pueblo. Children came to the household rapidly and in great +numbers. Generation followed generation, and the people increased +wonderfully. + +After a time Lu-ma'-wig decided to come to help and teach the +Igorot. He first stopped on Ka-lo-wi'-tan Mountain, and from there +looked over the young women of Sabangan, searching for a desirable +wife, but he was not pleased with the girls of Sabangan because they +had short hair. He next visited Alap, but the young women of that +pueblo were sickly; so he came on to Tulubin. There the marriageable +girls were afflicted with goiter. He next stopped at Bontoc, where he +saw two young women, sisters, in a garden. Lu-ma'-wig came to them and +sat down. Presently he asked why they did not go to the house. They +answered that they must work; they were gathering beans. Lu-ma'-wig +was pleased with this, so he picked one bean of each variety, tossed +them into the baskets -- when presently the baskets were filled to the +rim. He married Fu'-kan, the younger of the two industrious sisters, +and namesake of the mother of the people of Bontoc. + +After marriage he lived at Chao'-wi, in the present ato of Sigichan, +near the center of Bontoc pueblo. The large, flat stones which were +once part of Lu-ma'-wig's dwelling are still lying in position, +and are shown in Pl. CLIII. + +Lu-ma'-wig at times exhibited his marvelous powers. They say he could +take a small chicken, feed it a few grains of rice, and in an hour +it would be full grown. He could fill a basket with rice in a very +few moments, simply by putting in a handful of kernels. He could cut +a stick of wood in the mountains, and with one hand toss it to his +dwelling in the pueblo. Once when out in I-shil' Mountains northeast +of Bontoc, Fa-tang'-a, the brother-in-law of Lu-ma'-wig, said to him, +"Oh, you of no value! Here we are without water to drink. Why do you +not give us water?" Lu-ma'-wig said nothing, but he turned and thrust +his spear in the side of the mountain. As he withdrew the weapon a +small stream of water issued from the opening. Fa-tang'-a started to +drink, but Lu-ma'-wig said, "Wait; the others first; you last." When +it came Fa-tang'-a's turn to drink, Lu-ma'-wig put his hand on him as +he drank and pushed him solidly into the mountain. He became a rock, +and the water passed through him. Several of the old men of Bontoc +have seen this rock, now broken by others fallen on it from above, +but the stream of water still flows on the thirsty mountain. + +In an isolated garden, called "fil-lang'," now in ato Chakong, +Lu-ma'-wig taught Bontoc how best to plant, cultivate, and garner her +various agricultural products. Fil-lang' to-day is a unique little +sementera. It is the only garden spot within the pueblo containing +water. The pueblo is so situated that irrigating water can not be +run into it, but throughout the dry season of 1903 -- the dryest +for years in Bontoc -- there was water in at least a fourth of this +little garden. There is evidently a very small. but perpetual spring +within the plat. Taro now occupies the garden and is weeded and +gathered by Na-wit', an old man chosen by the old men of the pueblo +for this office. Na-wit' maintains and the Igorot believe that the +vegetable springs up without planting. As the watering of fil-lang' +is through the special dispensation of Lu-ma'-wig, so the taro left +by him in his garden school received from him a peculiar lease of +life -- it is perpetual. The people claim that all other taro beds +must be planted annually. + +Lu-ma'-wig showed the people how to build the fawi and pabafunan, +and with his help those of Lowingan and Sipaat were constructed. He +also told them their purposes and uses. He gave the people names for +many of the things about them; he also gave the pueblo its name. + +He gave them advice regarding conduct -- a crude code of ethics. He +told them not to lie, because good men do not care to associate with +liars. He said they should not steal, but all people should take +care to live good and honest lives. A man should have only one wife; +if he had more, his life would soon be required of him. The home +should be kept pure; the adulterer should not violate it; all should +be as brothers. + +As has been previously said, the people of Bontoc claim that they +did not go to war or kill before Lu-ma'-wig came. + +They say no Igorot ever divorced a wife who bore him a child, yet +they accuse Lu-ma'-wig of such conduct, but apparently seek to excuse +the act by saying that at the time he was partially insane. Fu'-kan, +Lu-ma'-wig's wife, bore him several children. One day she spoke very +disrespectfully to him. This change of attitude on her part somewhat +unbalanced him, and he put her with two of her little boys in a large +coffin, and set them afloat on the river. He securely fastened the +cover of the coffin, and on either end tied a dog and a cock. The +coffin floated downstream unobserved as far as Tinglayan. There the +barking of the dog and the crowing of the cock attracted the attention +of a man who rushed out into the river with his ax to secure such a +fine lot of pitch-pine wood. When he struck his ax in the wood a voice +called from within, "Don't do that; I am here." Then the man opened the +coffin and saw the woman and children. The man said his wife was dead, +and the woman asked whether he wanted her for a wife. He said he did, +so she became his wife. + +After a time the children wanted to return to Bontoc to see their +father. Before they started their mother instructed them to follow +the main river, but when they arrived at the mouth of a tributary +stream they became confused, and followed the river leading them +to Kanyu. There they asked for their father, but the people killed +them and cut them up. Presently they were alive again, and larger +than before. They killed them again and again. After they had come +to life seven times they were full-grown men; but the eighth time +Kanyu killed them they remained dead. Bontoc went for their bodies, +and told Kanyu that, because they killed the children of Lu-ma'-wig, +their children would always be dying -- and to-day Bontoc points +to the fewness of the houses which make up Kanyu. The bodies were +buried close to Bontoc on the west and northwest; scarcely were +they interred when trees began to grow upon and about the graves -- +they were the transformed bodies of Lu-ma'-wig's children. The Igorot +never cut trees in the two small groves nearby the pueblo, but once a +year they gather the fallen branches. They say that a Spaniard once +started to cut one of the trees, but he had struck only a few blows +when he was suddenly taken sick. His bowels bloated and swelled and +he died in a few minutes. + +These two groves are called "Pa-pa-tay'" and "Pa-pa-tay' ad So-kok'," +the latter one shown in Pl. CLIV. Each is said to be a man, but among +some of the old men the one farthest to the north is now said to be a +woman. The reason they assign for now calling one a woman is because +it is situated lower down on the mountain than the other. They are +held sacred, and the monthly religious ceremonial of patay is observed +beneath their trees. + +It seems that Lu-ma'-wig soon became irritated and jealous, because +Fu'-kan was the wife of another man, and he sent word forbidding her +to leave her house. About this time the warriors of Tinglayan returned +from a head-hunting expedition. When Fu'-kan heard their gongs and knew +all the pueblo was dancing, she danced alone in the house. Soon those +outside felt the ground trembling. They looked and saw that the house +where Fu'-kan lived was trembling and swaying. The women hastened +to unfortunate Fu'-kan and brought her out of the house. However, +in coming out she had disobeyed Lu-ma'-wig, and shortly she died. + +Lu-ma'-wig's work was ended. He took three of his children with +him to Mount Po'-kis, on the northern horizon of Bontoc, and from +there the four passed above into the sky as birds fly. His two other +children wished to accompany him, but he denied them the request; and +so they left Bontoc and journeyed westward to Loko (Ilokos Provinces) +because, they said, if they remained, they would die. What became of +these two children is not known; neither is it known whether those +who went above are alive now; but Lu-ma'-wig is still alive in the +sky and is still the friendly god of the Igorot, and is the force in +all the things with which he originally had to do. + +Throughout the Bontoc culture area Lu-ma'-wig is the one and only +god of the people. Many said that he lived in Bontoc, and, so far as +known, they hold the main facts of the belief in him substantially +as do the people of his own pueblo. + + +"Changers" in religion + +In the western pueblos of Alap, Balili, Genugan, Takong, and Sagada +there has been spreading for the past two years a changing faith. The +people allying themselves with the new faith call themselves +"Su-pa-la'-do," and those who speak Spanish say they are "guardia +de honor." + +The Su-pa-la'-do continue to eat meat, but wash and cleanse it +thoroughly before cooking. They are said also not to hold any of the +ceremonials associated with the old faith. They keep a white flag +flying from a pole near their dwelling, or at least one such flag +in the section of the pueblo in which they reside. They also believe +that Lu-ma'-wig will return to them in the near future. + +A Tinguian man of the pueblo of Pay-yao', Lepanto, a short journey +from Agawa, in Bontoc, is said to be the leading spirit in this faith +of the "guardia de honor." It is believed to be a movement taking +its rise from the restless Roman Catholic Ilokano of the coast. + +In Bontoc pueblo the thought of the return of Lu-ma'-wig is laughed +at. The people say that if Lu-ma'-wig was to return they would +know of it. However, two families in Bontoc, one that of Finumti, +the tattooer, and the other that of Kayyad, a neighbor of Finumti, +have a touch of a changing faith. They are known in Bontoc as O-lot'. + +I was not able to trace any connection between the O-lot' and the +Su-pa-la'-do, though I presume there is some connection; but I learned +of the O-lot' only during the last few days of my stay in Bontoc. The +O-lot' are said not to eat meat, not to kill chickens, not to smoke, +and not to perform any of the old ceremonies. However, I do not believe +they or in fact the Su-pa-la'-do neglect all ceremonials, because +such a turning from a direct, positive, and very active religious +life to one of total neglect of the old religious ceremonials would +seem to be impossible for an otherwise normal Igorot. + + +Priesthood + +That the belief in spirits is the basis of Igorot religion is shown in +the fact that each person or each household has the necessary power +and knowledge to intercede with the anito. No class of persons has +been differentiated for this function, excepting the limited one of +the dream-appointed insupak or anito exorcists. + +That belief in a supreme being is a later development than the belief +in spirits is clear when the fact is known that a differentiated class +of persons has arisen whose duty it is to intercede with Lumawig for +the people as a whole. + +This religious intercessor has few of the earmarks of a priest. He +teaches no morals or ethics, no idea of future rewards or punishments, +and he is not an idle, nonproductive member of the group. He usually +receives for the consumption of his family the food employed in the +ceremonies to Lumawig, but this would not sustain the family one week +in the fifty-two. The term "priesthood" is applied to these people +for lack of a better one, and because its use is sufficiently accurate +to serve the present purpose. + +There are three classes of persons who stand between the people +and Lumawig, and to-day all hold an hereditary office. The first +class is called "Wa-ku'," of which there are three men, namely, +Fug-ku-so', of ato Somowan, Fang-u-wa', of ato Lowingan, and +Cho-Iug', of ato Sigichan. The function of these men is to decide +and announce the time of all rest days and ceremonials for the +pueblo. These Wa-ku' inform the old men of each ato, and they in turn +announce the days to the ato. The small boys, however, are the true +"criers." They make more noise in the evening before the rest day, +crying "Teng-ao'! whi! teng-ao'!" ("Rest day! hurrah! rest day!"), +than I have heard from the pueblo at any other time. + +The title of the second class of intercessors is "Pa'-tay," of whom +there are two in Bontoc -- Kad-lo'-san, of ato Somowan, and Fi'-Iug, +of ato Longfoy. + +The Pa'-tay illustrate the nature of the titles borne by all the +intercessors. The title is the same as the name of the ceremony or +one of the ceremonies which the person performs. + +Once every new moon each Pa'-tay performs the pa'-tay ceremony in +the sacred grove near the pueblo. This ceremony is for the general +well-being of the pueblo. + +The third class of intercessors has duties of a two-fold nature. One +is to allay the rain and wind storms, called "baguios," and to drive +away the cold; and the other is to petition for conditions favorable +to crops. There are seven of these men, and each has a distinct +title. All are apparently of equal importance to the group. + +Le-yod', of ato Lowingan, whose title is "Ka-lob'," has charge +of the ka-lob' ceremony held once or twice each year to allay the +baguios. Ang'-way, of ato Somowan, whose title is "Chi-nam'-wi," +presides over the chi-nam'-wi ceremony to drive away the cold +and fog. This ceremony usually occurs once or twice each year +in January, February, or March. He also serves once each year in +the fa-kil' ceremony for rain. Cham-lang'-an, of ato Filig, has +the title "Po-chang'," and he has one annual ceremony for large +palay. A fifth intercessor is Som-kad', of ato Sipaat; his title is +"Su'-wat." He performs two ceremonies annually -- one, the su'-wat, +for palay fruitage, and the other a fa-kil' for rains. Ong-i-yud', +of ato Fatayyan, is known by the title of "Ke'-eng." He has two +ceremonies annually, one ke'-eng and the other tot-o-lod'; both +are to drive the birds and rats from the fruiting palay. Som-kad', +of ato Sigichan, with the title "O-ki-ad'," has charge of three +ceremonies annually. One is o-ki-ad', for the growth of beans; +another is los-kod', for abundant camotes, and the third is fa-kil', +the ceremony for rain. There are four annual fa-kil' ceremonies, +and each is performed by a different person. + + +Sacred days + +Teng-ao' is the sacred day, the rest day, of Bontoc. It occurs on +an average of about every ten days throughout the year, though there +appears to be no definite regularity in its occurrence. The old men +of the two ato of Lowingan and Sipaat determine when teng-ao' shall +occur, and it is a day observed by the entire pueblo. + +The day is publicly announced in the pueblo the preceding evening. If +a person goes to labor in the fields on a sacred day -- not having +heard the announcement, or in disregard of it -- he is fined for +"breaking the Sabbath." The old men of each ato discover those who have +disobeyed the pueblo law by working in the field, and they announce the +names to the old men of Lowingan and Sipaat, who promptly take from the +lawbreaker firewood or rice or a small chicken to the value of about 10 +cents, or the wage of