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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of the Third French Republic, by
+C. H. C. Wright
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: A History of the Third French Republic
+
+Author: C. H. C. Wright
+
+Release Date: June 6, 2010 [EBook #32715]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY--THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Josephine Paolucci and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+A HISTORY OF THE THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC
+
+BY
+
+C. H. C. WRIGHT
+
+_Professor of the French Language and Literature in Harvard University_
+
+
+WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+[Illustration]
+
+BOSTON AND NEW YORK
+HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
+
+
+COPYRIGHT, 1916, BY CHARLES H. C. WRIGHT
+
+ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
+
+_Published May 1916_
+
+
+TO
+
+MY WIFE
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+
+I. THE ANTECEDENTS OF THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. 1
+
+II. THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR--THE GOVERNMENT OF
+NATIONAL DEFENCE (SEPTEMBER, 1870, TO FEBRUARY,
+1871). 11
+
+III. THE ADMINISTRATION OF ADOLPHE THIERS (FEBRUARY,
+1871, TO MAY, 1873). 31
+
+IV. THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARÉCHAL DE MAC-MAHON
+(MAY, 1873, TO JANUARY, 1879). 50
+
+V. THE ADMINISTRATION OF JULES GRÉVY (JANUARY,
+1879, TO DECEMBER, 1887). 75
+
+VI. THE ADMINISTRATION OF SADI CARNOT (DECEMBER,
+1887, TO JUNE, 1894). 96
+
+VII. THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEAN CASIMIR-PERIER (JUNE,
+1894, TO JANUARY, 1895) AND OF FÉLIX FAURE
+(JANUARY, 1895, TO FEBRUARY, 1899). 115
+
+VIII. THE ADMINISTRATION OF EMILE LOUBET (FEBRUARY,
+1899, TO FEBRUARY, 1906). 134
+
+IX. THE ADMINISTRATION OF ARMAND FALLIÈRES (FEBRUARY,
+1906, TO FEBRUARY, 1913). 159
+
+X. THE ADMINISTRATION OF RAYMOND POINCARÉ (FEBRUARY,
+1913-). 176
+
+APPENDIX: PRESIDING OFFICERS OF FRENCH CABINETS. 187
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY. 193
+
+INDEX. 199
+
+
+
+
+ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+RAYMOND POINCARÉ _Frontispiece_
+
+ADOLPHE THIERS 32
+
+EDME-PATRICE-MAURICE DE MAC-MAHON 50
+
+LÉON GAMBETTA 70
+
+JULES FERRY 78
+
+SADI CARNOT 96
+
+MARIE-GEORGES PICQUART 124
+
+RENÉ WALDECK-ROUSSEAU 136
+
+
+
+[Illustration: Raymond Poincaré]
+
+
+
+
+A HISTORY OF THE THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE ANTECEDENTS OF THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR
+
+
+Two men were largely responsible, each in his own way, for the third
+French Republic, Napoleon III and Bismarck. The one, endeavoring partly
+at his wife's instigation to renew the prestige of a weakening Empire,
+and the other, furthering the ambitions of the Prussian Kingdom, set in
+motion the forces which culminated in the Fourth of September.
+
+The causes of the downfall of the Empire can be traced back several
+years. Napoleon III was, at heart, a man of peace and had, in all
+sincerity, soon after his accession, uttered the famous saying:
+"L'empire, c'est la paix." But the military glamour of the Napoleonic
+name led the nephew, like the uncle, into repeated wars. These had, in
+most cases, been successful, exceptions, such as the unfortunate Mexican
+expedition, seeming negligible. They had sometimes even resulted in
+territorial aggrandizement. Napoleon III was, therefore, desirous of
+establishing once for all the so-called "natural" frontiers of France
+along the Rhine by the annexation of those Rhenish provinces which,
+during the First Empire and before, had for a score of years been part
+of the French nation.
+
+On the other hand, though France was still considered the leading
+continental power, and though its military superiority seemed
+unassailable, the imperial régime was unquestionably growing "stale."
+The Emperor himself, always a mystical fatalist rather than the hewer of
+his own fortune, felt the growing inertia of his final malady. A
+lavishly luxurious court had been imitated by a pleasure-loving capital.
+This had brought in its train relaxed standards of governmental morals
+and had seriously weakened the fibre of many military commanders.
+Outwardly the Empire seemed as glorious as ever, and in 1867 France
+invited the world to a gorgeous exposition in the "Ville-lumière." But
+Paris was more emotional year by year, and the Tuileries and Saint-Cloud
+were dominated by a narrow-minded and spoiled Empress. Court intrigues
+were rife and drawing-room generals were to be found in real life, as
+well as in Offenbach's "Grande Duchesse." But nobody, except perhaps
+Napoleon himself, realized how the Empire had declined. The Empress
+merely felt that it was time to do something stirring, and, without
+necessarily waging war, to assert again the pre-eminence in Europe of
+France, weakened in 1866 by the unexpected outcome of the rivalry
+between Austria and Prussia for preponderance among the German States.
+
+Beyond the eastern frontier of France a nation was growing in ambition
+and power. Prussia still remembered the warlike achievements of
+Frederick the Great, although since those days its military efficiency
+had at times undergone a decline. But now, under the reign of King
+William, guided by a vigorous minister, Bismarck, an example, whatever
+his admirers may say, of the brutal and unscrupulous _Junker_, the
+Prussian Government had for some time tried to impose its leadership on
+the other German States. Some of these were far from anxious to accept
+it. In the furtherance of Prussian schemes, Bismarck had been able to
+inflict a diplomatic rebuff on Napoleon, as well as a severe military
+defeat on Austria.
+
+In 1866, Prussia won from Austria the important victory of Königgrätz or
+Sadowa, and thereby asserted its leadership. The outcome was a check to
+Napoleon, who had expected a different result. Moreover, by it Bismarck
+was encouraged to pursue his plans for the consolidation of Germany
+under a still more openly acknowledged Prussian supremacy. A crafty and
+utterly unscrupulous diplomat, he was able to mislead Napoleon and his
+unskilful ministers.
+
+Soon after Sadowa the Emperor tried to obtain territorial compensation
+from Prussia. He wished, in return for recognition of Prussia's new
+position and of the projected union of North and South Germany minus
+Austria, to obtain the cession of territories on the left bank of the
+Rhine, or an alliance for the conquest and annexation of Belgium to
+France. Such schemes having failed, Napoleon tried next to satisfy
+French jingoism by the acquisition of the Duchy of Luxembourg. This move
+resulted only in securing the evacuation by its Prussian garrison of the
+Luxembourg fortress and the neutralization of the duchy. From that time
+on, tension increased between France and Prussia. Bismarck was, indeed,
+more anxious for war than Napoleon. He suspected the weakness of the
+French Empire, he despised its leaders, he realized the advance in
+military efficiency of his own country, and his aim was unswerving to
+establish a Prussianized German Empire at the cost, if possible, of the
+downfall of France. As a matter of fact, France, as now, was far from
+being permeated with militarism and, a few months before the war in
+1870, the military budget was actually reduced.
+
+The occasion for a dispute arrived with the suggested candidacy of
+Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, a German prince related to the King
+of Prussia, to the crown of Spain. As early as 1868, intrigues had begun
+to put a Prussian on the Spanish throne, but Napoleon had not as yet
+been disturbed. It was not until 1870 that he took the matter seriously.
+In July, Prince Leopold accepted the crown, egged on by Bismarck, and
+with the fiction of the approval of King William as head of the
+Hohenzollerns, as distinguished from his position as King of Prussia.
+
+At that time the French Emperor was in precarious health and scarcely in
+full control of his powers. The French people at large were pacifically
+inclined and would have asked for nothing better than to remain at home
+instead of fighting about a foreigner's candidacy to an alien throne.
+But, unfortunately, the Empress Eugénie was for war. The Government,
+too, was in the hands of second-rate and hesitating diplomats. Emile
+Ollivier, the chief of the Cabinet, was an orator more than a statesman,
+and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the duc de Gramont, was a conceited
+mediocrity more and more involved in his own mistakes. In consequence,
+the attitude of the Government was not so much deliberate desire for war
+as provocative bluster, of which Bismarck was quick to take advantage.
+The Cabinet was egged on by Eugénie's adherents, the militants, who had
+been looking for an insult since Sadowa, and by obstreperous journalists
+and noisy boulevard mobs, whose manifestations were unfortunately taken,
+even by the Corps législatif, for the voice of France.
+
+In consequence, blunder after blunder was made. The ministers worked at
+cross-purposes, without due consultation and without consideration of
+the effect of their actions on an inflamed public opinion or on
+prospective European alliances. Stated in terms of diplomatic procedure,
+the aim of the French Cabinet was to humiliate Prussia by forcing its
+Government to acknowledge a retreat. King William was not seeking war
+and was probably willing to make honorable concessions. Bismarck, on the
+contrary, desired war, if it could be under favorable diplomatic
+auspices, and the Hohenzollern candidacy was a direct provocation. He
+wanted France to seem the aggressor, in view of the effect both on
+neutral Europe, and particularly on the South German States, which he
+wished to draw into alliance under the menace of French attack.
+
+The French Ambassador to the King of Prussia, Benedetti, was instructed
+to demand the withdrawal of Prince Leopold's candidacy. This demand
+followed a very arrogant statement to the Corps législatif, on July 6,
+by the duc de Gramont. The assumption was that Prince Leopold's presence
+on the Spanish throne would be dangerous to the honor and interests of
+France, by exposing the country on two sides to Prussian influence.
+King William was, on the whole, willing to make a concession to avoid
+international complications, but he obviously wished not to appear to
+act under pressure. M. Benedetti went to Ems and, on July 9, he laid the
+French demands before the King. After long-drawn-out discussion the
+French Government asked for a categorical reply by July 12. On that day
+the father of Prince Leopold, Prince Antony of Hohenzollern, in a
+telegram to Spain, formally withdrew his son's name. The King had
+planned to give his consent to this apparently _spontaneous_ action on
+the part of the candidate's family, when officially informed. Thus
+France would obtain its ends and the King himself would not be involved.
+
+Unfortunately the thoughtlessness of the head of the French Ministry
+spoiled everything. Instead of waiting a day for the King's
+ratification, Emile Ollivier, desirous also of peace, hastened to make
+public the telegram from the Prince of Hohenzollern. Thereupon the
+leaders of the war party in the Corps législatif at once pointed out
+that the telegram was not accompanied by the signature of the Prussian
+monarch, declared that the Cabinet had been outwitted, and clamored for
+definite guarantees. Stung by the charge of inefficiency, the would-be
+statesman Gramont immediately accentuated his stipulations and demanded
+that the King of Prussia guarantee not to support in future the
+candidacy of a Hohenzollern to the Spanish throne.
+
+Matters were rapidly reaching an _impasse_, and Bismarck was
+correspondingly elated, because France was appearing to Europe a
+trouble-maker. The duc de Gramont and Emile Ollivier committed the error
+of dictating a letter to the Prussian Ambassador for him to transmit to
+the King, to be in turn sent back as his reply. King William was
+offended by this high-handed procedure. He had already told comte
+Benedetti at Ems that a satisfactory letter was on its way from Prince
+Antony and had promised him another interview upon its arrival. After
+receiving the dispatch from his ambassador at Paris communicating
+Gramont's formulas, he sent word to Benedetti that Prince Leopold was no
+longer a candidate and that the incident was closed. Nor was the King
+willing to grant Benedetti's urgent requests for an interview (July
+13).
+
+The King and the French Ambassador had remained perfectly courteous, and
+the next day, at the railway station, they took leave of each other with
+marks of respect. Things were not yet hopeless, until Bismarck, by a
+trick of which he afterwards bragged, caused a dispatch to be published
+implying that Benedetti had been so persistent in pushing his demands
+that King William had been obliged to snub him. The French were led to
+believe that their representative had been insulted, and neutrals sided
+with Prussia as the aggrieved party. After deliberation the French
+Ministry decided on war and the decision was blindly ratified by the
+Corps législatif on July 15. At this meeting Emile Ollivier made his
+famous remark that the Ministry accepted responsibility for the war with
+a "clear conscience." His actual words, "le coeur léger," seemed,
+however, to imply "with a light heart", and thereafter weighed heavily
+against him in the minds of Frenchmen.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR--THE GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL DEFENCE
+
+September, 1870, to February, 1871
+
+
+On July 19 the French Embassy at Berlin declared a state of war. Paris
+was wild with enthusiasm and eager for an advance on Berlin. The
+provinces were for the most part cool, but accepted the war calmly
+because they were assured of an easy victory. The leaders of the two
+nations had for each other equal contempt. "Ce n'est pas un homme
+sérieux," Napoleon had once said of Bismarck, and Bismarck thought
+Napoleon "stupid and sentimental." Meanwhile each nation had eyes on the
+territory of the other: France was ready to claim the Rhine frontier;
+Prussia wanted all it could get, and certainly Alsace and Lorraine. The
+idea, so often repeated by the Germans since the war, that these
+provinces were annexed because they had once been German, was not in
+Bismarck's mind,--"that is a Professor's reason," he said.[1] He wanted
+Strassburg because its commanding position and the wedge of Wissembourg
+could cut off northern from southern Germany. The frontier of the Vosges
+was as desirable to the Germans as the Rhine to the French.
+
+From the beginning all went wrong in France. The Government found itself
+left in the lurch by the European states whose alliance it had expected.
+Moreover, mobilization proceeded slowly and in utter confusion. In spite
+of Marshal Le Boeuf's famous exclamation ("Il ne manquera pas un
+bouton de guêtre"), never did a nation enter on a war less prepared than
+the French. On the other hand, all Germany, well trained and ready,
+sprang to the side of Prussia. The whole military force was grouped in
+three armies--under Steinmetz, Prince Frederick Charles, and the Crown
+Prince. But, meanwhile, it seemed necessary to the French to give a
+semblance of military achievement. The Emperor had started from Paris on
+July 28 leaving the Empress as regent. On August 2, a vain military
+display with largely superior forces was made across the frontier at
+Saarbrücken, a practically unprotected place was taken, and the Emperor
+was able to send home word that the Prince Imperial had received his
+"baptism of fire" and that the soldiers wept at seeing him calmly pick
+up a bullet. The same day King William took command of the German forces
+at Mainz, and on August 4 the army of the Crown Prince entered Alsace
+and defeated at Wissembourg the division of about twelve thousand men of
+General Abel Douay, who was killed. On the 6th Mac-Mahon, with a larger
+force, met the still more numerous Germans somewhat farther back at
+Wörth, Fröschwiller, and Reichsoffen, and was utterly routed with a loss
+of over ten thousand in killed, wounded, and taken. Alsace was thus
+completely exposed to the enemy, and the road was open to Lunéville and
+Nancy. On the same day, German armies under Steinmetz and Prince
+Frederick Charles crossed into Lorraine at Saarbrücken and engaged the
+troops of the French general Frossard at Forbach and Spicheren,
+inflicting on them a severe repulse. Meanwhile Frossard's superior,
+Bazaine, though not far away, did not move a finger to help him. "If
+Frossard wanted the baton of marshal of France he could win it alone."
+
+The news of these disasters was a terrible shock to Paris. The "liberal"
+Ollivier Cabinet was overthrown and replaced by a reactionary one led by
+General Cousin-Montauban, comte de Palikao. The Emperor withdrew from
+military leadership and Marshal Bazaine received supreme command.
+Bazaine was a brave soldier, but a poor general-in-chief, and withal a
+self-seeking man, incompetent to deal with the difficulties in which
+France found itself. He was perhaps not a conscious traitor in the great
+disaster which soon came to pass, but he thought more of himself than of
+his country. At the time we are concerned with he was considered the
+coming man. Meanwhile Mac-Mahon, cut off from Bazaine's main army, fell
+back, between August 6 and August 17, to Châlons. Bazaine was apparently
+without intelligent strategic plans. He professed to be desirous of
+concentrating at Verdun, but was afraid to get out of reach of Metz. He
+won first an indecisive battle at Borny (August 14), which was
+unproductive of any concrete advantage. On August 16, he let himself be
+turned back, by an enemy only half as numerous, at Rezonville
+(Vionville, Mars-la-Tour). On the 18th, he encountered, on the
+contrary, a much larger force at Saint-Privat (Gravelotte) and let
+himself be cooped up in Metz. Critics of Bazaine say that he could have
+turned both Rezonville and Gravelotte to the advantage of the French.
+
+The familiar military uncertainties now began to show themselves in the
+movements of Mac-Mahon and his troops. The armies of Steinmetz and of
+Frederick Charles were united under command of the latter to beleaguer
+Metz, and a smaller force under Prince Albert of Saxony was thrown off
+to coöperate with the army of the Crown Prince in its advance on Paris.
+Mac-Mahon had collected about one hundred and twenty thousand men, and
+Napoleon, without real authority except as a meddler, was with him. The
+plan was originally to fall back for the protection of Paris, but the
+Empress-Regent was afraid to have a defeated Emperor return to the
+capital lest revolution ensue, and Palikao urged a swift advance to
+rescue Metz, crushing Prince Albert of Saxony on the way, taking
+Frederick Charles between the two fires of rescuers and besieged, with
+the Crown Prince still too far away to be dangerous. Meanwhile
+Mac-Mahon moved to Reims, which was neither on the direct road to Paris
+nor to Metz, and at last started to the rescue of Bazaine by the
+roundabout route of Montmédy, continually hesitating and retracing his
+steps. On receiving news of his progress, the armies of the Crown Prince
+and of Prince Albert converged northward. Mac-Mahon's right wing, under
+General de Failly, was surprised at Beaumont, and finally the French
+army in disorder drew up in most unfavorable positions between the Meuse
+and the Belgian frontier, to face a foe twice as numerous and already
+nearly completely surrounding it. The battle of Sedan broke out on
+September 1. Mac-Mahon was wounded early in the fight and gave over the
+command to Ducrot, in turn superseded by Wimpffen, already designated by
+the Ministry to replace Mac-Mahon in case of accident. After a fierce
+battle it fell to General de Wimpffen to capitulate on September 2. By
+the disaster of Sedan the Germans captured the Emperor, a marshal of
+France, and the whole of one of its two armies.
+
+The news of the overwhelming defeat of Sedan struck Paris like a
+thunderbolt. Jules Favre proposed to the Corps législatif the overthrow
+of Napoleon and of his dynasty; Thiers, who favored the restoration of
+the Orléans family, wished the convocation of a Constituent Assembly;
+the comte de Palikao asked for a provisional governing commission of
+which he should be the lieutenant-general. But, before anything was
+done, the Paris mob invaded the legislative chamber. Gambetta, with the
+majority of the Paris Deputies, went to the Hôtel de Ville, and to
+prevent a more radical set from seizing the Government, proclaimed the
+Republic (September 4). A Government of National Defence was constituted
+of which General Trochu became President, Jules Favre Minister of
+Foreign Affairs, and Gambetta Minister of the Interior. Thiers was not a
+member, but gave his support. Eugénie escaped from the Tuileries to the
+home of her American dentist, Dr. Evans, and then fled to England.
+
+Jules Favre was innocent enough to think that the Germans would be
+satisfied with the overthrow of Napoleon, and he was rash enough to
+declare that France would not yield "an inch of its territory or a
+stone of its fortresses." But, in an interview with Bismarck at
+Ferrières, on September 19, he realized the oppressiveness of the German
+demands. The rhetorical and emotional, even tearful, Jules Favre was
+faced by a harsh and unrelenting conqueror, and the meeting ended
+without an agreement. Meanwhile Paris was invested by the German forces
+of the Crown Prince and the Prince of Saxony after a defeat of some
+French troops at Châtillon. William, Bismarck, and Moltke took up their
+station at Versailles. Europe, made suspicious by the numerous changes
+of government in France in the nineteenth century, and moved also by
+selfish reasons, refused its aid and looked on with indifference. Thiers
+made a fruitless quest through Europe for practical aid, bringing home
+only meaningless expressions of sympathy.
+
+Unfortunately even a number of people in the provinces, relaxed by the
+factitious prosperity of the imperial régime, were too willing to yield
+to the invaders. Where resistance was brave it appeared fruitless:
+Strassburg capitulated on September 28, after the Germans had burned
+its library and bombarded the cathedral. A scratch army on the Loire,
+under La Motterouge, was beaten at Artenay (October 10) and had to
+evacuate Orléans. On October 18, the Germans captured Châteaudun after
+heroic resistance by National Guards and sharpshooters.
+
+Though one of the two great French armies was in captivity and the other
+besieged in Metz, the idea of submission never for a moment entered
+Gambetta's head. Paris was under the command of Trochu, patriotic and
+brave, but military critic rather than leader, discouraged from the
+beginning, and unable to take advantage of opportunities. A delegation
+of the Government of National Defence had established itself at Tours to
+avoid the German besiegers, but two of its members, Crémieux and
+Glais-Bizoin, were elderly and weak. Admiral Fourichon was the most
+competent. Gambetta escaped from Paris by balloon on October 7, and,
+reaching Tours in safety, made himself by his energy and patriotic
+inspiration, practically dictator and organizer of resistance to the
+invaders.
+
+Léon Gambetta, a young lawyer politician of thirty-two, of
+inexhaustible energy and impassioned eloquence, was the son of an
+Italian grocer settled at Cahors. With the help of his assistant Charles
+de Freycinet, he levied and armed in four months six hundred thousand
+men, an average of five thousand a day. Everything was done in haste and
+unsatisfactorily,--the army of General Chanzy was equipped with guns of
+fifteen different patterns. But Gambetta did the task of a giant, in
+spite of another crushing blow to France, the surrender of Metz.
+
+Bazaine had let himself be cooped up in Metz. Instead of being moved by
+patriotism, he thought only of his own interests and ambitions. In the
+midst of the cataclysm which had fallen on France he aspired to hold the
+position of power. The Emperor gone and the Republic destined, Bazaine
+thought, to fall, he would be left at the head of the only army. His
+would be the task of treating for peace with Germany, and then he would
+perhaps become in France regent instead of the Empress, or
+Marshal-Lieutenant of the Empire, like the Spanish marshals. So he
+neglected favorable military opportunities, and dallied over plans of
+peace, while Bismarck misled him with fruitless propositions or false
+emissaries like the adventurer Regnier. Finally, on October 27, Bazaine
+had to surrender Metz, with three marshals (himself, Canrobert, and Le
+Boeuf), sixty generals, six thousand officers, and one hundred and
+seventy-three thousand men. France was deprived of her last trained
+forces, and the besieging army of Frederick Charles was set free to help
+in the conquest of France. After the war Bazaine was condemned to death,
+by court-martial, for treason. His sentence was commuted to life
+imprisonment, but he afterwards escaped from the fortress in which he
+was confined and died in obscurity and disgrace at Madrid.
+
+No sooner did the news of the capitulation of Metz reach Paris than a
+regrettable affair took place. There was much dissatisfaction with the
+indecision of the Provisional Government, and, on October 31, a mob
+invaded the Hôtel de Ville and arrested the chief members of the
+commission. Fortunately they were released later the same day and a
+plebiscite of November 3 confirmed the powers of the Government of
+National Defence. Fortunately, too, within a few days came news of the
+first real success of the French during the war, the battle of Coulmiers
+(November 9).
+
+Gambetta had succeeded during October in organizing the Army of the
+Loire which, under General d'Aurelle de Paladines, defeated the Bavarian
+forces of von der Thann at Coulmiers and recaptured Orléans. The plan
+was to push on to Paris and the objections of d'Aurelle were overcome by
+Gambetta. But the fall of Metz had released German reinforcements. After
+an unsuccessful contest by the right wing at Beaune-la-Rolande (November
+28), and a partial victory at Villepion, the French were defeated in
+turn on December 2 at Loigny or Patay (left wing), on December 3 at
+Artenay. The Germans reoccupied Orléans and the first Army of the Loire
+was dispersed. The Government moved from Tours to Bordeaux.
+
+After Coulmiers General Trochu had planned a sortie from Paris to meet
+the Army of the Loire. This advance was under command of General Ducrot,
+but was delayed by trouble with pontoon bridges. The various battles of
+the Marne (November 30-December 2) culminated in the terrible fight and
+repulse of Villiers and Champigny. In the north, a small army hastily
+brought together under temporary command of General Favre was defeated
+at Villers-Bretonneux and Amiens (November 27).
+
+The last phase of the Franco-Prussian War begins with the crushing of
+the Army of the Loire and the check of the advance to Champigny. With
+unwearied tenacity Gambetta tried to reorganize the Army of the Loire. A
+portion became the second Army of the Loire or of the West, under
+Chanzy. The rest, under Bourbaki, became the Army of the East. Faidherbe
+tried to revive the Army of the North.
+
+To Chanzy, on the whole the most capable French general of the war, was
+assigned the task of trying, with a smaller force, what d'Aurelle had
+already failed in accomplishing, a drive on Paris. In this task Bourbaki
+and Faidherbe were expected by Gambetta to coöperate. Instead of
+succeeding, Chanzy, bravely fighting, was driven back, first down the
+Loire, in the long-contested battle of Josnes (Villorceau or Beaugency)
+(December 7-10), then up the valley of the tributary Loir to Vendôme
+and Le Mans. There the army, reduced almost to a mob, made a new stand.
+In a battle between January 10 and 12, this army was again routed and
+what was left thrown back to Laval.
+
+Faidherbe, taking the offensive in the north, fought an indecisive
+contest at Pont-Noyelles (December 23) and took Bapaume (January 3). But
+his endeavor to proceed to the assistance of Paris was frustrated, he
+was unable to relieve Péronne, which fell on January 9, and was defeated
+at Saint-Quentin on January 19.
+
+Bourbaki, in spite of his reputation, showed himself inferior to Chanzy
+and Faidherbe. He let his army lose morale by his hesitation, and then
+accepted with satisfaction Freycinet's plan to move east upon Germany
+instead of to the rescue of Paris. On the eastern frontier Colonel
+Denfert-Rochereau was tenaciously holding Belfort, which was never
+captured by the Germans during the whole war.[2] Bourbaki's
+dishearteningly slow progress received no effective assistance from
+Garibaldi. This Italian soldier of fortune, now somewhat in his
+decline, had offered his services to France and was in command of a
+small body of guerillas and sharpshooters, the Army of the Vosges. With
+alternate periods of inactivity, failure, and success, Garibaldi perhaps
+did more harm than good to France. He monopolized the services of
+several thousand men, and yet, through his prestige as a distinguished
+foreign volunteer, he could not be brought under control. Bourbaki won
+the battle of Villersexel on January 9. Pushing on to Belfort he was
+defeated only a few miles from the town in the battle of Héricourt, or
+Montbéliard, along the river Lisaine. The army, now transformed into
+panic-stricken fugitives, made its way painfully through bitter cold and
+snow, and Bourbaki tried to commit suicide. He was succeeded by General
+Clinchant. When Paris capitulated, on January 28, and an armistice was
+signed, this Army of the East was omitted. Jules Favre at Paris failed
+to notify Gambetta in the provinces of this exception, and the army,
+hearing of the armistice, ceased its flight, only to be relentlessly
+followed by the Germans. Finally, on February 1, the remnants of the
+army fled across the Swiss frontier and found safety on neutral soil.
+
+Meanwhile, in Paris the tightening of the Prussian lines had made the
+food problem more and more difficult, and the population were reduced to
+small rations and unpalatable diet. After Champigny the German general
+von Moltke communicated with the besieged, informing them of the defeat
+of Orléans, and the means seemed opened for negotiations. But the
+opportunity was rejected, and the Government even refused to be
+represented at an international conference, then opening in London,
+because of its unwillingness to apply to Bismarck for a safe-conduct for
+its representative. A chance to bring the condition of France before the
+Powers was neglected. Between December 21 and 26, a sally to Le Bourget
+was driven back, and, on the next day, the bombardment of the forts
+began. On January 5, the Prussian batteries opened fire on the city
+itself. On January 18, the Germans took a spectacular revenge for the
+conquests of Louis XIV by the coronation of King William of Prussia as
+Emperor of the united German people. The ceremony took place in the
+great Galerie des Glaces of Louis's magnificent palace of Versailles.
+The very next day the triumph of the Germans received its consecration,
+not only by the battle of Saint-Quentin (already mentioned), but by the
+repulse of the last offensive movement from Paris. To placate the Paris
+population an advance was made on Versailles with battalions largely
+composed of National Guards. At Montretout and Buzenval they were routed
+and driven back in a panic to Paris. General Trochu was forced to resign
+the military governorship of Paris, though by a strange contradiction he
+kept the presidency of the Government of National Defence, and was
+replaced by General Vinoy. On January 22, a riot broke out in the
+capital in which blood was shed in civil strife. Finally, on January 28,
+Jules Favre had to submit to the conqueror's terms. Paris capitulated
+and the garrison was disarmed, with the exception of a few thousand
+regulars to preserve order, and the National Guard; a war tribute was
+imposed on the city and an armistice of twenty-one days was signed to
+permit the election and gathering of a National Assembly to pass on
+terms of peace. With inexcusable carelessness Jules Favre neglected to
+warn Gambetta in the provinces that this armistice began for the rest of
+France only on the thirty-first and that, as already stated, the Army of
+the East was excepted from its provisions.
+
+Gambetta was furious at the surrender and at the presumption of Paris to
+decide for the provinces. He preached a continuation of the war, and the
+intervention of Bismarck was necessary to prevent him from excluding
+from the National Assembly all who had had any connection with the
+imperial régime. Jules Simon was sent from Paris to counteract
+Gambetta's efforts. The latter yielded before the prospect of civil war,
+withdrew from power, and, on February 8, elections were held for the
+National Assembly.
+
+The downfall of what had been considered the chief military nation of
+Europe was due to many involved causes. The Empire was responsible for
+the _débâcle_ and the Government of National Defence was unable to
+create everything out of nothing. Many people were ready to be
+discouraged after a first defeat, and few realized what Germany's
+demands were going to be. The imperial army was insufficiently equipped
+and the majority of its generals were inefficient and lacking in
+initiative: there was no preparation, no system, little discipline.
+
+During the period of National Defence the members of the Government
+themselves were usually wanting in experience and in diplomacy, and the
+badly trained armies made up of raw recruits were liable to panics or
+unable to follow up an advantage. There was jealousy, mistrust, and
+frequent unwillingness to subordinate politics to patriotism, or, at any
+rate, to make allowances for other forms of patriotism than one's own.
+Gambetta and Jules Favre were primarily orators and tribunes and
+indulged in too many wordy proclamations, in which habit they were
+followed by General Trochu. The patriotism and enthusiasm of Gambetta
+were undeniable, but he was imbued with the principles and memories of
+the French Revolution, including the efficacy of national volunteers,
+the ability of France to resist all Europe, and the subordination of
+military to civil authority. Consequently, in a time of stress he nagged
+the generals and interfered, and gave free rein to Freycinet to do the
+same. They upset plans made by experienced generals, and sent civilians
+to spy over them, with power to retire them from command. They were,
+moreover, trying to thrust a republic down the throats of a hostile
+majority of the population, for a large proportion of those not
+Bonapartists were in favor of a monarchy. The wonder is, therefore, that
+France was able to do so much. M. de Freycinet was not boasting when he
+wrote later, "Alone, without allies, without leaders, without an army,
+deprived for the first time of communication with its capital, it
+resisted for five months, with improvised resources, a formidable enemy
+that the regular armies of the Empire, though made up of heroic
+soldiers, had not been able to hold back five weeks."[3]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Moritz Busch, _Bismarck_, vol. 1, chap. 1.
+
+[2] He surrendered by order of the Government. The isolated incident of
+the resistance of the town of Bitche through all the war is no less
+noteworthy.
+
+[3] _La guerre en province_, quoted by Welschinger, _La guerre de 1870_,
+vol. II, p. 295.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF ADOLPHE THIERS
+
+February, 1871, to May, 1873
+
+
+The elections were held in hot haste. The short time allowed before the
+convening of the Assembly made the usual campaign impossible. It met at
+Bordeaux on February 13, 1871. The peace party was in very considerable
+majority, and though Gambetta received the distinction of a multiple
+election in nine separate districts, Thiers was chosen in twenty-six.
+The radicals and advocates of guerilla warfare and of a "guerre à
+outrance" found themselves few in numbers. Many of the representatives
+had only local or rural reputation. They were new to parliamentary life,
+and in the majority of cases were averse to a permanent republican form
+of government. They would have preferred a monarchy, but they were ready
+to accept a provisional republic which would incur the task of settling
+the war with Germany and bear the onus of defeat. They were especially
+suspicious of Paris, and hostile to it as the home of fickleness, of
+irresponsibility, and of mob rule. They were largely provincial lawyers
+and rural landed gentry, conservative and clerical, who felt that too
+much importance had been usurped by the Parisian Government of National
+Defence.
+
+[Illustration: ADOLPHE THIERS]
+
+The new Assembly, therefore, gradually fell into several groups. On the
+conservative side came the Extreme Right, made up of out-and-out
+Legitimists, believing in absolutism and the divine right of kings; the
+Right, composed of monarchists desirous of conciliating the old régime
+with the demands of modern times and of making it a practical form of
+government; the Right Centre, consisting of constitutional monarchists
+and followers of the Orléans branch of the house of Bourbon. Among the
+anti-republicans the Bonapartists were almost negligible. Next came the
+Left Centre of conservative Republicans, the republican Left, and the
+radical Union républicaine, partisans of Gambetta and advanced
+"reformers."
+
+At the first public session of the Assembly Jules Grévy was chosen
+presiding officer. A former leader of the opposition to the Empire, he
+had not participated in affairs since the Fourth of September, and,
+therefore, had not yet identified himself with any set. Among the
+Republicans he was averse to Gambetta and remained so even when the
+latter became moderate. On February 17, Adolphe Thiers, the
+"peace-maker," was by an almost unanimous vote elected "Chief of the
+Executive Power of the French Republic." It was he who, thirty years
+before, had fortified Paris that had now fallen only by famine, who had
+opposed the war when it might yet have been averted, who had travelled
+over Europe to defend the interests of France, who had been elected
+representative by the choice of twenty-six departments.
+
+M. Thiers formed a coalition cabinet representing different shades of
+political feeling, and in one of his early speeches, on March 10, he
+formulated a plan of party truce for the purpose of national
+reorganization. This plan was acquiesced in by the Assembly and bears in
+history the name of the Compact of Bordeaux (_pacte de Bordeaux_).
+France was to continue under a republican government, without injury to
+the later claims of any party. Thiers, himself, as a former Orléanist,
+advocated, at least in his relations with the monarchists, a
+Restoration, with the _sine qua non_ that an attempt should be made at a
+fusion of the Legitimists and the Orléanists. Meanwhile he was the chief
+executive official of a republic.
+
+But, even before the formulation of the truce of parties, Thiers was in
+eager haste to settle the terms of peace with Germany before the
+expiration of the armistice. The preliminaries were discussed between
+Thiers and Bismarck at Versailles. The Germans were almost as anxious as
+the French to see the end of the war, and the objections and delays of
+Bismarck were partly tactical. Brief successive prolongations of the
+armistice were obtained, and finally the preliminaries were signed on
+February 26. Thiers made herculean efforts to keep for France Belfort,
+which Bismark claimed, and finally succeeded on condition that the
+German army should occupy Paris from March 1 to the ratification of the
+preliminaries by the Assembly. France was to give up Alsace and a part
+of Lorraine, including Metz, and pay an indemnity of five billion
+francs. German troops were to occupy the conquered districts and
+evacuate them progressively as the indemnity was paid. The peace
+discussions afterwards continued at Brussels, and the final treaty was
+signed at Frankfort on May 10, 1871.
+
+No sooner were the preliminaries signed than Thiers returned post-haste
+to Bordeaux, and obtained an almost immediate assent (March 1), so that
+the Germans were obliged to forego a large part of their plans for a
+triumphal entry into Paris and a review by the Emperor. Only one body of
+thirty thousand men marched in through one section and, two days later,
+evacuated the city.
+
+The same meeting which ratified the preliminaries of peace officially
+proclaimed the expulsion of the imperial dynasty and declared Napoleon
+III responsible for the invasion, the ruin and dismemberment of France.
+The same day also beheld the pathetic withdrawal of the representatives
+of Alsace and of Lorraine, turned over to the conqueror.
+
+The misfortunes of France were far from ended. Paris was soon to break
+out into rebellion under the eyes of the Germans still in possession of
+many of the suburbs. The enemy looked on and saw Frenchman killing
+Frenchman in civil war.
+
+It had become obvious that the division of administration between
+Bordeaux and Paris was making government difficult. The Assembly, still
+suspicious of Paris, decided to transfer its place of meeting to
+Versailles. But Paris itself was in a state of nervous hysteria as a
+result of the long and exhausting siege (_fièvre obsidionale_). The
+Paris proletariat were as jealous and suspicious of the Assembly as the
+Assembly of them. The suggestion of a transfer to Versailles instead of
+to Paris seemed a direct challenge. Versailles recalled too easily Louis
+XIV and the Bourbons. The monarchical sympathies of the Assembly were,
+moreover, well known, and the Parisians dreaded the restoration of
+royalty. The people were hungry and penniless, and industry and commerce
+had almost completely ceased. The city was full, besides, of soldiers
+disarmed through the armistice and ready for riot. On the other hand,
+the National Guards, a large body of semi-disciplined militia made up,
+at least in part, of the dregs of the populace, had been allowed to
+retain their weapons, and many of them gave their time to drunkenness,
+loafing, and listening to agitators. Some rather injudicious
+condemnations of leaders in the October riots merely aggravated the
+dissatisfaction. All this led to the Commune.
+
+The leaders of the Commune were, some of them, sincere though visionary
+reformers, whose hearts rankled at the sufferings of the poor and the
+inequalities of wealth and privilege. The majority were mischief-makers
+and café orators, loquacious but incompetent or inexperienced, without
+definite plans and unfit to be leaders, some vicious and some dishonest.
+The rank and file soon became a lawless mob, ready to burn and murder,
+imitating, in their ignorant cult of "liberty," the worst phases of the
+French Revolution and its Reign of Terror. Still, the Communards have
+their admirers to-day, and, as the world advances in radicalism, it is
+not unlikely that the Jacobin Charles Delescluze, the bloodthirsty Raoul
+Rigault, and the brilliant and scholarly Gustave Flourens will be
+considered heroic precursors.
+
+The idea of the Commune was decentralization. It was an experiment
+aiming at a free and autonomous Paris serving as model for the other
+self-governing communes of France, united merely for their common needs.
+It amounted almost to the quasi-independence of each separate town. But
+mixed up with the theorists of the Commune were countless anarchist
+revolutionaries, followers of the teachings of Blanqui, as well as
+admirers of the great Revolution which overthrew the old régime, and
+socialists of various types.
+
+The germs of the movement which was to culminate in the Commune were
+visible at an early hour. The dissatisfaction of the Radicals with the
+moderation of the Government of National Defence, the riots of October
+31 and January 22 were all symptoms of the discontent of the
+proletariat. Indeed, the proclamation of the Republic, on September 4,
+was itself an object lesson in illegality to the malcontents. Organized
+dissatisfaction began to centre about the obstreperous and disorderly,
+but armed and now "federated" National Guards. Manifestoes signed by
+self-appointed committees of plebeian patriots appeared on the walls of
+Paris. These committees finally merged into the "Comité central," or
+were replaced by it. This committee advocated the trial and imprisonment
+of the members of the Government of National Defence, and protested
+against the disarmament of the National Guards and the entrance of the
+Germans into Paris.
+
+The Government was almost helpless. The few regulars left under arms in
+Paris were of doubtful reliance, and General d'Aurelle de Paladines, now
+in command of the National Guards, was not obeyed. A certain number of
+artillery guns in Paris had been paid for by popular subscription, and
+the rumor spread at one time that these were to be turned over to the
+Germans. The populace seized them and dragged them to different parts of
+the city.
+
+The Government decided at last to act boldly and, on March 18,
+dispatched General Lecomte with some troops to seize the guns at
+Montmartre. But the mob surrounded the soldiers, and these mutinied and
+refused to obey orders to fire, and arrested their own commander. Later
+in the day General Lecomte was shot with General Clément Thomas, a
+former commander of the National Guard, who rather thoughtlessly and
+out of curiosity had mingled with the crowd and was recognized.
+
+Thus armed forces in Paris were in direct rebellion. Other outlying
+quarters had also sprung into insurrection. M. Thiers, who had recently
+arrived from Bordeaux, and the chief government officials quartered in
+Paris, withdrew to Versailles. Paris had to be besieged again and
+conquered by force of arms.
+
+In Paris the first elections of the Commune were held on March 26. On
+April 3 an armed sally of the Communards towards Versailles was repulsed
+with the loss of some of their chief leaders, including Flourens.
+Meanwhile, the Army of Versailles had been organized and put under the
+command of Mac-Mahon. Discipline was restored and the advance on Paris
+began.
+
+As time passed in the besieged city the saner men were swept into the
+background and reckless counsels prevailed. Some of the military leaders
+were competent men, such as Cluseret, who had been a general in the
+American army during the Civil War, or Rossel, a trained officer of
+engineers. But many were foreign adventurers and soldiers of fortune:
+Dombrowski, Wrobleski, La Cecilia. The civil administration grew into a
+reproduction of the worst phases of the Reign of Terror. Frenzied women
+egged on destruction and slaughter, and when at last the national troops
+fought their way into the conquered city, it was amid the flaming ruins
+of many of its proudest buildings and monuments.
+
+The siege lasted two months. On May 21, the Army of Versailles crossed
+the fortifications and there followed the "Seven Days' Battle," a
+street-by-street advance marked by desperate resistance by the
+Communards and bloodthirsty reprisals by the Versaillais. Civil war is
+often the most cruel and the Versailles troops, made up in large part of
+men recently defeated by the Germans, were glad to conquer somebody.
+Over seventeen thousand were shot down by the victors in this last week.
+The French to-day are horrified and ashamed at the cruel massacres of
+both sides and try to forget the Commune. Suffice it here to say that
+the last serious resistance was made in the cemetery of Père-Lachaise,
+where those _fédérés_ taken arms in hand were lined up against a wall
+and shot. Countless others, men, women, and children, herded together in
+bands, were tried summarily and either executed, imprisoned, or deported
+thousands of miles away to New Caledonia, until, years after, in 1879
+and 1880, the pacification of resentments brought amnesty to the
+survivors.[4]
+
+Fortunately, M. Thiers had more inspiring tasks to deal with than the
+repression of the Commune. One was the liberation of French soil from
+German occupation, another the reorganization of the army. With
+wonderful speed and energy the enormous indemnity was raised and
+progressively paid, the Germans simultaneously evacuating sections of
+French territory. By March, 1873, France was in a position to agree to
+pay the last portion of the war tribute the following September (after
+the fall of Thiers, as it proved), thus ridding its soil of the last
+German many months earlier than had been provided for by the Treaty of
+Frankfort. The recovery of France aroused the admiration of the
+civilized world, and the anger of Bismarck, sorry not to have bled the
+country more. He viewed also with suspicion the organization of the army
+and the law of July, 1872, establishing practically universal military
+service. He affected to see in it France's desire for early revenge for
+the loss of Alsace and Lorraine.
+
+M. Thiers, the great leader, did not find his rule uncontested. Brought
+into power as the indispensable man to guide the nation out of war, his
+conceit was somewhat tickled and he wanted to remain necessary. Though
+over seventy he had shown the energy and endurance of a man in his prime
+joined to the wisdom and experience of a life spent in public service
+and the study of history. Elected by an anti-Republican Assembly and
+himself originally a Royalist, the formulator also of the Bordeaux
+Compact, he began to feel, nevertheless, in all sincerity that a
+conservative republic would be the best government, and his vanity made
+him think himself its best leader. This conviction was intensified for
+a while by his successful tactics in threatening to resign, when
+thwarted, and thus bringing the Assembly to terms. But he tried the
+scheme once too often.
+
+The majority in the Assembly was not, in fact, anxious to give free rein
+to Thiers, and it had wanted to avoid committing itself definitely to a
+republic. It wanted also to insure its own continuation as long as
+possible, contrary to the wishes of advanced Republicans like Gambetta,
+who declared that the National Assembly no longer stood for the
+expression of the popular will and should give way to a real constituent
+assembly to organize a permanent republic.
+
+The first endeavor of the Royalists was to bring about a restoration of
+the monarchy. The princes of the Orléanist branch were readmitted to
+France and restored to their privileges. A fusion between the two
+branches of the house of Bourbon was absolutely necessary to accomplish
+anything. The members of the younger or constitutionalist Orléans line,
+and notably its leader, the comte de Paris, were disposed to yield to
+the representative of the legitimist branch, the comte de Chambord. He
+was an honorable and upright man, yet one who in statesmanship and
+religion was unable to understand anything since the Revolution. He had
+not been in France for over forty years, he was permeated with a
+religious mystical belief not only in the divinity of royalty, but in
+his own position as God-given (_Dieudonné_ was one of his names) and the
+only saviour of France. Moreover, he could not forgive his cousins the
+fact that their great-grandfather had voted for the execution of Louis
+XVI. So he treated their advances haughtily, declined to receive the
+comte de Paris, and issued a manifesto to the country proclaiming his
+unwillingness to give up the white flag for the tricolor. Henry V could
+not let anybody tear from his hand the white standard of Henry IV, of
+Francis I, and of Jeanne d'Arc.
+
+Such mediævalism dealt the monarchical cause a crushing blow. The
+Royalists had already begun to look askance at M. Thiers and hinted that
+his readiness to go on with the Republic was a tacit violation of the
+Bordeaux Compact. Under the circumstances, however, his sincerity need
+not be doubted in believing a republic the only outcome, and his
+ambition or vanity may be excused for wishing to continue its leader. By
+the Rivet-Vitet measure of August 31, 1871, M. Thiers, hitherto "chief
+of executive power," was called "President of the French Republic." He
+was to exercise his functions so long as the Assembly had not completed
+its work and was to be responsible to the Assembly. Thus the legislative
+body elected for an emergency was taking upon itself constituent
+authority and was tending to perpetuate the Republic which the majority
+disliked.
+
+From this time the tension grew greater between Thiers and the Assembly,
+which begrudged him the credit for the negotiations still proceeding,
+and already mentioned above, for the evacuation of France by the
+Germans. It thwarted the wish of the Republicans to transfer the seat of
+the executive and legislature to Paris. Thiers was, indeed, working away
+from the Bordeaux Compact and was advocating a republic, though a
+conservative one. This "treachery" the monarchists could not forgive,
+though bye-elections were constantly increasing the Republican
+membership. Thiers did not, on the other hand, welcome the advanced
+republicanism of Gambetta declaring war on clericalism, and proclaiming
+the advent of a new "social stratum" (_une couche sociale nouvelle_) for
+the government of the nation.
+
+By the middle of 1872, Thiers was the open advocate of "la République
+conservatrice," and this gradual transformation of a transitional
+republic into a permanent one was what the monarchists could not accept.
+So they declared open war on M. Thiers. On November 29, 1872, a
+committee of thirty was appointed at Thiers's instigation to regulate
+the functions of public authority and the conditions of ministerial
+responsibility. This was inevitably another step toward the affirmation
+of a permanent republic by the clearer specification of governmental
+attributes. The majority of the committee were hostile to M. Thiers and
+were determined to overthrow him. The Left was also growing dissatisfied
+with his opposition to a dissolution. He found it increasingly difficult
+to ride two horses. The committee of thirty wished to prevent Thiers
+from exercising pressure on the Assembly by intervention in debates and
+threats to resign. In February and March, 1873, it proposed that the
+President should notify the Assembly by message of his intention to
+speak, and the ensuing discussion was not to take place in his presence.
+M. Thiers protested in vain against this red tape (_chinoiseries_). The
+effect was to drive him more and more from the Assembly, where his
+personal influence might be felt.
+
+The crisis became acute when Jules Grévy, President of the Assembly, a
+partisan of Thiers, resigned his office after a disagreement on a
+parliamentary matter. His successor, M. Buffet, at once rigorously
+supported the hostile Right. In April an election in Paris brought into
+opposition Charles de Rémusat, Minister of Foreign Affairs and personal
+friend of Thiers, and Barodet, candidate of the advanced and disaffected
+Republicans. The governmental candidate was defeated. Encouraged by this
+the duc de Broglie, leader of the Right, followed up the attack,
+declaring the Government unable to withstand radicalism. In May he made
+an interpellation on the governmental policy. Thiers invoked his right
+of reply and, on May 24, gave a brilliant defence of his past actions,
+formulating his plans for the future organization of the Republic. A
+resolution was introduced by M. Ernoul, censuring the Government and
+calling for a rigidly conservative policy. The government was put in the
+minority by a close vote and M. Thiers forthwith resigned. The victors
+at once chose as his successor the candidate of the Rights, the maréchal
+de Mac-Mahon, duc de Magenta, the defeated general of Sedan, a brave and
+upright man, but a novice in politics and statecraft. He declared his
+intention of pursuing a conservative policy and of re-establishing and
+maintaining "l'ordre moral."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[4] The fierceness of hatreds engendered by the Commune may be
+illustrated by the following untranslatable comment by Alexandre Dumas
+fils on Gustave Courbet, a famous writer and a famous painter: "De quel
+accouplement fabuleux d'une limace et d'un paon, de quelles antithèses
+génésiaques, de quel suintement sébacé peut avoir été générée cette
+chose qu'on appelle M. Gustave Courbet? Sous quelle cloche, à l'aide de
+quel fumier, par suite de quelle mixture de vin, de bière, de mucus
+corrosif et d'oedème flatulent a pu pousser cette courge sonore et
+poilue, ce ventre esthétique, incarnation du moi imbécile et
+impuissant?" (Quoted in Fiaux's history of the Commune, pp. 582-83.)
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARÉCHAL DE MAC-MAHON
+
+May, 1873, to January, 1879
+
+
+[Illustration: EDME-PATRICE-MAURICE DE MAC-MAHON]
+
+"L'ordre moral," such was the political catchword of the new
+administration. Just what it meant was not very clear. In general,
+however, it was obviously intended to imply resistance to radicalism
+(republicanism) and the maintenance of a strictly conservative policy,
+strongly tinged with clericalism.[5] The victors over M. Thiers had
+revived their desire of a monarchical restoration and many of them hoped
+that the maréchal de Mac-Mahon would shortly make way for the comte de
+Chambord. But though an anti-republican he was never willing to lend
+himself to any really illegal or dishonest manoeuvres, and his sense
+of honor was of great help to him in his want of political competence.
+So he did not prove the pliant tool of his creators, and his term of
+office saw the definite establishment of the Republic.
+
+The first Cabinet was led by the duc de Broglie who took the portfolio
+of Foreign Affairs. The new Government was viewed askance by the
+conquerors at Berlin, who disliked such an orderly transmission of
+powers as an indication of national recovery and stability. Bismarck
+even exacted new credentials from the French Ambassador. Meanwhile, the
+Minister of the Interior, Beulé, proceeded to consolidate the authority
+of the new Cabinet by numerous changes in the prefects of the
+departments, turning out the "rascals" of Thiers's administration to
+make room for appointees more amenable to new orders.
+
+The time now seemed ripe for another effort to establish the monarchy
+under the comte de Chambord. It culminated in the "monarchical campaign"
+of October, 1873. The monarchical sympathizers were hand-in-glove with
+the Clericals and for the most part coincided with them. The Royalists
+were inevitably clerical if for no other reason than that monarchy and
+religion both seemed to involve continuity, and the legitimacy of the
+monarchy had always been blessed by the Church. The revolutionary
+Rights of Man were held to be inconsistent with the traditional Rights
+of God and the monarchy. Moreover, the founders of the third republic
+had, with noteworthy exceptions like the devout Trochu, been mildly
+anti-clerical. They were for the most part religious liberals and
+deists, rarely atheists, but that was enough to array the bishops, like
+monseigneur Pie of Poitiers, against them. Indeed, a quick religious
+revival swept over the land, as was shown by numerous pilgrimages,
+including one to Paray-le-Monial, home of the cult of the Sacred Heart.
+France herself should be consecrated to the Sacred Heart, and the idea
+was evolved, afterwards carried out, of the erection of the great votive
+basilica of the Sacré Coeur on the heights of Montmartre.
+
+The first step toward the restoration of "Henry V" was to persuade the
+comte de Paris to make new efforts for a fusion of the two branches.
+Swallowing his pride, the comte de Paris generously went to the home of
+the comte de Chambord at Frohsdorf, in Austria, in August, and paid his
+respects to him as head of the family. As the comte de Chambord had no
+children, it was expected that the comte de Paris would be his
+successor. But the old difficulty about the white flag cropped up, and
+the comte de Chambord stubbornly refused to rule over a country above
+which waved the revolutionary tricolor.
+
+Matters dragged on through the summer, during the parliamentary recess,
+and the conservative leaders were outspoken as to their plans to
+overthrow the Republic. It was hoped that some compromise might be
+reached by which could be reconciled, as to the flag, the desires of the
+Assembly which was expected to recall the pretender and those of the
+comte de Chambord who considered his divinely inspired will superior to
+that of the representatives of the people. It was suggested that the
+question of the flag might be settled _after_ his accession to the
+throne. The embassy to Salzburg, in October, of M. Chesnelong, an
+emissary of a committee of nine of the Royalist leaders, achieved only a
+half-success, but left matters sufficiently indeterminate to encourage
+them in continuing their plans. Matters seemed progressing swimmingly
+when, on October 27, an unexpected letter from the pretender to M.
+Chesnelong categorically declared that _nothing_ would induce him to
+sacrifice the white banner.
+
+The effect of this letter was to make all hopes of a restoration
+impossible. Everybody knew that the majority of Frenchmen would never
+give up their flag for the white one, whether this were dignified by the
+name of "standard of Arques and Ivry," or whether one called it
+irreverently a "towel," as did Pope Pius IX, impatient at the obstinacy
+of the comte de Chambord. In the midst of the general confusion only one
+thing seemed feasible if governmental anarchy were to be avoided,
+namely, the prorogation of Mac-Mahon's authority, as a rampart against
+rising democracy and a permanent republic. This condition the Orléanist
+Right Centre turned to their advantage. By a vote of November 20, the
+executive power was conferred for a definite period of seven years on
+the maréchal de Mac-Mahon. Thus a head of the nation was provided who
+might perhaps outlast the Assembly. The vote might be interpreted either
+as the beginning of a permanent republican régime, as it proved to be,
+or as the establishment of a definite interlude in anticipation of a new
+attempt to set up a monarchy, this time to the advantage of the younger
+branch. Many hoped that the comte de Chambord would soon be dead, his
+white flag forgotten, and the way open to the comte de Paris. The
+Orléanists were pleased by this latter idea, the Republicans were glad
+to have the republican régime recognized for, at any rate, seven years
+to come, accompanied by the promise of a constitutional commission of
+thirty members. The Legitimists alone were disappointed, and, oblivious
+of the fact that the comte de Chambord had lost through his folly, they
+were before long ready to vent their wrath on Mac-Mahon and his adviser,
+the duc de Broglie, who was responsible for the presidential
+prorogation.
+
+The pretender had been completely taken aback at the impression produced
+by his letter. Convinced of his divinely inspired omniscience, and
+certain that he was the foreordained ruler of France, he had thought
+that the Assembly would give way on the question of the flag, or that
+the army would follow him, or that Mac-Mahon would yield. His state
+coach had been made ready and a military uniform awaited him at a
+tailor's. He hastened in secret to Versailles, where he remained for a
+while in retirement to watch events, and where Mac-Mahon refused to see
+him. Then, after the vote on the presidency, he sadly returned into
+exile forever.
+
+Never was a greater service done to France than when the comte de
+Chambord refused to give up his flag. Completely out of touch with the
+country through a life spent in exile, inspired with the feeling of his
+divine rights and their superiority to the will of democracy, he would
+scarcely have ascended the throne before some conflict would have broken
+out and the history of France would have registered one revolution more.
+
+The duc de Broglie had considered it good form to resign after the vote
+of November 20, but Mac-Mahon immediately entrusted to him the selection
+of a second Cabinet. In this Cabinet the portfolio of Foreign Affairs
+was given to the duc Decazes, a skilled diplomat, but the Legitimists
+were offended by some of the cabinet changes and their dislike of the
+duc de Broglie gradually became more acute. Finally, after several
+months of parliamentary skirmishing the second Broglie Cabinet fell
+before a coalition vote of Republicans and extreme Royalists with a few
+Bonapartists, on May 16, 1874. The Right Centre and Left Centre had
+unsuccessfully joined in support of the Cabinet. The nation was taking
+another step toward republican control and the overthrow of the
+conservatives.
+
+From now on, Mac-Mahon's task became increasingly difficult. After the
+split in the conservative majority it was necessary to rely on
+combination ministries, representing different sets and harder to
+reconcile or to propitiate. The result of Mac-Mahon's first efforts was
+a Cabinet led by a soldier, General de Cissey, and having no pronounced
+political tendencies.
+
+Party differences were becoming accentuated. The downfall of the Broglie
+Cabinet had been largely due to the extreme Royalists and the Orléanists
+could not forgive them. The situation was made worse by differences in
+interpretation of the law of November 20, establishing the "septennat"
+of the maréchal de Mac-Mahon. Some of the Monarchists maintained the
+"septennat personnel," namely, the election of one specific person to
+hold office for seven years, with the idea that he could withdraw at any
+time in favor of a king. Others interpreted the law as establishing a
+"septennat impersonnel," a definite truce of seven years, which should
+still hold even if Mac-Mahon had to be replaced before the expiration of
+the time by another President. Then, they hoped, their enemy Thiers
+would be dead. The Republicans were, of course, desirous of making the
+impersonal "septennat" lead to a permanent republic, and declared that
+Mac-Mahon was not the President of a seven years' republic, but
+President, for seven years, of the Republic.
+
+In this state of affairs the Bonapartists now became somewhat active
+again. Strangely enough, the disasters of 1870 were already growing
+sufficiently remote for some of the anti-Republicans to turn again to
+the prospect of empire. This menace frightened the moderate Royalists
+into what they had kept hesitating to do; that is to say, into spurring
+to activity the purposely inactive and dilatory constitutional
+commission.
+
+The stumbling-block was the recognition of the Republic itself and the
+admission that the form of government existing in France was to be
+permanent. There was much parliamentary skirmishing over various plans,
+rejected one after the other, inclining in turn toward the Republic and
+a monarchy. Finally, some of the Monarchists, discouraged by the rising
+tide of "radicalism," and frightened lest unwillingness to accept a
+conservative republic now might result still worse for them in the
+future, rallied in support of the motion of M. Wallon, known as the
+"amendement Wallon," which was adopted by a vote of 353 to 352 (January,
+1875): "The President of the Republic is elected by absolute majority of
+votes by the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies united as a National
+Assembly. He is chosen for seven years and is re-eligible."
+
+In this vote the fateful statement was made concerning the election of a
+President other than Mac-Mahon and the transmission of power in a
+republic. The third Republic received its definite consecration by a
+majority of _one vote_.
+
+The vote on the Wallon amendment dealt with only one article of a
+project not yet voted as a whole, but it was the crossing of the
+Rubicon. The other articles were adopted by increased majorities.
+
+The Ministry of General de Cissey had already resigned upon a minor
+question, but had held over at the President's request. Mac-Mahon now
+asked the Monarchist M. Buffet to form a conservative conciliation
+Cabinet, which was made up almost entirely from the Right Centre
+(Orléanists) and the Left Centre (moderate Republicans) and accepted at
+first by the Republican Left. By this Cabinet still one more step was
+taken toward Republican preponderance.
+
+During the Buffet Ministry three important matters occupied public
+attention. One was the completion of the new constitution. A second was
+the creation of "free" universities, not under control of the State.
+This step was advocated in the name of intellectual freedom, but the
+whole scheme was backed by the Catholics and merely resulted in the
+creation of Catholic faculties in several great cities. A third matter
+was the intense anxiety over the prospect of a rupture with Germany.
+Bismarck was renewing his policy of pin-pricks. The French army had been
+strengthened by a battalion to every regiment, and so Bismarck
+complained of the strictures of French and Belgian bishops on his
+anti-papal policy. Whether he only meant to humiliate France still more,
+or whether he actually desired a new rupture so as to crush the country
+finally, is not clear. At any rate, with the aid of England and
+especially of Russia, France showed that she was not helpless, and
+Bismarck protested that he was absolutely friendly.