two days. March 3, 1903, was teng-ao' in Bontoc, +and I saw ten persons fined for working. The fines are expended in +buying chickens and pigs for the pa'-tay ceremonies of the pueblo. + + +Ceremonials + +A residence of five months among a primitive people about whom no +scientific knowledge existed previously is evidently so scant for +a study of ceremonial life that no explanation should be necessary +here. However, I wish to say that no claim is made that the following +short presentation is complete -- in fact, I know of several ceremonies +by name about which I can not speak at all with certainty. Time was +also insufficient to get accurate translations of all ceremonial +utterances which are here presented. + +There is great absence of formalism in uttering ceremonies, scarcely +two persons speak exactly the same words, though I believe the purport +of each ceremony, as uttered by two people, to be the same. This +looseness may be due in part to the absence of a developed cult having +the ceremonies in charge from generation to generation. + + +Ceremonies connected with agriculture + + +Pochang + +This ceremony is performed at the close of the period Pa-chog', +the period when rice seed is put in the germinating beds. + +It is claimed there is no special oral ceremony for Po-chang'. The +proceeding is as follows: On the first day after the completion of +the period Pa-chog' the regular monthly Pa'-tay ceremony is held. On +the second day the men of ato Sigichan, in which ato Lumawig resided +when he lived in Bontoc, prepare a bunch of runo as large around as +a man's thigh. They call this the "cha-nug'," and store it away in +the ato fawi, and outside the fawi set up in the earth twenty or more +runo, called "pa-chi'-pad -- the pud-pud' of the harvest field. + +The bunch of runo is for a constant reminder to Lumawig to make the +young rice stalks grow large. The pa-chi'-pad are to prevent Igorot +from other pueblos entering the fawi and thus seeing the efficacious +bundle of runo. + +During the ceremony of Lis-lis, at the close of the annual harvest of +palay, both the cha-nug' and the pa-chi'-pad are destroyed by burning. + + +Chaka + +On February 10, 1903, the rice having been practically all transplanted +in Bontoc, was begun the first of a five-day general ceremony for +abundant and good fruitage of the season's palay. It was at the close +of the period I-na-na'. + +The ceremony of the first day is called "Su-yak'." Each group of kin -- +all descendants of one man or woman who has no living ascendants -- +kills a large hog and makes a feast. This day is said to be passed +without oral ceremony. + +The ceremony of the second day was a double one. The first was called +"Wa-lit'" and the second "Mang'-mang." From about 9.30 until 11 in +the forenoon a person from each family -- usually a woman -- passed +slowly up the steep mountain side immediately west of Bontoc. These +people went singly and in groups of two to four, following trails to +points on the mountain's crest. Each woman carried a small earthen +pot in which was a piece of pork covered with basi. Each also carried +a chicken in an open-work basket, while tucked into the basket was a +round stick about 14 inches long and half an inch in diameter. This +stick, "lo'-lo," is kept in the family from generation to generation. + +When the crest of the mountain was reached, each person in turn voiced +an invitation to her departed ancestors to come to the Mang'-mang +feast. She placed her olla of basi and pork over a tiny fire, +kindled by the first pilgrim to the mountain in the morning and fed +by each arrival. Then she took the chicken from her basket and faced +the west, pointing before her with the chicken in one hand and the +lo'-lo in the other. There she stood, a solitary figure, performing +her sacred mission alone. Those preceding her were slowly descending +the hot mountain side in groups as they came; those to follow her +were awaiting their turn at a distance beneath a shady tree. The fire +beside her sent up its thin line of smoke, bearing through the quiet +air the fragrance of the basi. + +The woman invited the ancestral anito to the feast, saying: + +"A-ni'-to ad Lo'-ko, su-ma-a-kay'-yo ta-in-mang-mang'-ta-ko +ta-ka-ka'-nen si mu'-teg." Then she faced the north and addressed the +spirit of her ancestors there: "A-ni'-to ad La'-god, su-ma-a-kay'-yo +ta-in-mang-mang'-ta-ko ta-ka-ka'-nen si mu'-teg." She faced the east, +gazing over the forested mountain ranges, and called to the spirits +of the past generation there: "A-ni'-to ad Bar'-lig su-ma-a-kay'-yo +ta-in-mang-mang'-ta-ko ta-ka-ka-nen si mu'-teg." + +As she brought her sacred objects back down the mountain another +woman stood alone by the little fire on the crest. + +The returning pilgrim now puts her fowl and her basi olla inside her +dwelling, and likely sits in the open air awaiting her husband as he +prepares the feast. Outside, directly in front of his door, he builds +a fire and sets a cooking olla over it. Then he takes the chicken from +its basket, and at his hands it meets a slow and cruel death. It is +held by the feet and the hackle feathers, and the wings unfold and +droop spreading. While sitting in his doorway holding the fowl in +this position the man beats the thin-fleshed bones of the wings with a +short, heavy stick as large around as a spear handle. The fowl cries +with each of the first dozen blows laid on, but the blows continue +until each wing has received fully half a hundred. The injured bird +is then laid on its back on a stone, while its head and neck stretch +out on the hard surface. Again the stick falls, cruelly, regularly, +this time on the neck. Up and down its length it is pummeled, and as +many as a hundred blows fall -- fall after the cries cease, after the +eyes close and open and close again a dozen times, and after the bird +is dead. The head receives a few sharp blows, a jet of blood spurts +out, and the ceremonial killing is past. The man, still sitting on +his haunches, still clasping the feet of the pendent bird, moves +over beside his fire, faces his dwelling, and voices the only words +of this strangely cruel scene. His eyes are open, his head unbending, +and he gazes before him as he earnestly asks a blessing on the people, +their pigs, chickens, and crops. + +The old men say it is bad to cut off a chicken's head -- it is like +taking a human head, and, besides, they say that the pummeling makes +the flesh on the bony wings and neck larger and more abundant -- +so all fowls killed are beaten to death. + +After the oral part of the ceremony the fowl is held in the flames +till all its feathers are burned off. It is cut up and cooked in the +olla before the door of the dwelling, and the entire family eats of it. + +Each family has the Mang'-mang ceremony, and so also has each +broken household if it possesses a sementera -- though a lone woman +calls in a man, who alone may perform the rite connected with the +ceremonial killing, and who must cook the fowl. A lone man needs no +woman assistant. + +Though the ancestral anito are religiously bidden to the feast, +the people eat it all, no part being sacrificed for these invisible +guests. Even the small olla of basi is drunk by the man at the +beginning of the meal. + +The rite of the third day is called "Mang-a-pu'-i." The sementeras of +growing palay are visited, and an abundant fruitage asked for. Early +in the morning some member of each household goes to the mountains +to get small sprigs of a plant named "pa-lo'-ki." Even as early as +7.30 the pa-lo'-ki had been brought to many of the houses, and the +people were scattering along the different trails leading to the +most distant sementeras. If the family owned many scattered fields, +the day was well spent before all were visited. + +Men, women, and boys went to the bright-green fields of young palay, +each carrying the basket belonging to his sex. In the basket were +the sprigs of pa-lo'-ki, a small olla of water, a small wooden dish +or a basket of cooked rice, and a bamboo tube of basi or tapui. Many +persons had also several small pieces of pork and a chicken. As they +passed out of the pueblo each carried a tightly bound club-like torch +of burning palay straw; this would smolder slowly for hours. + +On the stone dike of each sementera the owner paused to place three +small stones to hold the olla. The bundle of smoldering straw was +picked open till the breeze fanned a blaze; dry sticks or reeds +quickly made a small, smoking fire under the olla, in which was put +the pork or the chicken, if food was to be eaten there. Frequently, +too, if the smoke was low, a piece of the pork was put on a stick +punched into the soil of the sementera beside the fire and the smoke +enwrapped the meat and passed on over the growing field. + +As soon as all was arranged at the fire a small amount of basi was +poured over a sprig of pa-lo'-ki which was stuck in the soil of the +sementera, or one or two sprigs were inserted, drooping, in a split +in a tall, green runo, and this was pushed into the soil. While the +person stood beside the efficacious pa-lo'-ki an invocation was voiced +to Lumawig to bless the crop. + +The olla and piece of pork were at once put in the basket, and the +journey conscientiously continued to the next sementera. Only when +food was eaten at the sementera was the halt prolonged. + +A-sig-ka-cho' is the name of the function of the fourth day. On that +day each household owning sementeras has a fish feast. + +At that season of the year (February), while the water is low in +the river, only the very small, sluggish fish, called "kacho," is +commonly caught at Bontoc. Between 200 and 300 pounds of those fish, +only one in a hundred of which exceeded 2 1/2 inches in length, +were taken from the river during the three hours in the afternoon +when the ceremonial fishing was in progress. + +Two large scoops, one shown in Pl. XLIX, were used to catch the +fish. They were a quarter of a mile apart in the river, and were +operated independently. + +At the house the fish were cooked and eaten as is described in the +section on "Meals and mealtime." + +When this fish meal was past the last observance of the fourth day +of the Cha'-ka ceremonial was ended. + +The rite of the last day is called "Pa'-tay." It is observed by two +old Pa'-tay priests. Exactly at high noon Kad-lo'-san left his ato +carrying a chicken and a smoldering palay-straw roll in his hand, and +the unique basket, tak-fa', on his shoulder. He went unaccompanied and +apparently unnoticed to the small grove of trees, called "Pa-pa-tay' +ad So-kok'." Under the trees is a space some 8 or 10 feet across, +paved with flat rocks, and here the man squatted and put down his +basket. From it he took a two-quart olla containing water, a small +wooden bowl of cooked rice, a bottle of native cane sugar, and a +head-ax. He next kindled a blaze under the olla in a fireplace of +three stones already set up. Then followed the ceremonial killing +of the chicken, as described in the Mang'-mang rite of the second +day. With the scarcely dead fowl held before him the man earnestly +addressed a short supplication to Lumawig. + +The fowl was then turned over and around in the flame until all its +feathers were burned off. Its crop was torn out with the fingers. The +ax was struck blade up solid in the ground, and the legs of the +chicken cut off from the body by drawing them over the sharp ax +blade, and they were put at once into the pot. An incision was cut +on each side of the neck, and the body torn quickly and neatly open, +with the wings still attached to the breast part. A glad exclamation +broke from the man when he saw that the gall of the fowl was dark +green. The intestines were then removed, ripped into a long string, +and laid in the basket. The back part of the fowl, with liver, heart, +and gizzard attached, went into the now boiling pot, and the breast +section followed it promptly. Three or four minutes after the bowl +of rice was placed immediately in front of the man, and the breast +part of the chicken laid in the bowl on the rice. Then followed these +words: "Now the gall is good, we shall live in the pueblo invulnerable +to disease." + +The breast was again put in the pot, and as the basket was packed up +in preparation for departure the anito of ancestors were invited to a +feast of chicken and rice in order that the ceremony might be blessed. + +At the completion of this supplication the Pa'-tay shouldered his +basket and hastened homeward by a different route from which he came. + +If a chicken is used in this rite it is cooked in the dwelling of +the priest and is eaten by the family. If a pig is used the old men +of the priest's ato consume it with him. + +The performance of the rite of this last day is a critical half hour +for the town. If the gall of the fowl is white or whitish the palay +fruitage will be more or less of a failure. The crop last year was +such -- a whitish gall gave the warning. If a crow flies cawing over +the path of the Pa'-tay as he returns to his dwelling, or if the dogs +bark at him, many people will die in Bontoc. Three years ago a man +was killed by a falling bowlder shortly after noon on this last day's +ceremonial -- a flying crow had foretold the disaster. If an eagle +flies over the path, many houses will burn. Two years ago an eagle +warned the people, and in the middle of the day fifty or more houses +burned in Bontoc in the three ato of Pokisan, Luwakan, and Ungkan. + +If none of these calamities are foretold, the anito enemies of Bontoc +are not revengeful, and the pueblo rests in contentment. + + +Suwat + +This ceremony, performed by Som-kad' of ato Sipaat, occurs in the +first period of the year, I-na-na'. The usual pig or chicken is +killed, and the priest says: "In-fi-kus'-na ay pa-ku' to-mo-no'-ka +ad chay'-ya." This is: "Fruit of the palay, grow up tall, even to +the sky." + + + +Keeng + +Ke'-eng ceremony is for the protection of the palay. Ong-i-yud', +of ato Fatayyan, is the priest for this occasion, and the ceremony +occurs when the first fruit heads appear on the growing rice. They +claim two good-sized hogs are killed on this day. Then Ong-i-yud' +takes a ki'-lao, the bird-shaped bird scarer, from the pueblo and +stealthily ducks along to the sementera where he suddenly erects the +scarer. Then he says: + + + +U-mi-chang'-ka Sik'-a +Ti-lin' in kad La'-god yad Ap'-lay +Sik'-a o'-tot in lo-ko-lo'-ka nan fu-i'-mo. + + + +Freely translated, this is -- + + + +Ti-lin' [the rice bird], you go away into the north country and the +south country +You, rat, you go into your hole. + + + + +Totolod + +This ceremony, tot-o-lod', occurs on the day following ke'-eng, +and it is also for the protection of the rice crop. Ong-i-yud' is +the priest for both ceremonies. + +The usual hog is killed, and then the priest ties up a bundle of palay +straw the size of his arm, and walks to the south side of the pueblo +"as though stalking deer in the tall grass." He suddenly and boldly +throws the bundle southward, suggesting that the birds and rats follow +in the same direction, and that all go together quickly. + + +Safosab + +This ceremony is recorded in the chapter on "Agriculture" in the +section on "Harvesting," page 103. It is simply referred to here +in the place where it would logically appear if it were not so +intimately connected with the harvesting that it could not be omitted +in presenting that phase of agriculture. + + +Lislis + +At the close of the rice harvest, at the beginning of the season +Li'-pas, the lis-lis ceremony is widely celebrated in the Bontoc +area. It consists, in Bontoc pueblo, of two parts. Each family cooks +a chicken in the fireplace on the second floor of the dwelling. This +part is called "cha-peng'." After the cha-peng' the public part of the +ceremony occurs. It is called "fug-fug'-to," and is said to continue +three days. + +Fug-fug'-to in Bontoc is a man's rock fight between the men of Bontoc +and Samoki. The battle is in the broad bed of the river between the +two pueblos. The men go to the conflict armed with war shields, and +they pelt each other with rocks as seriously as in actual war. There +is a man now in Bontoc whose leg was broken in the conflict of 1901, +and three of our four Igorot servant boys had scalp wounds received +in lis-lis rock conflicts. + +A river cuts in two the pueblo of Alap, and that pueblo is said +to celebrate the harvest by a rock fight similar to that of Bontoc +and Samoki. + +It is said by Igorot that the Sadanga lis-lis is a conflict with runo +(or reed) spears, which are warded off with the war shields. + +It is claimed that in Sagada the public part of the ceremony consists +of a mud fight in the sementeras, mud being thrown by each contending +party. + + +Loskod + +This ceremony occurs once each year at the time of planting camotes, +in the period of Ba-li'-ling. + +Som-kad' of ato Sigichan is the pueblo "priest" who performs the +los-kod' ceremony. He kills a chicken or pig, and then petitions +Lumawig as follows: "Lo-mos-kod'-kay to-ki'." This means, "May there +be so many camotes that the ground will crack and burst open." + + +Okiad + +Som-kad' of ato Sigichan performs the o-ki-ad' ceremony once each +year during the time of planting the black beans, or ba-la'-tong, +also in the period of Ba-li'-ling. + +The petition addressed to Lumawig is said after a pig or chicken +has been ceremonially killed; it runs as follows: "Ma-o'-yed si +ba-la'-tong, Ma-o'-yed si fu'-tug, Ma-o'-yed nan i-pu-kao'." A free +translation is, "May the beans grow rapidly; may the pigs grow rapidly; +and may the people [the children] grow rapidly." + + +Kopus + +Ko'-pus is the name given the three days of rest at the close of the +period of Ba-li'-ling. They say there is no special ceremony for +ko'-pus, but some time during the three days the pa'-tay ceremony +is performed. + + +Ceremonies connected with climate + + +Fakil + +The Fa-kil' ceremony for rain occurs four times each year, on four +succeeding days, and is performed by four different priests. The +ceremony is simple. There is the usual ceremonial pig killing by the +priest, and each night preceding the ceremony all the people cry: +"I-teng'-ao ta-ko nan fa-kil'." This is only an exclamation, meaning, +"Rest day! We observe the ceremony for rain!" I was informed that +the priest has no separate oral petition or ceremony, though it is +probable that he has. + + + +Kalob + +Once or twice each year, or maybe once in two years, in January +or February, a cold, driving rain pours itself on Bontoc from the +north. It often continues for two or three days, and is a miserable +storm to be out in. + +If this storm continues three or four days, Le-yod', of ato Lowingan, +performs the following ceremony in his dwelling: "Ma-kis-kis'-kay +li-fo'-o min-chi-kang'-ka ay fat-a'-wa ta-a'-yu nan fa'-ki +lo-lo'-ta." A very free translation of this is as follows: "You fogs, +rise up rolling. Let us have good weather in all the world! All the +people are very poor." + +Following this ceremony Le-yod' goes to Chao'-wi, the site of Lumawig's +former dwelling in the pueblo, shown in Pl. CLIII, and there he builds +a large fire. It is claimed the fierce storm always ceases shortly +after the ka-lob' is performed. + + +Chinamwi + +Ang'-way of ato Somowan performs the chi-nam'-wi ceremony once or +twice each year during the cold and fog of the period Sama, when the +people are standing in the water-filled sementeras turning the soil, +frequently working entirely naked. + +Many times I have seen the people shake -- arms, legs, jaw, and body -- +during those cold days, and admit that I was touched by the ceremony +when I saw it. + +A hog is killed and each household gives Ang'-way a manojo of +palay. He pleads to Lumawig: "Tum-ke'-ka ay li-fo'-o ta-a-ye'-o nan +in sa-ma'-mi." This prayer is: "No more cold and fog! Pity those +working in the sementera!" + + +Ceremonies connected with head taking[35] + + +Kafokab + +Ka-fo'-kab is the name of a ceremony performed as soon as a party +of successful head-hunters returns home. The old man in charge at +the fawi says: "Cha-kay'-yo fo'-so-mi ma-pay-ing'-an. Cha-kay'-mi +in-ked-se'-ka-mi nan ka-nin'-mi to-kom-ke'-ka." This is an exultant +boast -- it is the crow of the winning cock. It runs as follows: +"You, our enemies, we will always kill you! We are strong; the food +we eat makes us strong!" + + +Changtu + +There is a peculiar ceremony, called "chang'-tu," performed now and +then when i'-chu, the small omen bird, visits the pueblo. + +This ceremony is held before each dwelling and each pabafunan in the +pueblo. A chicken is killed, and usually both pork and chicken are +eaten. The man performing the Chang'-tu says: + +"Sik'-a tan-ang'-a sik'-a lu'-fub ad Sa-dang'-a nan ay-yam' Sik'-a +ta-lo'-lo ad La'-god nan ay-yam' Sik'-a ta-lo'-lo ye'-mod La'-god +nan fa-no wat'-mo yad Ap'-lay." + +This speech is a petition running as follows: + +"You, the anito of a person beheaded by Bontoc, and you, the anito of +a person who died in a dwelling, you all go to the pueblo of Sadanga +[that is, you destructive spirits, do not visit Bontoc; but we suggest +that you carry your mischief to the pueblo of Sadanga, an enemy of +ours]. You, the anito of a Bontoc person beheaded by some other pueblo, +you go into the north country, and you, the anito of a Bontoc person +beheaded by some other pueblo, you carry the palay-straw torch into +the north country and the south country [that is, friendly anito, +once our fellow-citizens, burn the dwellings of our enemies both +north and south of us]." + +In this petition the purpose of the Chang'-tu is clearly defined. The +faithful i'-chu has warned the pueblo that an anito, perhaps an enemy, +perhaps a former friend, threatens the pueblo; and the people seek +to avert the calamity by making feasts -- every dwelling preparing a +feast. Each household then calls the names of the classes of malignant +anito which destroy life and property, and suggests to them that they +spend their fury elsewhere. + + +Ceremony connected with ato + +Young men sometimes change their membership from one a'-to to +another. It is said that old men never do. There is a ceremony of +adoption into a new a'-to when a change is made; it is called "pu-ke'" +or "pal-ug-peg'." At the time of the ceremony a feast is made. and +some old man welcomes the new member as follows: + +If you die first, you must look out for us, since we wish to live long +[that is, your spirit must protect us against destructive spirits], +do not let other pueblos take our heads. If you do not take this +care, your spirit will find no food when it comes to the a'-to, +because the a'-to will be empty -- we will all be dead. + + + +PART 9 + +Mental Life + +The Igorot does not know many things in common with enlightened men, +and yet one constantly marvels at his practical knowledge. Tylor +says primitive man has "rude, shrewd sense." The Igorot has more -- +he has practical wisdom. + + +Actual knowledge + +Concerning cosmology, the Igorot believes Lumawig gave the earth and +all things connected with it. Lumawig makes it rain and storm, gives +day and night, heat and cold. The earth is "just as you see it." It +ceases somewhere a short distance beyond the most distant place an +Igorot has visited. He does not know how it is supported. "Why should +it fall?" he asks. "A pot on the earth does not fall." Above is chayya, +the sky -- the Igorot does not know or attempt to say what it is. It +is up above the earth and extends beyond and below the visible horizon +and the limit of the earth. The Igorot does not know how it remains +there, and a man once interrupted me to ask why it did not fall down +below the earth at its limit. + +"Below us," an old Igorot told me, "is just bones." + +The sun is a man called "Chal-chal'." The moon is a woman named +"Ka-bi-gat'." "Once the moon was also a sun, and then it was always +day; but Lumawig made a moon of the woman, and since then there is +day and night, which is best." + +There are two kinds of stars. "Fat-ta-ka'-kan" is the name of large +stars and "tuk-fi'-fi" is the name of small stars. The stars are all +men, and they wear white coats. Once they came down to Bontoc pueblo +and ate sugar cane, but on being discovered they all escaped again +to chayya. + +Thunder is a gigantic wild boar crying for rain. A Bontoc man was +once killed by Ki-cho', the thunder. The unfortunate man was ripped +open from his legs to his head, just as a man is ripped and torn +by the wild boar of the mountains. The lightning, called "Yup-yup," +is also a hog, and always accompanies Ki-cho'. + +Lumawig superintends the rains. Li-fo'-o are the rain clouds -- they +are smoke. "At night Lumawig has the li-fo'-o come down to the river +and get water. Before morning they have carried up a great deal of +water; and then they let it come down as rain." + +Earthquakes are caused by Lumawig. He places both hands on the edge +of the earth and quickly pushes it back and forth. They do not know +why he does it. + +Regarding man himself the Igorot knows little. He says Lumawig gave man +and all man's functionings. He does not know the functioning of blood, +brain, stomach, or any other of the primary organs of the body. He says +the bladder of men and animals is for holding the water they drink. He +knows that a man begets his child and that a woman's breasts are for +supplying the infant food, but these two functionings are practically +all the facts he knows or even thinks he knows about his body. + + +Mensuration + +Under this title are considered all forms of measurement used by +the Igorot. + + +Numbers + +The most common method of enumerating is that of the finger count. The +usual method is to count the fingers, beginning with the little +finger of the right hand, in succession touching each finger with +the forefinger of the other hand. The count of the thumb, li'-ma, +five, is one of the words for hand. The sixth count begins with the +little finger of the left hand, and the tenth reaches the thumb. The +eleventh count begins with the little finger of the right hand again, +and so the count continues. The Igorot system is evidently decimal. One +man, however, invariably recorded his eleventh count on his toes, +from which he returned to the little finger of his right hand for +the twenty-first count. + +A common method of enumerating is one in which the record is kept +with small pebbles placed together one after another on the ground. + +Another method in frequent use preserves the record in the number of +sections of a slender twig which is bent or broken half across for +each count. + +When an Igorot works for an American he records each day by a notch +in a small stick. A very neat record for the month was made by one +of our servants who prepared a three-sided stick less than 2 inches +long. Day by day he cut notches in this stick, ten on each edge. + +When a record is wanted for a long time -- as when one man loans +another money for a year or more -- he ties a knot in a string for +each peso loaned. + +The Igorot subtracts by addition. He counts forward in the total +of fingers or pebbles the number he wishes to subtract, and then he +again counts the remainder forward. + + + +Lineal measure + +The distance between the tips of the thumb and middle finger extended +and opposed is the shortest linear measure used by the Igorot, +although he may measure by eye with more detail and exactness, as +when he notes half the above distance. This span measure is called +"chang'-an" or "i'-sa chang'-an," "chu'-wa chang'-an," etc. + +Chi-pa' is the measure between the tips of the two middle fingers when +the arms are extended full length in opposite directions. Chi-wan' +si chi-pa' is half the above measure, or from the tip of the middle +finger of one hand, arm extended from side of body, to the sternum. + +These three measures are most used in handling timbers and boards in +the construction of buildings. + +Cloth for breechcloths is measured by the length of the forearm, +being wound about the elbow and through the hand, quite as one coils +up a rope. + +Long distances in the mountains or on the trail are measured by the +length of time necessary to walk them, and the length of time is +told by pointing to the place of the sun in the heavens at the hour +of departure and arrival. + +Rice sementeras are measured by the number of cargoes of palay +they produce. Besides this relatively exact measure, sementeras +producing up to five cargoes are called "small," pay-yo' ay fa-nig'; +and those producing more than five are said to be "large," pay-yo' +chuk-chuk'-wag. + + +Measurement of animals + +The idea of the size of a carabao, and at the same time a crude +estimate of its age and value, is conveyed by representing on the +arm the length of the animal's horns. + +The size of a hog and, as with the carabao, an estimate of its value is +shown by representing the size of the girth of the animal by clasping +the hands around one's leg. For instance, a small pig is represented +by the size of the speaker's ankle, as he clasps both hands around it; +a larger one is the size of his calf; a still larger one is the size +of a man's thigh; and one still larger is represented by the thigh and +calf together, the calf being bent tightly against the upper leg. To +represent a still larger hog, the two hands circle the calf and thigh, +but at some distance from them. + +The Bontoc Igorot has no system of liquid or dry measure, nor has he +any system of weight. + + +The calendar + +The Igorot has no mechanical record of time or events, save as he +sometimes cuts notches in a stick to mark the flight of days. He +is apt, however, in memorizing the names of ancestors, holding them +for half a dozen generations, but he keeps no record of age, and has +no adequate conception of such a period as twenty years. He has no +conception of a cycle of time greater than one year, and, in fact, +it is the rare man who thinks in terms of a year. When one does he +speaks of the past year as tin-mo-win', or i-san' pa-na'-ma. + +Prominent Igorot have insisted that a year has only eight moons, +and other equally sane and respected men say it has one hundred. But +among the old men, who are the wisdom of the people, there are those +who know and say it has thirteen moons. + +They have noted and named eight phases of the moon, namely: The +one-quarter waxing moon, called "fis-ka'-na;" the two-quarters waxing +moon, "ma-no'-wa," or "ma-lang'-ad;" the three-quarters waxing moon, +"kat-no-wa'-na" or "nap-no';" the full moon, "fit-fi-tay'-eg;" the +three-quarters waning moon, "ka-tol-pa-ka'-na" or "ma-til-pa'-kan;" +the two-quarters waning