+
+By the close of 1875, the measures constituting the new Government had
+been voted and, on December 31, the Assembly, which had governed France
+since the Franco-Prussian War, was dissolved to make way for the new
+legislature. During the succeeding elections M. Buffet's Cabinet,
+antagonized by the Republicans and rent by internal dissensions, went to
+pieces, M. Buffet personally suffered disastrously at the polls. The
+slate was clear for a totally new organization. The Assembly had done
+many a good service, but its dilatoriness in establishing a permanent
+government, its ingratitude to M. Thiers, its clericalism, and its
+stubbornness in trying to foist a king on the people made it pass away
+unregretted by a country which had far outstripped it in republicanism.
+
+The "Constitution of 1875," under which, with some modifications, France
+is still governed, is not a single document constructed _a priori_, like
+the Constitution of the United States. It was partly the result of the
+evolution of the National Assembly itself, partly the result of
+compromises and dickerings between hostile groups. Particularly, it
+expressed the jealousy of a monarchical assembly for a President of a
+republic, and the desire, therefore, to keep power in the hands of its
+own legislative successor. The Assembly took it for granted that the
+Chamber of Deputies would have the same opinions as itself. As a matter
+of fact, the political complexion of the legislature has been
+consistently toward radicalism, and the result has hindered a strong
+executive and promoted legislative demagogy.
+
+The Constitution of 1875 may be considered as consisting of the
+Constitutional Law of February 25, relating to the organization of the
+public powers (President, Senate, Chamber of Deputies, Ministers,
+etc.); the Constitutional Law of the previous day, February 24, relating
+to the organization of the Senate; the Constitutional Law of July 16, on
+the relations of the public powers. Subsidiary "organic laws" voted
+later determined the procedure for the election of Senators and
+Deputies. The vote of February 25 was the crucial one in the definite
+establishment of the Republican régime. The Constitution has undergone
+certain slight modifications since its adoption.
+
+By the Constitution of 1875 the government of the French Republic was
+vested in a Senate and a Chamber of Deputies. The Senate consisted of
+300 members, of whom 75 were chosen for life by the expiring Assembly,
+their successors to be elected by co-optation in the Senate itself. The
+other 225, chosen for nine years and renewable by thirds, were to be
+elected by a method of indirect selection. In 1884, the choice of life
+Senators ceased and the seats, as they fell vacant, have been
+distributed among the Departments of the country. The Deputies were
+elected by universal suffrage for a period of four years. Unless a
+candidate obtained an absolute majority of the votes cast, the election
+was void, and a new one was necessary. Except during the period from
+1885 to 1889, the Deputies have represented districts determined, unless
+for densely populated ones, by the administrative _arrondissements_.
+From 1885 to 1889, the _scrutin de liste_ was in operation: the _whole_
+Department voted on a ticket containing as many names as there were
+_arrondissements_. The prerogatives of the two houses were identical
+except that financial measures were to originate in the Chamber of
+Deputies. As a matter of fact, the Senate has fallen into the
+background, and the habit of considering the vote of the Chamber rather
+than that of the Senate as important in a change of Ministry has made it
+the true source of government in France. The two houses met at
+Versailles until 1879; since then Paris has been the capital, except for
+the election of a President. After separate decision by each house to do
+so, or the request of the President, they could meet in joint assembly
+as a Constitutional Convention to revise the constitution.
+
+The Senate and Chamber, united in joint session as a National Assembly,
+were to choose a President for a definite term of seven years, not to
+fill out an incomplete term vacated by another President. The President
+could be re-elected. With the consent of the Senate he could dissolve
+the Chamber, but this restriction made the privilege almost inoperative
+in practice. He was irresponsible, the nominal executive and figurehead
+of the State, but all his acts had to be countersigned by a responsible
+Minister, by which his initiative was greatly reduced. In fact the
+President had really less power than a constitutional king.
+
+The real executive authority was in the hands of the Cabinet, headed by
+a Premier or _Président du conseil_.[6] The Ministry was responsible to
+the Senate and Chamber (in practice, as we have seen, to the Chamber),
+and was expected to resign as a whole if put by a vote in the minority.
+By custom the President selects the Premier from the majority and the
+latter selects his colleagues in the Cabinet, trying to make them
+representatives of the wishes of the Parliament. The French Republic is
+therefore managed by a parliamentary government.
+
+The first elections under the new constitution resulted very much as
+might be expected: the Senate became in personnel the true successor of
+the Assembly, the Chamber of Deputies contained most of the new men. The
+Senate was conservative and monarchical, the Chamber was republican.
+Therefore, the President of the Republic entrusted the formation of a
+Ministry to M. Jules Dufaure, of the Left Centre, the views of which
+group differed hardly at all from those of the Right Centre, except in a
+full acceptance of the new conditions. Unfortunately, M. Dufaure found
+it impossible to ride two horses at once and to satisfy both the
+conservative Senate and the majority in the Chamber of more advanced
+Republicans than himself. He mistrusted the Republican leader Gambetta,
+though the latter was now far more moderate, and he sympathized too much
+with the Clericals to suit the new order of things. So his Cabinet
+resigned (December 2, 1876), less than nine months after its
+appointment, and the maréchal de Mac-Mahon felt it necessary, very much
+against his will, to call to power Jules Simon. He had previously tried
+unsuccessfully to form a Cabinet from the Right Centre under the duc de
+Broglie.
+
+The duc de Broglie remained, however, the power behind the throne. The
+President was under the political advice of the conservative set, whose
+firm conviction he shared, that the new Republic was advancing headlong
+into irreligion. The course of political events now took on a strong
+religious flavor. Jules Simon was a liberal, which was considered a
+misfortune, though he announced himself now as "deeply republican and
+deeply conservative." But people knew his unfriendly relations with
+Gambetta, which dated from 1871, when he checkmated the dictator at
+Bordeaux. It was hoped that open dissension might break out in the
+Republican party which would justify measures tending to a conservative
+reaction, and help tide over the time until 1880. Then the constitution
+might be revised at the expiration of Mac-Mahon's term and the monarchy
+perhaps restored.
+
+Gambetta was, however, now a very different man. Discarding his former
+unbending radicalism, he was now the advocate of the "political policy
+of results," or _opportunism_, a method of conciliation, of compromise,
+and of waiting for the favorable opportunity. This was to be,
+henceforth, the policy closely connected with his name and fame. So
+Jules Simon soon was sacrificed.
+
+The efforts of the Clerical party bore chiefly in two directions:
+control of education and advocacy of increased papal authority,
+particularly of the temporal power of the Pope, dispossessed of his
+states a few years before by the Government of Victor Emmanuel. This
+latter course could only tend to embroil France with Italy. So convinced
+was Gambetta of the unwise and disloyal activities of the Ultramontanes
+that on May 4, in a speech to the Chamber, he uttered his famous cry:
+"Le cléricalisme, voilà l'ennemi!"
+
+Jules Simon found himself in a very difficult position. Desirous of
+conciliating Mac-Mahon and his clique, he adopted a policy somewhat at
+variance with his former liberal religious views. On the other hand, he
+could not satisfy the President, who had always disliked him, or those
+who had determined upon his overthrow. The crisis came on May 16, 1877,
+when Mac-Mahon, taking advantage of some very minor measures, wrote a
+haughty and indignant letter to Jules Simon, to say that the Minister no
+longer had his confidence. Jules Simon, backed up by a majority in the
+Chamber, could very well have engaged in a constitutional struggle with
+Mac-Mahon, but he rather weakly resigned the next day.[7] Thus was
+opened the famous conflict known in French history, from its date, as
+the "Seize-Mai."
+
+No sooner was Jules Simon out of the way than Mac-Mahon appointed a
+reactionary coalition Ministry of Orléanists and Imperialists headed by
+the duc de Broglie, and held apparently ready in waiting. The Ministers
+were at variance on many political questions, but united as to
+clericalism. The plan was to dissolve the Republican Chamber with the
+co-operation of the anti-Republican Senate, in the hope that a new
+election, under official pressure, would result in a monarchical lower
+house also. The Chamber of Deputies was therefore prorogued until June
+16 and then dissolved. At the meeting of May 18, the Republicans
+presented a solid front of 363 in their protest against the high-handed
+action of the maréchal de Mac-Mahon.
+
+[Illustration: LÉON GAMBETTA]
+
+The new Cabinet began by a wholesale revocation of administrative
+officials throughout the country, and spent the summer in unblushing
+advocacy of its candidates. Those favored by the Government were so
+indicated and their campaign manifestoes were printed on official white
+paper.[8] The Republicans united their forces to support the re-election
+of the 363 and gave charge of their campaign to a committee of eighteen
+under the inspiring leadership of Gambetta. In a great speech at Lille,
+Gambetta declared that the President would have to "give in or give up"
+(_se soumettre ou se démettre_), for which crime of _lèse-majesté_ he
+was condemned by default to fine and imprisonment. In September, Thiers,
+the great leader of the early Republic, died, and his funeral was made
+the occasion of a great manifestation of Republican unity. Finally, in
+spite of governmental pressure and the pulpit exhortations of the
+clergy, the elections in October resulted in a new Republican Chamber.
+The reactionary Cabinet was face to face with as firm an opposition as
+before.
+
+The duc de Broglie, in view of this crushing defeat, was ready to
+withdraw, and Mac-Mahon, after some hesitation, accepted his
+resignation. Mac-Mahon's own fighting blood was up, however, and he
+tried the experiment of an extra-parliamentary Ministry led by General
+de Rochebouët, the members of which were conservatives without seats in
+Parliament. But the Chamber refused to enter into relations with it, and
+as the budget was pressing and the Senate was not disposed to support a
+second dissolution, Mac-Mahon had to submit and the Rochebouët Cabinet
+withdrew.
+
+Thus ended Mac-Mahon's unsuccessful attempt to exert his personal power.
+The Seize-Mai has sometimes been likened to an abortive _coup d'état_.
+The parallel is hardly justifiable. Mac-Mahon would have welcomed a
+return of the monarchy at the end of his term of office, but he
+intended to remain faithful to the constitution, however much he might
+strain it or interpret it under the advice of his Clerical managers, and
+though he might have been willing to use troops to enforce his wishes.
+One unfortunate result ensued: the crisis left the Presidency still more
+weak. Any repetition of Mac-Mahon's experiment of dissolving the Chamber
+would revive accusations against one of his successors of attempting a
+_coup d'état_. There have been times when the country would have
+welcomed the dissolution by a strong President of an incompetent
+Chamber. Unfortunately, Mac-Mahon stood for the reactionaries against
+the Republic. His course of action would be a dangerous precedent.
+
+The new order of things was marked by the advent of another Dufaure
+Ministry, very moderate in tendency, but acceptable to the majority.
+Most of the high-handed doings of the Broglie Cabinet were revoked, much
+to the disgust of Mac-Mahon, who frequently lost his temper when obliged
+to sign documents of which he disapproved. Finally, in January, 1879, in
+a controversy with his Cabinet over some military transfers, Mac-Mahon
+resigned, over a year before the expiration of his term of office.
+Moreover, at the recent elections to the Senate the Republicans had
+obtained control of even that body. Thus he was alone, with both houses
+and the Ministry against him.
+
+In spite of the unfortunate endless internal dissensions, France made
+great strides in national recovery during the Presidency of Mac-Mahon.
+His rank and military title gave prestige to the Republic in presence of
+the diplomats of European monarchies, the German crisis of 1875 showed
+that Bismarck was not to have a free hand in crushing France, the
+participation of France in the Congress of Berlin enabled the country to
+take a place again among the European Powers. Finally, the International
+Exhibition of 1878 was an invitation to the world to witness the
+recovery of France from her disasters and to testify to her right to
+lead again in art and industry.
+
+The Presidency of Mac-Mahon shows the desperate efforts of the
+Monarchists to overthrow the Republic, and then to control it in view of
+an ultimate Restoration, either by obstructing the vote of a
+constitution or by hindering its operation. Throughout, the Monarchists
+and the Clericals work together or are identical. The end of his term of
+office found the whole Government in the hands of the Republicans.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[5] Clericalism does not imply political activity on the part of the
+clergy alone, but quite as much of laymen strongly in favor of the
+Church.
+
+[6] Before the Constitution of 1875, the Premier was only
+_vice-président du conseil_.
+
+[7] The Chamber, on May 12, had expressed itself in favor of the
+publicity of meetings of municipal councils, during the absence of the
+Minister of the Interior. On May 15, it had passed the second reading of
+a law, opposed by Jules Simon, on the freedom of the press.
+
+[8] In France only official posters may be printed on white paper.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF JULES GRÉVY
+
+January, 1879, to December, 1887
+
+
+The resignation of the maréchal de Mac-Mahon was followed by the
+immediate gathering, in accordance with the constitution, of the
+National Assembly, which chose as President for seven years Jules Grévy.
+The new chief magistrate, elected without a competitor, was already
+seventy-two, and had in his long career won the reputation of a
+dignified and sound statesman, in whose hands public affairs might be
+entrusted with absolute safety. He represented a step beyond the
+military and aristocratic régime which had preceded him. The embodiment
+of the old _bourgeoisie_, he had, along with its qualities, some of its
+defects. Eminently cautious, his statesmanship had been at times a
+non-committal reserve more than constructive genius. His parsimony soon
+caused people to accuse him of unduly saving his salary and state
+allowances, while his personal dislikes led him to err grievously in
+his choice of advisers, or rather in his elimination of Gambetta, to
+whom circumstances now pointed.
+
+Jules Grévy hated Gambetta, undeniably the leading figure in the
+Republican party since the death of Thiers, and neglected to entrust to
+him the formation of a Cabinet. Thiers himself had shown greater wisdom.
+He, too, had disliked the raging and apparently futile volubility of the
+young tribune during the Franco-Prussian War, but Thiers got over
+calling Gambetta a "fou furieux." On the contrary, just after the
+Seize-Mai and before his own death, when Thiers was expecting to return
+to the Presidency as successor to a discredited Mac-Mahon, he had
+intended to make Gambetta the head of his Cabinet. For Gambetta with
+maturity had become more moderate. Instead of drastic political remedies
+he was gradually evolving, as already stated, the policy of
+"Opportunism" so closely linked with his name, the method of gradual
+advance by concessions and compromises, by taking advantage of occasions
+and making one's general policy conform with opportunity.
+
+If Gambetta, as leader of the majority group in the Republican party,
+which had evicted Mac-Mahon, had become Prime Minister, it is conceded
+that the precedent would have been set by the new administration for
+parliamentary government with a true party leadership, as in Great
+Britain. Instead, Grévy entrusted the task of forming a Ministry to an
+upright but colorless leader named Waddington, at the head of a
+composite Cabinet, more moderate in policy than Gambetta, who became
+presiding officer of the Chamber of Deputies. The consequence was that,
+after lasting less than a year, it gave way to another Cabinet led by
+the great political trimmer Freycinet,[9] until in due time it was in
+turn succeeded by the Ministry of Jules Ferry in September, 1880.
+
+It must not be inferred that nothing was accomplished by the Waddington
+and Freycinet Ministries. Indeed, Jules Ferry, the chief Republican next
+to Gambetta, was himself a member of these two Cabinets before leading
+his own.
+
+The lining-up of Republican groups, as opposed to the Monarchists, under
+the new administration was: the Left Centre, composed as in the past of
+ultra-conservative Republicans, constantly diminishing numerically; the
+Republican Left, which followed Jules Ferry; the Republican Union of
+Gambetta; and, finally, the radical Extreme Left, which had taken for
+itself many of the advanced measures advocated by Gambetta when he had
+been a radical. One of its leaders was Georges Clemenceau. Between the
+two large groups of Ferry and Gambetta there was little difference in
+ideals, but Gambetta was now the Opportunist and Ferry made his own
+Gambetta's old battle-cry against clericalism.
+
+[Illustration: JULES FERRY]
+
+The Chamber elected after the Seize-Mai was by reaction markedly
+anti-Clerical, and the Waddington Cabinet, to begin with, contained
+three Protestants and a freethinker. Obviously steps would soon be taken
+to defeat the "enemy." In this movement Jules Ferry was from the
+beginning a leader, by direct action as well as by the educational
+reforms which he carried out as Minister of Public Instruction. Jules
+Ferry became, more than Gambetta, the great bugbear of the Clericals
+and the author of the "lois scélérates."
+
+During the Waddington Ministry Jules Ferry began his efforts for the
+reorganization of superior instruction, and among his measures carried
+through the Chamber of Deputies the notorious "Article 7" indirectly
+aimed at Jesuit influence in _secondary_ teaching as well: "No person
+can direct any public or private establishment whatsoever or teach
+therein if he belongs to an unauthorized order." The Jesuits had at that
+time no legal footing in France, but were openly tolerated. The Senate
+rejected this article under the Freycinet Ministry and the law was
+finally adopted thus apparently weakened. But Jules Ferry, nothing
+daunted, immediately put into operation the no less notorious decrees of
+March, 1880, reviving older laws going back even to 1762, which had long
+since fallen into disuse. By these decrees the Jesuit establishments
+were to be closed and the members dispersed within three months.
+Moreover, every unauthorized order was, under penalty of expulsion, to
+apply for authorization within a like limit of time. The expulsion of
+the Jesuits was carried out with a certain spectacular display of
+passive resistance on the part of those evicted. Later in the year
+similar steps were taken against many other organizations.
+
+It is evident from the above that the promotion of educational reform
+under Republican control was definitely connected with measures directed
+against clerical domination. The French Catholic Church, on its part,
+treated every attempt toward laicization as a form of persecution. But
+Jules Ferry unhesitatingly extended his policy when he became Prime
+Minister. His measures were genuinely neutral, but his reputation as a
+Voltairian freethinker and a freemason inevitably afforded his opponents
+an excuse for their charges.
+
+Jules Ferry's reforms in education, extending over several Cabinet
+periods as late as 1882, included secondary education for girls, and
+free, obligatory, lay, primary instruction. To Americans accustomed to
+such methods of education it is difficult to conceive the struggles of
+Jules Ferry and his assistant on the floor of the House, Paul Bert, in
+carrying through these measures for the training of the democracy.
+
+In foreign affairs Jules Ferry inaugurated a more active policy
+symptomatic of the return of France to participation in international
+matters. At the Congress of Berlin, France had avoided entanglements,
+but, even at that early period, Lord Salisbury had hinted to M.
+Waddington, present as French delegate, that no interference would be
+made by England, were France to advance claims in Tunis. This suggestion
+came, perhaps, originally from Bismarck, who was not averse to
+embroiling France with Italy. That country longed for Tunis so
+conveniently situated near Sicily. England, moreover, was probably not
+desirous of seeing the Italians thus strategically ensconced in the
+Mediterranean.
+
+In 1881, financial manoeuvres and the plundering expeditions into
+Algeria of border tribes called Kroumirs afforded a pretext for
+intervention, to the indignation of Italy, which was thus more than ever
+inclined to seek alliances against France, even with Germany. Here,
+indeed, was the germ of the Triple Alliance. An easy advance to Tunis
+forced the Bey to accept a French protectorate by the Treaty of the
+Bardo on May 12, 1881. Later in the year the situation became rather
+serious, and new and rather costly military operations became necessary,
+including the occupation of Sfax, Gabès, and Kairouan.
+
+Thus France came into possession of valuable territories, but at the
+cost of Italian indignation. Moreover, Jules Ferry, who was always one
+of the most hated of party leaders in his own country, reaped no
+advantage to himself. His enemies affected to believe that the whole
+Tunisian war was a game of capitalists, or was planned for effect upon
+elections to the new Chamber. The boulevards refused to take the
+Kroumirs seriously and joked about "Cherchez le Kroumir." Finally, on
+November 9, 1881, the personal intervention of Gambetta before the newly
+elected Chamber of Deputies saved the Cabinet on a vote of confidence.
+Jules Ferry none the less determined to resign, and Gambetta, in spite
+of Grévy's aversion, was the inevitable man for the formation of a new
+Cabinet.
+
+Gambetta's great opportunity had come too late to be effective. The
+undoubted leader of the Republic, he had grown in statesmanship since
+his early days, but was still hated by men like Grévy who could not get
+over their old prejudices. Then the advanced radicals, or
+_intransigeants_, thought him a traitor to his old platforms or
+_programmes_.[10] They blamed his Opportunism and said that he wanted
+power without responsibility. Gambetta's enemies, whether the duc de
+Broglie or Clemenceau, talked of his secret influence (_pouvoir
+occulte_), and accused him of aspiring to a dictatorship, in fact if not
+in name. Their suspicions were somewhat deepened by Gambetta's ardent
+advocacy of the _scrutin de liste_ instead of the existing _scrutin
+d'arrondissement_.[11]
+
+It was asserted that Gambetta wanted to diminish the independence of
+local representation and marshal behind himself a subservient majority.
+To Gambetta the _scrutin de liste_ was the truly republican form of
+representation, the one existing under the National Assembly and
+abolished by the reactionaries under the new constitution.
+
+Thus, Gambetta had against him, during the campaign for renewal of the
+Chamber of Deputies in the summer of 1881, not only the anti-Republicans
+but also timid liberals like Jules Simon, the influence of President
+Grévy, and the _intransigeants_. The Senate was averse to the _scrutin
+de liste_ and rejected, in the spring of 1881, the measure which
+Gambetta carried through the Chamber. Gambetta, formerly the idol of the
+working classes of Paris, met with opposition, was hooted in one of his
+own political rallies, and was re-elected on the first ballot in one
+only of the two districts in which he was a candidate.
+
+The elections of the Chamber of 1881 resulted in a strongly Republican
+body, in which, however, the majority subdivided into groups. Gambetta's
+"Union républicaine" was the most numerous, followed by Ferry's "Gauche
+républicaine," and the extremists. A certain fraction of Gambetta's
+group, including Henri Brisson and Charles Floquet, also tended to stick
+together. They were the germ of what became in time the great Radical
+party.
+
+It had been hoped that Gambetta would bring into his Cabinet all the
+other leaders of his party, and at last form a great governing ministry.
+But men like Léon Say and Freycinet refused their collaboration because
+of divergence of views or personal pride. Gambetta then decided to pick
+his collaborators from his immediate friends and partisans, some of whom
+had yet a reputation to make. The anticipated "Great Ministry" turned
+out to be, its opponents said, a "ministère de commis," a cabinet of
+clerks. The fact that it contained men like Waldeck-Rousseau, Raynal,
+and Rouvier showed, however, that Gambetta could discover ability in
+others. But it was declared that the "dictator" was marshalling his
+henchmen. The extremists, especially, were furious because Gambetta also
+magnanimously gave important posts to non-Republicans like General de
+Miribel and the journalist J.-J. Weiss.
+
+The "Great Ministry" remained in office two months and a half and came
+to grief on the proposed revision of the constitution, in which Gambetta
+wished to incorporate the _scrutin de liste_. In January, 1882, it had
+to resign and Gambetta died on the last day of the same year. Thus, the
+third Republic lost its leading statesman since the death of Thiers.
+
+The year 1882 was filled by the two ineffective Cabinets of Freycinet
+(second time) and of Duclerc. Under the former, France made the mistake,
+injurious to her interests and prestige, of withdrawing from the
+Egyptian condominium with Great Britain and allowing the latter country
+free play for the conquest and occupation of Egypt. Thus the fruits of
+De Lesseps' piercing of the Isthmus of Suez went definitely to England.
+The death of Gambetta under the Duclerc-Fallières Ministry[12] seemed to
+reawaken the hopes of the anti-Republicans, and Jerome Napoleon, chief
+Bonapartist pretender since the decease of the Prince Imperial, issued a
+manifesto against the Republic. Parliament fell into a ludicrous panic,
+various contradictory measures were proposed, and in the general
+confusion the Cabinet fell after an adverse vote.
+
+In this contingency President Grévy did what he should have done before,
+and called to office the leading statesman. This was now Jules Ferry.
+At last France had an administration which lasted a little over two
+years. But Ferry was still intensely unpopular. He had become the
+successor of Gambetta and the exponent of the policy of Opportunism,
+which he tried to carry out with even more constructive statesmanship.
+But he was totally wanting in Gambetta's magnetism, and his domineering
+ways made him hated the more. The Clericals opposed him as the
+"persecutor" of the Catholic religion, and the Radicals thought he did
+not go far enough in his hostility to the Church. For Jules Ferry saw
+that the times were not ripe for disestablishment, and that the system
+of the _Concordat_, in vogue since Napoleon I, really gave the State
+more control over the Clergy than it would have in case of separation.
+The State would lose its power in appointments and salaries. Jules Ferry
+knew that the Church could be useful to him, and the politic Leo XIII,
+very different from Pius IX, was ready to meet him part way, though the
+Pope himself had to humor to a certain extent the hostility to the
+Republic of the French Monarchists and Clericals. Jules Ferry, like
+Gambetta, also had to put up with the veiled hostility of President
+Grévy, working in Parliament through the intrigues of his son-in-law
+Wilson. Moreover, Ferry was made to bear the odium for a long period of
+financial depression, which had lasted since 1882, starting with the
+sensational failure (_krach_) of a large bank, the Union générale. So
+his career was made a torture and he was vilified perhaps more than any
+man of the third Republic.
+
+The extremists had in time another grievance against Jules Ferry in his
+opposition to a radical revision of the constitution. The enemies of the
+Republic still feigned to believe, especially when the death of the
+comte de Chambord in 1883 had fused the Legitimists and Orléanists, that
+an integral revision would pave the way for a monarchical restoration.
+The Radicals demanded the suppression of the power of the Senate, whose
+consent was necessary to summon a constitutional convention. A Congress
+was summoned in 1884 at which the very limited programme of the Ministry
+was put through. The changes merely eliminated from the constitution the
+prescriptions for senatorial elections. After this, by an ordinary
+statute, life-senatorships were abolished for the future, and some
+changes were made in the choice of senatorial electors.
+
+Jules Ferry was what would to-day be called an imperialist. In this he
+may have been unwise, for the French, though intrepid explorers, do not
+care to settle permanently far from the motherland. The north coast of
+Africa might have been a sufficient field for enterprise. But Jules
+Ferry thought that the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria, and Italy,
+formed in 1882, was going to isolate France permanently in Europe. So
+she was to regain her prestige by territorial annexations in the Sudan,
+the Congo, Madagascar, Annam, and Tonkin.
+
+The French had some nominal rights on Tonkin since 1874, and
+disturbances there had caused a revival of activities. When the French
+officer Rivière was killed in an ambuscade in May, 1883, Jules Ferry
+sent heavy reinforcements and forced the King of Annam to acknowledge a
+French protectorate. This stirred up the Chinese, who also claimed
+Annam, and who caused the invasion of Tonkin by guerillas supported by
+their own troops. After various operations in Tonkin the Treaty of
+Tien-tsin was signed with China in May, 1884, by which China made the
+concessions called for by the French. Within a month Chinese troops
+ambuscaded a French column at Bac-Le and the Government decided on a
+punitive expedition. Thus France was engaged in troublesome warfare with
+China, without direct parliamentary authorization. The bombardment of
+Foo-chow, the attack on the island of Formosa, and the blockade of the
+coast dragged along unsatisfactorily through 1884 and 1885.
+
+While Jules Ferry in the spring of 1885 was actually negotiating a final
+peace with China on terms satisfactory to the French, the cession of
+Annam and Tonkin with a commercial treaty, and while he was
+categorically affirming in the Chamber of Deputies the success of
+military operations in Tonkin, a sudden dispatch from the East threw
+everything into a turmoil. General Brière de l'Isle telegraphed from
+Tonkin that the French had been disastrously defeated at Lang-son and
+General de Négrier severely wounded. The news proved to be a grievous
+exaggeration which was contradicted by a later dispatch some hours
+after, but the damage was done. On March 30, in the Chamber of Deputies,
+Jules Ferry was insulted and abused by the leaders of a coalition of
+anti-Republicans and Radicals. The "Tonkinois," as his vilifiers called
+him, disgusted and discouraged, made little attempt to defend himself,
+and his Cabinet fell by a vote of 306 to 149. On April 4, the
+preliminaries of a victorious treaty of peace were signed with China.
+
+The fall of Jules Ferry was a severe blow to efficient government. It
+marked the end, for a long time, of any effort to construct satisfactory
+united Cabinets led by a strong man. It set a precedent for innumerable
+short-lived Ministries built on the treacherous sands of shifting
+groups. It paved the way for a deterioration in parliamentary
+management. It accentuated the bitter hatred now existing between the
+Union des gauches, as the united Gambetta and Ferry Opportunist groups
+called themselves, on the one hand, and the Radicals and the Extreme
+Left on the other. The Radicals, in particular, were influential, and
+one of their more moderate members, Henri Brisson, became the head of
+the next Cabinet. Brisson's name testified to an advance toward
+radicalism, but the Cabinet contained all sorts of moderate and
+nondescript elements, dubbed a "concentration" Cabinet. Its chief
+function was to tide over the elections of 1885, for a new Chamber of
+Deputies. In anticipation of this election Gambetta's long-desired
+_scrutin de liste_ had been rather unexpectedly voted.
+
+The workings of the new method of voting were less satisfactory than had
+been anticipated. Republican dissensions and a greater union of the
+opposition caused a tremendous reactionary landslide on the first
+ballot. This was greatly reduced on the second ballot, so that the
+Republicans emerged with a large though diminished majority. But the old
+Left Centre had practically disappeared and the Radicals were vastly
+more numerous. The great divisions were now the Right, the moderate
+Union des gauches, the Radicals, and the revolutionary Extreme Left. The
+Brisson Cabinet was blamed for not "working" the elections more
+successfully and it resigned at the time of President Grévy's
+re-election. He had reached the end of his seven years' term and was
+chosen again on December 28, 1885. He was to have troublesome
+experiences during the short time he remained in the Presidency.
+
+The Freycinet, Goblet, and Rouvier Cabinets, which fill the rest of
+Grévy's Presidency, were largely engrossed with a new danger in the
+person of General Boulanger. He first appeared in a prominent position
+as Minister of War in the Freycinet Cabinet. A young, brilliant, and
+popular though unprincipled officer, he soon devoted himself to demagogy
+and put himself at the head of the jingoes who called Ferry the slave of
+Bismarck. The expeditions of Tunis and Tonkin had, moreover, thrown a
+glamour over the flag and the army.
+
+Boulanger began at once to play politics and catered to the advanced
+parties, who adopted him as their own. He backed up the spectacular
+expulsion of the princes, which, as an answer to the monarchical
+progress, drove from France the heads of formerly reigning families and
+their direct heirs in line of primogeniture, and carried out their
+radiation from the army. The populace cheered the gallant general on his
+black horse, and when Bismarck complained that he was a menace to the
+peace of Europe Boulanger's fortune seemed made. At a certain moment
+France and Germany were on the brink of war in the so-called Schnaebele
+affair.[13] So, when Boulanger was left out of the Rouvier Cabinet
+combination in May, 1887, as dangerous, he played more than ever to the
+gallery as the persecuted saviour of France and, on being sent to take
+command of an army corps in the provinces at Clermont-Ferrand, he was
+escorted to the train by thousands of enthusiastic manifestants.
+
+Meanwhile, President Grévy was nearing a disaster. In October, 1887,
+General Caffarel, an important member of the General Staff, was arrested
+for participating in the sale of decorations. When Boulanger declared
+that the arrest of Caffarel was an indirect assault on himself,
+originally responsible for Caffarel's appointment to the General Staff,
+the affair got greater notoriety. The scandal assumed national
+proportions when it was found to involve the President's own son-in-law
+Daniel Wilson, well known to be a shady and tricky politician, who had
+the octogenarian President under his thumb. The matter reached the scale
+of a Cabinet crisis, since it was by an overthrow of the Ministry that
+the President could best be reached. Unfortunately, Grévy could not see
+that the most dignified thing for him to do was to resign, even though
+he was in no way involved in Wilson's misdemeanors. For days he tried to
+persuade prominent men to form a Cabinet; he tried to argue his right
+and duty to remain. But finally the Chamber and Senate brought actual
+pressure upon him by voting to adjourn to specific hours in the
+expectation of a presidential communication. He bowed to the inevitable
+and retired from the Presidency with the reputation of a discredited old
+miser, instead of the great statesman he had appeared on beginning his
+term of office.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[9] Gambetta's former assistant during the national defence after the
+first disasters; a brilliant organizer, but in general policy a
+_nolonté_, to use the term Gambetta coined about him on the basis of the
+word _volonté_. As Minister of Public Works he initiated at this period
+great improvements in the internal development of France, especially in
+the railways.
+
+[10] Especially as to the unlimited revision of the constitution and the
+_immediate_ separation of Church and State.
+
+[11] Gambetta's contempt for the parochialism of the elections by
+district was great. He felt that departmental tickets would favor the
+choice of better men. One must remember how large a proportion of the
+French Deputies are physicians to appreciate the scorn of Gambetta's
+saying that the _scrutin d'arrondissement_ produced a lot of
+_sous-vétérinaires_, that is, men who were not even decent
+"horse-doctors."
+
+[12] M. Fallières took the place of Duclerc as President of the Council
+during the last days.
+
+[13] The French claimed that a government official had been lured over
+the frontier and illegally arrested.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF SADI CARNOT
+
+December, 1887, to June, 1894
+
+
+The successor of Jules Grévy was Sadi Carnot, in many ways the best
+choice. As has been seen, the transition was less easy than the two
+ballots of the National Assembly seemed to indicate (December 3, 1887).
+The intrigues of the so-called "nuits historiques" (November 28-30) had
+been an endeavor of the Radicals to keep Grévy, in order to ward off
+Jules Ferry as his successor. Finally, Carnot was a compromise
+candidate, or "dark horse," a Moderate acceptable to the Radicals still
+unwilling to endure the leading candidate Ferry.
+
+[Illustration: SADI CARNOT]
+
+President Carnot, hitherto known chiefly as a capable civil engineer and
+a successful Cabinet officer, was the heir to the name and traditions of
+a great republican family. His integrity was a guarantee of honesty in
+office, and his personal dignity was bound to heighten the prestige of
+the chief magistracy, somewhat weakened by his predecessor Grévy. On
+the other hand, Carnot's conception of the constitutional
+irresponsibility or neutrality of his office was an insufficient bulwark
+to the State against the intrigues of petty politicians and the
+inefficiencies of the parliamentary régime. Consequently his term of
+office saw the Republic exposed to two of the worst crises in its
+history, the Boulanger campaign and the Panama scandals, while the
+legislative history records the overthrow of successive cabinets. These
+followed each other without definite constructive policy, and aimed
+chiefly at keeping power by constant dickerings and playing off group
+against group.
+
+The demoralization of parliamentary life had reached a climax. The
+Republicans were divided into the Moderates, former followers of
+Gambetta, the Radicals with Floquet and Brisson, the Extreme Left with
+Clemenceau and Pelletan, the Socialists with Millerand, Basly, and
+Clovis Hugues. The Royalists and Bonapartists worked against the
+Government and the Boulangists took advantage of the chaos to push their
+cause. The Socialists, in particular, were a new group in the Chamber,
+destined in later years to hold the centre of the stage. In their
+manifesto of December, 1887, signed by seventeen Deputies, they
+advocated, in addition to innumerable specific reforms or practical
+innovations, schemes for the reorganization of society: state
+monopolies, nationalization of property, progressive taxation, and the
+like.
+
+The year 1888, characterized by intense political and social unrest, was
+critical. The trial and conviction of Grévy's son-in-law Wilson involved
+washing dirty linen in public. The steady growth of Boulangism testified
+to dissatisfaction, even though, as it proved, the enemies of the
+established order had united on a worthless adventurer as their leader.
+
+General Boulanger had been first "invented" as a leader by the extreme
+Radicals, and especially by Clemenceau, the _démolisseur_ or destroyer
+of ministries. Then, being gradually abandoned by them, he went over to
+the anti-Republicans and took heavy subsidies from the Monarchists,
+while continuing to advocate, at least openly, an anti-parliamentary,
+plebiscitary Republic.
+
+Early in 1888, in February, the candidacy of Boulanger to the Chamber
+was started in several departments. The electioneering activities of a
+general in regular service and sundry deeds of insubordination on his
+part finally caused the Government, as a disciplinary measure, to retire
+him. The result was that his partisans raised a cry of persecution, and
+his actual retirement gave him the liberty to engage in politics which
+his service on the active list had prevented. In April Boulanger was
+elected Deputy in the southern department of la Dordogne and the
+northern le Nord. His plan of campaign was to be candidate for Deputy in
+each department successively in which a vacancy occurred, thus
+indirectly and gradually obtaining a plebiscite of approval from the
+country. At the same time he raised the cry in favor of militarism, not
+for the sake of war, he said, but for defence. He attacked the impotence
+of Parliament and, as a remedy, called for the dissolution of the
+Chamber and the convocation of a Constituent Assembly to revise the
+constitution. His opponents raised the answering cry of dictatorship and
+Cæsarism. The election in the Nord was particularly alarming because of
+Boulanger's majority.
+
+Boulanger now had both Moderates and many Radicals against him,
+including the Prime Minister Floquet, and was, on the other hand,
+supported openly or secretly by the Imperialists and Monarchists,
+advocates for varying purposes of the plebiscite. The Royalists, who
+thought their chances of success the most hopeful, wanted to use
+Boulanger as a tool to further their designs for the overthrow of the
+Republic. Not only did he receive funds from the pretender, the comte de
+Paris, but an ardent Royalist lady of rank, the duchesse d'Uzès,
+squandered millions of francs in furthering Boulanger's political
+schemes as leader of the Boulangists: the "National Party" or
+"Revisionists."
+
+In June, 1888, Boulanger brought forward in the Chamber a project for a
+revision of the constitution. He advocated a single Chamber, or, if a
+Senate were conceded, demanded that it be chosen by popular vote. The
+power of the Chamber was to be diminished, that of the President
+increased, and laws were to be subject to ratification by plebiscite or
+referendum. The measure was naturally rejected, but Boulanger renewed
+the attack in July by demanding the dissolution of the Chamber. In the
+excitement of the debate the lie was passed between Boulanger and the
+President of the Council of Ministers, Floquet. Boulanger resigned his
+seat and in a duel, a few days later, between Floquet and Boulanger, the
+dashing general, the warrior of the black horse, and the hero of the
+popular song "En rev'nant d'la revue," was ignominiously wounded by the
+civilian politician.
+
+But Boulanger's star was not yet on the wane. He continued to be elected
+Deputy in different departments, and the efforts of the Ministry to cut
+the ground from under his feet by bringing in a separate revisionary
+project did not undermine his popularity with the rabble, the jingo
+Ligue des Patriotes of Paul Déroulède, and the anti-Republican
+malcontents. In January, 1889, after a fiercely contested and
+spectacular campaign, he was elected Deputy for the department of the
+Seine, containing the city of Paris, nerve-centre of France. It is
+generally conceded that if Boulanger had gone to the Elysée, the
+presidential mansion, on the evening of his election, and turned out
+Carnot, he would have had the Parisian populace and the police with him
+in carrying out a _coup d'état_. Luckily for the country his judgment
+or his nerve failed him at the crucial moment, and from that time his
+influence diminished. The panic-stricken Government was able to thwart
+his plebiscitary appeals by re-establishing the _scrutin
+d'arrondissement_, or election by small districts instead of by whole
+departments. Moreover, when the Floquet Cabinet fell soon after on its
+own revisionary project, the succeeding Tirard Ministry was able to pass
+a law preventing simultaneous multiple candidacies, and impeached
+Boulanger, with some of his followers, before the Senate as High Court
+of Justice. Instead of facing trial, Boulanger and his satellites Dillon
+and Henri Rochefort fled from France. In August they were condemned in
+absence to imprisonment. Boulanger never returned to France, and with
+diminishing subsidies his following waned. The elections of 1889
+resulted in the return of only thirty-eight Boulangists and, when in
+September, 1891, Boulanger committed suicide in Brussels at the grave of
+his mistress, most Frenchmen merely gave a sigh of relief at the memory
+of the dangers they had experienced not so long before.
+
+The International Exposition of 1889 afforded a breathing spell in the
+midst of political anxieties, and helped, by its evidence of the
+Republic's prosperity, to weaken Boulanger's cause. But unsettled social
+and religious problems remained troublesome. The successive cabinets
+after the Floquet Ministry, and following the general election of 1889,
+pursued a policy of "Republican concentration," combining Moderate and
+Radical elements, disappearing often without important motives, and
+replaced by cabinets of approximately the same coloring. The Clerical
+Party was hand-in-glove with the Royalists and the Boulangists. It took
+advantage of governmental instability to try to undermine the Republic,
+but its own harmony of purpose was in due time diminished by the new
+policy of Leo XIII. That astute Italian diplomat was himself
+temperamentally an Opportunist. He conceived the idea of controlling
+France by advances to the Republic and by feigning to accept it in order
+to get hold of its policies, especially the educational and military
+laws. He realized, too, the harm done to the Vatican by the stubbornness
+of many French Catholics. He felt the necessity of making amends for the
+behavior of the Catholic Royalists in the Boulanger affair. Certain
+prelates, including the Archbishop of Aix, Monseigneur Gouthe-Soulard,
+attacked the Government violently at the end of 1891 in connection with
+disturbances by French pilgrims to Rome who had manifested in favor of
+the Pope and written "Vive le Pape-Roi!" at the tomb of Victor Emmanuel.
+The French Catholics tended to resent the interference of the Pope, but
+the latter, who had for some months received the support of Cardinal
+Lavigerie, Archbishop of Algiers and Primate of Africa, tried to bring
+pressure on the leaders of the French clergy. In February, 1892, as a
+rejoinder to a manifesto by five French cardinals, came his famous
+encyclical letter advocating the established order of things. "The civil
+power considered as such is from God and always from God....
+Consequently, when new governments representing this new power are
+constituted, to accept them is not only permitted but demanded, or even
+imposed, by the needs of the social good." This encyclical was followed
+by a letter to the French cardinals in May and by other manifestations
+of his wishes. Thus a certain number of Catholics, among whom the comte
+de Mun and Jacques Piou were leaders, cut adrift from the Right and
+adhered to the Republic, forming the small group of "Ralliés." They were
+never very numerous or powerful, and the Dreyfus affair, a few years
+later, showed how the Pope's desire to rally the Catholics to the
+Republic was thwarted by the French clergy and the reactionaries.
+
+The procedure of Leo XIII was thus a proof that the Vatican wanted to be
+on good terms with the Republic. The _rapprochement_ with Russia was
+another proof that France, in spite of its troubles, was to be reckoned
+with in Europe. France and Russia felt it necessary to draw together in
+answer to the noisy renewal of the Triple Alliance. There had been
+tension in the spring of 1891, in which the French were not wholly
+blameless, as a result of the private visit to Paris of the dowager
+empress of Germany, the Empress Frederick. In the summer of 1891 a
+French fleet under Admiral Gervais was invited to Russian waters. It
+visited Cronstadt, and the Czar and the President exchanged telegrams of
+sympathy. On the return to France the same fleet visited Portsmouth by
+invitation, and was welcomed by the Queen and the authorities. The visit
+to England did not, however, have the same meaning as the Russian one.
+"Portsmouth" meant an expression of England's freedom of action
+face-to-face with the Triple Alliance, and an endeavor to smooth French
+susceptibilities recently ruffled by Lord Salisbury. After an
+Anglo-French compact, in August, 1890, for the partition of
+protectorates and zones of influence in Africa, the British Prime
+Minister alluded rather scoffingly in the House of Lords to the lack of
+value of the Sahara assigned to the French. "Cronstadt," as opposed to
+"Portsmouth," meant an active understanding, to be followed in 1892 by a
+military defensive compact negotiated in St. Petersburg by General de
+Boisdeffre, head of the French General Staff.
+
+The return visit of the Russians took place at Toulon in 1893, and
+Admiral Avellan with his staff visited Paris, which went wild with
+enthusiasm. At that moment French relations with Italy were strained,
+partly because the Italian Government was jealous of the cordiality
+between the Pope and the Republic. The Franco-Russian manifestation was
+a new veiled warning.
+
+In 1892, under the leadership of Jules Méline, the Chamber adopted a
+protective tariff policy. This resulted in several tariff disputes and
+engendered bad feeling with various countries, including Italy.
+
+The desperate attack of the Royalists, engineered mainly against the
+Republic in the Panama scandals, helped to bring the Pope and the State
+still closer together, so that at certain times the Ralliés or
+Republican Catholics and the Royalists fought each other violently. The
+Panama scandal was planned in view of the elections of 1893. During the
+decade following 1880 Ferdinand de Lesseps, the successful builder of
+the Suez Canal, had organized and tried to finance a company to
+construct a canal at Panama. The prestige of Lesseps's name and the
+memory of his previous achievement made countless Frenchmen invest huge
+sums in the company. But the expenses were enormous and the financial
+maladministration apparently extraordinary, for the directors of the
+company were led into illegal steps in order to influence legislation,
+or pay hush money to the press to hide the condition of affairs, and
+then were blackmailed into further outlays. The company failed in 1888,
+and efforts to put it on its feet proved abortive. Hints of the scandals
+leaked out, and the Government played into the hands of its opponents by
+trying to conceal matters.
+
+In November, 1892, some Royalist members of the Chamber brought matters
+to a head and the Government was obliged to do something. It was decided
+to proceed against Ferdinand de Lesseps, his son Charles de Lesseps,
+Henri Cottu, Marius Fontane, members of the board of directors, and G.
+Eiffel, an engineer and contractor and the builder of the famous Eiffel
+Tower. At this juncture a well-known Jewish banker of Paris, Baron
+Jacques de Reinach, died suddenly and most mysteriously on November 20.
+He was openly charged with being the bribery agent of the company, and
+his sudden death was by some called suicide, while others hinted that he
+had been put out of the way because of his dangerous knowledge.
+
+Under these exciting conditions a Boulangist Deputy named Delahaye made
+an interpellation in the Chamber hinting at the campaign of corruption
+carried on by the company through the agency of Reinach and two other
+Jews of German origin, Arton and Cornelius Herz, the latter a
+naturalized American citizen. By this campaign it was charged that three
+million francs had been used to corrupt more than a hundred and fifty
+Deputies, and much more had been spent in other ways.
+
+A commission of thirty-three was appointed under the chairmanship of
+Henri Brisson. The Royalists and Radicals were having their innings
+against the Government, and their newspapers continued to publish rumors
+and "revelations." The commission called for the autopsy of Reinach. The
+Loubet Cabinet, refusing to grant it, was voted down and resigned. The
+Ribot Ministry was then constituted, but at intervals lost successively
+two of its most prominent members, Rouvier and Freycinet, accused of
+complicity in the scandals. Even the leaders of the Radicals, Clemenceau
+and Floquet, in time found themselves involved. The former was charged
+with tricky dealings with Cornelius Herz, the latter was shown to have
+demanded money from the company, when Minister, in order to use it for
+political subsidies.
+
+In December the Cabinet decided to arrest Charles de Lesseps, Marius
+Fontane, Henri Cottu, and a former Deputy, Sans-Leroy, accused of having
+accepted a bribe of two hundred thousand francs. At the same time, on
+the basis of the seizure of twenty-six cheque stubs at the bank used by
+the baron de Reinach, the Minister of Justice proceeded against ten
+prominent Deputies and Senators, among whom was Albert Grévy, former
+Governor-General of Algeria, and brother of Jules Grévy. The Government
+seemed panic-stricken in its readiness to sacrifice, on mere suspicion,
+prominent members of its party. All the parliamentaries accused were, in
+due time, exonerated.
+
+The directors of the company came up for trial twice. The first time,
+with M. Eiffel, in January-February, 1893, and the second time, with
+other defendants, in March, before different jurisdictions on varying
+charges, they were condemned to fine and imprisonment. On appeal, in
+April, these condemnations were revised or annulled. One person became
+the scapegoat, a former Minister of Public Works named Baïhaut,
+condemned to civil degradation, five years' imprisonment, and a heavy
+fine.
+
+Scandal was, however, not satisfied with these names. There was also
+talk of a mysterious list of one hundred and four Deputies charged with
+accepting bribes from Arton. Moreover, it was felt that quashing the
+indictments against prominent men like Rouvier and Albert Grévy was poor
+policy. If they were innocent they could prove their innocence. Under
+the circumstances suspicion would still be rife. The state of general
+anarchy was also revealed by the evidence of the wife of Henri Cottu,
+who testified that agents of the Government had offered her husband
+immunity if he would implicate a member of the Opposition.[14]
+
+The Panama scandal was largely the work of the Monarchists angry at the
+failure of the Boulanger campaign. It did them no good, as the elections
+to the new Chamber proved. On the other hand, it worked havoc among the
+leaders of the Moderates, who, innocent or blameworthy, fell under
+popular suspicion, and were in many cases relegated to the background in
+favor of new leaders. Moreover, it helped the Socialists, and even, by
+throwing discredit on parliamentarism, it encouraged lawless outbreaks
+of anarchists.
+
+New men in party leaderships came in the composite Cabinet of Moderate
+leanings led by Charles Dupuy in April, 1893. He seemed at first to
+incline toward the Conservatives and treated with considerable severity
+some street disturbances. A prank of art students at their annual ball
+(_Bal des quat'-z-arts_) was magnified into a street riot and was not
+quelled until after the loss of a life. The _Bourse du travail_
+(Workmen's Exchange) was closed by the Government after other
+disturbances.
+
+The elections in August and September resulted in a large Republican
+majority and a corresponding decline in the anti-Republican Right. On
+the other hand, the Radicals rose to about a hundred and fifty, and the
+Socialists were about fifty, forming for the first time a large party
+able to make its influence felt. The "Socialistic-Radicals" represented
+an effort toward a compromise between the advanced groups.
+
+The desire of the Moderate leaders of the Republic to meet the Pope
+halfway in his policy of conciliation was expressed in a noteworthy
+speech made in the Chamber in March, 1894, by the then Minister of
+Public Worship, Eugène Spuller. Answering the query of a Royalist
+Deputy, the Minister declared that the time had come to put an end to
+fanaticism and sectarianism, and that the country could count on the
+vigilance of the Government to maintain its rights, and on the new frame
+of mind (_esprit nouveau_) which inspired it, which tended to reconcile
+all French citizens and bring about a revival of common sense, justice,
+and charity.
+
+But the anarchists were not moved by any spirit of conciliation.
+Borrowing methods of violence from the Russian nihilists, they used
+bomb-throwing to draw attention to the vices of social organization and
+to themselves. During 1892, 1893, and 1894 they tried to terrorize
+Paris. The deeds of various criminals, including Ravachol, Vaillant (who
+threw a bomb in the Chamber of Deputies),[15] Emile Henry, among others,
+culminated at last in the cruel murder of President Carnot. On June 24,
+1894, while at Lyons, whither he had gone to pay a state visit to an
+international exhibition, President Carnot was fatally stabbed by an
+underwitted Italian anarchist named Caserio Santo, and died within a few
+hours. Never were more futile and abominable crimes committed than those
+which sacrificed Carnot and McKinley.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[14] The Panama affair was a violent shock to the Republic. People were
+amazed at the charges of widespread corruption and the tendency on the
+part of the Government to smooth things over. Suspicions aroused were
+not fully satisfied because Reinach was dead and Herz and Arton in
+flight. Cornelius Herz successfully fought extradition from England on
+the plea of illness. Arton was arrested in 1895 and extradited. His
+arrest caused a renewal of talk about Panama and the newspaper _la
+France_ undertook to print the famous list of one hundred and four
+Deputies. This publication was recognized to be a case of blackmail and
+its promoters were punished. Arton was also condemned to a term of hard
+labor, but his trial did not bring out the longed-for revelations.
+
+[15] M. Dupuy, then President of the Chamber, got much credit for his
+calmness and his remark, as the smoke of the bomb cleared away, "La
+séance continue."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEAN CASIMIR-PERIER
+
+June, 1894, to January, 1895
+
+AND OF FÉLIX FAURE
+
+January, 1895, to February, 1899
+
+
+The customary promptness in the choice of a President, so unfamiliar to
+American campaigns, was observed in the election of Carnot's successor.
+The historic name and the social and financial position of the new chief
+magistrate, Jean Casimir-Perier, seemed to the monarchical
+sister-nations a guarantee of national stability and dignity. In reality
+the election brought about a more definite cleavage between rival
+political tendencies. Casimir-Perier, grandson of Louis-Philippe's great
+minister, obviously represented the Moderates, most of whom tried in all
+sincerity to carry out the _esprit nouveau_ and a policy of good-will
+toward the Catholic Church. The Radicals said that this was playing into
+the hands of the Clericals, and to the Socialists Casimir-Perier was
+merely a hated capitalist. He was, moreover, unfortunately unfit for
+the acrimonies of political life. High-strung and emotional, he writhed
+under misinterpretation and abuse, and rebelled against the
+constitutional powerlessness of his office. He had never really wanted
+the Presidency and had accepted it chiefly through the personal
+persuasion of his friend the statesman Burdeau, who unfortunately died
+soon after his election. The brief Presidency of Casimir-Perier, lasting
+less than a year, was destined to see the beginning of the worst trial
+the French Republic had yet experienced, the famous Dreyfus case.
+
+The Administration, in which Dupuy remained Prime Minister, began by
+repressive measures, laws directed against the anarchists and the trial
+_en masse_ of thirty defendants ranging from utopian theorists to actual
+criminals. Most of them were acquitted, but the procedure did not
+ingratiate the Government with the advanced parties. Toward the end of
+1894 the Dreyfus case began to be talked of, an affair which was
+destined to develop into a tremendous struggle of the leaders of the
+army and the Church to obtain control of the nation.
+
+In September, 1894, an officer named Henry, of the spy service of the
+French army, came into possession of a document pieced together from
+fragments stolen from a waste-paper basket in the German Embassy. This
+document, containing a _bordereau_ or memorandum of information largely
+about the French artillery offered to the German military attaché,
+Schwartzkoppen, was anonymous, but Henry undoubtedly recognized, sooner
+or later, the handwriting of a friend, Major Esterhazy, a soldier of
+fortune in the French army, of bad reputation and shady character.
+Unable to destroy the document, which had been seen by others, Henry
+tried to fasten it on somebody else. Indeed, many people believe that
+Henry was an accomplice of Esterhazy in German pay. By a strange
+coincidence it happened that the handwriting of the _bordereau_ somewhat
+resembled that of a brilliant young Jewish officer of the General Staff
+named Alfred Dreyfus. He belonged to a wealthy Alsatian family, and from
+antecedent probability would not seem to need to play a traitor's part,
+but he was intensely unpopular among his fellows because of many
+disagreeable traits of character. Moreover, anti-Semitism, formerly
+non-existent in France, was now rife. It had been largely fomented by
+the anti-Jewish agitator Edouard Drumont, with his book _la France
+juive_ (1886) and his newspaper the _Libre Parole_ (1892). Prejudice
+against the Jews as tricky financiers had been prepared and encouraged
+by the sensational failure of the great bank, the Union générale, a
+Catholic rival of the Rothschilds, in 1882, and by the Panama scandals
+with the doings of Jacques de Reinach, Cornelius Herz, and Arton. The
+_Libre Parole_ had worked against Jewish officers in the army, an
+activity which culminated in some sensational duels, particularly one
+between Captain Mayer and the marquis de Morès (1892), in which the Jew
+was killed.
+
+So, in the present instance, the Minister of War, General Mercier, who
+had recently committed some much-criticized administrative blunders, and
+who now wished to show his efficiency, caused the arrest of Dreyfus.
+Then, egged on by anti-Semitic newspapers which had got hold of
+Dreyfus's name, Mercier brought him before a court-martial. The trial
+was held in secret, and the War Department sent to the officers
+constituting the tribunal, without the knowledge of the prisoner or his
+counsel Maître Demange, a secret _dossier_, a collection of trumped-up
+incriminating documents. Demange devoted himself to proving that Dreyfus
+was not the author of the _bordereau_, but the members of the
+court-martial, believing in the genuineness of the additional documents,
+unhesitatingly convicted him of treason. Consequently, in spite of his
+protestations of innocence, Dreyfus was publicly degraded on January 5,
+1895, and hustled off to solitary confinement on the unhealthy Devil's
+Isle, off the coast of French Guiana. Meanwhile the whole French people
+sincerely believed that a vile traitor had been justly condemned and
+that the secrecy of the case was due to the advisability of avoiding
+diplomatic complications with Germany. With dramatic unexpectedness,
+only ten days later (January 15), Casimir-Perier resigned the
+Presidency.
+
+During the whole Dreyfus affair Casimir-Perier had chafed because his
+ministers had constantly acted without keeping him informed,
+particularly when he was called upon by the German Government to
+acknowledge that it had had nothing to do with Dreyfus. He had lost by
+death the support of his friend Burdeau; he was discouraged by the
+campaign of abuse against him, especially the election as Deputy in
+Paris of Gérault-Richard, one of his most active vilifiers. In
+particular he felt that his own Cabinet, and above all its leader Dupuy,
+were false to him. A discussion in the Chamber concerning the duration
+of the state guarantees to certain of the great railway companies ended
+in a vote unfavorable to the Cabinet, which resigned, whereupon
+Casimir-Perier seized the opportunity to go too. The Socialists declared
+that Dupuy had provoked his own defeat in order to embarrass the
+President by the difficulty of forming a new Cabinet, and make him
+resign as well.
+
+Two days later the electoral Congress met at Versailles. The Radicals
+supported Henri Brisson. The Moderates and the Conservatives were
+divided between Waldeck-Rousseau and Félix Faure, but Waldeck-Rousseau
+having thrown his strength on the second ballot to Faure, the latter was
+elected.
+
+The new President, recently Minister of the Navy, was a well-meaning
+man, but full of vanity and naïvely delighted with his own rise in the
+world from a humble position to that of chief magistrate. The extent to
+which his judgment was warped by his temperament is shown by the later
+developments of the Dreyfus case.
+
+Félix Faure's first Cabinet was led by the Republican Moderate Alexandre
+Ribot. It lasted less than a year and its history was chiefly
+noteworthy, at least in foreign affairs, by the increasing openness of
+the Franco-Russian _rapprochement_ at the ceremonies of the inauguration
+of the Kiel Canal. In internal affairs there were some violent
+industrial disturbances and strikes.
+
+In October, 1895, the Moderates gave way to the Radical Cabinet of Léon
+Bourgeois. It was viewed with suspicion by the moneyed interests, who
+accused it of gravitating toward the Socialists. The cleavage between
+the two tendencies of the Republican Party became more marked. The
+Moderates joined forces with the Conservatives to oppose the schemes for
+social and financial reforms of the Radicals and of the representatives
+of the working classes. Prominent among these was the proposal for a
+progressive income tax. The Senate, naturally a more conservative body,
+was opposed to the Bourgeois Cabinet, which had a majority, though not a
+very steadfast one, in the Chamber of Deputies. The Senate, usually a
+nonentity in determining the fall of a cabinet, for once successfully
+asserted its power and, by refusing to vote the credits asked for by the
+Ministry for the Madagascar campaign, caused it to resign in April,
+1896. The enemies of the Senate maintained that the Chamber of Deputies,
+elected by direct suffrage, was the only judge of the fate of a cabinet.
+But Bourgeois's hold was at best precarious and he seized the
+opportunity to withdraw.
+
+The Méline Cabinet which followed was a return to the Moderates
+supported by the Conservatives. Its opponents accused it of following
+what in American political parlance is called a "stand-pat" policy, but
+it remained in office longer than any ministry up to its time, a little
+over two years. It afforded, at any rate, an opportunity for the
+adversaries of the Republic to strengthen their positions and encouraged
+the transformation of the Dreyfus case into a political instead of a
+purely judicial matter.
+
+In foreign affairs the most spectacular events were the visit of the
+Czar and Czarina to France in 1896 and the return visit of the French
+President to Russia in 1897. At the banquet of leave-taking on the
+French warship _Pothuau_, in their prepared speeches, the Czar and the
+President made use of the same expression "friendly and _allied_
+nations," thus publicly proclaiming to Europe the alliance suspected
+since 1891.
+
+In spite of the unanimous feeling of Dreyfus's guilt, his family did not
+lose faith in him, and his brother Mathieu set about the apparently
+impossible task of rehabilitation. But it chanced that one other person
+began to have doubts of the justice of Dreyfus's condemnation. This was
+Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart, who had been present at the court-martial
+as representative of the War Department, and who had since become chief
+of the espionage service, and Henry's superior. Another document stolen
+from a waste-paper basket at the German Embassy, an unforwarded
+pneumatic despatch (_petit bleu_), was brought to him, and directed his
+suspicions to Esterhazy, to whom it was addressed. At first he did not
+connect Esterhazy and Dreyfus, but on obtaining specimens of
+Esterhazy's handwriting he was struck by the likeness with that of the
+_bordereau_. Then, examining the secret _dossier_, to which he now had
+access, he was stupefied to see its insignificance.