moon, "ki-sul-fi-ka'-na;" the one-quarter +waning moon, sig-na'-a-na" or "ka-fa-ni-ka'-na;" and the period +following the last, when there is but a faint rim of light, is called +"li'-meng" or "ma-a-mas'." + + +FIGURE 9 + +Recognized phases of the moon. + +Fis-ka'-na. +Ma-no'-wa. +Kat-no-wa'-na. +Fit-fi-tay'-eg. +Ka-tol-pa-ka'-na. +Ki-sul-fi-ka'-na. +Sig-na'-a-na. +Li'-meng. + + +However, the Igorot do seldom count time by the phases of the moon, +and the only solar period of time they know is that of the day. Their +word for day is the same as for sun, a-qu'. They indicate the time of +day by pointing to the sky, indicating the position the sun occupied +when a particular event occurred. + +There are two seasons in a year. One is Cha-kon', having five moons, +and the other is Ka-sip', having eight moons. The seasons do not mark +the wet and dry periods, as might be expected in a country having +such periods. Cha-kon' is the season of rice or "palay" growth and +harvest, and Ka-sip' is the remainder of the year. These two seasons, +and the recognition that there are thirteen moons in one year, and +that day follows night, are the only natural divisions of time in +the Igorot calendar. + +He has made an artificial calendar differing somewhat in all pueblos +in name and number and length of periods. In all these calendars +the several periods bear the names of the characteristic industrial +occupations which follow one another successively each year. Eight +of these periods make up the calendar of Bontoc pueblo, and seven +of them have to do with the rice industry. Each period receives its +name from that industry which characterizes its beginning, and it +retains this name until the beginning of the next period, although +the industry which characterized it may have ceased some time before. + +I-na-na' is the first period of the year, and the first period of the +season Cha-kon'. It is the period, as they say, of no more work in the +rice sementeras -- that is, practically all fields are prepared and +transplanted. It began in 1903 on February 11. It lasts about three +months, continuing until the time of the first harvest of the rice or +"palay" crop in May; in 1903 this was until May 2. This period is +not a period of "no work" -- it has many and varied labors. + +The second period is La'-tub. It is that of the first harvests, +and lasts some four weeks, ending about June 1. + +Cho'-ok is the third period. It is the time when the bulk of the palay +is harvested. It occupies about four weeks, running over in 1903 two +days in July. + +Li'-pas is the fourth period. It is that of "no more palay harvest," +and lasts for about ten or fifteen days, ending probably about July +15. This is the last period of the season Cha-kon'. + +The fifth period is Ba-li'-ling. It is the first period of the season +Ka-sip'. It takes its name from the general planting of camotes, +and is the only one of the calendar periods not named from the rice +industry. It continues about six weeks, or until near the 1st of +September. + +Sa-gan-ma' is the sixth period. It is the time when the sementeras to +be used as seed beds for rice are put in condition, the earth being +turned three different times. It lasts about two months. November 15, +1902, the seed rice was just peeping from the kernels in the beds of +Bontoc and Sagada, and the seed is sown immediately after the third +turning of the earth, which thus ended early in November. + +Pa-chog' is the seventh period of the annual calendar. It is the +period of seed sowing, and begins about November 10. Although the +seed sowing does not last many days, the period Pa-chog' continues +five or six weeks. + +Sa'-ma is the last period of the calendar. It is the period in which +the rice sementeras are prepared for receiving the young plants and in +which these seedlings are transplanted from the seed beds. The last +Sa'-ma was near seven weeks' duration. It began about December 20, +1902, and ended February 10, 1903. Sa'-ma is the last period of the +season Ka-sip', and the last of the year. + +The Igorot often says that a certain thing occurred in La'-tub, or +will occur in Ba-li'-ling, so these periods of the calendar are held +in mind as the civilized man thinks of events in time as occurring +in some particular month. + +The Igorot have a tradition that formerly the moon was also a sun, +and at that time it was always day. Lumawig told the moon to be +"moon," and then there was night. Such a change was necessary, they +say, so the people would know when to work -- that is, when was the +right time, the right moon, to take up a particular kind of labor. + + +Folk tales + +The paucity of the pure mental life of the Igorot is nowhere more +clearly shown than in the scarcity of folk tales. + +I group here seven tales which are quite commonly known among the +people of Bontoc. The second, third, fourth, and fifth are frequently +related by the parents to their children, and I heard all of them +the first time from boys about a dozen years old. I believe these +tales are nearly all the pure fiction the Igorot has created and +perpetuated from generation to generation, except the Lumawig stories. + +The Igorot story-tellers, with one or two exceptions, present the +bare facts in a colorless and lifeless manner. I have, therefore, +taken the liberty of adding slightly to the tales by giving them some +local coloring, but I have neither added to nor detracted from the +facts related. + + +The sun man and moon woman; or, origin of head-hunting + +The Moon, a woman called "Ka-bi-gat'," was one day making a large +copper cooking pot. The copper was soft and plastic like potter's +clay. Ka-bi-gat' held the heavy sagging pot on her knees and leaned +the hardened rim against her naked breasts. As she squatted there +-- turning, patting, shaping, the huge vessel -- a son of the man +Chal-chal', the Sun, came to watch her. This is what he saw: The +Moon dipped her paddle, called "pip-i'," in the water, and rubbed +it dripping over a smooth, rounded stone, an agate with ribbons of +colors wound about in it. Then she stretched one long arm inside the +pot as far as she could. "Tub, tub, tub," said the ribbons of colors +as Ka-bi-gat' pounded up against the molten copper with the stone in +her extended hand. "Slip, slip, slip, slip," quickly answered pip-i', +because the Moon was spanking back the many little rounded domes which +the stone bulged forth on the outer surface of the vessel. Thus the +huge bowl grew larger, more symmetrical, and smooth. + +Suddenly the Moon looked up and saw the boy intently watching the +swelling pot and the rapid playing of the paddle. Instantly the Moon +struck him, cutting off his head. + +Chal-chal' was not there. He did not see it, but he knew Ka-bi-gat' +cut off his son's head by striking with her pip-i'. + +He hastened to the spot, picked the lad up, and put his head where +it belonged -- and the boy was alive. + +Then the Sun said to the Moon: + +"See, because you cut off my son's head, the people of the Earth are +cutting off each other's heads, and will do so hereafter." + +"And it is so," the story-tellers continue; "they do cut off each +other's heads." + + +Origin of coling, the serpent eagle[36] + +A man and woman had two boys. Every day the mother sent them into +the mountains for wood to cook her food. Each morning as she sent +them out she complained about the last wood they brought home. + +One day they brought tree limbs; the mother complained, saying: + +"This wood is bad. It smokes so much that I can not see, and soon I +shall be blind." And then she added, as was her custom: + +"If you do not work well, you can have only food for dogs and pigs." + +That day, as usual, the boys had in their topil for dinner only boiled +camote vines, such as the hogs eat, and a small allowance of rice, +just as much as a dog is fed. At night the boys brought some very +good wood -- wood of the pitch-pine tree. In the morning the mother +complained that such wood blackened the house. She gave them pig food +in their topil, saying: + +"Pig food is good enough for you because you do not work well." + +That night each boy brought in a large bundle of runo. The mother +was angry, and scolded, saying: + +"This is not good wood; it leaves too many ashes and it dirties +the house." + +In the morning she gave them dog food for dinner, and the boys again +went away to the mountains. They were now very thin and poor because +they had no meat to eat. By and by the older one said: + +"You wait here while I climb up this tree and cut off some +branches." So he climbed the tree, and presently called down: + +"Here is some wood" -- and the bones of an arm dropped to the ground. + +"Oh, oh," exclaimed the younger brother, "it is your arm!" + +Again the older boy called, "Here is some more wood" -- and the bones +of his other arm fell at the foot of the tree. + +Again he called, and the bones of a leg dropped; then his other leg +fell. The next time he called, down came the right half of his ribs; +and then, next, the left half of his ribs; and immediately thereafter +his spinal column. Then he called again, and down fell his hair. + +The last time he called, "Here is some wood," his skull dropped on +the earth under the tree. + +"Here, take those things home," said he. "Tell the woman that this +is her wood; she only wanted my bones." + +"But there is no one to go with me down the mountains," said the +younger boy. + +"Yes; I will go with you, brother," quickly came the answer from the +tree top. + +So the boy tied up his bundle, and, putting it on his shoulder, +started for the pueblo. As he did so the other -- he was now Co-ling' +-- soared from the tree top, always flying directly above the boy. + +When the younger brother reached home he put his bundle down, and +said to the woman: + +"Here is the wood you wanted." + +The woman and the husband, frightened, ran out of the house; they +heard something in the air above them. + +"Qu-iu'-kok! qu-iu'-kok! qu-iu'-kok!" said Co-ling', as he circled +around and around above the house. "Qu-iu'-kok! qu-iu'-kok!" he +screamed, "now camotes and palay are your son. I do not need your +food any longer." + + +Origin of tilin, the ricebird[37] + +As the mother was pounding out rice to cook for supper, her little +girl said: + +"Give me some mo'-ting to eat." + +"No," answered the mother, "mo'-ting is not good to eat; wait until +it is cooked." + +"No, I want to eat mo'-ting," said the little girl, and for a long +time she kept asking her mother for raw rice. + +At last her mother interrupted, "It is bad to talk so much." + +The rice was then all pounded out. The mother winnowed it clean, +and put it in her basket, covering it up with the winnowing tray. She +placed an empty olla on her head and went to the spring for water. + +The anxious little girl reached quickly for the basket to get some +rice, but the tray slipped from her grasp and fell, covering her +beneath it in the basket. + +The mother returned with the water to cook supper. She heard a bird +crying, "King! king! nik! nik! nik!" When the woman uncovered the +basket, Tilin, the little brown ricebird, flew away, calling: + +"Good-bye, mother; good-bye, mother; you would not give me mo'-ting!" + + +Origin of kaag, the monkey + +The palay was in the milk and maturing rapidly. Many kinds of birds +that knew how delicious juicy palay is were on hand to get their share, +so the boys were sent to stay all day in the sementeras to frighten +these little robbers away. + +Every day a father sent out his two boys to watch his palay in a +narrow gash in the mountain; and every day they carried their small +basket full of cooked rice, white and delicious, but their mother +put no meat in the basket. + +Finally one of the boys said: + +"It is bad not to have meat to eat; every day we have only rice." + +"Yes, it is bad," said his brother. "We can not keep fat without meat; +we are getting poor and thin, and pretty soon we shall die." + +"That is true," answered the other boy; "pretty soon we shall die. I +believe I shall be ka'-ag." + +And during the day thick hair came on this boy's arms; and then he +became hairy all over; and then it was so -- he was ka'-ag, and he +vanished in the mountains. + +Then soon the other boy was ka'-ag, too. At night he went home and +told the father: + +"Your boy is ka'-ag; he is in the mountains." + +The boy ran out of the house quickly. The father went to the mountains +to get his boy, but ka'-ag ran up a tall tree; at the foot of the tree +was a pile of bones. The father called his son, and ka'-ag came down +the tree, and, as the father went toward him, ka'-ag stood up clawing +and striking at the man with his hands, and breathing a rough throat +cry like this: + +"Haa! haa! haa!" + +Then the man ran home crying, and he never got his boys. + +Pretty soon there was a-sa'-wan nan ka'-ag[38] with a babe. Then there +were many little children; and then, pretty soon, the mountains were +full of monkeys. + + +Origin of gayyang, the crow, and fanias, the large lizard + +There were two young men who were the very greatest of friends. + +One tattooed the other beautifully. He tattooed his arms and his legs, +his breast and his belly, and also his back and face. He marked him +beautifully all over, and he rubbed soot from the bottom of an olla +into the marks, and he was then very beautiful. + +When the tattooer finished his work he turned to his friend, and said: +"Now you tattoo me beautifully, too." + +So the young men scraped together a great pile of black, greasy soot +from pitch-pine wood; and before the other knew what the tattooed one +was doing he rubbed soot over him from finger tip to finger tip. Then +the black one asked: + +"Why do you tattoo me so badly?" + +Without waiting for an answer they began a terrible combat. When, +suddenly, the tattooed one was a large lizard, fa-ni'-as,[39] and +he ran away and hid in the tall grass; and the sooty black one was +gay-yang, the crow,[40] and he flew away and up over Bontoc, because he +was ashamed to enter the pueblo after quarreling with his old friend. + + +Owug, the snake + +The old men say that a man of Mayinit came to live in Bontoc, as he +had married a Bontoc woman and she wished to live in her own town. + +After a while the man died. His friends came to the funeral, and a +snake, o-wug', also came. When the people wept, o-wug' cried also. When +they put the dead man in the grave, and when they stood there looking, +o-wug' came to the grave and looked upon the man, and then went away. + +Later, when the friends observed the death ceremony, o-wug' also came. + +"O-wug' thus showed himself to be a friend and companion of the +Igorot. Sometime in the past he was an Igorot, but we have not heard," +the old men say, "when or how he was o-wug'." + +"We never kill o-wug'; he is our friend. If he crosses our path on +a journey, we stop and talk. If he crosses our path three or four +times, we return home, because, if we continue our journey then, +some of us will die. O-wug' thus comes to tell us not to proceed; +he knows the bad anito on every trail." + + +Who took my father's head? + +The Bontoc people have another folk tale regarding head taking. In +it Lumawig, their god, taught them how to discover which pueblo had +taken the head of one of their members. They repeat this story as a +ceremony in the pabafunan after every head lost, though almost always +they know what pueblo took it. It is as follows: + +"A very great time ago a man and woman had two sons. Far up in the +mountains they owned some garden patches. One day they told the +boys to go and see whether the stone wall about the garden needed +repair; but the boys said they did not wish to go, so the father went +alone. As he did not return at nightfall, his sons started into the +mountains to find him. They bound together two small bunches of runo +for torches to light up the steep, rough, twisting trail. One torch +was burning when they went out, and they carried the other to light +them home again. Nowhere along the trail did they find their father; +he had not been injured in the path, nor could they find where he had +fallen over a cliff. So they passed on to the garden; there they found +their father's headless body. They searched for blood in the bushes +and grass, but they found nothing -- no blood, no enemies' tracks. + +"They carried the strange corpse down the mountain trail to their home +in Bontoc. Then they hastened to the pabafunan, and there they told the +men what had befallen their father. The old men counseled together, +and at last one of them said: 'Lumawig told the old men of the past, +so the old men last dead told me, that should any son find his father +beheaded, he should do this: He should ask, "Who took my father's +head? Did Tukukan take it? Did Sakasakan take it?" ' and Lumawig said, +'He shall know who took his father's head.' + +"So the boys took a basket, the fangao, to represent Lumawig, and stuck +it full of chicken feathers. Before the fangao they placed a small +cup of basi. Then squatting in front with the cup at their feet they +put a small piece of pork on a stick and held it over the cup. 