+
+[Illustration: MARIE-GEORGES PICQUART]
+
+From this time on, Picquart worked, with extraordinary tenacity of
+purpose and against all obstacles, for the rehabilitation of a stranger.
+Everybody was against him. His chief subordinate Henry dreaded
+revelations above all things, and set his colleagues against him. His
+superiors disliked any suggestion that an army court could have made a
+mistake, the remedying of which would help a Jew.
+
+Gradually, however, the agitation started by Mathieu Dreyfus was
+becoming stronger. He had won the help of a skilled writer Bernard
+Lazare; a daily paper succeeded in obtaining and publishing a facsimile
+of the _bordereau_. But Picquart was sent away from Paris on a tour of
+inspection, and when the matter came up in the Chamber, through an
+interpellation, the Minister of War, General Billot, declared that the
+judgment of 1894 was absolutely legal and just. Matters thus seemed
+settled again.
+
+But a prominent Alsatian member of Parliament, Scheurer-Kestner, one of
+the Vice-Presidents of the Senate, was half-persuaded by Mathieu and
+Bernard Lazare. When Picquart's friend and legal adviser, Leblois,
+rather injudiciously, from a professional point of view, confided to him
+his client's suspicions, he was thoroughly convinced and the two
+separate currents of activity now coalesced. Yet the greater the
+agitation in favor of Dreyfus, the greater grew the opposition. The
+anti-Semites shrieked with rage against Judas, the "traitor." The upper
+ranks of the army were honeycombed by Clerical influences. An enormous
+proportion of the officers belonged to reactionary families and the
+Chief of Staff himself, General de Boisdeffre, was under the thumb of
+the Père Du Lac, one of the most prominent Jesuits in France. The
+Clericals and anti-Semites, therefore, joined forces, and, by calling
+the Dreyfus agitation an attack on the honor of the army and a play into
+the hands of Germany, they won over all the jingoes and former
+Boulangists, who formed the new party of Nationalists. This was the
+so-called alliance of "the sword and the holy-water sprinkler" (_le
+sabre et le goupillon_). Above all, certain religious associations,
+particularly the Assumptionists, under the name of religion, organized a
+campaign of slander and abuse against all who ventured to speak for
+Dreyfus. By a ludicrous counter-play the scoundrel Esterhazy had
+defenders as an injured innocent, the more so that Henry and the clique
+at the War Office found it to their interest to support him.
+
+Matters reached a crisis when, on November 15, 1897, Mathieu Dreyfus
+denounced Esterhazy to the Minister of War as author of the _bordereau_
+and as guilty of the treason for which his brother had been condemned.
+This was partly a tactical mistake, because, even if Esterhazy were
+proved to have written the _bordereau_, it would still be necessary to
+show him guilty of actual treason. It made it possible to swerve the
+discussion from the conviction of Dreyfus as a _res adjudicata_ (_chose
+jugée_) to vague charges against Esterhazy. The later called for a
+vindication, he was triumphantly acquitted by a court-martial early in
+January, 1898, and Picquart was put under arrest on various charges of
+indiscipline in connection with the whole affair.
+
+Few and far between as they now seemed, the lovers of justice were still
+to be counted with. They consisted at first of a small number of
+much-derided _intellectuels_, scholars and trained thinkers, who used
+their judgment and not their prejudices. One of these was the famous
+novelist Emile Zola, who, to keep the case under discussion, published
+in the _Aurore_ on January 13, a few days after Esterhazy's acquittal,
+his famous letter, _J'accuse_. In this article Zola denounced the guilty
+machinations of Dreyfus's adversaries _seriatim_, blamed the Dreyfus
+court-martial for convicting on secret evidence and the Esterhazy court
+for acquitting a guilty man in obedience to orders. Zola was not in
+possession of all the facts, since his precise aim was to have them
+brought out, and in his charges against the Esterhazy court he was
+technically and legally at fault. But he courted prosecution and got it.
+
+On February 7 Zola was brought to trial. The crafty authorities
+eliminated all references to the trial of 1894 as a _chose jugée_ and
+prosecuted Zola for having declared that Esterhazy was acquitted by
+order. Their tool, the presiding magistrate Delegorgue, seconded their
+efforts by ruling out every question which might throw light on the
+Dreyfus case, in spite of the attempts of Zola's chief lawyer Labori.
+Party passion was at its height, hired gangs of men were posted about
+the court-house to hoot and attack the Dreyfusites, members of the
+General Staff appeared in full uniform to interrupt the trial and
+bulldoze the jury by mysterious hints of war with Germany. Finally Zola
+was condemned to fine and imprisonment. At this trial for the first time
+mention was mysteriously but openly made of a new document, understood
+to be a communication alluding to Dreyfus between the Italian and the
+German military _attachés_ at Paris. Zola appealed, the higher court
+broke the verdict on the ground that the prosecution should have been
+instigated by the offended court-martial and not by the Government, he
+was brought to trial again on a change of venue at Versailles, was
+unsuccessful in interposing obstacles to an inevitable condemnation, and
+so fled to England (July).
+
+Meanwhile, public opinion was becoming yet more violently excited.
+France was divided into two great camps, the line of cleavage often
+estranging the closest friends and relatives. On the one side was a vast
+majority consisting of the Clericals, the jingoes or Nationalists, the
+anti-Semites, and the unreflecting mass of the population. On the other
+were ranged the "intellectuals," the Socialists who were now rallying to
+the cause of tolerance, the Jews, and the few French Protestants. The
+League of the Rights of Man stood opposed to the association of the
+_Patrie Française_. In the midst of this turmoil were held the elections
+of May, 1898, for the renewal of the Chamber of Deputies. The political
+coloring of the new body was not sensibly changed, but the open
+Dreyfusites were all excluded. The Moderates now generally dubbed
+themselves "Progressists." None the less at the first session the now
+long-lived Méline Cabinet resigned after a vote requesting it to govern
+with fewer concessions to the Right.
+
+The next Cabinet was Radical, headed by Henri Brisson. His mind was not
+yet definitely made up on the matter of revision, and he gave
+concessions to the Nationalists by appointing as Minister of War
+Godefroy Cavaignac. This headstrong personage, proud of an historic
+name, undertook to manage the Cabinet and to prove once for all to the
+Chamber the guilt of Dreyfus. In his speech he relied mainly on the
+letter mentioned at the Zola trial as written by the Italian to the
+German _attaché_.
+
+Once more the Dreyfus affair seemed permanently settled, and once more
+the contrary proved to be the case. In August Cavaignac discovered, to
+his dismay, that the document he had sent to the Chamber, with such
+emphasis on its importance, was an out-and-out forgery of Henry. The
+latter was put under arrest and committed suicide. Discussion followed
+between Brisson, now converted to revision, and Cavaignac, still too
+stubborn to change his mind with regard to Dreyfus, in spite of his
+recent discovery. Cavaignac resigned as Minister of War, was replaced by
+General Zurlinden, who withdrew in a few days and was in turn succeeded
+by another general, Chanoine, thought to be in sympathy with the
+Cabinet. He in turn played his colleagues false and resigned
+unexpectedly during a meeting of the Chamber. Weakened by these
+successive blows the Brisson Cabinet itself had to resign, but its
+leader had now forwarded to the supreme court of the land, the Cour de
+Cassation, the petition of Dreyfus's wife for a revision of his
+sentence. The first step had at last been taken. The Criminal Chamber
+accepted the request and proceeded to a further detailed investigation.
+
+The Brisson Ministry was followed by a third Cabinet of the unabashed
+Dupuy. It became evident that the Criminal Chamber of the Court of
+Cassation was inclining to decide on revision. Wishing to play to both
+sides and, yielding in this case to the anti-revisionists, early in 1899
+Dupuy brought in a bill to take the Dreyfus affair away from the
+Criminal Chamber in the very midst of its deliberations and submit it to
+the Court as a whole, where it was hoped a majority of judges would
+reject revision. Between the dates of the passage of this bill by the
+Chamber and by the Senate, President Faure died suddenly and under
+mysterious circumstances on February 16, 1899. He had opposed revision
+and his death, attributed to apoplexy, was a gain to the revisionists
+who were accused by his friends of having caused his murder. On the
+other hand, stories, which it is unnecessary to repeat here, found an
+echo some years later in the scandals repeated at the sensational trial
+of Madame Steinheil.
+
+During the turmoil over the Dreyfus affair, France underwent a
+humiliating experience with England. The colonial rivalry of the two
+countries had of late gone on unchecked, embittered as it had been by
+the ousting of France from the Suez Canal and Egypt. To many Frenchmen
+"Perfidious Albion" was, far more than Germany, the secular foe. In 1896
+a French expedition under Captain Marchand was sent from the Congo in
+the direction of the Nile. The English afterwards argued that its
+purpose was to cut their sphere of influence and hinder the
+Cape-to-Cairo project; the French declared they merely wished to occupy
+a post which should afford a basis for general diplomatic negotiations
+for the partition of Africa. The mission was numerically insufficient;
+it struggled painfully for two years through the heart of the continent,
+and at last the small handful of intrepid Frenchmen established
+themselves at Fashoda on the upper waters of the Nile in July, 1898. At
+once General Kitchener arriving from the victory of Omdurman appeared
+on the scene to occupy Fashoda for the Egyptian Government. England
+assumed a viciously aggressive attitude and, under veiled threats of
+war, France was obliged to recall Marchand (November 4). The outburst of
+fury in France against England at this humiliation was tremendous. No
+sane man would have then ventured to predict that in a few years the
+hands of the two countries would be joined in the clasp of the _Entente
+cordiale_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF EMILE LOUBET
+
+February, 1899, to February, 1906
+
+
+The successor of Félix Faure, Emile Loubet, was elected on February 18,
+1899, by a good majority over Jules Méline, the candidate of the larger
+number of the Moderates or "Progressists" and of the Conservatives.
+Loubet was himself a man of Moderate views, but he was thought to favor
+a revision of the Dreyfus case. Among the charges of his enemies was
+that, as Minister of the Interior in 1892, he had held, but had kept
+secret, the famous list of the "Hundred and Four" and had prevented the
+seizure of the papers of Baron de Reinach and the arrest of Arton. So
+Loubet's return to Paris from Versailles was amid hostile cries of
+"Loubet-Panama" and "Vive l'armée!"
+
+On February 23, after the state funeral of President Faure, a detachment
+of troops led by General Roget was returning to its barracks in an
+outlying quarter of Paris. Suddenly the Nationalist and quondam
+Boulangist Paul Déroulède, now chief of the Ligue des Patriotes and
+vigorous opponent of parliamentary government, though a Deputy himself,
+rushed to General Roget, and, grasping the bridle of his horse, tried to
+persuade him to lead his troops to the Elysée, the presidential
+residence, and overthrow the Government. Déroulède had expected to
+encounter General de Pellieux, a more amenable leader, and one of the
+noisy generals at the Zola trial. General Roget, who had been
+substituted at the last moment, refused to accede and caused the arrest
+of Déroulède, with his fellow Deputy and conspirator Marcel Habert.
+
+Meanwhile the Dreyfus case had been taken out of the hands of the
+Criminal Chamber and given to the whole Court. To the dismay of the
+anti-Dreyfusites the Court, as a body, annulled, on June 3, the verdict
+of the court-martial of 1894, and decided that Dreyfus should appear
+before a second military court at Rennes for another trial.
+
+Thus party antagonisms were becoming more and more acute. In addition
+Dupuy, the head of the Cabinet, seemed to be spiting the new President.
+On the day after the verdict of the Cour de Cassation, at the Auteuil
+races, President Loubet was roughly jostled by a band of fashionable
+young Royalists and struck with a cane by Baron de Christiani. A week
+later, at the Grand Prize races at Longchamps, on June 11, Dupuy, as
+though to atone for his previous carelessness, brought out a large array
+of troops, so obviously over-numerous as to cause new disturbances among
+the crowd desirous of manifesting its sympathy with the chief
+magistrate. More arrests were made and, at the meeting of the Chamber of
+Deputies the next day, the Cabinet was overthrown by an adverse vote.
+
+[Illustration: RENÉ WALDECK-ROUSSEAU]
+
+The ministerial crisis brought about by the fall of Dupuy was as
+important as any under the Third Republic because of its consequences in
+the redistribution of parties. For about ten days President Loubet was
+unable to find a leader who could in turn form a cabinet. At last public
+opinion was astounded by the masterly combination made by
+Waldeck-Rousseau, Gambetta's former lieutenant, who of recent years had
+kept somewhat aloof from active participation in politics. He brought
+together a ministry of "défense républicaine," which its opponents,
+however, called a cabinet for the "liquidation" of the Dreyfus case. The
+old policy of "Republican concentration" of Opportunists and Radicals
+was given up in favor of a mass formation of the various advanced groups
+of the Left, including the Socialists.
+
+Waldeck-Rousseau was a Moderate Republican, whose legal practice of
+recent years had been mainly that of a corporation lawyer, but he was a
+cool-headed Opportunist. He realized the ill-success of the policy of
+the "esprit nouveau," and saw the necessity of making advances to the
+Socialists, who more and more held the balance of power. He succeeded in
+uniting in his Cabinet Moderates like himself, Radicals, and, for the
+first time in French parliamentary history, an out-and-out Socialist,
+Alexandre Millerand, author of the famous "Programme of Saint-Mandé" of
+1896, or declaration of faith of Socialism. Still more astounding was
+the presence as Minister of War, in the same Cabinet with Millerand, of
+General de Galliffet, a bluff, outspoken, and dashing aristocratic
+officer, a favorite with the whole army, but fiercely hated by the
+proletariat because of his part in the repression of the Commune.
+
+The first days of the new Cabinet were stormy and its outlook was
+dubious. The task of reconciling such divergent elements, even against a
+common foe, seemed an impossibility, until at last the Radicals under
+Brisson swung into line. Such was the beginning of a Republican grouping
+which later, during the anti-Clerical campaign, was known as _le Bloc_,
+the united band of Republicans.
+
+The Waldeck-Rousseau Ministry took up the Dreyfus case with a queer
+combination of courage and weakness. Insubordinate army officers were
+summarily punished for injudicious remarks, but in order to appear
+neutral and to avoid criticism, the Cabinet held so much aloof that the
+anti-Dreyfusites were able to bring their full forces to bear on the
+court-martial. For a month at Rennes, beginning August 7, an
+extraordinary trial was carried on before the eyes of an impassioned
+France and angry onlooking nations. Witnesses had full latitude to
+indulge in rhetorical addresses and air their prejudices; military
+officers like Roget, who had had nothing to do with the original trial,
+were allowed to take up the time of the court. Galliffet, though
+convinced of the innocence of Dreyfus, was unwilling to exert as much
+pressure as his colleagues in the Cabinet desired. It soon became
+evident that, regardless of the question involved, the issue was one
+between an insignificant Jewish officer on the one hand and General
+Mercier, ex-Minister of War, on the other. The judges were army officers
+full of caste-feeling and timorous of offending their superiors. Thus,
+on September 9, Dreyfus was a second time convicted, though with
+extenuating circumstances, by a vote of 5 to 2, and condemned to ten
+years' detention. This verdict was a travesty of justice, and a
+punishment fitting no crime of Dreyfus, since he was either innocent or
+guilty of treason beyond extenuation. The Ministry, perhaps regretting
+too late its excessive inertia, immediately caused the President to
+pardon Dreyfus, partly on the ostensible grounds that Dreyfus by his
+previous harsher condemnation had already purged his new one. This act
+of clemency was, however, not a legal clearing of the victim's honor,
+which was achieved only some years later.
+
+During the turmoil of the Dreyfus affair the Cabinet was, it seemed to
+many, unduly anxious over certain conspirators against the Republic. The
+symptoms of insubordination in high ranks in the army, linked with the
+Clerical manoeuvres, had encouraged the other foes of the Republic
+(spurred on by the Royalists), whether sincere opponents of the
+parliamentary régime like Paul Déroulède, or venal agitators such as the
+anti-Semitic Jules Guérin. But, certainly, above all objectionable were
+the proceedings of the Assumptionists, a religious order which had
+amassed enormous wealth, and which, by the various local editions of its
+paper _la Croix_, had organized a campaign of venomous slander and abuse
+of the Republic and its leaders.
+
+The Government, having got wind of a project of the conspirators to
+seize the reins of power during the Rennes court-martial, anticipated
+the act by wholesale arrests on August 12. Jules Guérin barricaded
+himself with some friends in a house in the rue de Chabrol in Paris, and
+defied the Government to arrest him without perpetrating murder. The
+grotesque incident of the "Fort Chabrol" came to an end after
+thirty-seven days when the authorities had surrounded the house with
+troops to starve Guérin out and stopped the drains.
+
+In November a motley array of conspirators, ranging from André Buffet,
+representative of the pretender the Duke of Orléans, to butchers from
+the slaughter-houses of La Villette, were brought to trial before the
+Senate acting as a High Court of Justice, on the charge of conspiracy
+against the State. After a long trial lasting nearly two months, during
+which the prisoners outdid each other in declamatory insults to their
+enemies, the majority were acquitted. Paul Déroulède and André Buffet
+were condemned to banishment for ten years and Jules Guérin to
+imprisonment for the same term. Two others, Marcel Habert and the comte
+de Lur-Saluces, who had taken flight, gave themselves up later and were
+condemned in 1900 and 1901, respectively, amid a public indifference
+which was far from their liking.
+
+Thus the year 1899 had proved itself one of the most dramatically
+eventful in the history of the Republic. It was also to be one of the
+most significant in its consequences. For the new grouping of mutually
+jealous factions against a common danger had, in spite of the fiasco of
+the second Dreyfus case, shown a way to victory. And exasperation
+against the intrigues of the Clericals and the army officers was going
+to turn the former toleration of the "esprit nouveau" into active
+persecution, especially as the Socialists and Radicals formed the
+majority of the new combination.
+
+In November, 1899, Waldeck-Rousseau laid before Parliament an
+Associations bill to regulate the organization of societies, which was
+intended indirectly to control religious bodies. The leniency of the
+Government hitherto and the commercial energy of many religious orders,
+manufacturers of articles varying from chartreuse to hair-restorers and
+dentifrice, had enabled them to amass enormous sums held in mortmain.
+The power of this money was great in politics and the anti-Clericals
+cast envious eyes on these vague and mysterious fortunes. There were in
+France at the time almost seven hundred unauthorized "congregations."
+Against the Assumptionists in particular the Government took direct
+measures early in 1900, such as legal perquisitions, arrests, and
+prosecution as an illegal association.
+
+The campaign went on through the year 1900, the Exposition of that year
+helping to act as a partial truce. The expedition of the Allies to China
+to put down the Boxer rebellion also diverted attention.
+Waldeck-Rousseau was sincerely desirous of bringing about a pacification
+of feeling in the country, and he felt bitter practically only against
+the Jesuits and the Assumptionists. He even succeeded in carrying
+through Parliament an amnesty bill dealing with the Dreyfus case and
+destined to quash all criminal actions in process, whether of
+Dreyfusites or anti-Dreyfusites. The former fought the project
+vigorously on the ground that it opposed a new obstacle to ultimate
+discovery of the truth, but they were unsuccessful. Waldeck-Rousseau
+remained at heart, none the less, a believer in Dreyfus's innocence and
+in spite of his amnesty project, he could not always hide his true
+feelings. In consequence he offended his Minister of War, General de
+Galliffet, Dreyfusite as well, but tired of the struggle now that the
+Rennes trial had made the task of rehabilitation apparently hopeless.
+Galliffet resigned his office and was succeeded by General André, a
+politician soldier, who started out at once to purge the army
+drastically of its Clericalism.
+
+Waldeck-Rousseau's Associations project was fairly mild. He had no
+desire for a violent break with the Vatican, and the wily and diplomatic
+Leo XIII probably so understood well enough in spite of his protests.
+But, as debate and discussion went on, the measure became more severe.
+Waldeck-Rousseau had originally planned a bill dealing with
+authorization and incorporation of associations in general, in which he
+refrained from any specific allusion to religious bodies of monks and
+nuns, thereby assimilating them with other groups. As finally voted and
+promulgated in July, 1901, the law made provisions for the privilege of
+association in general, but made the important additional stipulations
+that no religious order or "congregation" could be formed without
+specific authorization by law, that a religious order could be dissolved
+by ministerial decree, and that no one belonging to an unauthorized
+order could direct personally, or by proxy, an educational
+establishment, or even teach in one. Thus the enemies of the lay
+Republic who, under cover of the "esprit nouveau," and by years of
+manipulation of the feeding sources of army and navy officers, had hoped
+to grasp power, and had made a supreme effort at the time of the Dreyfus
+agitation, now saw themselves thwarted, and faced the prospect of
+severer treatment.
+
+Matters had progressed even further than Waldeck-Rousseau himself
+perhaps desired. In the spring of 1902, new legislative elections took
+place for the renewal of the Chamber of Deputies. The policy of the
+Waldeck-Rousseau Ministry was endorsed by a sound majority, and yet at
+this moment of triumph, after the longest rule as Prime Minister of any
+hitherto in the history of the Republic, Waldeck-Rousseau resigned his
+post without an adverse vote. Undoubtedly the state of his personal
+health was partly responsible for his departure from office and he was
+destined not to live beyond 1904. The last important events of his
+administration were a visit of the Czar to France and a return visit of
+President Loubet to Russia.
+
+Waldeck-Rousseau's successor as Prime Minister was Emile Combes, a
+strong foe of the Church. Combes had himself been a former theological
+student and had, in his youth, written a thesis on the philosophy of St.
+Thomas Aquinas. He now had all the vindictiveness of one who burns what
+he formerly worshipped. Encouraged by the recent elections, he turned
+more and more against the Vatican and impelled by the more violent
+members of the _Bloc_, he drifted toward the rupture which his
+predecessor had tried to avoid. A committee of the different groups
+supporting the Cabinet, called the "délégation des gauches," had in time
+been instituted to formulate policies with the Prime Minister, who often
+had to obey it instead of guiding. Waldeck-Rousseau had intended not to
+apply his law retroactively. He had planned to spare educational
+establishments already in existence before July, 1901, when his measure
+went into operation, and had winked at lack of compliance on the part of
+many others. Combes applied the letter of the law ruthlessly. Amid
+public protestations and disturbances he closed a large number of these
+unauthorized schools; firstly, those which had actually been opened
+without permission since the promulgation of the law, then the many
+schools which were older than the law. In so doing he was called a
+persecutor, because the directors of the schools declared that they had
+allowed the time limit of application for authorization to go by, only
+through the understanding with the previous Administration that they
+were not to be interfered with. Now they could not help themselves.
+
+Emboldened by success Combes next took up the applications of the
+congregations which had duly followed the law and were seeking
+authorization. By decree, as was his right, he first promptly closed
+unlicensed schools of recognized orders. Then came the applications of
+orders seeking authorization. Legal procedure demanded laws to reject as
+well as laws to accept applications. A recommendation _favored_ by the
+Government but _rejected_ by the Chamber of Deputies would not go before
+the Senate. On the other hand, an _unfavorable_ opinion of the
+Government _ratified_ by the House would still have to go before the
+Senate. A way would thus be open for prolonged chicanery.
+
+Combes cut matters short. He lumped fifty-four individual applications
+into three batches, teaching orders, preaching orders, and the
+commercial order of the Chartreux, manufacturers of the liqueur called
+"chartreuse." Then, presenting these batches of applications
+collectively instead of individually to the Chamber, he caused their
+rejection and proceeded to dissolve the orders and close their fifteen
+hundred establishments. Through the spring of 1903 there were turbulent
+scenes in consequence in various parts of France, the monks trying
+sometimes passive resistance, sometimes actual violence. In the
+reactionary districts the population attempted to stir up riots.
+Occasionally, even, a military officer whose duty it was to evict the
+monks refused to obey orders. But, nothing daunted, Combes went on, with
+the support of the Chambers, to reject a large mass of applications from
+teaching orders of women. Even Waldeck-Rousseau was led in time publicly
+to declare that he had never contemplated the transformation of his
+Associations law of 1901 from a measure of regulation to one of
+exclusion, nor the assumption by the State of expensive educational
+charges hitherto carried on by religious orders. At last the law of
+July, 1904, put a complete end to all kinds of instruction by religious
+bodies, thereby insuring, after a lapse of time for liquidation, the
+disappearance of all teaching orders.
+
+These measures against the religious groups were, in spite of outcries
+of persecution, after all matters of internal administration. But,
+meanwhile, causes for direct dissension with the Vatican had arisen over
+questions involving the _Concordat_ regulating the relations of Church
+and State.
+
+The first dispute was about the method of appointing bishops. The
+Concordat gave to the Government the right of appointing bishops,
+subject to the papal ratification of the appointee's moral and
+theological qualifications. During the Third Republic the habit had
+grown up of mutual consultation before appointments were made, a
+practice which led the Vatican to assume that its initial influence was
+as great as that of the Government, and finally to make use of the
+formula _nobis nominavit_, or _nominaverit_, as though the Government
+merely proposed a candidate subject to the Vatican's free right to
+accept or to reject. The keen-scented Combes took an early opportunity
+to raise this issue by making certain appointments to bishoprics
+without previously consulting the Vatican. In the midst of the
+discussions Leo XIII died in July, 1903, and was succeeded by Pius X,
+whose character was utterly different from that of his predecessor. His
+primitive faith saw in France the home of heretics like the Modernist,
+the Abbé Loisy; and his Secretary of State, the ultramontane Cardinal
+Merry del Val, was as hostile to France, as his predecessor Cardinal
+Rampolla had, on the whole, been well disposed to the "eldest daughter
+of the Church." Between Merry del Val and Combes no agreement was
+possible. So matters went from bad to worse.
+
+In the autumn of 1903 the King of Italy made a visit to France, and in
+1904 it was deemed advisable to have President Loubet return this visit
+to emphasize the new cordiality between France and Italy, the settlement
+of long-standing difficulties, and to cultivate as much as possible one
+member of the Triple Alliance. The Pope protested violently against this
+visit to his enemy in Rome and made it clear that he would refuse to see
+Loubet. The diplomatic crisis became acute and the French Ambassador to
+the Vatican was recalled.
+
+Soon came a complete rupture over the treatment by the pontifical
+authorities of two French bishops, Geay of Laval and Le Nordez of Dijon.
+They had shown themselves loyal Republicans and had become the object of
+attack in their own dioceses until personal scandals were imagined or
+raked up against them. Combes took the part of the bishops and, to
+punish the Vatican for interfering with the French prelates, definitely
+broke off diplomatic relations in July, 1904, withdrawing even the
+chargé d'affaires who had been left after the departure of the
+ambassador.
+
+For some time, plans for the separation of Church and State had been
+under discussion in a somewhat academic way by a committee or
+_Commission_ of the Chamber, under the general guidance of Ferdinand
+Buisson and Aristide Briand. The latter had even drawn up a preliminary
+project. But Combes, in spite of his vehemence in words against the
+Church, hesitated to involve the Ministry. He knew that the country at
+large was fully satisfied with the maintenance of the Concordat and that
+some of his own colleagues in the Cabinet, as well as Loubet, preferred
+not to disturb it.
+
+Suddenly a great scandal broke out. The enemies of the Ministry got hold
+of the fact that General André, through some of his subordinates in the
+War Office, was carrying on a regular system of espionage upon army
+officers suspected of luke-warm republicanism or of Clerical sympathies,
+and was using as spies members of Masonic lodges or even subordinate
+Masonic army officers throughout France.[16] These spies had filed
+innumerable notes or memoranda known as _fiches_, containing
+information, rumor, or scandal concerning the persons involved, their
+families and intimacies. The discovery that leading members of the
+Cabinet had been countenancing methods as reprehensible as those of the
+worst of their opponents, caused an uproar. The Cabinet seemed on the
+point of being overthrown when one of its enemies did it a great
+service. A wild and blatant anti-Ministerialist named Syveton rushed up
+to the Minister of War and struck him two blows in the face during a
+meeting of the Chamber. The effect of this deed was to cause a temporary
+reaction in favor of the Ministry, but also to draw Combes more to the
+Radicals, and he promptly brought forward his own governmental
+separation plan, which was considerably at variance with the Briand
+project. The respite was, however, only momentary, and, after
+sacrificing General André, Combes gave up the struggle and resigned in
+January, 1905, without being actually put in the minority.
+
+It cannot be denied that there was a considerable deterioration in
+government during the régime of Combes. In attempting to thwart the
+Clerical Party he let himself lapse into methods as objectionable as
+theirs. His anti-clericalism breathed the spirit of persecution, as much
+as did the intrigues of the clergy during the early days of the
+Republic. He transformed Waldeck-Rousseau's plans for the regulation of
+religious orders into a measure of proscription. He countenanced
+underhanded intrigues, and allowed his Minister of War to undermine army
+discipline by his methods of political espionage almost as much as it
+had been undermined in the days of the supremacy of the Clericals. The
+concessions of the Ministers of War and of Marine to the Socialists and
+pacifists considerably weakened the efficiency of both army and navy.
+Combes's administration was pre-eminently one of self-seeking
+politicians.
+
+Yet, on the other hand, certain very praiseworthy achievements may be
+registered to its credit. One of these was the act of General André, in
+1903, instituting a new private investigation of the Dreyfus case. It
+resulted in the discovery of material sufficient to justify a new demand
+for revision, which the Cour de Cassation admitted in March, 1904.
+Another achievement was the _rapprochement_ with England known as the
+_Entente cordiale_ or friendly understanding, which following the new
+amity with Italy greatly strengthened France face-to-face with Germany.
+The Russian alliance had given France one definite European ally, and
+the cordiality with Italy, a member of the Triple Alliance, cleared the
+situation in the Mediterranean and on the frontier of the Alps. The
+_Entente cordiale_ was engineered by Edward VII as a result of his visit
+to Paris in 1903. The accord of April, 1904, was really due to English
+as well as French fear of German aggression. It liquidated all the old
+contentions between England and France, one of which, the French Shore
+Dispute over Newfoundland fishing rights, dated back to the Treaty of
+Utrecht in the early eighteenth century. But, above all, France
+definitely gave up her Egyptian claims in return for freedom of action
+in Morocco guaranteed by England. For France was anxious to add Morocco
+to her African sphere of influence. A secret arrangement with Spain gave
+that country reversionary claims to certain parts of Morocco. By the
+agreement with England the bad blood caused by the Fashoda incident was
+wiped away, a new intimacy sprang up between "Perfidious Albion" and
+"Froggy," and through the natural drawing together of England and
+France's ally Russia, the Triple Entente came into being some years
+later, which was destined to face Germany and Austria in the Great
+European War.
+
+Combes's successor as Prime Minister was a member of his own Cabinet,
+Maurice Rouvier. More moderate in views than Combes, he would have been
+content to let the Separation bill rest, but the Radicals were in the
+saddle and he let things take their course. The discussions over the
+project went on through most of the year 1905, under the guidance of the
+Minister of Worship, Bienvenu-Martin, and particularly of Aristide
+Briand, the _rapporteur_ or spokesman for the _Commission_ in the
+Chamber. The bill, again and again modified in a spirit of conciliation
+and leniency under the guidance of Briand, finally resulted, as
+promulgated on December 9, in a sincere effort for a compromise between
+different views on religion. It showed a desire, since Church and State
+were to be divorced, to treat the former fairly. Provision was made,
+when the budget for religious purposes should be suppressed, for the
+legal inventory of ecclesiastical property, the pension of superannuated
+clergy, and the formation of legal corporations to insure public worship
+(_associations cultuelles_). It must be remembered that the new measure
+applied quite as much to the Protestants and to the Jews as to the
+Catholics. Before the separation the Protestant pastors and the Jewish
+rabbis were maintained by the State no less than the Catholic clergy.
+Their numerical insignificance made them of little importance in the
+general combat over the Clerical question. Nor could they fairly be
+accused of intrigue against the Republic.
+
+The year 1905 is noteworthy for two other important events. One was the
+reduction of the term of compulsory military service from three to two
+years. This measure was carried through largely under the auspices of
+General André and proved an over-dangerous concession to the
+anti-militarists and pacifists, since it was destined so soon to be
+repealed. The other was the sensational diplomatic dispute with Germany
+over Morocco, which resulted at first for France in a worse humiliation
+than Fashoda.
+
+Germany under Bismarck had encouraged the numerous French colonial
+schemes, as a way of keeping her busy abroad and of diverting her
+thoughts from Alsace-Lorraine. But as the Empire began to develop its
+Pan-Germanism and its aspirations to world-power under William II, it
+grew jealous of England and France and of their arrangement of 1904 to
+settle the interests of Morocco. Forthwith Germany began to intrigue
+with the Sultan of Morocco against the French, and declared that, as it
+had not been officially informed of the agreements between England,
+France, and Spain, it intended to disregard them. The defeat of Russia
+by Japan, in particular, encouraged Germany to feel that France,
+deprived of its ally, could be bullied with impunity. On March 31,
+Emperor William landed at Tangier and proclaimed that his visit was to
+the Sultan as an "independent sovereign." Germany also called for the
+convocation of an international meeting to regulate the Moroccan
+question. The French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Delcassé, objected to
+the thwarting of his plans, but because of the deterioration of the army
+and navy and the lack of hoped-for Russian support, Rouvier was obliged
+under German threats to drop him from his Cabinet and to agree to the
+convocation of the Conference of Algeciras.[17]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[16] It should be remembered that, in France, the Freemasons are an
+anti-religious political quite as much as a benevolent order.
+
+[17] The pro-German position, expressed in such works as E. D. Morel's
+_Morocco in Diplomacy_ (1912), is that Sir Edward Grey and M. Delcassé
+were engaged in tricky schemes to dispose of Morocco without regard for
+German interests; that Germany was not officially notified by France of
+the public agreements with England (April, 1904) and with Spain
+(October, 1904); that these two agreements were both accompanied by
+secret ones which nullified their effect; that M. Delcassé resigned, not
+under German pressure, but at M. Rouvier's wish, for having unduly
+involved and compromised France.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF ARMAND FALLIÈRES
+
+February, 1906, to February, 1918
+
+
+The international conference for the regulation of the Moroccan question
+met at Algeciras in southern Spain, in January, 1906. Twelve powers
+participated, including the United States. The negotiations were
+prolonged until the end of March owing to the unconciliatory German
+attitude, and resulted in an arrangement which the Germans looked upon
+as totally unsatisfactory to themselves. In the shaping of the general
+results the United States had considerable influence. The agreement put
+out of discussion the sovereignty of the Sultan, the integrity of the
+empire, and the principle of commercial freedom, and was largely devoted
+to the question of the establishment of a state bank and the
+organization of the police in international ports of entry. In the bank
+France was to have special privileges, and the police was to be under
+the supervision of France and Spain. Germany was eliminated.
+
+In the midst of the uncertainty over the outcome of the Conference two
+important events took place in France, the second of which came near
+seriously weakening the French position. These were the election of a
+successor to President Loubet and the downfall of the Rouvier Ministry.
+
+M. Loubet's term expired in February and he did not desire re-election.
+The two chief candidates were Armand Fallières and Paul Doumer. M.
+Fallières was an easy-going, good-natured, and well-meaning but
+second-rate statesman. Doumer was far more brilliant and vigorous, but
+was accused of self-seeking and was thought a less safe person to elect.
+Unfortunately, M. Fallières, when chosen, had his master, and was
+largely under the control of Clemenceau.
+
+Meanwhile the almost unprincipled vacillation of M. Rouvier and his
+spineless policy caused increased dissatisfaction to the Chamber. During
+the discussion of a riotous episode connected with the enforcement of
+the Separation law, which had resulted in the death of a man, Rouvier
+was overthrown. He was succeeded by a colorless person, Sarrien, who
+included Clemenceau in his Cabinet as Minister of the Interior. The
+latter gradually pushed his chief aside and finally replaced him before
+the end of the year as Prime Minister.
+
+Clemenceau showed himself during his lengthy control of power an astute
+politician. In the public eye ever since the days of the Commune, he had
+had success during the eighties as a destroyer of cabinets. Driven into
+the background by the Panama scandals, he now came forward again to try
+his fortune in holding the power from which he had often driven others.
+With a Cabinet thoroughly under his dictatorial control, he announced a
+programme which was to depend for success on the Radicals, rather than
+on the Moderates or the Socialists. It was a departure from the policy
+of the _Bloc_, though to conciliate the advanced parties he created the
+new Ministry of Labor and put M. Viviani, a Socialist, in charge of it.
+In practice, Clemenceau's policy was that of one determined to stay in
+office, showing alternately conciliation and severity, explaining his
+actions to the Chamber often with a flippancy which seemed out of place
+and did not help the prestige of parliamentary government.
+
+Apart from the diplomatic tension with Germany, which was not settled by
+the Act of Algeciras, the history of the Fallières Administration is
+largely taken up with the final disposition of the religious controversy
+and with labor questions. The constant advance toward radicalism and
+socialism, the lack of great statesmen in Parliament and the presence of
+professional politicians, the progress of anti-militarism and the
+relegation of the question of Alsace-Lorraine to the background, left a
+free field for the growth of social unrest. The tendency was encouraged
+by the elections for the renewal of the Chamber of Deputies in May,
+1906. To the religious disturbances and the efforts of the Conservatives
+to prove themselves persecuted, the country answered at the polls by an
+increased anti-Clerical majority.
+
+In 1906 the Dreyfus case was at last settled. The Cour de Cassation
+finally annulled the verdict of the Rennes court-martial. In consequence
+Dreyfus was restored to the army with the rank of Major which he would
+normally have reached had it not been for his great ordeal. Colonel
+Picquart, to whom more than to any one he owed his rehabilitation, who
+had been driven from the army in 1898, was now made Brigadier-General.
+Promoted a few weeks later to Major-General, he became Minister of War
+in Clemenceau's Cabinet. The remains of Emile Zola were also transferred
+to the Pantheon. Such were the dramatic changes wrought in half a dozen
+years.
+
+The troubles over the application of the law for the disestablishment of
+the Church lasted more than two years. The Vatican was determined to
+make itself a martyr. It would undoubtedly have been glad to see a
+forcible closing of the churches in order to cause a reaction in its
+favor. Moreover, it objected to the diminution of priestly power and the
+participation of the laity as prescribed in the formation of the new
+_associations cultuelles_. The Ministry, and particularly Briand, were
+just as determined not to give it an opportunity to raise the cry of
+persecution.
+
+The first opportunity for a conflict came when the Government tried to
+make inventories of religious property, including valuables. This
+measure was for the protection of the Church, but the Clericals chose to
+call it inquisitorial and a first step to confiscation. In some parts
+of France armed resistance, often systematically prepared, was made to
+the authorities, army officers again occasionally refused to carry out
+orders, and on March 6, at Boeschepe, a man was killed. It was this
+incident which caused the downfall of the Rouvier Cabinet.
+
+It was the policy of M. Briand, entrusted with the application of the
+new law, to employ the most conciliatory means face to face with the
+Vatican, determined to be persecuted. As a matter of fact the French
+bishops, after plenary consultation, had decided by a considerable
+majority, to accept the law in a good spirit, with reservations as to
+its justice, and to organize the _associations cultuelles_. Suddenly the
+Pope intervened by an encyclical directed against any such acceptance,
+and prescribed a continuation of the contest. These orders the bishops
+felt constrained to obey.
+
+Therefore, at the advent of the Clemenceau Cabinet in October, 1906, M.
+Briand had achieved nothing but compulsory inventories. He got
+Parliament to allow the legality of the proposed religious organizations
+under the Associations Law of 1901 or under the general law of 1881 on
+public meetings, as well as under the special legislation of 1905. Again
+the Holy See refused to obey, and ordered the clergy to continue their
+occupancy of the churches, but to refrain from any legal declaration or
+registration whatsoever. Then M. Briand did away with the declaration.
+So the contest went on without agreement until it finally lapsed. The
+clergy continued to occupy the churches, but without legal claim to
+them, under the law of 1881 on public meetings, amended by the law of
+March 28, 1907, suppressing the formality of a declaration. The Catholic
+Church was stripped, by its own unwillingness to help organize holding
+bodies, of all its possessions. By the good-will of the Government it
+continued to occupy the religious edifices, but the maintenance and
+repair of these was dependent on the good-will of the _commune_ or
+administrative division in which the churches were situated. On the
+other hand, nothing has materialized of the prophesied religious
+persecutions, civil war, and martyrdoms.
+
+Apart from the annoyances caused by the separation of Church and State,
+the history of the Clemenceau Ministry deals largely with labor
+disturbances and social unrest. This was partly due to parliamentary
+demagogy. A succession of weak and ineffective ministries had been
+followed by Clemenceau's incoherencies and alterations of policy, though
+it remained consistently _Radical_ and not socialistic. The Ministers
+were often at loggerheads (even Clemenceau and Briand over the
+Separation bill), and the Deputies were often mediocre politicians,
+quick to vote themselves an increase of salary, but dilatory in other
+achievements. The growth of socialism, with its theories of pacifism and
+international brotherhood, encouraged the anti-militarists. The
+brilliant leader Jaurès openly advocated the abolition of the army and
+the creation of a national militia. Some anti-militarists, like Hervé,
+carried their theories beyond all bounds and rhetorically talked of
+dragging the national flag in the mire. Meanwhile the political methods
+in the past of men like André in the War Department and Camille Pelletan
+in the Navy had weakened those services, as Delcassé had found to his
+cost in the controversy with Germany. The battleship _Iéna_ blew up in
+March, 1907, there was a suspicious fire at the Toulon Arsenal, and
+many other things disquieted people.
+
+The Government tried to cater to the labor parties, brought forward
+plans for an income tax and for old-age pensions, and carried through a
+law making compulsory one day of rest out of seven for workingmen.
+Especially active were the efforts of the syndicalists and the
+organizers of the anarchistic _Confédération générale du travail_, or
+"C.G.T.," to promote every contest between capital and labor and to
+bring about, if possible, a general strike of all labor. There were
+strikes of miners, longshoremen, sailors, electricians among others.
+Even more alarming was the formation of unions, affiliated with the
+C.G.T., among state employees such as school teachers and postmen, and
+efforts to disorganize the public service. These different movements
+Clemenceau met with his customary seesaw of friendliness and harshness,
+and the Government was usually victorious. Not less troublesome but
+somewhat more picturesque was the quasi-revolutionary movement, in 1907,
+of the wine-makers of the South, driven to desperation by overproduction
+and low prices, attributed to the competition of adulterated wines. The
+municipalities where these disturbances occurred were often in sympathy
+with the creators of disturbance, not only in small towns, but in large
+places like Béziers, Perpignan, Narbonne, and Carcassonne. Municipal
+officials resigned or refused to carry out their duties, and some
+regiments, made up of men recruited from one of the districts, mutinied.
+The troubles at last quieted down.
+
+In the beginning of 1909 an important agreement was signed with Germany
+which seemed to promise an end to the long disputes over Morocco. The
+Moroccan question had continued to dominate French foreign policy even
+after Algeciras and that conference had not ended the commercial
+rivalries of the two countries. In March, 1907, a Frenchman, Dr.
+Mauchamp, was murdered by natives at Marrakesh and the French in reply
+occupied Ujda near the Algerian frontier. In July, after the murder of
+some European workmen at Casablanca, the French sent a landing corps. In
+1908 the Sultan Abd-el-Aziz, a friend of the French, was overthrown by a
+rival, Muley-Hafid, egged on by the Germans. These also raised a
+dispute over some deserters from the French Foreign Legion at
+Casablanca, who had taken refuge at the German Consulate and whom the
+Germans claimed as their subjects. For a moment war clouds seemed to
+appear on the horizon until dissipated by mutual expressions of regret
+and after a reference to the Hague Tribunal, which, on the whole,
+justified the French. It was, therefore, good news for Europe to hear of
+the agreement of February, 1909, which acknowledged the predominance of
+French political claims, and tried to facilitate economic co-operation
+instead of rivalry between France and Germany. Unfortunately, this
+agreement was destined to prove ineffective.
+
+The Clemenceau Cabinet lasted until July, 1909. During a discussion on
+the Navy, Clemenceau and Delcassé had an altercation as to their
+relative responsibilities for the French surrender to Germany in 1905
+when Delcassé was driven from the Rouvier Ministry. The Chamber sided
+with Delcassé and Clemenceau discovered that his sarcasm had overreached
+itself. The new Premier was Briand, the Socialist and former bugbear of
+the moneyed classes, who had shown by his management of the Separation
+bill the abilities of a true statesman and who became more and more
+moderate in his views under the increasing responsibilities of power.
+
+The history of the Briand Ministry was largely taken up by internal
+questions and the elections of May, 1910, for the renewal of the Chamber
+of Deputies. To propitiate the electorate the expiring Parliament passed
+a law providing old-age pensions for workingmen. The elections left the
+Radicals and the Socialistic Radicals (as opposed to the Socialists) on
+the whole masters of the situation, but the general parliamentary
+instability continued to prevail. The country felt the reaction. In the
+autumn of 1910 far-reaching railway strikes broke out, resulting in
+violence and injury to railway property or _sabotage_. Briand met the
+difficulty energetically by mobilizing the employees still subject to
+military duty, and making them perform their work under military orders.
+The act of "dictatorship" was approved by the Chamber, but Briand went
+through the ceremony of resigning and accepting the mission to form a
+new Cabinet. It proved not very homogeneous and withdrew in February,
+1911. The Monis Cabinet, of more advanced Socialistic-Radical
+principles, lasted only a few months and faced new disturbances with
+wine-producers. This time the trouble was in the East, where many were
+dissatisfied with the artificial limitation of districts entitled to
+produce wines labelled "champagne." The Socialistic-Radical Ministry of
+Joseph Caillaux (June, 1911) encountered a new and dangerous crisis in
+the relations with Germany.
+
+The mutual agreement between the two countries for the economic
+development of Morocco had, through financial rivalries, not worked
+well. There was also friction over similar attempts for the development
+of the French Congo. In this state of affairs, the French sent a
+military expedition to Fez in the early summer of 1911 for the
+ostensible purpose of protecting the Sultan from attack by rebels and of
+relieving the French military mission. The Germans, backed up, indeed,
+by the French anti-militarist press, declared that this was a mere
+pretext for encroachment. Spain also took the opportunity of asserting
+its rights to parts of the North in accordance with its reversionary
+claims by the Treaty of 1904. Thereupon Germany declared that the
+agreements of Algeciras and of 1909 had been nullified by France and
+demanded compensations. The gunboat _Panther_ suddenly appeared in the
+port of Agadir (July 1) and the Germans began to call for their share in
+the partition of Morocco.
+
+Difficult negotiations were carried on between France and Germany
+through the summer of 1911, and at moments the two countries were on the
+very brink of war. The English Government backed up France. Lloyd George
+and Premier Asquith made public declarations to that effect. French
+capitalists also began calling in their funds invested in Germany and a
+financial crisis threatened that country.
+
+Thus brought to terms the Germans became more moderate in their demands,
+and it was finally possible to reach a compromise, unsatisfactory to
+both parties. Germany definitely gave up all political claim to Morocco
+and acknowledged France as paramount there. On the other hand, a
+territorial readjustment was made in the Congo by which Germany added
+to the Cameroons about two hundred and thirty thousand square kilometres
+of land with a million people, and the new frontiers made annoying
+salients into the French Congo. The treaty was signed in November, 1911,
+but the Pan-Germanists were angry at any concessions to France, the
+Colonial Minister resigned, and the Emperor, who had thrown his
+influence on the side of peace, lost much prestige for a while. On the
+other hand, the French were correspondingly dissatisfied at the losses
+in the Congo. The opponents of the Prime Minister, Caillaux, had often
+taunted him with too close a relation between his official acts and his
+private financial interests. They now accused him of tricky concessions
+to Germany in connection with the Congo adjustments. M. Caillaux denied
+in the Chamber that he had ever entered into any private dealings apart
+from the negotiations of the ministry of Foreign Affairs. However,
+Clemenceau asked the Foreign Minister, M. de Selves, point-blank if the
+French Ambassador at Berlin had not complained of interference in the
+diplomatic negotiations. M. de Selves refused to answer, thus
+implicitly giving the lie to M. Caillaux. The consequence was a cabinet
+crisis and the resignation of the Ministry (January, 1912).
+
+The upshot of the Agadir crisis was increased irritation between France
+and Germany and the feeling in each country that the other was seeking
+trouble. The French were now convinced that, some day or other, war
+would inevitably result and the nation dropped its strong pacifist
+tendencies and rallied to the army. The Germans were, above all, furious
+against the English, whom they considered responsible for their
+humiliation.
+
+So far as Morocco was immediately concerned, the French took steps to
+develop their new privileges. In March, 1912, they imposed a definite
+protectorate on the Sultan Muley-Hafid and soon replaced him by his
+brother Muley-Yussef. They came to an agreement with Spain as to the
+latter's claims in the North and entrusted to General Lyautey the
+administrative and military reorganization of the country. The
+pacification of the hostile tribes was not an easy task and went on
+laboriously through 1912 and 1913.
+
+After the downfall of M. Caillaux, Raymond Poincaré became head of a
+Cabinet more moderate than its predecessor, the Socialistic Radicals
+seeming somewhat discredited in public opinion. M. Poincaré was a strong
+partisan of proportional representation, and a measure for the
+modification of the method of voting was, under his auspices, passed by
+the Chamber, though it failed the following year in the Senate.
+
+In foreign affairs, Morocco having dropped into the background, the
+Eastern question became acute. Fear lest the conflict in the Orient
+should involve the rest of Europe led France to draw again closer to
+Russia and England.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF RAYMOND POINCARÉ
+
+February, 1913
+
+
+M. Fallières' term expired on February 18, 1913. The two leading
+candidates were Raymond Poincaré, head of the Ministry, and Jules Pams,
+who was supported by the advanced Radicals. M. Poincaré's election was
+looked upon, because of his personal vigor, as a triumph of sound
+conservative republicanism, and it was predicted that he would prove a
+strong leader, able to give prestige to the Presidency and to bring
+order out of chaos. The early months of his Administration were less
+productive of results than had been hoped, but the European War came too
+soon to make definitive judgment safe.
+
+After M. Poincaré's election, M. Fallières made M. Briand President of
+the Council during the last weeks of his term, and M. Poincaré kept the
+same Cabinet. M. Briand, like M. Poincaré, advocated proportional
+representation. As the Chamber failed to take a vigorous position in
+support of the measure, and defeated the Ministry on a vote of
+confidence, the latter withdrew (March, 1913).
+
+Louis Barthou next became Prime Minister, and the important legislative
+measure of the year was the new military law. The Germans having largely
+increased their army, it was deemed necessary, in spite of the violent
+opposition of the Socialistic Radicals and the Socialists and the
+attempts of the syndicalists of the _Confédération générale du travail_
+to work up a general strike, to abrogate the Law of 1905 and to return
+to three years of military service without exemption. M. Barthou pushed
+the three-years bill already supported by the Briand Cabinet. France
+took upon herself an enormous financial burden, coupled with a
+corresponding loss of productive labor, yet events soon proved the
+wisdom of the step.
+
+The opposition to the Cabinet was virulent. There were now two great
+groupings of the chief political parties.[18] The Radicals and
+Socialistic Radicals, under the name of "Unified Radicals" waged war
+against the President and the Ministry. They were under the inspiration
+of men like Clemenceau and the active leadership of Joseph Caillaux and
+tried to revive the methods of the old _Bloc_ of Combes. They
+declared their intention of repealing the three-years law and
+proclaimed the tenets of their faith at the Congress of Pau. The
+Briand-Barthou-Millerand group, supporters of Poincaré, soon formed a
+Moderate Party with a programme of conciliation and reform known as the
+"Federation of the Lefts."
+
+The Barthou Cabinet had been overthrown early in December, 1913, after a
+vote on a government loan. President Poincaré had to call in a Radical
+Cabinet led by Gaston Doumergue, the programme of which Ministry was,
+after all, less "advanced" than the Pau programme, especially as to the
+three-years bill. M. Caillaux, the master-spirit of the Radicals, was
+the Minister of Finance and the object of the hostility of the
+Moderates. They claimed that he used his position to cause speculation
+at the Stock Exchange, and accused him of "selling out" to Germany in
+the settlement after Agadir. The _Figaro_, edited by Gaston Calmette,
+began a violent campaign. Among the charges was that during the
+prosecution in 1911 of Rochette, a swindling promoter, the then Prime
+Minister Monis, now Minister of Marine, had, at Caillaux's instigation,
+held up the prosecution for fraud, during which delay Rochette had been
+able to put through other swindles.
+
+In the midst of the public turmoil over these charges Caillaux's wife
+went to Calmette's editorial offices and killed him with a revolver.
+Caillaux resigned and, the Rochette case having come up for discussion
+in the Chamber, when Monis denied that he had ever influenced the law,
+Barthou produced a most damaging letter. A parliamentary commission
+later decided that the Monis Cabinet _had_ interfered to save Rochette
+from prosecution.
+
+It was under such circumstances that the Deputies separated for the
+general elections. Three chief questions came before the voters, the
+three-years law, the income tax, and proportional representation. The
+results of the elections were inconclusive and the new Chamber promised
+to be as ineffective as its predecessor. On the second ballots the
+Socialists made a good many gains.
+
+The Doumergue Ministry resigned soon after the elections which it had
+carried through. President Poincaré offered the leadership to the
+veteran statesman Ribot, who with the co-operation of Léon Bourgeois,
+formed a Moderate Cabinet with an inclination toward the Left. This
+Ministry was above the average, but its leaders were insulted and
+brow-beaten and overthrown on the very first day they met the Chamber of
+Deputies. So then a Cabinet was formed, led by the Socialist René
+Viviani, who was willing, however, to accept the three-years law, though
+he had previously opposed it. But this victory for national defence was
+weakened by parliamentary revelations of military unpreparedness.
+
+In mid-July President Poincaré and M. Viviani left France for a round of
+state visits to Russia and Scandinavia. Paris was engrossed by the
+sensational trial of Madame Caillaux, which resulted in her acquittal,
+but this excitement was suddenly replaced by the European crisis, and
+President Poincaré cut short his foreign trip and hastened home. France
+loyally supported her ally Russia, and, on August 3, Baron von Schoen,
+the German Ambassador, notified M. Viviani of a state of war between
+Germany and France.
+
+Indeed, no sooner had the Moroccan question been settled than danger had
+loomed in the Orient, in which France was likely to be involved through
+her alliance with Russia. Moreover, Germany had not got over the Agadir
+fiasco and was furious with England as well as France. Thus the European
+balance of power had long been in danger through the hostility of the
+Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente. It is beyond the scope of the
+present volume to analyze in detail the Balkan question. The rôle of
+France was consistent in the interest of peace by helping to maintain
+the balance of power, but obviously she was loyal toward her partners of
+the Triple Entente and acted in solidarity with them.
+
+So far as the outbreak of the war in 1914 is concerned, France stands
+with a clear conscience. She had nothing to do with the disputes between
+Austria and Serbia, or between Austria, Germany, and Russia. Once war
+proved inevitable France faithfully accepted the responsibilities of the
+Russian alliance. Against France, Germany was an open aggressor.
+Germany's strategic plans for the quick annihilation of France, before
+attacking Russia, are well known to the world. Everybody is aware how
+scrupulously France avoided every hostile measure, and, during the
+critical days preceding the war, withdrew all troops ten kilometres from
+the frontier to prevent a clash. The Germans were obliged, in order to
+justify their advance, to invent preposterous tales of bombs dropped by
+aeroplanes near Nuremberg or of the violation of Belgium neutrality by
+French officers in automobiles. France had no idea of invading Belgium.
+All the French strategic plans aimed at the protection of the direct
+frontier, and they were dislocated by the dishonest move of Germany
+through Belgium.
+
+In 1914 France was not even prepared for war. The pacification of
+Morocco immobilized thousands of her troops. Revelations in Parliament
+as late as July 13 showed, as mentioned above, great deficiencies in
+equipment. Public attention was taken up by the Caillaux trial and by
+political strife apparently reaching the proportions of national
+weakness.
+
+Since Agadir it is true that France, conscious of the constantly
+provocative attitude of Germany, had seen the folly of plans for
+disarmament. Love for the army had grown again, through realization of
+its necessity. But no nation ever looked forward with more horror and
+dread to military conflict than the French. They had been the last
+victims of a great European war, of which the memories were still alive.
+However much the loss of Alsace-Lorraine rankled in their hearts, they
+knew too well the madness of war to seek it again. A new generation had
+grown up reconciled to fate and willing to let bygones be bygones.
+
+But Germany would not. The new Empire, a _Bourgeois gentilhomme_ among
+nations, but without even the breeding of the _parvenu_, dreamed of
+world-supremacy. As the boor in society makes himself conspicuous, so it
+was one of the tenets of Pan-Germanism to let no international agreement
+take place without German interference.
+
+Some people, reading the annals of forty-four years since the
+Franco-Prussian War, have been disposed to sneer at France. Some have
+called the country degenerate because of its small birth-rate, its
+fiction sometimes brutal, sometimes neurotic, its inefficient
+Parliament, its vindictive political and religious contests. Such
+critics should remember that the French Government is the result of
+tactical compromise in presence of the Monarchical Party. Nobody denies
+that it might be improved. As to religious persecution, Americans might
+remember their own righteous feelings toward fellow citizens with
+"hyphenated" allegiance, when they rebuke the French for fighting vast
+organizations working against their Government under foreign orders.
+
+In 1914 France, bearing on her shoulders proportionably the greatest
+burden of all the Allies, presented to the world a spirit of firmness,
+unity, and national resolve that won the admiration of neutral nations.
+Religious persecution and clerical manoeuvre were alike put aside.
+France forgot all lassitude and discouragement. Atheist, Protestant, and
+Catholic felt a great wave of spiritual as well as of patriotic fervor,
+and took as symbol of love of country the heroic peasant girl of
+Lorraine, Jeanne d'Arc, who, coming from the people and leading the
+nation's army, sought to drive from the soil its foes and invaders.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[18] It must be obvious to the reader, after following all the changes
+in nomenclature recorded in this volume, that in France party-names give
+little hint of party-views: "In French political parlance 'Progressivs'
+ar retrograde, 'Liberals' ar conservativ, 'Conservativs' ar
+revolutionary in aim and methods, 'Radicals' ar trimmers and
+time-servers, whilst one of the most reactionary administrations of
+recent years was heded by three 'Socialists.'" A.-L. Guérard in _Pub.
+Mod. Lang. Assoc. of America_, vol. xxx, p. 624. Compare also the
+following: "Suivant les régions de la France, c'est-à-dire selon la
+moyenne de l'opinion locale et les termes de comparaison ou les
+traditions propres à chaque province, les mots changent de
+signification. Dans le Var un radical passe pour un modéré, dans l'ouest
+un républicain est considéré par certains comme un révolutionnaire,
+ailleurs les candidats qui ne sont pas au moins radicaux-socialistes ne
+sont pas tenus pour de bons républicains." L. Jacques, _Les partis
+politiques sous la troisième république_, p. 429.
+
+
+THE END
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+
+PRESIDING OFFICERS OF FRENCH CABINETS
+
+ VICE-PRÉSIDENTS DU CONSEIL
+
+
+ _Administration of Thiers_
+
+ Feb. 19, 1871, Jules Dufaure.
+ May 18, 1873, Jules Dufaure.
+
+
+ _Administration of Mac-Mahon_
+
+ May 25, 1873, Duc de Broglie.
+ Nov. 26, 1873, Duc de Broglie.
+ May 22, 1874, Général de Cissey.
+ {Louis Buffet.
+ March 10, 1875,{
+ {Jules Dufaure.
+
+
+ PRÉSIDENTS DU CONSEIL
+
+
+ _Administration of Mac-Mahon (continued)_
+
+ March 9, 1876, Jules Dufaure.
+ Dec. 12, 1876, Jules Simon.
+ May 17, 1877, Duc de Broglie.
+ Nov. 23, 1877, Général de Rochebouët.
+ Dec. 13, 1877, Jules Dufaure.
+
+
+ _Administration of Jules Grévy_
+
+ Feb. 4, 1879, William-Henry Waddington.
+ Dec. 28, 1879, Charles de Freycinet.
+ Sept. 23, 1880, Jules Ferry.
+ Nov. 14, 1881, Léon Gambetta.