'Who +took my father's head? -- did Tukukan?' they asked. But the pork and +the cup and the basket all remained still. 'Did Sakasakan?' asked +the boys all was as before. They went over a list of towns at enmity +with Bontoc, but there was no answer given them. At last they asked, +'Did the Moon?' -- but still there was no answer. 'Did the Sun?' the +boys asked, and suddenly the piece of pork slid from the stick into +the basi. And this was the way Lumawig had said a person should know +who took his father's head. + +"The Sun, then, was the guilty person. The two boys took some dogs and +hastened to the mountains where their father was killed. There the dogs +took up the scent of the enemy, and followed it in a straight line to +a very large spring where the water boiled up, as at Mayinit where the +salt springs are. The scent passed into this bubbling, tumbling water, +but the dogs could not get down. When the dogs returned to land the +elder brother tried to enter, but he failed also. Then the younger +brother tried to get down; he succeeded in going beneath the water, +and there he saw the head of his father, and young men in a circle +were dancing around it -- they were the children of the Sun. The +brother struck off the head of one of these young men, caught up his +father's head, and, with the two heads, escaped. When he reached his +elder brother the two hastened home to their pueblo." + + + +PART 10 + +Language + + +Introduction + +The language of the Bontoc Igorot is sufficiently distinct from all +others to be classed as a separate dialect. However, it is originally +from a parent stock which to-day survives more or less noticeably +over probably a much larger part of the surface of the earth than +the tongue of any other primitive people. + +The language of every group of primitive people in the +Philippine Archipelago, except the Negrito, is from that same old +tongue. Mr. Homer B. Hulbert[41] has recorded vocabularies of ten +groups of people in Formosa; and those vocabularies show that the +people belong to the same great linguistic family as the Bontoc +Igorot. Mr. Hulbert believes that the language of Korea is originally +of the same stock as that of Formosa. In concluding his article +he says: + +We find therefore that out of a vocabulary of fifty words there are +fifteen in which a distinct similarity [between Korean and Formosan] +can be traced, and in not a few of the fifteen the similarity amounts +to practical identity. + +The Malay language of Malay Peninsula, Java, and Sumatra is from the +same stock language. So are many, perhaps all, the languages of Borneo, +Celebes, and New Zealand. This same primitive tongue is spread across +the Pacific and shows unmistakably in Fiji, New Hebrides, Samoa, +and Hawaii. It is also found in Madagascar. + + +Alphabet + +The Bontoc man has not begun even the simplest form of permanent +mechanical record in the line of a written language, and no vocabulary +of the language has before been published. + +The following alphabet was used in writing Bontoc words in this study: + + +A as in FAR; Spanish RAMO +A is in LAW; as O in French OR +AY as in AI in AISLE; Spanish HAY +AO as OU in OUT; as AU in Spanish AUTO +B as in BAD; Spanish BAJAR +CH as in CHECK; Spanish CHICO +D as in DOG; Spanish DAR +E as in THEY; Spanish HALLE +E as in THEN; Spanish COMEN +F as in FIGHT; Spanish FIRMAR +G as in GO; Spanish GOZAR +H as in HE; Tagalog BAHAY +I as in PIQUE; Spanish HIJO +I as in PICK +K as in KEEN +L as in LAMB; Spanish LENTE +M as in MAN; Spanish MENOS +N as in NOW; Spanish JABON +NG as in FINGER; Spanish LENGUA +O as in NOTE; Spanish NOSOTROS +OI as in BOIL +P as in POOR; Spanish PERO +Q as CH in German ICH +S as in SAUCE; Spanish SORDO +SH as in SHALL; as CH in French CHARMER +T as in TOUCH; Spanish TOMAR +U as in RULE; Spanish UNO +U as in BUT +U as in German KUHL +V as in VALVE; in Spanish VOLVER +W as in WILL; nearly as OU in French OUI +Y as in YOU; Spanish YA + + +The sounds which I have represented by the unmarked vowels A, E, I, O, +and U, Swettenham and Clifford in their Malay Dictionary represent by +the vowels with a circumflex accent. The sound which I have indicated +by U they indicate by A. Other variations will be noted. + +The sound represented by A, it must be noted, has not always the same +force or quantity, depending on an open or closed syllable and the +position of the vowel in the word. + +So far as I know there is no R sound in the Bontoc Igorot language. The +word "Igorot" when used by the Bontoc man is pronounced Igolot. In +an article on "The Chamorro language of Guam"[42] it is noted that +in that language there was originally no R sound but that in modern +times many words formerly pronounced by an L sound now have that +letter replaced by R. + + + +Linguistic inconsistencies + +The language of the Bontoc area is not stable, but is greatly +shifting. In pueblos only a few hours apart there are not only +variations in pronunciation but in some cases entirely different +words are used, and in a single pueblo there is great inconsistency +in pronunciation. + +It is often impossible to determine the exact sound of vowels, even +in going over common words a score of times with as many people. The +accent seems very shifting and it is often difficult to tell where +it belongs. + +Several initial consonants of words and syllables are commonly +interchanged, even by the same speaker if he uses a word more than +once during a conversation. That this fickleness is a permanency +in the language rather than the result of the present building of +new words is proved by ato names, words in use for many years -- +probably many hundred years. + +One of the most frequent interchanges is that of B and F. This is shown +in the following ato names: Bu-yay'-yeng or Fu-yay'-yeng; Ba-tay'-yan +or Fa-tay'-yan; Bi'-lig or Fi'-lig; and Long-boi' or Long-foi'. It +is also shown in two other words where one would naturally expect to +find permanency -- the names of the men's public buildings in the ato, +namely, ba'-wi or fa'-wi, and pa-ba-bu'-nan or pa-ba-fu'-nan. Other +common illustrations are found in the words ba-to or fa-to (stone) +and ba-bay'-i or fa-fay'-i (woman). + +Another constant interchange is that of CH and D. This also is shown +well in names of ato, as follows: Cha-kong' or Da-kong'; Pud-pud-chog' +or Pud-pud-dog'; and Si-gi-chan' or Si-gi-dan'. It is shown also in +chi'-la or di'-la (tongue). + +The interchange of initial K and G is constant. These letters are +interchanged in the following names of ato: Am-ka'-wa or Am-ga'-wa; +Lu-wa'-kan or Lu-wa'-gan; and Ung-kan' or Ung-gan'. Other illustrations +are ku'-lid or gu'-lid (itch) and ye'-ka or ye'-ga (earthquake). + +The following three words illustrate both the last two interchanges: +Cho'-ko or Do'-go (name of an ato); pag-pa-ga'-da or pag-pa-ka'-cha +(heel); and ka-cho' or ga-de'-o (fish). + + +Nouns + +The nouns appear to undergo slight change to indicate gender, number, +or case. To indicate sex the noun is followed by the word for woman +or man -- as, a'-su fa-fay'-i (female dog), or a'-su la-la'-ki +(male dog). The same method is employed to indicate sex in the case +of the third personal pronoun Si'-a or Si-to-di'. Si'-a la-le'-ki +or Si-to-di' la-la'-ki is used to indicate the masculine gender, +and Si'-a fa-fay'-i or Si-to-di' fa-fay'-i the feminine. + +The plural form of the noun is sometimes the same as the +singular. Plural number may also be expressed by use of the word +ang-san (many) or am-in' (all) in addition to the noun. It is sometimes +expressed by repetition of syllables, as la-la'-ki (man), la-la-la'-ki +(men); sometimes, also, by the prefix ka together with repetition of +syllables, as li-fo'-o (cloud), ka-li'-fo-li-fo'-o (clouds). There +seems to be no definite law in accordance with which these several +plural forms are made. When in need of plurals in this study the +singular form has always been used largely for simplicity. + + +Pronouns + +The personal pronouns are: + + + +I +Sak-in' + +You +Sik-a' + +He, she +Si'-a and Si-to-di' + +We +Cha-ta'-ko and Cha-ka'-mi + +You +Cha-kay'-yo + +They +Cha-i-cha and Cha-to-di' + + +Examples of the possessive as indicated in the first person are +given below: + + + +My father +A-mak' + +My dog +A-suk' + +My hand +Li-mak' + +Our father +A-ma'-ta + +Our dog +A-su'-ta + +Our house +A-fong'-ta + + +Other examples of the possessive are not at hand, but these given +indicate that, as in most Malay dialects, a noun with a possessive +suffix is one form of the possessive. + +Scheerer[43] gives the possessive suffixes of the Benguet Igorot +as follows: + + + +My +K, after A, I, O, and U, otherwise 'KO + +Thy +} M, after A, I, O, and U, otherwise +'MO + +Your + + +His +} IO + +Her + + +Our (inc.) +'TAYO + +Our (exc.) +'ME + +Your +'DIO + +Their +'CHA or 'RA + + +These possessive suffixes in the Benguet Igorot language are the same, +according to Scheerer, as the suffixes used in verbal formation. + +The verbal suffixes of the Bontoc Igorot are very similar to those +of the Benguet. It is therefore probable that the possessive suffixes +are also very similar. + +It is interesting to note that in the Chamorro language of Guam the +possessive suffixes for the first person correspond to those of the +Igorot -- MY is KO and OUR is TA. + + +Verbs + +Mention has been made of the verbal suffixes. Their use is shown in +the following paradigms: + + + +I eat +Sak-in' mang-an-ak' + +You eat +Sik-a' mang-an-ka' + +He eats +Si-to-di' mang-an' + +We eat +Cha-ka'-mi mang-an-ka-mi' + +You eat +Cha-kay'-yo mang-an-kay'-o + +They eat +Cha-to-di' mang-an-cha' + +I go +Sak-in' u-mi-ak' + +You go +Sik-a' u-mi-ka' + +He goes +Si-to-di' u-mi' + +We go +Cha-ka-mi' u-mi-ka-mi' + +You go +Cha-kay'-yo u-mi-kay'-yo + +They go +Cha-to-di' u-mi-cha' + + +The suffixes are given below, and the relation they bear to the +personal pronouns is also shown by heavy-faced type: + + + +I +'ak +Sak-in' + +You (sing) +'ka +Sik-a' + +He +... +Si'-a or Si-to-di' + +We +kami or tako +Cha-ka'-mi or Cha-ta'-ko + +You +kayo +Cha-kay'-yo + +They +cha +Cha-to-di' or cha-i'-cha + + +The Benguet suffixes as given by Scheerer are: + + + +I +'ko or 'ak + +You +'mo or 'ka + +He +'to + +We { +me + + +tayo + +You +'kayo or 'dio + +They +'ra or 'cha + + +The verbal suffixes seem to be commonly used by the Bontoc Igorot in +verbal formations. The tense of a verb standing alone seems always +indefinite; the context alone tells whether the present, past, or +future is indicated. + + +Comparative vocabularies + +About eighty-five words have been selected expressing simple +ideas. These are given in the Bontoc Igorot language and as far as +possible in the Benguet Igorot; they are also given in the Malay and +the Sulu languages. + +Of eighty-six words in both Malay and Bontoc 32 per cent are clearly +derived from the same root words, and of eighty-four words in the Sulu +and Bontoc 45 per cent are from the same root words. Of sixty-eight +words in both Malay and Benguet 34 per cent are from the same root +words, and 47 per cent of sixty-seven Benguet and Sulu words are +from the same root words. Of sixty-four words in Bontoc and Benguet +58 per cent are the same or nearly the same. + +These facts suggest the movement of the Philippine people from the +birthplace of the parent tongue, and also the great family of existing +allied languages originating in the primitive Malayan language. They +also suggest that the Bontoc and the Benguet peoples came away quite +closely allied from the original nest, and that they had association +with the Sulu later than with the Malay. + +[In the following compilation works have been consulted respectively +as follows: Malay -- Hugh Clifford and Frank Athelstane Swettenham, +A Dictionary of The Malay Language (Taiping, Perak; in parts, Part +I appearing 1894, Part III appearing 1904); Sulu -- Andson Cowie, +English-Sulu-Malay Vocabulary, with Useful Sentences, Tables, +etc. (London, 1893); Benguet Igorot -- Otto Scheerer, The Ibaloi +Igorot, MS. in MS. Coll., The Ethnological Survey for the Philippine +Islands.] + + + +English +Malay +Sulu +Benguet Igorot +Bontoc Igorot + +Ashes +Abu +Abu +De-pok +Cha-pu' + +Bad +Jahat (wicked) +Mang-i, ngi +... +Ngag + +Black +Hitam +Itam +An-to'-leng +In-ni'-tit + +Blind +Buta +Buta +Sa-gei a ku'-rab[44] +Na-ki'-mit + +Blood +Darah +Duguh +Cha'-la +Cha'-la + +Bone +Tulang +Bukog +Pu'-gil +Ung-et' + +Burn, to +Bakar +Sunog +... +Fin-mi'-chan + +Chicken +Anak ayam +Anak-manok +... +Mo-nok' + +Child +Anak +Batah, anak +A-a'-nak +Ong-ong'-a + +Come +Mari +Mari +... +A-li-ka' + +Cut, to +Potong +Hoyah +Kom-pol' +Ku-ke'-chun + +Day +Hari +Adlau +A-kou +A-qu' + +Die, to +Mati +Matai +... +Ma-ti' + +Dog +Anjing +Erok +A-su' +A'-su + +Drink, to +Minum +Hinom, minom +... +U-mi-num' + +Ear +Telinga +Tainga +Tang-i'-da +Ko-weng' + +Earthquake +Gempa tanah +Linog +Yek-yek +Ye'-ga + +Eat, to +Makan +Ka-aun +Kanin +Mang-an', Ka-kan' + +Eight +Dilapan +Walu +Gua'-lo +Wa-lo' + +Eye +Mata +Mata +Ma-ta +Ma-ta' + +Father +Baba +Amah +A-ma +A'-ma + +Finger nail +Kuku +Kuku +Ko-go +Ko-ko' + +Fire +Api +Kayu +A-pui +A-pu'-i + +Five +Lima +Lima +Di'-ma +Li-ma' + +Foot +Kaki +Siki +Cha-pan +Cha-pan' + +Four +Ampat +Opat +Ap'-pat +I-pat' + +Fruit +Buah +Bunga-kahol +Damos +Fi-kus'-na + +Get up, to +Bangun +Bangun +... +Fo-ma-ong' + +Good +Baik +Maraiau +... +Cug-a-wis' + +Grasshopper +Bi-lalang +Ampan +Chu'-ron +Cho'-chon + +Ground (earth) +Tanah +Lopah +Bu'-dai +Lu'-ta + +Hair of head +Rambut +Buhok +Bu-og +Fo-ok' + +Hand +Tangan +Lima +Di-ma +Li-ma', Ad-pa' + +Head +Kepala +O +Tok-tok +O'-lo + +Hear, to +Dengar +Dungag +... +Chung-nen' + +Here +Sini +Di, di-ha-inni +Chiai +Is'-na + +Hog +Babi +Baboi +Ke-chil +Fu-tug' + +I +Shaya +Aku +Sikak; Sidiak +Sak-in' + +Kill, to +Bunoh +Bunoh +Bunu'-in +Na-fa'-kug + +Knife +Pisau +Lading +Ta'-ad +Ki-pan' + +Large +Besar +Dakolah +Abatek +Chuk-chuk'-i + +Lightning +Kilat +Kilat +Ba-gi'-dat +Yup-Yup + +Louse +Kutu +Kutu +Ku-to +Ko'-to + +Man +Orang +Tau +Da'-gi +La-la'-ki + +Monkey +Munyit, Kra +Amok +Ba-ges +Ka-ag' + +Moon +Bulan +Bulan +Bu'-lan +Fu-an' + +Mortar (for rice) +Lesong +Lusong +... +Lu-song' + +Mother +Mak, ibu +Inah +I-na +I'-na + +Night +Malam +Dum +Kal-leian, A-da'-wi +Mas-chim, la-fi' + +Nine +S'ambilan +Siam +Dsi'-am +Si-am' + +No +Tidak +Waim di +... +A-di' + +Nose +Hidong +Ilong +A-deng +I-ling' + +One +Satu, suatu, sa +Isa +Sa-gei' +I-sa' + +Rain +Hujan +Ulan +U'-ran +O-chan' + +Red +Merah +Pula, lag +Am-ba'-alang-a +Lang-at' + +Rice (threshed) +Padi +Pai +... +Pa-ku' + +Rice (boiled) +Nasi +K'aun-an +I-na-pui +Mak-an' + +River +Sungei +Sobah +Pa'-dok +Wang'-a + +Run, to +Lari +Dag-an +... +In-tug'-tug + +Salt +Garam +Asin +A-sin +Si'-mut + +Seven +Tujoh +Peto +Pit'-to +Pi-to' + +Sit, to +Dudok +Lingkud +... +Tu-muck'-chu + +Six +Anam +Unom +An-nim +I-nim' + +Sky +Langit +Langit +Dang-it +Chay'-ya + +Sleep, to +Tidor +Ma-tog +... +Ma-si-yip' + +Small +Kechil +Asivi +O-o'-tik +Fan-ig' + +Smoke +Asap +Aso +A-sok +A-sok' + +Steal, to +Men-churi +Takau +Magibat +Mang-a-qu' + +Stone +Batu +Batu +Ba-to +Ba-to + +Sun +Mata-Hari +Mata suga +A-kau, Si-kit +A-qu' + +Talk, to +Ber-chakap +Nug-pamong +... +En-ka-li' + +Ten +Sa'puloh +Hangpoh +Sam-pu'-lo +Sim-po'-o + +There +Di-situ, Di-sana +Ha ietu, dun +Chitan, Chiman +Is'-chi + +Three +Tiga +To +Tad'-do +To-lo' + +To-morrow +Esok, Besok +Kin-shum +Ka-bua-san +A-swa'-kus + +Tree +Poko'kayu +Kahoi +Po-on +Cha-pon', Kay'-o + +Two +Dua +Rua, Dua +Chu'-a +Chu'-wa + +Walk, to +Ber-jalan +Panau +... +Ma-na'-lun + +Water +Ayer +Tubig +Cha-num +Che-num' + +White +Puteh +Ma-putih +Am-pu-ti' +Im-po'-kan + +Wind +Angin +Hangin +Cha-num +Che-num' + +Woman +Prempuan +Babai +Bi-i, a-ko'-dau +Fa-fay'-i + +Wood +Kayu +Kahol +Ki'-u +Kay'-o + +Yellow +Kuning +... +Chu-yao[45] +Fa-king'-i + +Yes +Ya +... +... +Ay + +You (singular) +Ankau +Ekau +Sikam +Sik'-a + + + + +Bontoc vocabulary + +The following vocabulary is presented in groups with the purpose +of throwing additional light on the grade of culture the Igorot +has attained. + +No words follow which represent ideas borrowed of a modern culture; +for instance, I do not record what the Igorot calls shoes, pantaloons, +umbrellas, chairs, or books, no one of which objects he naturally +possesses. + +Whereas it is not claimed that all the words spoken by the Igorot +follow under the various headings, yet it is believed that the man's +vocabulary is nearly exhausted under such headings as "Cosmology," +"Clothing, dress, and adornment," and "Weapons, utensils, etc.:" + + +English, with Bontoc equivalent + + +Cosmology + + + + +Afternoon +Mug-a-qu' + +Afternoon, middle of +Mak-sip' + +Air +Si'-yak + +Ashes +Cha-pu' + +Blaze +Lang-lang + +Cloud, rain +Li-fo'-o + +Creek +Ki-nan'-wan + +Dawn +Wi-wi-it' + +Day +A-qu' + +Day after to-morrow +Ka-sin' wa'-kus + +Day before yesterday +Ka-sin' ug'-ka + +Dust +Cha'-pog + +Earthquake +Ye'-ga + +East +Fa-la'-an si a-qu' + +Evening +Ni-su'-yao + +Fire +A-pu'-i + +Ground (earth) +Lu'-ta + +Hill +Chun'-tug + +Horizon +Nang'-ab si chay'-ya + +Island +Pa'-na + +Lightning +Yup-yup + +Midnight +Teng-ang si la-fi' + +Milky way +Ang'-san nan tuk-fi'-fi[46] + +Moon +Fu-an' + +Moon, eclipse of +Ping-mang'-et nan fu-an' + +Moon, full +Fit-fi-tay'-eg + +Moon, waxing, one-quarter +Fis-ka'-na + +Moon, waxing, two-quarters +Ma-no'-wa + +Moon, waxing, three-quarters +Kat-no-wa'-na + +Moon, waning, three-quarters +Ka-tol-pa-ka'-na + +Moon, waning, two-quarters +Ki-sul-fi-ka'-na + +Moon, waning, one-quarter +Sig-na'-a-na + +Moon, period following +Li'-meng + +Morning +Fib-i-kut' + +Morning, mid +Ma-a-qu' + +Mountain +Fi'-lig + +Mud +Pi'-tek + +Nadir +Ad-cha'-im + +Night +La-fi' or mas-chim + +Noon +Nen-ting'-a or teng-ang si a-qu' + +Periods of time in a year +I-na-na', La'-tub, Cho'-ok, Li'-pas, Ba-li'-ling, Sa-gan-ma', +Pa-chog', Sa'-ma + +Plain +Cha'-ta + +Pond +Tab-lak' + +Precipice +Ki-chay' + +Rain +O-chan' + +Rainbow +Fung-a'-kan + + +River +Wang'-a + +River, down the river[47] +La'-god + +River, mouth of +Sa-fang-ni'-na + +River, up the river[48] +Ap'-lay + +Sand +O-fod' + +Sea +Po'-sang + +Season, rice culture +Cha-kon' + +Season, remainder of year +Ka-sip' + +Sky +Chay'-ya + +Smoke +A-sok' + +Spring +Ib-ib + +Spring, hot +Lu-ag' + +Stars, large +Fat-ta-ka'-kan + +Stars, small +Tuk-fi'-fi + +Stone +Ba-to + +Storm, heavy (rain and winds) +O-chan' ya cha-kim + +Storm, heavy prolonged (baguio) +Lim-lim + +Sun +A-qu' + +Sun, eclipse of +Ping-mang'-et + +Sunrise +Lap-lap-on'-a + +Sunset +Le-nun-nek' nan a-qu' + +Thunder +Ki-cho' + +To-day +Ad-wa'-ni + +To-morrow +A-swa'-kus + +Valley, or canon +Cha-lu'-lug + +Water +Che-num' + +Waterfall +Pa-lup-o' + +West +Lum-na-kan' si a-qu' + +Whirlwind +Al-li-pos'-pos or fa-no'-on + +Wind +Cha-kim + +Year +Ta'-win + +Year, past +Tin-mo-win + +Yesterday +A-dug-ka' + +Zenith +Ad-tong'-cho + + + +Human Body + + + + +Ankle +Ung-et' + +Ankle bone +King-king-i' + +Arm +Li'-ma + +Arm, left +I-kid' + +Arm, right +A-wan' + +Arm, upper +Pong'-o + +Arm, upper, near shoulder +Tak-lay' + +Armpit +Yek-yek' + +Back +I-chug' + +Beard, side of face +Sap-ki' + +Belly +Fo'-to + +Bladder +Fi-chung' + +Blood +Cha'-la + +Body +A'-wak + +Bone +Ung-et' or tung-al' + +Brain +U'-tek + +Breast +So'-so + +Breath +Ing-ga'-es + +Cheek +Ta-mong' or i-ping' + + +Chest +Ta'-kib + +Chin +Pang'-a + +Ear +Ko-weng' + +Elbow +Si'-ko + +Excreta +Tay-i + +Eye +Ma-ta' + +Eyebrow +Ki-chi' + +Eyelash +Ki-chi' + +Eyelid +Ta-nib si ma'-ya + +Finger +Li-cheng' + +Finger, index or first +Mes-ned' si am-am'-a + +Finger, little +Ik-ik-king' + +Finger, second +Ka-wa'-an + +Finger, third +Mes-ned si nan ka-wa'-an + +Finger nail +Ko-ko' + +Foot +Cha-pan' + +Foot, instep of +O'-son si cha-pan' + +Forehead +Ki'-tong + +Gall +A-ku' + +Groin +Lip-yak' + +Hair in armpit +Ki-lem' si yek-yek' + +Hair on crown of head +Tug-tug'-o + +Hair on head +Fo-ok' + +Hair, pubic, man's +Ki-lem' si o'-ti + +Hand +Ad-pa' or li'-ma + +Hand, inside of +Ta'-lad + +Head +O'-lo + +Heart +Po'-so + +Heel +Pag-pa-ga'-da + +Hip +Tip-ay + +Intestine +Fu-ang' + +Jaw +Pang'-a + +Kidney +Fa-tin' + +Knee +Gung-gung'-o + +Leg +Si-ki' + +Leg, calf of +Fit'-kin + +Lip, lower +So'-fil ay nin-gub' + +Lip, upper +So'-fil + +Liver +A-tu'-i + +Lung +Fa'-la + +Mouth +To-puk' + +Navel +Pu'-sig + +Neck +Fuk-kang' + +Neck, back of +Tung-ed' + +Nipple +So'-so + +Nose +I-ling' + +Nostril +Pa-nang'-e-tan + +Palate +A-lang-a-ang' + +Penis +O'-ti + +Rib +Tag-lang' + +Rump +U-fit + +Saliva +Tuv'-fa + +Shoulder +Po-ke' + +Shoulder blade +Gang-gang'-sa + +Skin +Ko-chil' + +Spinal cord +U'-tuk si ung-et' + +Spine +Ka-ung-e-ung-et' + +Spirit of living person +Leng-ag' + +Spirit of dead person +A-ni'-to + + +Spirit of beheaded dead +Pin-teng' + +Sternum +Los-los-it' + +Stomach +Fa'-sag + +Sweat (perspiration) +Ling-et + +Testicle +Lug-lug'-ong + +Thigh +U'-po + +Throat +A-lo-go'-og + +Thumb +Am-am'-a + +Toe +Go-mot' + +Toe, first +Mes-ned si am-am'-a si cha-pan' + +Toe, fourth +Ik-ik-king' si cha-pan' + +Toe, third +Mes-ned si nan ka-wa'-an si cha-pan' + +Toe, great +Am-am'-a si cha-pan' + +Toe nail +Ko-ko' si go-mot' + +Toe, second +Ka-wa'-an si cha-pan' + +Tongue +Chi'-la + +Tooth +Fob-a' + +Urine +Is-fo + +Vagina +Ti'-li + +Vein +Wath + +Vertebrae +Ung-et' si i-chug' + +Wrist +Pang-at si'-nang + +Wrist joint +Ung-et' + + + +Bodily Conditions + + + + +Ague +Wug-wug + +Beri-beri +Fu-tut + +Blindness, eyelids closed +Na-ki'-mit + +Blindness, eyelids open +Fu-lug + +Blood, passage of +In-is-fo cha'-la, or in-tay'-es cha'-la + +Boil, a +Fu-yu-i' + +Burn, a +Ma-la-fub-chong' + +Childbirth +In-sa'-cha + +Cholera +Pish-ti' + +Circumcision +Sig-i-at' + +Cold, a +Mo-tug' + +Consumption +O'-kat + +Corpse +A'-wak + +Cut, a +Na-fa'-kag + +Deafness +Tu'-wing + +Diarrhea +O-gi'-ak + +Dumbness +Gna-nak + +Eyes, crossed +Li'-i + +Eyes, sore +In-o'-ki + +Feet, cracked from wading in rice paddies +Fung-as' + +Fever +Im-po'-os nan a'-wak + +Goiter +Fin-to'-kel or fi-kek' + +Headache +Sa-kit' si o'-lo or pa-tug' si o'-lo + +Health +Ka-wis' nan a'-wak + +Itch or mange +Ku'-lid + +Itch, first stage of small sores +Ka'-ti + + +Pain +In-sa-ki' + +Pitted-face +Ga-la'-ga + +Rheumatism +Fig-fig + +Scar +Sap-luk + +Sickness +Nay-yu' nan a'-wak + +Smallpox +Ful-tang' + +Swelling +Nay-am-an' or kin-may-yon' + +Syphilis +Na-na + +Toe, inturning +Fa'-wing + +Toothache +Pa-tug' nan fob-a' + +Ulcers and sores, disease of +Lang-ing'-i + +Varicose vein +O'-pat + + + +Consanguineal and Social Relationships + + + + +Aunt +A-ki-na + +Babe, boy +Kil-lang' + +Babe, girl +Gna-an' + +Brother +U'-na + +Child +Ong-ong'-a + +Consanguineal group or family +Sim-pang' a-nak', Sim-pang' a-po', +Sim-pang' a'-fong + +Father +A'-ma + +Man +La-la'-ki + +Man, old +Am-a'-ma + +Man, poor +Pu'-chi + +Man, rich +Ka-chan-a-yan' + +Mother +I'-na + +Orphan +Nang-o'-so + +Orphan, father dead +Nan-a-ma'-na + +Orphan, mother dead +Nan-i-na'-na + +People +I-pu-kao' + +People, of another pueblo +Mang-i'-li + +People, of one's own pueblo +Kay-il-yan' + +Person, one +Ta'-ku + +Relative +I-ba' + +Sister +A-no'-chi + +Twins +Na-a-pik' + +Wife +A-sa'-wa + +Woman +Fa-fay'-i + +Woman, old +In-i'-na + + + +Clothing, Dress, and Adornment + + + + +Armlet, bejuco +Sung-ub' + +Armlet, boar tusk +Ab-kil' + +Bag, flint and steel +Pal-ma-ting'-un + +Bag, tobacco, cloth +Cho'-kao + +Bag, tobacco, bladder carabao or hog +Fi-chong' + +Bag, tobacco, bladder deer +Ka'-tat + +Beads, string of +A-pong' + +Beads, dog tooth +Sa-ong + +Beads, seed, black +Gu-sao' + + +Beads, seed, blue gray +At-lok-ku'-i + +Beads, red agate +Si'-lung + +Beads, white, large +Fo'-kus + +Blanket +E-wis' or pi'-tay + +Blanket, girl's +Kud-pas' + +Blanket, black, white stripes +Fa-yi-ong' + +Blanket, blue +Pi-nag-pa'-gan + +Blanket, used to carry baby on back +I-fan' + +Blanket, white, blue stripes +Fan-cha'-la + +Blanket, white, wide blue stripes +Ti-na'-pi + +Breechcloth +Wa'-nis + +Breechcloth, bark, red +Ti-nan'-agt + +Breechcloth, bark, white +So'-put + +Breechcloth, bark, white, burial +Chi-nang-ta' + +Breechcloth, blue +Fa'-a + +Breechcloth, blue, small stripes +Bi-no-slun' + +Breechcloth, woman's menstruation +Fa'-la + +Ear plug or ear stretcher +Su-wip' + +Earring, three varieties +Sing-sing, i-pit, sing-ut' + +Girdle, man's, chain +Ka'-ching + +Girdle, man's, bejuco rope +Ka'-kot + +Girdle, man's, bejuco string +I-kit' + +Girdle, man's, fiber +Song-kit-an' + +Girdle, woman's +Wa'-kis + +Girdle, woman's, bustle-like +A-ko'-san + +Hair, false +Fo-bo-ok' + +Hat, man's +Suk'-lang + +Hat, man's fez-shaped, of Bontoc pueblo +Ti-no-od' + +Hat, man's rain +Seg-fi' + +Hat, sleeping +Kut'-lao + +Headcloth, burial +To-chong' + +Jacket, woman's +La-ma + +Necklace, boar tusk +Fu-yay'-ya + +Neck ring, brass +Bang-gu + +Pipe +Fo-bang'-a + +Pipe, clay +Ki-na-lo'-sab + +Pipe, brass "anito" +Tin-ak-ta'-go + +Pipe, smooth cast metal +Pin-e-po-yong' + +Rain protector, woman's +Tug-wi' + +Rain protector, camote leaf +Ang-el' + +Shell, mother-of-pearl, worn at waist by men +Fi-kum' + +Shirt, man's blue burial +Los-a'-dan + +Shirt, man's blue burial, red and yellow threads +A-ni'-wis + +Skirt, woman's burial +Kay-in' + +Skirt, cotton +Lu-fid' i kad-pas + +Skirt, cotton, Bognen +Qa'-bou + +Skirt, fiber +Pi-tay' + +Skirt, made of falatong +Lu-fid' + +Skirt, twine of +Mi-no'-kan + +Tattoo +Fa'-tek + +Tattoo, arm +Pong'-o + +Tattoo, breast +Chak-lag' + + + + +Foods and Beverages + + + + +Beverage, fermented rice +Ta-pu'-i + +Beverage, fermented rice, ferment of +Fu-fud + +Beverage, fermented sugar cane +Ba'-si + +Beverage, fermented sugar cane, ferment of +Tub-fig' + +Beverage, fermented vegetables and meats +Sa-fu-eng' + +Food, beans and rice +Sib-fan' + +Food, camotes and rice +Ke-le'-ke + +Food, locusts and rice +Pi-na-lat' + +Food, preserved meat +It-tag' + +Salt +Si-mut + +Salt, cake of +Luk'-sa + + + +Weapons, Utensils, Etc. + + + + +Ax, battle +Pi'-tong + +Ax, cutting edge of +To-pek' + +Ax, handle of +Pa-lik' + +Ax, handle, bejuco ferrule of +Tok'-no + +Ax, handle, iron ferrule of +Ka-lo'-lot + +Ax, handle, top point of blade of +Pow-wit' + +Ax, working tool +Wa'-say + +Ax, working tool, blade turned as adz +Sa'-ka + +Ax, working tool, handle of +Pa-ka'-cha + +Basket, baby's food bottle +Tuk-to'-pil + +Basket, ceremonial, chicken +Fi-ki' + +Basket, dinner +To'-pil + +Basket, fish +Kot-ten' + +Basket, fish, small +Fak-king' + +Basket, gangsa +Fa'-i si gang'-sa + +Basket, grasshopper +I-wus' + +Basket, house, holding about a peck +Fa-lo'-ko + +Basket, man's carrying +Ka-lu'-pit + +Basket, man's dirt +Ko-chuk-kod' + +Basket, man's dirt scoop +Tak-o-chug' + +Basket, man's transportation +Ki-ma'-ta + +Basket, man's transportation, handle of +Pa'-tang + +Basket, man's traveling +Sang'-i + +Basket, man's traveling, with rain-proof covering (so-called "head +basket") +Fang'-ao + +Basket, salt +Fa-ni'-ta + +Basket, side, small, for tobacco +A-ku'-pan + +Basket, spoon +So'-long + +Basket, threshed rice +Ko'-lug + +Basket, tobacco, small +Ka-lu'-pit + +Basket, woman's rum +Ag-ka-win' + +Basket, woman's transportation +Lu'-wa + +Basket, woman's transportation, large +Tay-ya-an' + +Basket, woman's vegetable +A-fo-fang + +Basket, woman's vegetable scoop +Sug-fi' + +Bellows +Op-op' + +Bellows, piston of +Dot-dot' + +Bellows, tube of, to fire +To-bong' + +Bird scarer, carabao horn +Kong-ok' + +Box, small wooden, for hair grease +Tug-tug'-no + +Chair, for corpse +Sung-a'-chil + +Coffin +A-lo'-ang + +Deadfall, for wild hogs +Il-tib' + + +Dish, small wooden +Chu'-yu + +Dish, small wooden, bowl-shaped +Suk-ong' + +Drumstick +Pat-tong' + +Fire machine, bamboo +Co-li'-li + +Fire machine, flint and steel +Pal-ting' + +Fire machine, flint and steel, cotton used with as tinder +A-mek' + +Gong, bronze +Gang'-sa + +Gong, bronze (two varieties) +Ka'-los, Co-ong'-an + +Gourd, large bejuco-bound, for meat +Fa'-lay + +Head pad, woman's, for supporting load on head +Ki'-kan + +Jews-harp, wooden +Ab-a'-fu + +Jug, gourd, for basi +Tak-ing' + +Knife, man's small +Ki-pan' + +Ladle, common wooden, for rice +Fa'-nu + +Ladle, gourd +Ki-ud + +Ladle, narrow wooden +Fak-ong' + +Loom +In-a-fu'-i + +Mortar, double, for threshing rice +Lu-song' + +Needle +Cha-kay'-yum + +Net, grasshopper +Se-chok' + +Olla, roughly spherical jar +Fang'-a + +Olla, more paralleled-side jar +Fu-o-foy' + +Olla, preserved meat +Tu-u'-nan + +Paddle, olla-molding +Pip-i + +Pail, wooden, for feeding pigs +Kak-wan' + +Pestle, rice +Al'-o + +Pit-fall, for hogs +Fi'-to + +Plate, eating, of braided bamboo +Ki'-ug + +Scarecrows +Pa-chek', ki'-lao + +Scarecrows, water power, line of +Pi-chug' + +Scarecrows, water power, wood in rapids +Pit-ug' + +Sieve, rice +A-ka'-ug + +Snare, wild chicken +Shi'-ay + +Snare, spring, bird +Si-sim' and Ling-an' + +Snare, spring, wild chicken and cat +Kok-o'-lang + +Spear +Fal-feg' + +Spear, blade of +Tu'-fay + +Spear, blade, barbless +Fang'-kao + +Spear, blade, many-barbed +Si-na-la-wi'-tan + +Spear, blade, single-barbed +Fal-feg' + +Spear, blade +Kay-yan' + +Spoon, large wooden, for drinking +Tug-on' + +Spoon, large wooden, for pig's feed +Ka-od' + +Spoon, small wooden, for eating +I-chus' + +Stick, soil-turning +Kay-kay + +Stick, woman's camote +Su-wan' + +Sweep runo, for catching birds +Ka-lib' + +Tattooing instrument +Cha-kay'-yum + +Torch +Si-lu' + +Trap, fish, funnel, large +O-kat' + +Trap, fish, funnel, small +Ob-o'-fu + +Trap, fish, scoop +Ko-yug' + +Trap, wild-cat +Fa-wang' + +Tray, winnowing +Lig-o' + +Trough, for salt at Mayinit +Ko-long'-ko + +Tube, for basi +Fu-us + +Whetstone +A-san' + + + + +Home and Field + + + + +Canal, irrigating +A'-lak + +Council house for men +Fa'-wi + +Council house, open court of +Chi-la' + +Council house, open court of, posts in +Po-si' + +Council house, roofed portion of +Tung-fub' + +Council house, closed room of +A'-fo + +Council house, closed room, doorway of +Pan-tu + +Council house, closed room, fireplace of +A-ni-chu'-an + +Council house, closed room, floor of +Chap-ay' + +Council house, wall of +To-ping + +Dam, in river +Lung-ud' + +Dormitory, boys' +Pa-ba-fu'-nan + +Dormitory, girls' +O'-lag + +Dwelling +A'-fong + +Dwelling, better class of +Fay'-u + +Dwelling, better class, aisle in +Cha-la'-nan + +Dwelling, better class, door of +Tang-ib + +Dwelling, better class, first room on left of aisle +Chap-an' + +Dwelling, better class, second room on left of aisle +Cha-le-ka-nan' si mo-o'-to + +Dwelling, better class, sleeping room of +Ang-an' + +Dwelling, better class, small recesses at ends of sleeping room +Kub-kub + +Dwelling, better class, stationary shelf in +Chuk'-so + +Dwelling, poorer class +Kat-yu'-fong + +Fence, garden +A'-lad + +Granary +A-lang' + +Lands, public +Pag-pag' + +Sementera, rice +Pay-yo' + +Sementera, abandoned +Nud-yun a pay-yo' + +Sementera, large, producing more than five cargoes +Pay-yo' chuk-chuk'-wag + +Sementera, small, producing less than five cargoes +Pay-yo' ay fa-nig + +Sementera, irrigated by hand +Pay-yo' a kao-u'-chan + +Sementera, unirrigated mountain +Fo-ag' + +Sementera, used as seed bed +Pad-cho-kan' + +Stones, groups of in pueblo, said to be places to rest and talk +O-bub-fu'-nan + +Troughs, irrigation +Ta-la'-kan + +Troughs, irrigation, scaffolding of +To-kod' + +Walls, sementera +Fa-ning' + + + +Animals + + + + +Ant, large black +Ku'-sim + +Ant, large red +A-lala-sang' + +Ant, large red, pincers of +Ken'-ang + +Ant, small red +Fu'-wis + +Bedbug +Ki'-teb + +Bee +Yu'-kan + +Bee, wax of +A-tid' + +Bird +Ay-ay'-am + +Butterfly, large +Fi-no-lo-fo'-lo + +Butterfly, small +Ak-a'-kop + +Carabao +No-ang' + + +Carabao, backbone of +Tig-tig-i' + +Carabao, body of +Po'-to + +Carabao bull +Tot'-o + +Carabao calf +I-na-nak' ay no-ang' + +Carabao cow +Kam-bat'-yan + +Carabao cow, udder of +So'-so + +Carabao, dew claw of +Pa-king-i' + +Carabao, foot of +Ko'-kod + +Carabao, fore leg of +Kong-kong'-o ay pang-u-lo + +Carabao, forequarters of +Pang-u-lo + +Carabao, hair of +Tot-chut' + +Carabao, hind leg of +Kong-kong'-o ay o-chi-chi' + +Carabao, horn of +Sa-kod' + +Carabao, white mark on neck of +La-fang' + +Carabao, point of shoulder of +Mok-mok-ling pang-u-lo + +Carabao, rear quarters of +O-chi-chi' + +Carabao, rump of +Ba-long'-a + +Carabao, tail of +I'-pus + +Carabao, wild +Ay-ya-wan' + +Caterpillar +Ge'-cheng + +Chicken +Mo-nok' + +Chicken, cock +Kao-wi'-tan + +Chicken, cock, spur of +Pa-ging-i' + +Chicken, cock, wild +Sa'-fug + +Chicken, comb of +Ba-long-a-bing' + +Chicken, crop of +Fi-chong' + +Chicken, ear lobe of, white +Ko-weng' + +Chicken, egg +Et-log' + +Chicken, foot of +Go-mot' + +Chicken, gall of +Ak-ko' + +Chicken, gizzard of +Fit-li' + +Chicken, heart of +Leng-ag' + +Chicken, hen +Mang-a'-lak + +Chicken, leg of +Pu-yong' or o-po' + +Chicken, liver of +A'-ti + +Chicken, mandible of +To-kay' + +Chicken, pullet +Chi'-sak + +Chicken, stomach of +Fu-ang' + +Chicken, tail of +Ga-tod' + +Chicken, toe of +Ga'-wa + +Chicken, toe nail of +Ko-ko' + +Chicken, wattles of +Ba-long-a-bing' + +Chicken, wing of +Pay-yok' + +Chicken, young +Im'-pas + +Crab +Ag-ka'-ma + +Crab (found in sementeras) +Song'-an + +Cricket +Fil-fil'-ting + +Crow +Gay-yang + +Deer +Og'-sa + +Dog +A'-su + +Dog, male +La-la'-ki ay a'-su + +Dog, female +Fa-fay'-i ay a'-su + +Dog, puppy +O-ken' + +Dragon fly +Lang-fay'-an + +Fish, large, 3 to 5 feet long +Cha-lit' + +Fish, 6 to 10 inches long +Li'-ling + + +Fish, small +Ka-cho' + +Flea +Ti'-lang + +Fly (house fly) +La'-lug + +Hawk +La-fa'-an + +Hog +Fu-tug' + +Hog, barrow +Na-fit-li'-an + +Hog, boar +Bu'-a + +Hog, boar, tusk of +Tang-o'-fu + +Hog, sow +O-go' + +Hog, wild +La'-man or fang'-o + +Hog, young +A-mug' + +Horse +Ka-fay'-o + +Horse, colt +I-na-nak' ay ka-fay'-o + +Horse, mare +Fa-fay'-i ay ka-fay'-o + +Horse, stallion +La-la'-ki ay ka-fay'-o + +Lizard +Fa-ni'-as + +Locust +Cho'-chon + +Locust, young, without wings +O-non + +Louse +Ko'-to + +Louse, nit +I'-lit + +Maggot +Fi'-kis + +Monkey +Ka-ag' + +Mosquito +Tip'-kan + +Mouse +Cho-cho' + +Owl +Ko-op' + +Rat +O-tot' + +Snail, in river +Ko'-ti + +Snail, in sementera (three mollusks) +Kit-an', Fing'-a, Lis'-chug + +Snake +O-wug' + +Spider +Ka-wa' + +Wasp +A-tin-fa-u'-kan + +Wild-cat +In'-yao + +Wild-cat (so called) +Si'-le, co'-lang + +Worm +Ka-lang' + + + +Vegetal Life + + + + +Bamboo +Ka-way'-gan + +Bamboo, used for baskets +A'-nis + +Bamboo, used to tie bunches of palay +Fi'-ka + +Bamboo, used to tie bunches of palay, fiber of +Ping-el + +Banana +Fa'-lat + +Banana, green variety +Sa-ging + +Banana, yellow variety +Mi-nay'-ang + +Bark +Sip-sip + +Bark, from which brown fiber is made +Lay-i' + +Bark, inner, for spinning +Ko-pa'-nit + +Bean, black and gray +I'-tab + +Bean, black, small +Ba-la'-tong + +Bean, pale green, small +Ka'-lap + +Bejuco (rattan) +Wu-e + +Bud +Fo'-a + +Camote +To-ki' + + +Camote, blossom of +Tup-kao' + +Camote, red, two varieties +Si'-sig, Pit-ti'-kan + +Camote vine +Fi-na-li'-ling + +Camote, white, six varieties +Li-no'-ko, Pa-to'-ki, Ki'-nub fa-fay'-i, Pi-i-nit', Ki-weng', +Tang-tang-lab' + +Flower +Feng'-a + +Forest +Pag-pag + +Fruit +Fi-kus'-na + +Leaf +To-fo'-na + +Limb, tree +Pang'-a + +Maize +Pi'-ki + +Millet +Sa'-fug + +Millet, dark grain, "black" +Pi-ting'-an + +Millet, white, three varieties +Mo-di', Poy-ned', Si-nang'-a + +Plant, cultivated for spinning fiber +Pu-ug' + +Plant, wild, fiber gathered for spinning +A-pas + +Plant, wild, fiber of above +Las-las' + +Rice +Pa-ku' + +Rice, beard of +Fo-ok' + +Rice, boiled +Mak-an' + +Rice, head of +Sin-lu'-wi + +Rice, kernel of +I-ta' + +Rice, red varieties, smooth +Chay-yet'-it, Gu-mik'-i + +Rice, red variety, bearded +Fo-o'-kan + +Rice, roots of +Tad-lang' + +Rice, shelled grain +Fi-na-u' + +Rice, stalk of +Pang-ti-i' + +Rice, white, four varieties +Ti'-pa, Ga'-sang, Pu-i-a-pu'-i, Tu'-peng + +Root, of plant +La-mot' + +Runo +Lu'-lo + +Squash +Ka-lib-as' + +Tree +Kay'-o, cha-pon' + +Tree, dead +Na-lu'-yao + +Tree, knot on +Ping-i' + +Tree, stump of +Tung-ed' + +Vine, wild, from which fiber for spinning is gathered +Fa-ay'-i + +Wood, from which pipes are made, three varieties +Ga-sa'-tan, La-no'-ti, Gi-gat' + +Wood, fire +May-i-su'-wo + +Wood, fire, pitch pine +Kay'-o + +Wood, fire, from all other trees +Cha'-pung + + + + +Verbs + + + + +Burn, to +Fin-mi'-chan + +Come (imperative) +A-li-ka' + +Cut, to +Ku-ke'-chun + +Die, to +Ma-ti' + +Drink, to +U-mi-num' + +Eat, to +Mang-an'; ka-kan' + +Get heads, to +Na-ma'-kil + +Get up, to +Fo-ma-ong' + +Go, I +Um-i-ak' + +Hear, to +Chung-nen' + +Kill, to +Na-fa'-kug + +Run, to +In-tug'-tug + +Sit down, to +Tu-muck'-chu + +Sleep, to +Ma-si-yip' + +Steal, to +Mang-a-qu' + +Talk, to +En-ka-li' + +Wake, to +Ma-na'-lun + + + +Adjectives + + + + +All +Am-in' + +Bad +An-an-a-lut' or ngag + +Black +In-ni'-tit + +Good +Cug-a-wis' + +Large +Chuk-chuk'-i + +Lazy +Sang-a-an' + +Long +An-cho' + +Many +Ang-san + +Red +Lang-at' + +Small +Fan-ig' + +White +Im-po'-kan + +Yellow +Fa-king-i + + + +Adverbs + + + + +Here +Is'-na + +No +A-di' + +There +Is'-chi + +Yes +Ay + + + +Cardinal Numerals + + + + +1 +I-sa' + +2 +Chu'-wa + +3 +To-lo' + +4 +I-pat' + +5 +Li-ma' + +6 +I-nim' + +7 +Pi-to' + +8 +Wa-lo' + +9 +Si-am' + +10 +Sim po'-o + +11 +Sim po'-o ya i-sa' + +12 +Sim po'-o ya chu'-wa + +13 +Sim po'-o ya to-lo' + +14 +Sim po'-o ya i-pat' + +15 +Sim po'-o ya li-ma' + +16 +Sim po'-o ya i-nim + +17 +Sim po'-o ya pi-to' + +18 +Sim po'-o ya wa-lo' + +19 +Sim po'-o ya si-am' + +20 +Chu-wan po'-o + +21 +Chu-wan po'-o ya i-sa' + +30 +To-lon' po'-o + +31 +To-lon' po'-o ya i-sa' + +40 +I-pat' po'-o + +41 +I-pat' po'-o ya i-sa' + +50 +Li-man' po'-o + +51 +Li-man' po'-o ya i-sa' + +60 +I-nim' po'-o + +61 +I-nim' po'-o ya i-sa' + +70 +Pi-ton' po'-o + +71 +Pi-ton' po'-o ya i-sa' + +80 +Wa-lon' po'-o + +81 +Wa-lon' po'-o ya i-sa' + +90 +Si-am' ay po'-o + +91 +Si-am' ay po'-o ya i-sa' + +100 +La-sot' or Sin la-sot' + +101 +Sin la-sot' ya i-sa' + +102 +Sin la-sot' ya chu'-wa + +200 +Chu'-wan la-sot' + +201 +Chu'-wan la-sot' ya i-sa' + +300 +To-lon' la-sot' + +301 +To-lon' la-sot' ya i-sa' + +400 +I-pat' la-sot' + +401 +I-pat' la-sot' ya i-sa' + +500 +Li-man' la-sot' + +501 +Li-man' la-sot' ya i-sa' + +600 +I-nim' la-sot' + +601 +I-nim' la-sot' ya i-sa' + +700 +Pi-ton' la-sot' + +701 +Pi-ton' la-sot' ya i-sa' + +800 +Wa-lon' la-sot' + +801 +Wa-lon' la-sot' ya i-sa' + +900 +Si-am' ay la-sot' + +901 +Si-am' ay la-sot' ya i-sa' + +1,000 +Sin li'-fo + +1,001 +Sin li'-fo ya i-sa' + +1,100 +Sin li'-fo ya sin la-sot' + +1,200 +Sin li'-fo ya chu'-wan la-sot' + +1,300 +Sin li'-fo ya to-lon' la-sot' + +1,400 +Sin li'-fo ya i-pat' la-sot' + +1,500 +Sin li'-fo ya li-man' la-sot' + +1,600 +Sin li'-fo ya i-nim' la-sot' + +1,700 +Sin li'-fo ya pi-ton' la-sot' + +1,800 +Sin li'-fo ya wa-lon' la-sot' + +1,900 +Sin li'-fo ya si-am' la-sot' + +2,000 +Chu'-wa ay li'-fo + +3,000 +To-loy' li'-fo + +4,000 +I-pat' li'-fo + +5,000 +Li-may' li'-fo + +6,000 +I-nim' li'-fo + +7,000 +Pi-ton' li'-fo + +8,000 +Wa-lon' li'-fo + +9,000 +Si-am' ay li'-fo + +10,000 +Sin po'-oy li'-fo + +11,000 +Sin po'-o ya i-sang ay li'-fo + +12,000 +Sin po'-o ya nan chu'-wa li'-fo + +[49]13,000 +Sin po'-o ya nan to'-lo li'fo + + + +Ordinal Numerals[50] + + + + +First +Ma-ming'-san + +Second +Ma-mid-du'-a + +Third +Ma-mit-lo' + +Fourth +Mang-i-pat' + +Fifth +Mang-a-li-ma' + +Sixth +Mang-a-nim' + +Seventh +Mang-a-pi-to' + +Eighth +Mang-a-wa-lo' + +Ninth +Mang-nin-si-am' + +Tenth +Mang-a-po'-o + +Eleventh +Mang-a-po'-o ya i-sa' + + +Twelfth +Mang-a-po'-o ya chu'-wa + +Thirteenth +Mang-a-po'-o ya to'-lo + +Twentieth +Ma-mid-du'-a' po'-o + +Twenty-first +Ma-mid-du'-a' po'-o ya i-sa' + +Thirtieth +Ma-mit-lo'-i po'-o + +Thirty-first +Ma-mit-lo'-i po'-o ya i-sa' + +Fortieth +Mang-i-pat' ay po'-o + +Forty-first +Mang-i-pat' ay po'-o ya i-sa' + +Fiftieth +Mang-a-li-ma' ay po'-o + +Fifty-first +Mang-a-li-ma' ay po'-o ya i-sa' + +Sixtieth +Mang-a-nim ay po'-o + +Sixty-first +Mang-a-nim ay po'-o ya i-sa' + +Seventieth +Mang-a-pi-to' ay po'-o + +Seventy-first +Mang-a-pi-to' ay po'-o ya i-sa' + +Eightieth +Mang-a-wa-lo' ay po'-o + +Eighty-first +Mang-a-wa-lo' ay po'-o ya i-sa' + +Ninetieth +Mang-a-si-am ay po'-o + +Ninety-first +Mang-a-si-am ay po'-o ya i-sa' + +One hundredth +Mang-a-po'-o ya po'-o + +One hundred and first +Mang-a-po'-o ya po'-o ya i-sa' + +Two hundredth +Ma-mid-dua' la-sot' + +Two hundred and first +Ma-mid-dua' la-sot' ya i-sa' + +Three hundredth +Ma-mit-lo'-i la-sot' + +Three hundred and first +Ma-mit-lo'-i la-sot' ya i-sa' + +Four hundredth +Mang-i-pat' ay la-sot' + +Four hundred and first +Mang-a-pat' ay la-sot' ya i-sa' + +Thousandth +Ka-la-so la-sot' or ka-li-fo-li'-fo + +Last +A-nong-os'-na + + + +Distributive Numerals + + + + +One to each +I-sas' nan i-sa' + +Two to each +Chu-was' nan i-sa' + +Three to each +To-los' nan i-sa' + +Ten to each +Po-os' nan i-sa' + +Eleven to each +Sim po'-o ya i-sas' nan i-sa' + +Twelve to each +Sim po'-o ya chu'-wa is nan i-sa' + +Twenty to each +Chu-wan' po-o' is nan i-sa' + + + + + + +NOTES + +[1] -- The proof sheets of this paper came to me at the Philippine +Exposition, St. Louis, Mo., July, 1904. At that time Miss Maria del +Pilar Zamora, a Filipino teacher in charge of the model school at the +Exposition, told me the Igorot children are the brightest and most +intelligent of all the Filipino children in the model school. In +that school are children from several tribes or groups, including +Christians, Mohammedans, and pagans. + +[2] -- There are many instances on record showing that people have been +planted on Pacific shores many hundred miles from their native land. It +seems that the primitive Pacific Islanders have sent people adrift from +their shores, thus adding a rational cause to those many fortuitous +causes for the interisland migration of small groups of individuals. + +"In 1696, two canoes were driven from Ancarso to one of the +Philippine Islands, a distance of eight hundred miles. They had +run before the wind for seventy days together, sailing from east to +west. Thirty-five had embarked, but five had died from the effects of +privation and fatigue during the voyage, and one shortly after their +arrival. In 1720, two canoes were drifted from a remote distance +to one of the Marian Islands. Captain Cook found, in the island of +Wateo Atiu, inhabitants of Tahiti, who had been drifted by contrary +wind in a canoe, from some islands to the eastward, unknown to the +natives. Several parties have, within the last few years, (prior to +1834), reached the Tahitian shores from islands to the eastward, of +which the Society Islands had never before heard. In 1820, a canoe +arrived at Maurua, about thirty miles west of Borabora, which had +come from Rurutu, one of the Austral Islands. This vessel had been at +sea between a fortnight and three weeks; and, considering its route, +must have sailed seven or eight hundred miles. A more recent instance +occurred in 1824: a boat belonging to Mr. Williams of Raiatea left +that island with a westerly wind for Tahiti. The wind changed after the +boat was out of sight of land. They were driven to the island of Atiu, +a distance of nearly eight hundred miles in a south-westerly direction, +where they were discovered several months afterwards. Another boat, +belonging to Mr. Barff of Huahine, was passing between that island +and Tahiti about the same time, and has never since been heard of; +and subsequent instances of equally distant and perilous voyages in +canoes or open boats might be cited." -- (Ellis) Polynesian Researches, +vol. I, p. 125. + +"In the year 1799, when Finow, a Friendly Island chief, acquired +the supreme power in that most interesting group of islands, after a +bloody and calamitous civil war, in which his enemies were completely +overpowered, the barbarian forced a number of the vanquished to embark +in their canoes and put to sea; and during the revolution that issued +in the subversion of paganism in Otaheite, the rebel chiefs threatened +to treat the English missionaries and their families in a similar +way. In short, the atrocious practice is, agreeably to the Scotch law +phrase, "use and wont," in the South Sea Islands." -- John Dunmore +Lang, View of the Origin and Migrations of the Polynesian Nation, +London, 1834, pp. 62, 63. + +[3] -- The Christianized dialect groups are: Bikol, of southern +Luzon and adjacent islands; Cagayan, of the Cagayan Valley of Luzon; +Ilokano, of the west coast of northern