+ Jan. 30, 1882, Charles de Freycinet.
+ Aug. 7, 1882, Eugène Duclerc.
+ Jan. 29, 1883, Armand Fallières.
+ Feb. 21, 1883, Jules Ferry.
+ April 6, 1885, Henri Brisson.
+ Jan. 7, 1886, Charles de Freycinet.
+ Dec. 11, 1886, René Goblet.
+ May 30, 1887. Maurice Rouvier.
+
+
+ _Administration of Carnot_
+
+ Dec. 12, 1887, Pierre-Emmanuel Tirard.
+ April 3, 1888, Charles Floquet.
+ Feb. 22, 1889, Pierre-Emmanuel Tirard.
+ March 17, 1890, Charles de Freycinet.
+ Feb. 27, 1892, Emile Loubet.
+ Dec. 6, 1892, Alexandre Ribot.
+ Jan. 11, 1893, Alexandre Ribot.
+ April 4, 1893, Charles Dupuy.
+ Dec. 3, 1893, Jean Casimir-Perier.
+ May 30, 1894. Charles Dupuy.
+
+
+ _Administration of Casimir-Perier_
+
+ July 1, 1894, Charles Dupuy.
+
+
+ _Administration of Félix Faure_
+
+ Jan. 26, 1895, Alexandre Ribot.
+ Nov. 1, 1895, Léon Bourgeois.
+ April 29, 1896, Jules Méline.
+ June 28, 1898, Henri Brisson.
+ Nov. 1, 1898, Charles Dupuy.
+
+
+ _Administration of Emile Loubet_
+
+ Feb. 18, 1899, Charles Dupuy.
+ June 22, 1899, René Waldeck-Rousseau.
+ June 7, 1902, Emile Combes.
+ Jan. 24, 1905, Maurice Rouvier.
+
+
+ _Administration of Armand Fallières_
+
+ Feb. 18, 1906, Maurice Rouvier.
+ March 14, 1906, Ferdinand Sarrien.
+ Oct. 25, 1906, Georges Clemenceau.
+ July 23, 1909, Aristide Briand.
+ March 2, 1911, Ernest Monis.
+ July 27, 1911, Joseph Caillaux.
+ Jan. 13, 1912, Raymond Poincaré.
+ Jan. 21, 1913, Aristide Briand.
+
+
+ _Administration of Raymond Poincaré_
+
+ Feb. 18, 1913, Aristide Briand.
+ March 21, 1913, Louis Barthou.
+ Dec. 2, 1913, Gaston Doumergue.
+ June 9, 1914, Alexandre Ribot.
+ June 13, 1914, René Viviani.
+ Aug. 26, 1914, René Viviani.
+ Oct. 29, 1915, Aristide Briand.
+
+
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+ALBIN, PIERRE. _D'Agadir à Sarajevo (1911-1914)._ 1915.
+
+ANDRÉ, GÉNÉRAL L. _Cinq ans de ministère_. 1907.
+
+_Annual Register_. Yearly volumes.
+
+BARCLAY, THOMAS. _Thirty Years. Anglo-French Reminiscences (1876-1906)._
+1914.
+
+BEYENS, BARON. _L'Allemagne avant la guerre. Les causes et les
+responsabilités._ 1915.
+
+BODLEY, J. E. C. _The Church in France._ 1906.
+
+BODLEY, J. E. C. _France._ 2 vols. 1898.
+
+BRISSON, H. _Souvenirs._ 1908.
+
+_Cambridge Modern History._ (Vol. XII, _The Latest Age._ 1910.)
+
+CHUQUET, A. _La Guerre, 1870-1871._ 1895.
+
+COUBERTIN, P. DE. _L'Evolution française sous la troisième république._
+1896.
+
+DANIEL, ANDRÉ (ANDRÉ LEBON). _L'Année politique._ Yearly volumes,
+1874-1905.
+
+DAUDET, E. _Souvenirs de la Présidence du maréchal de Mac-Mahon._ 1879.
+
+DEBIDOUR, A. _L'Eglise catholique et l'Etat sous la troisième
+République._ 2 vols. 1909.
+
+DENIS, SAMUEL. _Histoire contemporaine._ 4 vols. 1897-1903.
+
+DESPAGNET, FRANTZ. _La République et le Vatican (1870-1906)._ 1906.
+
+DIMNET, E. _France Herself Again._ 1914.
+
+DUTRAIT-CROZON, H. _Précis de l'Affaire Dreyfus._ 1909.
+
+FIAUX, LOUIS. _Histoire de la guerre civile de 1871._ 1879.
+
+GEORGE, W. L. _France in the Twentieth Century._ 1908.
+
+GUÉRARD, A.-L. _French Civilization in the Nineteenth Century._ 1914.
+
+HANOTAUX, G. _Fachoda._ 1909.
+
+HANOTAUX, G. _Histoire de la France contemporaine._ 4 vols. 1903-1908.
+
+HIPPEAU, E. _Histoire diplomatique de la troisième république_
+(1870-1889). 1889.
+
+JACQUES, LÉON. _Les partis politiques sous la troisième république._
+1912.
+
+LAVISSE _et_ RAMBAUD, _editors_. _Histoire Générale Du IVe siècle à
+nos jours._ (Vol. XII, _Le Monde contemporain_, 1870-1900. 1901.)
+
+LEPELLETIER, E. _Histoire de la Commune de 1871._ 1911.
+
+LISSAGARAY, P.-O. _Histoire de la Commune de 1871._ 1896.
+
+LOWELL, A. L. _Governments and Parties in Continental Europe._ 2 vols.
+1897.
+
+LUCAS, A. _Précis historique de l'Affaire du Panama._ 1893.
+
+MARÉCHAL, E. _Histoire contemporaine de 1789 à nos jours._ 3 vols. 1900.
+
+MARGUERITTE, PAUL _et_ VICTOR. _Histoire de la guerre de 1870-1871._
+1903.
+
+MAURRAS, CHARLES. _Kiel et Tanger_ (1895-1905). 1913.
+
+MEAUX, VICOMTE DE. _Souvenirs politiques._ 1904.
+
+MERMEIX. _Les Coulisses du Boulangisme._ 1890.
+
+MUEL, LÉON. _Histoire politique de la septième législature_ (1898-1902).
+1903.
+
+PINON, RENÉ. _France et Allemagne_ (1870-1913). 1913.
+
+REINACH, JOSEPH. _Histoire de l'Affaire Dreyfus._ 7 vols. 1901-1911.
+
+REINACH, JOSEPH. _Le Ministère Gambetta._ 1884.
+
+R.-L.-M. _Histoire sommaire de l'Affaire Dreyfus._ 1904.
+
+ROSE, J. H. _The Development of the European Nations, 1870-1914. Fifth
+edition._ 1916.
+
+ROUSSET, L. _Histoire générale de la guerre franco-allemande._ 6 vols.
+1895.
+
+SOREL, ALBERT. _Histoire diplomatique de la guerre franco-allemande._
+1875.
+
+TARDIEU, ANDRÉ. _La Conférence d'Algésiras._ Third Edition. 1909.
+
+TARDIEU, ANDRÉ. _La France et les alliances._ Third edition. 1909.
+
+TARDIEU, ANDRÉ. _Le Mystère d'Agadir._ 1912.
+
+VIALLATE, ACHILLE, _editor_. _La Vie politique dans les Deux Mondes._
+Annual volumes, 1908-1913.
+
+WALLIER, RENÉ. _Le XXe siècle politique._ Annual volumes, 1901-1907.
+
+WELSCHINGER, H. _La Guerre de 1870; causes et responsabilités._ 1910.
+
+ZEVORT, E. _Histoire de la troisième République._ 4 vols. 1896-1901.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+Abd-el-Aziz, 168.
+
+Africa, 89, 104, 106,132.
+
+Agadir, 172, 174, 179, 181, 183.
+
+Aix, 104.
+
+Albert of Saxony, 15, 16, 18.
+
+Alexander III, Czar, 105.
+
+Algeciras, 158, 159, 162, 168, 172.
+
+Algeria, 81, 110, 168.
+
+Algiers, 104.
+
+Alsace, 11, 13, 34, 35, 43, 157, 162, 183.
+
+Amiens, 23.
+
+André, General, 143, 152, 153, 154, 157, 166.
+
+Annam, 89, 90.
+
+Antony of Hohenzollern, 8, 9.
+
+Arques, 54.
+
+Arton, 109, 111, 118, 134.
+
+Artenay, 19, 22.
+
+Asquith, 172.
+
+Aurelle de Paladines, General d', 22, 23, 39.
+
+Austria, 3, 4, 52, 89, 155, 182.
+
+Auteuil, 136.
+
+Avellan, Admiral, 106.
+
+
+Bac-Le, 90.
+
+Baïhaut, 111.
+
+Bapaume, 24.
+
+Barthou, Louis, 177, 178, 179.
+
+Basly, 97.
+
+Bazaine, 13, 14, 15, 16, 20, 21.
+
+Beaugency, 23.
+
+Beaumont, 16.
+
+Beaune-la-Rolande, 22.
+
+Belfort, 24, 25, 34.
+
+Belgium, 4, 16, 182, 183.
+
+Benedetti, 7, 8, 9, 10.
+
+Berlin, 11, 51, 73, 81.
+
+Bert, Paul, 80.
+
+Beulé, 51.
+
+Béziers, 168.
+
+Bienvenu-Martin, 156.
+
+Billot, General, 124, 126.
+
+Bismarck, 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 18, 21, 26, 28, 34, 51, 61,
+73, 81, 93, 157.
+
+Bitche, 24.
+
+Blanqui, 38.
+
+Boeschepe, 164.
+
+Boisdeffre, General de, 106, 125.
+
+Bordeaux, 22, 31, 35, 36, 40, 43, 45, 46.
+
+Borny, 14.
+
+Boulanger, General, 93, 94, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103.
+
+Bourbaki, General, 23, 24, 25.
+
+Bourgeois, Léon, 121, 122, 180.
+
+Briand, Aristide, 151, 153, 156, 163, 164, 165, 166, 169, 170,
+176, 177, 178.
+
+Brière de l'Isle, 90.
+
+Brisson, Henri, 84, 92, 97, 109, 120, 129, 130, 131, 138.
+
+Broglie, due de, 48, 51, 55, 56, 57, 67, 69, 71, 72, 83.
+
+Brussels, 35, 102.
+
+Buffet, André, 141.
+
+Buffet, Louis, 48, 60, 61.
+
+Buisson, Ferdinand, 151.
+
+Burdeau, 116, 120.
+
+Busch, Moritz, 11.
+
+Buzenval, 27.
+
+
+Caffarel, General, 94.
+
+Cahors, 20.
+
+Caillaux, Joseph, 171, 173, 174, 178, 179.
+
+Caillaux, Madame, 179, 181, 183.
+
+Calmette, Gaston, 179.
+
+Cameroons, 173.
+
+Canrobert, Marshal, 21.
+
+Carcassonne, 168.
+
+Carnot, President, 96-114.
+
+Casablanca, 168, 169.
+
+Caserio Santo, 114.
+
+Casimir-Perier, President, 115-120.
+
+Cavaignac, Godefroy, 129, 130.
+
+Châlons, 14.
+
+Chambord, comte de, 45, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 88.
+
+Champigny, 23, 26.
+
+Chanoine, General, 130.
+
+Chanzy, General, 20, 23, 24.
+
+Châteaudun, 19.
+
+Châtillon, 18.
+
+Chesnelong, 53, 54.
+
+China, 90, 91, 143.
+
+Christiani, Baron de, 136.
+
+Cissey, General de, 57, 60.
+
+Clemenceau, Georges, 78, 83, 97, 98, 109, 160, 161, 163,
+164, 165, 166, 167, 169, 178.
+
+Clermont-Ferrand, 94.
+
+Clinchant, 25.
+
+Cluseret, 40.
+
+Combes, Emile, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 178.
+
+Congo, 132, 171, 173.
+
+Cottu, Henri, 108, 110, 111.
+
+Coulmiers, 22.
+
+Courbet, Gustave, 42.
+
+Crémieux, 19.
+
+Cronstadt, 105, 106.
+
+Crown Prince of Prussia, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18.
+
+
+Decazes, duc, 56.
+
+Delahaye, 108.
+
+Delcassé, 158, 166, 169.
+
+Delegorgue, 127.
+
+Delescluze, Charles, 37.
+
+Demange, Maître, 119.
+
+Denfert-Rochereau, 24.
+
+Déroulède, Paul, 101, 135, 140, 141.
+
+Devil's Isle, 119.
+
+Dijon, 151.
+
+Dillon, 102.
+
+Dombrowski, 41.
+
+Dordogne, 99.
+
+Douay, Abel, 13.
+
+Doumer, Paul, 160.
+
+Doumergue, Gaston, 178, 180.
+
+Dreyfus, Alfred, 105, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126,
+127, 128, 130, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 145, 154, 162.
+
+Dreyfus, Madame, 131.
+
+Dreyfus, Mathieu, 123, 124, 125, 126.
+
+Drumont, Edouard, 118.
+
+Duclerc, 86.
+
+Ducrot, 16, 22.
+
+Dufaure, Jules, 66, 72.
+
+Du Lac, Père, 125.
+
+Dumas fils, Alexandre, 42.
+
+Dupuy, Charles, 112, 114, 116, 120, 131, 135, 136.
+
+
+Edward VII, 154.
+
+Egypt, 86, 132, 155.
+
+Eiffel, G., 108, 110.
+
+Ems, 8, 9.
+
+England, 17, 61, 86, 106, 111, 128, 132, 133, 154, 155, 157, 158, 174, 181.
+
+Ernoul, 49.
+
+Esterhazy, 117, 123, 124, 126, 127.
+
+Eugénie, Empress, 1, 3, 6, 12, 15, 17, 20.
+
+Evans, Dr., 17.
+
+
+Faidherbe, General, 23, 24.
+
+Failly, General de, 16.
+
+Fallières, Armand, 86, 159-175, 176.
+
+Fashoda, 132, 133, 155, 157.
+
+Faure, Félix, 115-133, 134.
+
+Favre, General, 23.
+
+Favre, Jules, 17, 18, 25, 27, 28, 29.
+
+Ferrières, 18.
+
+Ferry, Jules, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 96.
+
+Fez, 171.
+
+Fiaux, 42.
+
+Floquet, Charles, 84, 97, 100, 101, 102, 103, 109.
+
+Flourens, Gustave, 37, 40.
+
+Fontane, Marius, 108, 110.
+
+Foo-chow, 90.
+
+Forbach, 13.
+
+Formosa, 90.
+
+Fourichon, Admiral, 19.
+
+Francis I, 45.
+
+Frankfort, 35, 43.
+
+Frederick, Empress, 105.
+
+Frederick the Great, 3.
+
+Frederick Charles, 12, 13, 15, 21.
+
+Freycinet, Charles de, 20, 24, 30, 77, 79, 85, 86, 93, 109.
+
+Frohsdorf, 52.
+
+Fröschwiller, 13.
+
+Frossard, 13.
+
+
+Gabès, 82.
+
+Galliffet, General de, 137, 139, 143.
+
+Gambetta, Léon, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 25, 28, 29, 31, 33, 44, 47, 66, 67, 68,
+70, 76, 77, 78, 79, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 91, 92, 97, 136.
+
+Garibaldi, 24, 25.
+
+Geay, Monseigneur, 151.
+
+Gérault-Richard, 120.
+
+Germany, 31, 34, 48, 60, 81, 89, 94, 119, 128, 132, 154, 155,157, 158, 159,
+162, 166, 168, 169, 171, 172, 173, 174, 179, 182, 183, 184.
+
+Gervais, Admiral, 105.
+
+Glais-Bizoin, 19.
+
+Goblet, 93.
+
+Gouthe-Soulard, 104.
+
+Gramont, duc de, 6, 7, 9.
+
+Gravelotte, 15.
+
+Grévy, Albert, 110, 111.
+
+Grévy, Jules, 32, 75-95, 96, 110.
+
+Grey, Sir Edward, 158.
+
+Guérard, A.-L., 178.
+
+Guérin, Jules, 140, 141.
+
+
+Habert, Marcel, 135, 141.
+
+Henry IV, 45.
+
+Henry, Colonel, 116, 117, 123, 124, 126, 130.
+
+Henry, Emile, 114.
+
+Héricourt, 25.
+
+Hervé, Gustave, 166.
+
+Herz, Cornelius, 109, 111, 118.
+
+Hugues, Clovis, 97.
+
+
+Italy, 81, 89, 106, 107, 150, 154.
+
+Ivry, 54.
+
+
+Jacques, L., 178.
+
+Japan, 158.
+
+Jaurès, Jean, 166.
+
+Jeanne d'Arc, 45, 185.
+
+Jerome Napoleon, 86.
+
+Josnes, 23.
+
+
+Kairouan, 82.
+
+Kiel Canal, 121.
+
+Kitchener, 132.
+
+Königgrätz, 4.
+
+Kroumirs, 81, 82.
+
+
+Labori, 128.
+
+La Cecilia, 41.
+
+La Motterouge, 19.
+
+Lang-son, 90.
+
+Laval, 24, 151.
+
+Lavigerie, Cardinal, 104.
+
+La Villette, 141.
+
+Lazare, Bernard, 124, 125.
+
+Leblois, Maître, 125.
+
+Le Boeuf, Marshal, 12, 21.
+
+Le Bourget, 26.
+
+Lecomte, General, 39.
+
+Le Mans, 24.
+
+Le Nordez, Monseigneur, 151.
+
+Leo XIII, 87, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 113, 144, 150.
+
+Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, 5, 7, 8, 9.
+
+Lesseps, Charles de, 108, 110.
+
+Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 86, 107, 108.
+
+Lille, 70.
+
+Lisaine, 25.
+
+Lloyd George, 172.
+
+Loigny, 22.
+
+Loir, 24.
+
+Loire, 19, 22, 23.
+
+Loisy, Abbé, 150.
+
+London, 26.
+
+Longchamps, 136.
+
+Lorraine, 11, 13, 34, 35, 43, 157, 162, 183, 185.
+
+Loubet, Emile, 109, 134-158, 160.
+
+Louis XIV, 26, 36.
+
+Louis XVI, 45.
+
+Louis-Philippe, 115.
+
+Lunéville, 13.
+
+Lur-Saluces, comte de, 141.
+
+Luxembourg, Duchy of, 4.
+
+Lyautey, General, 174.
+
+Lyons, 114.
+
+
+McKinley, 114.
+
+Mac-Mahon, maréchal de, 13, 14, 15, 16, 40, 49, 50-74, 75, 77.
+
+Madagascar, 89, 122.
+
+Madrid, 21.
+
+Mainz, 13.
+
+Marchand, Captain, 132, 133.
+
+Marne, 22.
+
+Marrakesh, 168.
+
+Mars-la-Tour, 14.
+
+Mauchamp, Dr., 168.
+
+Mayer, Captain, 118.
+
+Mediterranean, 81.
+
+Méline, Jules, 107, 122, 129, 134.
+
+Mercier, General, 118, 139.
+
+Merry del Val, Cardinal, 150.
+
+Metz, 14, 15, 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 34.
+
+Meuse, 16.
+
+Mexican expedition, 1.
+
+Millerand, Alexandre, 97, 137, 178.
+
+Miribel, General de, 85.
+
+Moltke, 18, 26.
+
+Monis, Ernest, 171, 179.
+
+Montbéliard, 25.
+
+Montmartre, 39, 52.
+
+Montmédy, 16.
+
+Montretout, 27.
+
+Morel, E. D., 158.
+
+Morès, marquis de, 118.
+
+Morocco, 155, 157, 158, 159, 168, 171, 172, 174, 181, 183.
+
+Muley-Hafid, 168, 174.
+
+Muley-Yussef, 174.
+
+Mun, comte de, 105.
+
+
+Nancy, 13.
+
+Napoleon I, 1, 87.
+
+Napoleon III, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 35.
+
+Narbonne, 168.
+
+Négrier, General de, 90.
+
+New Caledonia, 42.
+
+Newfoundland, 155.
+
+Nicholas II, Czar, 123, 145.
+
+Nile, 132.
+
+Nord, 99.
+
+North Germany, 4, 12.
+
+Nuremberg, 182.
+
+
+Offenbach, 3.
+
+Ollivier, Emile, 6, 8, 9.
+
+Omdurman, 132.
+
+Orléans, 19, 22, 26.
+
+Orléans, Duke of, 141.
+
+
+Palikao, comte de, 14, 15, 17.
+
+Pams, Jules, 176.
+
+Panama, 97, 107, 111, 134, 161.
+
+Paray-le-Monial, 52.
+
+Paris, 2, 9, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33,
+34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 46, 64, 84, 101, 105, 106, 120, 128, 134, 140, 154,
+181.
+
+Paris, comte de, 44, 52, 53, 55, 100.
+
+Patay, 22.
+
+Pau, 178, 179.
+
+Pelletan, Camille, 97, 166.
+
+Pellieux, General de, 135.
+
+Père-Lachaise, 41.
+
+Péronne, 24.
+
+Perpignan, 168.
+
+Picquart, General, 123, 124, 125, 126, 162, 163.
+
+Pie, Monseigneur, 52.
+
+Piou, Jacques, 105.
+
+Pius IX, 54, 68, 87.
+
+Pius X, 150, 164.
+
+Poincaré, Raymond, 175, 176-185.
+
+Poitiers, 52.
+
+Pont-Noyelles, 24.
+
+Portsmouth, 105, 106.
+
+Prince Imperial, 13, 86.
+
+Prussia, 3, 4, 5, 7, 10, 11, 12.
+
+
+Rampolla, Cardinal, 150.
+
+Ravachol, 114.
+
+Raynal, 85.
+
+Regnier, 21.
+
+Reichsoffen, 13.
+
+Reims, 16.
+
+Reinach, Jacques de, 108, 109, 110, 111, 118, 134.
+
+Rémusat, Charles de, 48.
+
+Rennes, 135, 138, 140, 143, 162.
+
+Rezonville, 14, 15.
+
+Rhenish provinces, 2.
+
+Rhine, 2, 4.
+
+Ribot, Alexandre, 109, 121, 180.
+
+Rigault, Raoul, 37.
+
+Rivière, 89.
+
+Rochebouët, General de, 71.
+
+Rochefort, Henri, 102.
+
+Rochette, 179, 180.
+
+Roget, General, 134, 135, 138.
+
+Rome, 150.
+
+Rossel, 40.
+
+Rouvier, 85, 93, 94, 109, 111, 155, 158, 160, 164, 169.
+
+Russia, 61, 105, 121, 123, 145, 154, 155, 158, 181, 182.
+
+
+Saarbrücken, 12, 13.
+
+Sadowa, 4, 6.
+
+Saint-Cloud, 2.
+
+Saint-Mandé, 137.
+
+Saint-Privat, 15.
+
+Saint-Quentin, 24, 27.
+
+St. Petersburg, 106.
+
+Salisbury, Lord, 81, 106.
+
+Salzburg, 53.
+
+Sans-Leroy, 110.
+
+Sarrien, Ferdinand, 160.
+
+Say, Léon, 85.
+
+Scandinavia, 181.
+
+Scheurer-Kestner, 125.
+
+Schnaebele, 94.
+
+Schoen, Baron von, 181.
+
+Schwartzkoppen, Colonel, 117, 128, 130.
+
+Sedan, 16, 17, 49.
+
+Selves, M. de, 173.
+
+Serbia, 182.
+
+Sfax, 82.
+
+Sicily, 81.
+
+Simon, Jules, 28, 67, 68, 69, 84.
+
+South Germany, 4, 7, 12.
+
+Spain, 5, 8, 155, 158, 159, 171, 174.
+
+Spicheren, 13.
+
+Spuller, Eugène, 113.
+
+Steinheil, Madame, 132.
+
+Steinmetz, 12, 13, 15.
+
+Strassburg, 11, 18.
+
+Sudan, 89.
+
+Suez, 86, 107, 132.
+
+Switzerland, 26.
+
+Syveton, 152.
+
+
+Tangier, 158.
+
+Thiers, Adolphe, 17, 18, 31-49, 50, 51, 58, 61, 70, 76, 86.
+
+Thomas, General Clément, 39.
+
+Tien-tsin, 90.
+
+Tirard, 102.
+
+Tonkin, 89, 90, 93.
+
+Toulon, 106, 167.
+
+Tours, 19, 22.
+
+Trochu, General, 17, 19, 22, 27, 29, 52.
+
+Tuileries, 2, 17.
+
+Tunis, 81, 93.
+
+
+Ujda, 168.
+
+United States, 62, 159.
+
+Uzès, duchesse d', 100.
+
+
+Vaillant, 114.
+
+Var, 178.
+
+Vendôme, 24.
+
+Verdun, 14.
+
+Versailles, 18, 27, 34, 36, 40, 41, 56, 64, 120, 128, 134.
+
+Victor-Emmanuel II, 68, 104.
+
+Victor-Emmanuel III, 150.
+
+Victoria, 106.
+
+Villepion, 22.
+
+Villers-Bretonneux, 23.
+
+Villersexel, 25.
+
+Villiers, 23.
+
+Villorceau, 23.
+
+Vinoy, General, 27.
+
+Vionville, 14.
+
+Viviani, René, 161, 180, 181.
+
+Von der Thann, 22.
+
+Vosges, 12, 25.
+
+
+Waddington, 77, 78, 79, 81.
+
+Waldeck-Rousseau, 85, 120, 136, 137, 138, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 148,
+153.
+
+Wallon, 59.
+
+Weiss, J.-J., 85.
+
+Welschinger, 30.
+
+William I, 3, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 18, 26, 35.
+
+William II, 157, 158, 173.
+
+Wilson, Daniel, 88, 94, 98.
+
+Wimpffen, General de, 16.
+
+Wissembourg, 12, 13.
+
+Wörth, 13.
+
+Wrobleski, 41.
+
+
+Zola, Emile, 127, 128, 130, 135, 163.
+
+Zurlinden, General, 130.
+
+The Riverside Press
+
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+THE FIELD OF HONOUR
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of the Third French Republic, by
+C. H. C. Wright
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: A History of the Third French Republic
+
+Author: C. H. C. Wright
+
+Release Date: June 6, 2010 [EBook #32715]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
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+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY--THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC ***
+
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+
+Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Josephine Paolucci and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
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+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<p><a name="front" id="front"></a></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 466px;">
+<img src="images/frontis.jpg" width="466" height="650" alt="Raymond Poincar&eacute;" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Raymond Poincar&eacute;</span>
+</div>
+
+
+<h1>A HISTORY OF THE THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC</h1>
+
+<h3>BY</h3>
+
+<h2>C. H. C. WRIGHT</h2>
+
+<h4><i>Professor of the French Language and Literature in Harvard University</i></h4>
+
+
+<h3>WITH ILLUSTRATIONS</h3>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 135px;">
+<img src="images/deco.jpg" width="135" height="175" alt="" title="" />
+</div>
+
+<p class="center">
+BOSTON AND NEW YORK<br />
+HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+COPYRIGHT, 1916, BY CHARLES H. C. WRIGHT<br />
+<br />
+ALL RIGHTS RESERVED<br />
+<br />
+<i>Published May 1916</i><br />
+</p>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<h4>TO</h4>
+
+<h2>MY WIFE</h2>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<p>
+<br />
+I. <span class="smcap">The Antecedents of the Franco-Prussian War.</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_1'>1</a></span><br />
+<br />
+II. <span class="smcap">The Franco-Prussian War&mdash;The Government Of
+National Defence (September, 1870, to February,
+1871).</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_11'>11</a></span><br />
+<br />
+III. <span class="smcap">The Administration of Adolphe Thiers (February,
+1871, to May, 1873).</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_31'>31</a></span><br />
+<br />
+IV. <span class="smcap">The Administration of the Mar&eacute;chal de Mac-Mahon
+(May, 1873, To January, 1879).</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_50'>50</a></span><br />
+<br />
+V. <span class="smcap">The Administration of Jules Gr&eacute;vy (January,
+1879, to December, 1887).</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_75'>75</a></span><br />
+<br />
+VI. <span class="smcap">The Administration of Sadi Carnot (December,
+1887, To June, 1894).</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_96'>96</a></span><br />
+<br />
+VII. <span class="smcap">The Administrations of Jean Casimir-Perier (June,
+1894, To January, 1895) and of F&eacute;lix Faure<br />
+(January, 1895, to February, 1899).</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_115'>115</a></span><br />
+<br />
+VIII. <span class="smcap">The Administration of Emile Loubet (February,
+1899, to February, 1906).</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_134'>134</a></span><br />
+<br />
+IX. <span class="smcap">The Administration of Armand Falli&egrave;res (February,
+1906, to February, 1913).</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_159'>159</a></span><br />
+<br />
+X. <span class="smcap">The Administration of Raymond Poincar&eacute; (February,
+1913-).</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_176'>176</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<span class="smcap">Appendix: Presiding Officers of French Cabinets.</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_187'>187</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<span class="smcap">Bibliography.</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_193'>193</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<span class="smcap">Index.</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_199'>199</a></span><br />
+</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>ILLUSTRATIONS</h2>
+
+
+<p>
+<span class="smcap">Raymond Poincar&eacute;</span> <span class="tocnum"><i><a href="#front">Frontispiece</a></i></span><br />
+<br />
+<span class="smcap">Adolphe Thiers</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_32'>32</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<span class="smcap">Edme-Patrice-Maurice de Mac-Mahon</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_50'>50</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<span class="smcap">L&eacute;on Gambetta</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_70'>70</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<span class="smcap">Jules Ferry</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_78'>78</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<span class="smcap">Sadi Carnot</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_96'>96</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<span class="smcap">Marie-Georges Picquart</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_124'>124</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<span class="smcap">Ren&eacute; Waldeck-Rousseau</span> <span class="tocnum"><a href='#Page_136'>136</a></span><br />
+</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p>
+<h2>A HISTORY OF THE THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC</h2>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>CHAPTER I</h2>
+
+<h3>THE ANTECEDENTS OF THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR</h3>
+
+
+<p>Two men were largely responsible, each in his own way, for the third
+French Republic, Napoleon III and Bismarck. The one, endeavoring partly
+at his wife's instigation to renew the prestige of a weakening Empire,
+and the other, furthering the ambitions of the Prussian Kingdom, set in
+motion the forces which culminated in the Fourth of September.</p>
+
+<p>The causes of the downfall of the Empire can be traced back several
+years. Napoleon III was, at heart, a man of peace and had, in all
+sincerity, soon after his accession, uttered the famous saying:
+"L'empire, c'est la paix." But the military glamour of the Napoleonic
+name led the nephew, like the uncle, into repeated wars. These had, in
+most cases, been successful, exceptions, such as the unfortunate Mexican
+expedition, seeming negligible. They had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span> sometimes even resulted in
+territorial aggrandizement. Napoleon III was, therefore, desirous of
+establishing once for all the so-called "natural" frontiers of France
+along the Rhine by the annexation of those Rhenish provinces which,
+during the First Empire and before, had for a score of years been part
+of the French nation.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, though France was still considered the leading
+continental power, and though its military superiority seemed
+unassailable, the imperial r&eacute;gime was unquestionably growing "stale."