Luzon; Pampango and Pangasinan, +of the central plain of Luzon; Tagalog, of the central area South +of the two preceding; and the Visayan, of the central islands and +northern Mindanao. + +[4] -- No pretense is now made for permanency either in the +classification of the many groups of primitive people in the +Philippines or for the nomenclature of these various groups; but the +groups of non-Christian people in the Archipelago, as they are to-day +styled in a more or less permanent way by The Ethnological Survey, +are as follows: Ata, north and west of Gulf of Davao in southeastern +Mindanao; Batak, of Paragua; Bilan, in the southern highlands west +of Gulf of Davao, Mindanao; Bagobo, of west coast of Gulf of Davao, +Mindanao; Bukidnon, of Negros; Ibilao or Ilongot, of eastern central +Luzon; Igorot, of northern Luzon; the Lanao Moro, occupying the +central territory of Mindanao between the Bays of Iligan and Illana, +including Lake Lanao; Maguindanao Moro, extending in a band southeast +from Cotabato, Mindanao, toward Sarangani Bay, including Lakes Liguasan +and Buluan; Mandaya, of southeastern Mindanao east of Gulf of Davao; +Mangiyan, of Mindoro: Manobo, probably the most numerous tribe in +Mindanao, occupying the valley of the Agusan River draining northward +into Butuan Bay and the extensive table-land west of that river, +besides in isolated territories extending to both the east and west +coasts of the large body of land between Gulf of Davao and Illana +Bay; Negrito, of several areas of wild mountains in Luzon, Negros, +Mindanao, and other smaller islands; the Sama, of the islands in +Gulf of Davao, Mindanao; Samal Moro, of scattered coastal areas in +southern Mindanao, besides the eastern and southern islands of the +Sulu or Jolo Archipelago; the Subano, probably the second largest +tribal group in Mindanao, occupying all the mountain territory west +of the narrow neck of land between Illana Bay and Pangul Bay; the Sulu +Moro, of Jolo Island; the Tagabili, on the southern coast of Mindanao +northwest of Sarangani Bay; the Tagakola, along the central part of +the west coast of Gulf of Davao, Mindanao; Tagbanua, of Paragua; +Tinguian, of western northern Luzon; Tiruray, south of Cotabato, +Mindanao; Yakan Moro, in the mountainous interior of Basilan Island, +off the Mindanao coast at Zamboanga. Under the names of these large +groups must be included many more smaller dialect groups whose precise +relationship may not now be confidently stated. For instance, the +large Igorot group is composed of many smaller groups of different +dialects besides that of the Bontoc Igorot of which this paper treats. + +[5] -- IMPERATA ARUNDICEA. + +[6] -- BUBALUS KERABAU FERUS (Nehring). + +[7] -- Pages 72 -- 74 of the Report of the Director of the Philippine +Weather Bureau, 1901 -- 1902; Part First, The Climate of Baguio +(Benguet), by Rev. Fr. Jose Algue, S. J. (Manila, Observatory Printing +Office, 1902.) + +[8] -- Map No. 7 in the Atlas of the Philippine Islands. (Washington, +Government Printing Office, 1900.) + +[9] -- R. P. Fr. Angel Perez, Igorrotes, Estudio Geografico y +Etnografico, etc. (Manila, 1902), p. 7. + +[10] -- Op. cit., p. 29. + +[11] -- Major Godwin-Austen says of the Garo hill tribes, Bengal, +India: + +"In every village is the 'bolbang,' or young men's house. ... In this +house all the unmarried males live, as soon as they attain the age +of puberty, and in this any travelers are put up." -- The Journal of +the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. II, +p. 393. See also op. cit., vol. XI, p. 199. + +S. E. Peal says: + +"Barracks for the unmarried young men are common in and around Assam +among non-Aryan races. The institution is here seen in various stages +of decline or transition. In the case of 'head-hunters' the young +men's barracks are invariably guardhouses, at the entrance to the +village, and those on guard at night keep tally of the men who leave +and return." -- Op. cit., vol. XXII, p. 248. + +Gertrude M. Godden writes at length of the young men's house of the +Naga and other frontier tribes of northeast India: "Before leaving +the Naga social customs one prominent feature of their village +society must be noticed. This is the DEKHA CHANG, an institution in +some respects similar to the bachelors' hall of the Melanesians, +which again is compared with the BALAI and other public halls of +the Malay Archipelago. This building, also called a MORANG, was used +for the double purpose of a sleeping place for the young men and as +a guard or watch house for the village. The custom of the young men +sleeping together is one that is constantly noticed in accounts of +the Naga tribes, and a like custom prevailed in some, if not all, +cases for the girls. ... "The young men's hall is variously described +and named. An article in the Journal of the Indian Archipelago, +1848, says that among the Nagas the bachelors' hall of the Dayak +village is found under the name of 'Mooring.' In this all the boys +of the age of 9 or 10 upward reside apart. In a report of 1854 the +'morungs' are described as large buildings generally situated at the +principal entrances and varying in number according to the size of +the village; they are in fact the main guardhouse, and here all the +young unmarried men sleep. In front of the morung is a raised platform +as a lookout, commanding an extensive view of all approaches, where +a Naga is always kept on duty as a sentry. ... In the Morungs are +kept skulls carried off in battle; these are suspended by a string +along the wall in one or more rows over each other. In one of the +Morungs of the Changuae village, Captain Brodie counted one hundred +and thirty skulls. ... Besides these there was a large basket full of +broken pieces of skulls. Captain Holroyd, from whose memorandum the +above is quoted, speaks later of the Morung as the 'hall of justice' +in which the consultations of the clan council are held. + +"The 'MORANGS' of another tribe, the 'Naked' Naga, have recently +been described as situated close to the village gate, and consist +of a central hall, and back and front verandahs. In the large front +verandah are collected all the trophies of war and the chase, from a +man's skull down to a monkey's. Along both sides of the central hall +are the sleeping berths of the young men. ... + +"Speaking of the Mao and Muran tribes [continues Miss Godden], +Dr. Brown says, 'the young men never sleep at home, but at their clubs, +where they keep their arms always in a state of readiness.' ... + +"With the Aos at the present day the custom seems to be becoming +obsolete; sleeping houses are provided for bachelors, but are seldom +used except by small boys. Unmarried girls sleep by twos and threes +in houses otherwise empty, or else tenanted by one old woman. + +"The analogy between the DAKHA CHANG, or MORANG, of the Nagas and the +men's hall of the Melanesians is too close to be overlooked, and in +view of the significance of all evidence concerning the corporate life +of early communities a description of the latter is here quoted. I am +aware of no recorded instance of the women's house, other than these +Naga examples. 'In all the Melanesian groups it is the rule that there +is in every village a building of public character where the men eat +and spend their time, the young men sleep, strangers are entertained; +where as in the Solomon Islands the canoes are kept; where images are +seen, and from which women are generally excluded; ... and all these +no doubt correspond to the balai and other public halls of the Malay +Archipelago.' " -- Op. cit., vol. XXVI, pp. 179 -- 182. + +Similar institutions appear to exist also in Sumatra. + +In Borneo among the Land Dyaks "head houses," called "pangah," are +found in each village. Low says of them: "The Pangah is built by +the united efforts of the boys and unmarried men of the tribe, who, +after having attained the age of puberty, are obliged to leave the +houses of the village; and do not generally frequent them after they +have attained the age of 8 or 9 years." -- Sir Hugh Low, Sarawak, +its Inhabitants and Productions (London, 1848), p. 280. + +Lieutenant F. Elton writes of the natives of Solomon Islands: "In +every village they have at least one so-called tamboo house of TOHE, +generally the largest building in the settlement. This is only for +the men, it being death for a female to enter there. It is used as a +public place and belongs to the community. Any stranger coming to the +village goes to the tamboo house and remains there until the person he +is in quest of meets him there." -- The Journal of the Anthropological +Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. XVII, p. 97. + +Mr. H. O. Forbes writes of the tribes of Timor (islands between New +Guinea and Australia) that they have a building called "Uma-lulik." He +says: "The LULIK can be at once recognized, were it by nothing +else than by the buffalo crania with which it is decorated on the +outside." An officer who holds one of the highest and certainly the +most influential positions in the kingdom has charge of the building, +and presides over the sacred rites which are conducted in them. ... The +building is cared for by some old person, sometimes by a man and his +wife, but they must not both -- being of opposite sex -- stay all +night." -- Op. cit., XIII, pp. 411, 412. + +[12] -- The o'-lag of Buyayyeng is known as La-ma'-kan; that of Amkawa, +in Buyayyeng, is Ma-fa'-lat; that of Polupo is Ma-lu-fan'. The +two of Fatayyan are Ka-lang'-kang and A-la'-ti. Ta-ting' is the +o'-lag in the Tang-e-ao' section of Fatayyan. Chung-ma' is the +one in Filig. Lang-i-a' and Ab-lo' are the two of Mageo, both in +Pudpudchog. The o'-lag of Chakong is called Kat'-sa, and that of +Lowingan is Si-mang'-an. The one of Pudpudchog is Yud-ka'. Sung-ub' +is the o'-lag of Sipaat, situated in Lowingan. Kay-pa', Tek-a-ling, +and Sak-a-ya' are, respectively, the o'-lag of Sigichan, Somowan, +and Pokisan. Ag-lay'-in is the o'-lag of Luwakan, and Tal-pug and +Say-ki'-pit are o'-lag of Choko and Longfoy, respectively. + +[13] -- The Journal of The Anthropological Institute of Great Britain +and Ireland, vol. XXVI, pp. 179, 180. + +[14] -- Op. cit., vol. XXII, p. 248. + +[15] -- Sweet potato, IPOMOEA BATATAS. -- J.H. + +[16] -- An anito, as is developed in a later chapter, is the name +given the spirit of a dead person. The anito dwell in and about the +pueblo, and, among other of their functions, they cause almost all +diseases and ailments of the people and practically all deaths. + +[17] -- Earthenware pot. -- J.H. + +[18] -- Gong. -- J.H. + +[19] -- David J. Doherty, M.D., translator of The Philippines, +A Summary Account of their Ethnological, Historical, and Political +Conditions, by Ferdinand Blumentritt, etc. (Chicago, 1900), p. 16. + +[20] -- A fermented drink. + +[21] -- A fermented drink. + +[22] -- The accompanying photo was an instantaneous exposure, taken +in the twilight. The people could not be induced to wait for a time +exposure. + +[23] -- No true cats are known to be indigenous to the Philippines, +but the one shown in the plate was a wild mountain animal and was a +true cat, not a civet. Its ancestors may have been domestic. + +[24] -- This estimate was obtained by a primitive surveying outfit +as follows: + +A rifle, with a bottle attached used for a liquid level, was sighted +from a camera tripod. A measuring tape attached to the tripod showed +the distance of the rifle above the surface of the water. A surveyor's +tape measured the distance between the tripod and the leveling rod, +which also had an attached tape to show the distance of the point +sighted above the surface of the water. + +I am indebted to Mr. W. F. Smith, American teacher in Bontoc, for +assisting me in obtaining these measurements. + +The strength of the scaffolding supporting the troughs is suggested +by the statement that the troughs were brimming full of swift-running +water, while our "surveying" party of four adults, accompanied by +half a dozen juvenile Igorot sightseers, weighed about 900 pounds, +and was often distributed along in the troughs, which we waded, +within a space of 30 feet. + +[25] -- MUNIA JAGORI (Martens). + +[26] -- Mr. Elmer D. Merrill. + +[27] -- Mr. F. A. Thanisch. + +[28] -- Igorrotes, Estudio Geografico y Etnografico sobre algunos +Distritos del Norte de Luzon, by R. P. Fr. Angel Perez (Manila), 1902. + +[29] -- This typical Malayan bellows is also found in Siam, and is +shown in a half tone from a photograph facing page 186 of Maxwell +Somerville's Siam on the Meinam from the Gulf to Aynthia (London, +Sampson Low, Marston & Co., 1897). + +There is also a crude woodcut of this bellows printed as fig. 2, +Pl. XIV, in The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great +Britain and Ireland, vol. XXII. With the illustration is the +information that the bellows is found in Assam, Salwin, Sumatra, +Java, Philippines, and Madagascar. + +[30] -- It is believed to be either a PORCELAIN (PORCELANA) or a SPIDER +(MAIOIDEA) crab. + +[31] -- Analysis made for this study by Bureau of Government +Laboratories, Manila, P.I., February 21, 1903. + +[32] -- Charles A. Goessmann in Universal Cyclopaedia, vol. X (1900), +p. 274. + +[33] -- The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo (2 vols., +London, 1896); pp. 140 -- 174, vol. II. + +[34] -- A party, consisting of the Secretary of the Interior for +the Philippine Islands, Hon. Dean C. Worcester; the governor and +lieutenant-governor of Lepanto-Bontoc, William Dinwiddie and Truman +K. Hunt, respectively; Captain Chas. Nathorst of the Constabulary, +and the writer, was in Banawi in time to witness the procession and +burial but not the previous ceremonies at the dwelling. + +[35] -- See also the story, "Who +took my father's head?" Chapter IX, p 225. + +[36] -- The bird called "co-ling'" by the Bontoc Igorot is the +serpent eagle (SPILOMIS HOLOSPLILUS Vigors). It seems to be found in +no section of Bontoc Province except near Bontoc pueblo. + +There were four of these large, tireless creatures near the pueblo, +but an American shot one in 1900. The other three may be seen day +in and day out, high above the mountain range west of the pueblo, +sailing like aimless pleasure boats. Now and then they utter their +penetrating cry of "qu-iu'-kok." + +[37] -- MUNIA JAGORI (Martens). + +[38] -- "A wife monkey." + +[39] -- An iguana some two feet long. + +[40] -- CORONE PHILIPPA (Bonap.). + +[41] -- The Korean Review, July, 1903, pp. 289 -- 294. + +[42] -- William Edwin Safford, American Anthropologist, April -- +June, 1903, p. 293. + +[43] -- Otto Scheerer (MS.), The Ibaloi Igorot, MS. Coll., Ethnological +Survey for the Philippine Islands. + +[44] -- One blind. + +[45] -- From Ilokano. + +[46] -- Many small stars + +[47] -- The country northward + +[48] -- The country southward + +[49] -- It is probable they seldom count as high as 13,000 + +[50] -- These people say they have no separate adverbs denoting +repetition of action -- as, once, twice, thrice, four times, ten times, +etc. They use the ordinal numerals for this purpose also. + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg Etext The Bontoc Igorot, by Albert Ernest Jenks + diff --git a/old/bntci10.zip b/old/bntci10.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..937cfbe --- /dev/null +++ b/old/bntci10.zip |