+The Emperor himself, always a mystical fatalist rather than the hewer of
+his own fortune, felt the growing inertia of his final malady. A
+lavishly luxurious court had been imitated by a pleasure-loving capital.
+This had brought in its train relaxed standards of governmental morals
+and had seriously weakened the fibre of many military commanders.
+Outwardly the Empire seemed as glorious as ever, and in 1867 France
+invited the world to a gorgeous exposition in the "Ville-lumi&egrave;re." But
+Paris was more emotional year by year, and the Tuileries and Saint-Cloud
+were dominated by a narrow-minded<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> and spoiled Empress. Court intrigues
+were rife and drawing-room generals were to be found in real life, as
+well as in Offenbach's "Grande Duchesse." But nobody, except perhaps
+Napoleon himself, realized how the Empire had declined. The Empress
+merely felt that it was time to do something stirring, and, without
+necessarily waging war, to assert again the pre-eminence in Europe of
+France, weakened in 1866 by the unexpected outcome of the rivalry
+between Austria and Prussia for preponderance among the German States.</p>
+
+<p>Beyond the eastern frontier of France a nation was growing in ambition
+and power. Prussia still remembered the warlike achievements of
+Frederick the Great, although since those days its military efficiency
+had at times undergone a decline. But now, under the reign of King
+William, guided by a vigorous minister, Bismarck, an example, whatever
+his admirers may say, of the brutal and unscrupulous <i>Junker</i>, the
+Prussian Government had for some time tried to impose its leadership on
+the other German States. Some of these were far from anxious to accept
+it. In the furtherance of Prussian schemes, Bismarck had been able to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span>
+inflict a diplomatic rebuff on Napoleon, as well as a severe military
+defeat on Austria.</p>
+
+<p>In 1866, Prussia won from Austria the important victory of K&ouml;niggr&auml;tz or
+Sadowa, and thereby asserted its leadership. The outcome was a check to
+Napoleon, who had expected a different result. Moreover, by it Bismarck
+was encouraged to pursue his plans for the consolidation of Germany
+under a still more openly acknowledged Prussian supremacy. A crafty and
+utterly unscrupulous diplomat, he was able to mislead Napoleon and his
+unskilful ministers.</p>
+
+<p>Soon after Sadowa the Emperor tried to obtain territorial compensation
+from Prussia. He wished, in return for recognition of Prussia's new
+position and of the projected union of North and South Germany minus
+Austria, to obtain the cession of territories on the left bank of the
+Rhine, or an alliance for the conquest and annexation of Belgium to
+France. Such schemes having failed, Napoleon tried next to satisfy
+French jingoism by the acquisition of the Duchy of Luxembourg. This move
+resulted only in securing the evacuation by its Prussian garrison of the
+Luxembourg fortress<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> and the neutralization of the duchy. From that time
+on, tension increased between France and Prussia. Bismarck was, indeed,
+more anxious for war than Napoleon. He suspected the weakness of the
+French Empire, he despised its leaders, he realized the advance in
+military efficiency of his own country, and his aim was unswerving to
+establish a Prussianized German Empire at the cost, if possible, of the
+downfall of France. As a matter of fact, France, as now, was far from
+being permeated with militarism and, a few months before the war in
+1870, the military budget was actually reduced.</p>
+
+<p>The occasion for a dispute arrived with the suggested candidacy of
+Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, a German prince related to the King
+of Prussia, to the crown of Spain. As early as 1868, intrigues had begun
+to put a Prussian on the Spanish throne, but Napoleon had not as yet
+been disturbed. It was not until 1870 that he took the matter seriously.
+In July, Prince Leopold accepted the crown, egged on by Bismarck, and
+with the fiction of the approval of King William as head of the
+Hohenzollerns, as distinguished from his position as King of Prussia.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>At that time the French Emperor was in precarious health and scarcely in
+full control of his powers. The French people at large were pacifically
+inclined and would have asked for nothing better than to remain at home
+instead of fighting about a foreigner's candidacy to an alien throne.
+But, unfortunately, the Empress Eug&eacute;nie was for war. The Government,
+too, was in the hands of second-rate and hesitating diplomats. Emile
+Ollivier, the chief of the Cabinet, was an orator more than a statesman,
+and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the duc de Gramont, was a conceited
+mediocrity more and more involved in his own mistakes. In consequence,
+the attitude of the Government was not so much deliberate desire for war
+as provocative bluster, of which Bismarck was quick to take advantage.
+The Cabinet was egged on by Eug&eacute;nie's adherents, the militants, who had
+been looking for an insult since Sadowa, and by obstreperous journalists
+and noisy boulevard mobs, whose manifestations were unfortunately taken,
+even by the Corps l&eacute;gislatif, for the voice of France.</p>
+
+<p>In consequence, blunder after blunder was made. The ministers worked at
+cross-purposes,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> without due consultation and without consideration of
+the effect of their actions on an inflamed public opinion or on
+prospective European alliances. Stated in terms of diplomatic procedure,
+the aim of the French Cabinet was to humiliate Prussia by forcing its
+Government to acknowledge a retreat. King William was not seeking war
+and was probably willing to make honorable concessions. Bismarck, on the
+contrary, desired war, if it could be under favorable diplomatic
+auspices, and the Hohenzollern candidacy was a direct provocation. He
+wanted France to seem the aggressor, in view of the effect both on
+neutral Europe, and particularly on the South German States, which he
+wished to draw into alliance under the menace of French attack.</p>
+
+<p>The French Ambassador to the King of Prussia, Benedetti, was instructed
+to demand the withdrawal of Prince Leopold's candidacy. This demand
+followed a very arrogant statement to the Corps l&eacute;gislatif, on July 6,
+by the duc de Gramont. The assumption was that Prince Leopold's presence
+on the Spanish throne would be dangerous to the honor and interests of
+France, by exposing the country<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> on two sides to Prussian influence.
+King William was, on the whole, willing to make a concession to avoid
+international complications, but he obviously wished not to appear to
+act under pressure. M. Benedetti went to Ems and, on July 9, he laid the
+French demands before the King. After long-drawn-out discussion the
+French Government asked for a categorical reply by July 12. On that day
+the father of Prince Leopold, Prince Antony of Hohenzollern, in a
+telegram to Spain, formally withdrew his son's name. The King had
+planned to give his consent to this apparently <i>spontaneous</i> action on
+the part of the candidate's family, when officially informed. Thus
+France would obtain its ends and the King himself would not be involved.</p>
+
+<p>Unfortunately the thoughtlessness of the head of the French Ministry
+spoiled everything. Instead of waiting a day for the King's
+ratification, Emile Ollivier, desirous also of peace, hastened to make
+public the telegram from the Prince of Hohenzollern. Thereupon the
+leaders of the war party in the Corps l&eacute;gislatif at once pointed out
+that the telegram was not accompanied by the signature of the Prussian<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span>
+monarch, declared that the Cabinet had been outwitted, and clamored for
+definite guarantees. Stung by the charge of inefficiency, the would-be
+statesman Gramont immediately accentuated his stipulations and demanded
+that the King of Prussia guarantee not to support in future the
+candidacy of a Hohenzollern to the Spanish throne.</p>
+
+<p>Matters were rapidly reaching an <i>impasse</i>, and Bismarck was
+correspondingly elated, because France was appearing to Europe a
+trouble-maker. The duc de Gramont and Emile Ollivier committed the error
+of dictating a letter to the Prussian Ambassador for him to transmit to
+the King, to be in turn sent back as his reply. King William was
+offended by this high-handed procedure. He had already told comte
+Benedetti at Ems that a satisfactory letter was on its way from Prince
+Antony and had promised him another interview upon its arrival. After
+receiving the dispatch from his ambassador at Paris communicating
+Gramont's formulas, he sent word to Benedetti that Prince Leopold was no
+longer a candidate and that the incident was closed. Nor was the King
+willing to grant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> Benedetti's urgent requests for an interview (July
+13).</p>
+
+<p>The King and the French Ambassador had remained perfectly courteous, and
+the next day, at the railway station, they took leave of each other with
+marks of respect. Things were not yet hopeless, until Bismarck, by a
+trick of which he afterwards bragged, caused a dispatch to be published
+implying that Benedetti had been so persistent in pushing his demands
+that King William had been obliged to snub him. The French were led to
+believe that their representative had been insulted, and neutrals sided
+with Prussia as the aggrieved party. After deliberation the French
+Ministry decided on war and the decision was blindly ratified by the
+Corps l&eacute;gislatif on July 15. At this meeting Emile Ollivier made his
+famous remark that the Ministry accepted responsibility for the war with
+a "clear conscience." His actual words, "le c&oelig;ur l&eacute;ger," seemed,
+however, to imply "with a light heart", and thereafter weighed heavily
+against him in the minds of Frenchmen.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER II</h2>
+
+<h3>THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR&mdash;THE GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL DEFENCE</h3>
+
+<h4>September, 1870, to February, 1871</h4>
+
+
+<p>On July 19 the French Embassy at Berlin declared a state of war. Paris
+was wild with enthusiasm and eager for an advance on Berlin. The
+provinces were for the most part cool, but accepted the war calmly
+because they were assured of an easy victory. The leaders of the two
+nations had for each other equal contempt. "Ce n'est pas un homme
+s&eacute;rieux," Napoleon had once said of Bismarck, and Bismarck thought
+Napoleon "stupid and sentimental." Meanwhile each nation had eyes on the
+territory of the other: France was ready to claim the Rhine frontier;
+Prussia wanted all it could get, and certainly Alsace and Lorraine. The
+idea, so often repeated by the Germans since the war, that these
+provinces were annexed because they had once been German, was not in
+Bismarck's mind,&mdash;"that is a Professor's reason," he said.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> He wanted
+Strassburg because<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> its commanding position and the wedge of Wissembourg
+could cut off northern from southern Germany. The frontier of the Vosges
+was as desirable to the Germans as the Rhine to the French.</p>
+
+<p>From the beginning all went wrong in France. The Government found itself
+left in the lurch by the European states whose alliance it had expected.
+Moreover, mobilization proceeded slowly and in utter confusion. In spite
+of Marshal Le B&oelig;uf's famous exclamation ("Il ne manquera pas un
+bouton de gu&ecirc;tre"), never did a nation enter on a war less prepared than
+the French. On the other hand, all Germany, well trained and ready,
+sprang to the side of Prussia. The whole military force was grouped in
+three armies&mdash;under Steinmetz, Prince Frederick Charles, and the Crown
+Prince. But, meanwhile, it seemed necessary to the French to give a
+semblance of military achievement. The Emperor had started from Paris on
+July 28 leaving the Empress as regent. On August 2, a vain military
+display with largely superior forces was made across the frontier at
+Saarbr&uuml;cken, a practically unprotected place was taken, and the Emperor
+was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> able to send home word that the Prince Imperial had received his
+"baptism of fire" and that the soldiers wept at seeing him calmly pick
+up a bullet. The same day King William took command of the German forces
+at Mainz, and on August 4 the army of the Crown Prince entered Alsace
+and defeated at Wissembourg the division of about twelve thousand men of
+General Abel Douay, who was killed. On the 6th Mac-Mahon, with a larger
+force, met the still more numerous Germans somewhat farther back at
+W&ouml;rth, Fr&ouml;schwiller, and Reichsoffen, and was utterly routed with a loss
+of over ten thousand in killed, wounded, and taken. Alsace was thus
+completely exposed to the enemy, and the road was open to Lun&eacute;ville and
+Nancy. On the same day, German armies under Steinmetz and Prince
+Frederick Charles crossed into Lorraine at Saarbr&uuml;cken and engaged the
+troops of the French general Frossard at Forbach and Spicheren,
+inflicting on them a severe repulse. Meanwhile Frossard's superior,
+Bazaine, though not far away, did not move a finger to help him. "If
+Frossard wanted the baton of marshal of France he could win it alone."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The news of these disasters was a terrible shock to Paris. The "liberal"
+Ollivier Cabinet was overthrown and replaced by a reactionary one led by
+General Cousin-Montauban, comte de Palikao. The Emperor withdrew from
+military leadership and Marshal Bazaine received supreme command.
+Bazaine was a brave soldier, but a poor general-in-chief, and withal a
+self-seeking man, incompetent to deal with the difficulties in which
+France found itself. He was perhaps not a conscious traitor in the great
+disaster which soon came to pass, but he thought more of himself than of
+his country. At the time we are concerned with he was considered the
+coming man. Meanwhile Mac-Mahon, cut off from Bazaine's main army, fell
+back, between August 6 and August 17, to Ch&acirc;lons. Bazaine was apparently
+without intelligent strategic plans. He professed to be desirous of
+concentrating at Verdun, but was afraid to get out of reach of Metz. He
+won first an indecisive battle at Borny (August 14), which was
+unproductive of any concrete advantage. On August 16, he let himself be
+turned back, by an enemy only half as numerous, at Rezonville
+(Vionville, Mars-la-Tour).<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> On the 18th, he encountered, on the
+contrary, a much larger force at Saint-Privat (Gravelotte) and let
+himself be cooped up in Metz. Critics of Bazaine say that he could have
+turned both Rezonville and Gravelotte to the advantage of the French.</p>
+
+<p>The familiar military uncertainties now began to show themselves in the
+movements of Mac-Mahon and his troops. The armies of Steinmetz and of
+Frederick Charles were united under command of the latter to beleaguer
+Metz, and a smaller force under Prince Albert of Saxony was thrown off
+to co&ouml;perate with the army of the Crown Prince in its advance on Paris.
+Mac-Mahon had collected about one hundred and twenty thousand men, and
+Napoleon, without real authority except as a meddler, was with him. The
+plan was originally to fall back for the protection of Paris, but the
+Empress-Regent was afraid to have a defeated Emperor return to the
+capital lest revolution ensue, and Palikao urged a swift advance to
+rescue Metz, crushing Prince Albert of Saxony on the way, taking
+Frederick Charles between the two fires of rescuers and besieged, with
+the Crown Prince still too<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> far away to be dangerous. Meanwhile
+Mac-Mahon moved to Reims, which was neither on the direct road to Paris
+nor to Metz, and at last started to the rescue of Bazaine by the
+roundabout route of Montm&eacute;dy, continually hesitating and retracing his
+steps. On receiving news of his progress, the armies of the Crown Prince
+and of Prince Albert converged northward. Mac-Mahon's right wing, under
+General de Failly, was surprised at Beaumont, and finally the French
+army in disorder drew up in most unfavorable positions between the Meuse
+and the Belgian frontier, to face a foe twice as numerous and already
+nearly completely surrounding it. The battle of Sedan broke out on
+September 1. Mac-Mahon was wounded early in the fight and gave over the
+command to Ducrot, in turn superseded by Wimpffen, already designated by
+the Ministry to replace Mac-Mahon in case of accident. After a fierce
+battle it fell to General de Wimpffen to capitulate on September 2. By
+the disaster of Sedan the Germans captured the Emperor, a marshal of
+France, and the whole of one of its two armies.</p>
+
+<p>The news of the overwhelming defeat of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> Sedan struck Paris like a
+thunderbolt. Jules Favre proposed to the Corps l&eacute;gislatif the overthrow
+of Napoleon and of his dynasty; Thiers, who favored the restoration of
+the Orl&eacute;ans family, wished the convocation of a Constituent Assembly;
+the comte de Palikao asked for a provisional governing commission of
+which he should be the lieutenant-general. But, before anything was
+done, the Paris mob invaded the legislative chamber. Gambetta, with the
+majority of the Paris Deputies, went to the H&ocirc;tel de Ville, and to
+prevent a more radical set from seizing the Government, proclaimed the
+Republic (September 4). A Government of National Defence was constituted
+of which General Trochu became President, Jules Favre Minister of
+Foreign Affairs, and Gambetta Minister of the Interior. Thiers was not a
+member, but gave his support. Eug&eacute;nie escaped from the Tuileries to the
+home of her American dentist, Dr. Evans, and then fled to England.</p>
+
+<p>Jules Favre was innocent enough to think that the Germans would be
+satisfied with the overthrow of Napoleon, and he was rash enough to
+declare that France would not yield<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> "an inch of its territory or a
+stone of its fortresses." But, in an interview with Bismarck at
+Ferri&egrave;res, on September 19, he realized the oppressiveness of the German
+demands. The rhetorical and emotional, even tearful, Jules Favre was
+faced by a harsh and unrelenting conqueror, and the meeting ended
+without an agreement. Meanwhile Paris was invested by the German forces
+of the Crown Prince and the Prince of Saxony after a defeat of some
+French troops at Ch&acirc;tillon. William, Bismarck, and Moltke took up their
+station at Versailles. Europe, made suspicious by the numerous changes
+of government in France in the nineteenth century, and moved also by
+selfish reasons, refused its aid and looked on with indifference. Thiers
+made a fruitless quest through Europe for practical aid, bringing home
+only meaningless expressions of sympathy.</p>
+
+<p>Unfortunately even a number of people in the provinces, relaxed by the
+factitious prosperity of the imperial r&eacute;gime, were too willing to yield
+to the invaders. Where resistance was brave it appeared fruitless:
+Strassburg capitulated on September 28, after the Germans<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> had burned
+its library and bombarded the cathedral. A scratch army on the Loire,
+under La Motterouge, was beaten at Artenay (October 10) and had to
+evacuate Orl&eacute;ans. On October 18, the Germans captured Ch&acirc;teaudun after
+heroic resistance by National Guards and sharpshooters.</p>
+
+<p>Though one of the two great French armies was in captivity and the other
+besieged in Metz, the idea of submission never for a moment entered
+Gambetta's head. Paris was under the command of Trochu, patriotic and
+brave, but military critic rather than leader, discouraged from the
+beginning, and unable to take advantage of opportunities. A delegation
+of the Government of National Defence had established itself at Tours to
+avoid the German besiegers, but two of its members, Cr&eacute;mieux and
+Glais-Bizoin, were elderly and weak. Admiral Fourichon was the most
+competent. Gambetta escaped from Paris by balloon on October 7, and,
+reaching Tours in safety, made himself by his energy and patriotic
+inspiration, practically dictator and organizer of resistance to the
+invaders.</p>
+
+<p>L&eacute;on Gambetta, a young lawyer politician<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> of thirty-two, of
+inexhaustible energy and impassioned eloquence, was the son of an
+Italian grocer settled at Cahors. With the help of his assistant Charles
+de Freycinet, he levied and armed in four months six hundred thousand
+men, an average of five thousand a day. Everything was done in haste and
+unsatisfactorily,&mdash;the army of General Chanzy was equipped with guns of
+fifteen different patterns. But Gambetta did the task of a giant, in
+spite of another crushing blow to France, the surrender of Metz.</p>
+
+<p>Bazaine had let himself be cooped up in Metz. Instead of being moved by
+patriotism, he thought only of his own interests and ambitions. In the
+midst of the cataclysm which had fallen on France he aspired to hold the
+position of power. The Emperor gone and the Republic destined, Bazaine
+thought, to fall, he would be left at the head of the only army. His
+would be the task of treating for peace with Germany, and then he would
+perhaps become in France regent instead of the Empress, or
+Marshal-Lieutenant of the Empire, like the Spanish marshals. So he
+neglected favorable military opportunities, and dallied over<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> plans of
+peace, while Bismarck misled him with fruitless propositions or false
+emissaries like the adventurer Regnier. Finally, on October 27, Bazaine
+had to surrender Metz, with three marshals (himself, Canrobert, and Le
+B&oelig;uf), sixty generals, six thousand officers, and one hundred and
+seventy-three thousand men. France was deprived of her last trained
+forces, and the besieging army of Frederick Charles was set free to help
+in the conquest of France. After the war Bazaine was condemned to death,
+by court-martial, for treason. His sentence was commuted to life
+imprisonment, but he afterwards escaped from the fortress in which he
+was confined and died in obscurity and disgrace at Madrid.</p>
+
+<p>No sooner did the news of the capitulation of Metz reach Paris than a
+regrettable affair took place. There was much dissatisfaction with the
+indecision of the Provisional Government, and, on October 31, a mob
+invaded the H&ocirc;tel de Ville and arrested the chief members of the
+commission. Fortunately they were released later the same day and a
+plebiscite of November 3 confirmed the powers of the Government of
+National Defence. Fortunately,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> too, within a few days came news of the
+first real success of the French during the war, the battle of Coulmiers
+(November 9).</p>
+
+<p>Gambetta had succeeded during October in organizing the Army of the
+Loire which, under General d'Aurelle de Paladines, defeated the Bavarian
+forces of von der Thann at Coulmiers and recaptured Orl&eacute;ans. The plan
+was to push on to Paris and the objections of d'Aurelle were overcome by
+Gambetta. But the fall of Metz had released German reinforcements. After
+an unsuccessful contest by the right wing at Beaune-la-Rolande (November
+28), and a partial victory at Villepion, the French were defeated in
+turn on December 2 at Loigny or Patay (left wing), on December 3 at
+Artenay. The Germans reoccupied Orl&eacute;ans and the first Army of the Loire
+was dispersed. The Government moved from Tours to Bordeaux.</p>
+
+<p>After Coulmiers General Trochu had planned a sortie from Paris to meet
+the Army of the Loire. This advance was under command of General Ducrot,
+but was delayed by trouble with pontoon bridges. The various battles of
+the Marne (November 30-December 2)<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> culminated in the terrible fight and
+repulse of Villiers and Champigny. In the north, a small army hastily
+brought together under temporary command of General Favre was defeated
+at Villers-Bretonneux and Amiens (November 27).</p>
+
+<p>The last phase of the Franco-Prussian War begins with the crushing of
+the Army of the Loire and the check of the advance to Champigny. With
+unwearied tenacity Gambetta tried to reorganize the Army of the Loire. A
+portion became the second Army of the Loire or of the West, under
+Chanzy. The rest, under Bourbaki, became the Army of the East. Faidherbe
+tried to revive the Army of the North.</p>
+
+<p>To Chanzy, on the whole the most capable French general of the war, was
+assigned the task of trying, with a smaller force, what d'Aurelle had
+already failed in accomplishing, a drive on Paris. In this task Bourbaki
+and Faidherbe were expected by Gambetta to co&ouml;perate. Instead of
+succeeding, Chanzy, bravely fighting, was driven back, first down the
+Loire, in the long-contested battle of Josnes (Villorceau or Beaugency)
+(December 7-10),<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> then up the valley of the tributary Loir to Vend&ocirc;me
+and Le Mans. There the army, reduced almost to a mob, made a new stand.
+In a battle between January 10 and 12, this army was again routed and
+what was left thrown back to Laval.</p>
+
+<p>Faidherbe, taking the offensive in the north, fought an indecisive
+contest at Pont-Noyelles (December 23) and took Bapaume (January 3). But
+his endeavor to proceed to the assistance of Paris was frustrated, he
+was unable to relieve P&eacute;ronne, which fell on January 9, and was defeated
+at Saint-Quentin on January 19.</p>
+
+<p>Bourbaki, in spite of his reputation, showed himself inferior to Chanzy
+and Faidherbe. He let his army lose morale by his hesitation, and then
+accepted with satisfaction Freycinet's plan to move east upon Germany
+instead of to the rescue of Paris. On the eastern frontier Colonel
+Denfert-Rochereau was tenaciously holding Belfort, which was never
+captured by the Germans during the whole war.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Bourbaki's
+dishearteningly slow progress received no effective assistance from
+Garibaldi. This<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> Italian soldier of fortune, now somewhat in his
+decline, had offered his services to France and was in command of a
+small body of guerillas and sharpshooters, the Army of the Vosges. With
+alternate periods of inactivity, failure, and success, Garibaldi perhaps
+did more harm than good to France. He monopolized the services of
+several thousand men, and yet, through his prestige as a distinguished
+foreign volunteer, he could not be brought under control. Bourbaki won
+the battle of Villersexel on January 9. Pushing on to Belfort he was
+defeated only a few miles from the town in the battle of H&eacute;ricourt, or
+Montb&eacute;liard, along the river Lisaine. The army, now transformed into
+panic-stricken fugitives, made its way painfully through bitter cold and
+snow, and Bourbaki tried to commit suicide. He was succeeded by General
+Clinchant. When Paris capitulated, on January 28, and an armistice was
+signed, this Army of the East was omitted. Jules Favre at Paris failed
+to notify Gambetta in the provinces of this exception, and the army,
+hearing of the armistice, ceased its flight, only to be relentlessly
+followed by the Germans. Finally, on February 1, the remnants<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> of the
+army fled across the Swiss frontier and found safety on neutral soil.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile, in Paris the tightening of the Prussian lines had made the
+food problem more and more difficult, and the population were reduced to
+small rations and unpalatable diet. After Champigny the German general
+von Moltke communicated with the besieged, informing them of the defeat
+of Orl&eacute;ans, and the means seemed opened for negotiations. But the
+opportunity was rejected, and the Government even refused to be
+represented at an international conference, then opening in London,
+because of its unwillingness to apply to Bismarck for a safe-conduct for
+its representative. A chance to bring the condition of France before the
+Powers was neglected. Between December 21 and 26, a sally to Le Bourget
+was driven back, and, on the next day, the bombardment of the forts
+began. On January 5, the Prussian batteries opened fire on the city
+itself. On January 18, the Germans took a spectacular revenge for the
+conquests of Louis XIV by the coronation of King William of Prussia as
+Emperor of the united German people. The ceremony took place in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> the
+great Galerie des Glaces of Louis's magnificent palace of Versailles.
+The very next day the triumph of the Germans received its consecration,
+not only by the battle of Saint-Quentin (already mentioned), but by the
+repulse of the last offensive movement from Paris. To placate the Paris
+population an advance was made on Versailles with battalions largely
+composed of National Guards. At Montretout and Buzenval they were routed
+and driven back in a panic to Paris. General Trochu was forced to resign
+the military governorship of Paris, though by a strange contradiction he
+kept the presidency of the Government of National Defence, and was
+replaced by General Vinoy. On January 22, a riot broke out in the
+capital in which blood was shed in civil strife. Finally, on January 28,
+Jules Favre had to submit to the conqueror's terms. Paris capitulated
+and the garrison was disarmed, with the exception of a few thousand
+regulars to preserve order, and the National Guard; a war tribute was
+imposed on the city and an armistice of twenty-one days was signed to
+permit the election and gathering of a National Assembly to pass on
+terms<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> of peace. With inexcusable carelessness Jules Favre neglected to
+warn Gambetta in the provinces that this armistice began for the rest of
+France only on the thirty-first and that, as already stated, the Army of
+the East was excepted from its provisions.</p>
+
+<p>Gambetta was furious at the surrender and at the presumption of Paris to
+decide for the provinces. He preached a continuation of the war, and the
+intervention of Bismarck was necessary to prevent him from excluding
+from the National Assembly all who had had any connection with the
+imperial r&eacute;gime. Jules Simon was sent from Paris to counteract
+Gambetta's efforts. The latter yielded before the prospect of civil war,
+withdrew from power, and, on February 8, elections were held for the
+National Assembly.</p>
+
+<p>The downfall of what had been considered the chief military nation of
+Europe was due to many involved causes. The Empire was responsible for
+the <i>d&eacute;b&acirc;cle</i> and the Government of National Defence was unable to
+create everything out of nothing. Many people were ready to be
+discouraged after a first defeat, and few realized what Germany's
+demands<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> were going to be. The imperial army was insufficiently equipped
+and the majority of its generals were inefficient and lacking in
+initiative: there was no preparation, no system, little discipline.</p>
+
+<p>During the period of National Defence the members of the Government
+themselves were usually wanting in experience and in diplomacy, and the
+badly trained armies made up of raw recruits were liable to panics or
+unable to follow up an advantage. There was jealousy, mistrust, and
+frequent unwillingness to subordinate politics to patriotism, or, at any
+rate, to make allowances for other forms of patriotism than one's own.
+Gambetta and Jules Favre were primarily orators and tribunes and
+indulged in too many wordy proclamations, in which habit they were
+followed by General Trochu. The patriotism and enthusiasm of Gambetta
+were undeniable, but he was imbued with the principles and memories of
+the French Revolution, including the efficacy of national volunteers,
+the ability of France to resist all Europe, and the subordination of
+military to civil authority. Consequently, in a time of stress he nagged
+the generals<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> and interfered, and gave free rein to Freycinet to do the
+same. They upset plans made by experienced generals, and sent civilians
+to spy over them, with power to retire them from command. They were,
+moreover, trying to thrust a republic down the throats of a hostile
+majority of the population, for a large proportion of those not
+Bonapartists were in favor of a monarchy. The wonder is, therefore, that
+France was able to do so much. M. de Freycinet was not boasting when he
+wrote later, "Alone, without allies, without leaders, without an army,
+deprived for the first time of communication with its capital, it
+resisted for five months, with improvised resources, a formidable enemy
+that the regular armies of the Empire, though made up of heroic
+soldiers, had not been able to hold back five weeks."<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Moritz Busch, <i>Bismarck</i>, vol. 1, chap. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> He surrendered by order of the Government. The isolated
+incident of the resistance of the town of Bitche through all the war is
+no less noteworthy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>La guerre en province</i>, quoted by Welschinger, <i>La guerre
+de 1870</i>, vol. II, p. 295.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER III</h2>
+
+<h3>THE ADMINISTRATION OF ADOLPHE THIERS</h3>
+
+<h4>February, 1871, to May, 1873</h4>
+
+
+<p>The elections were held in hot haste. The short time allowed before the
+convening of the Assembly made the usual campaign impossible. It met at
+Bordeaux on February 13, 1871. The peace party was in very considerable
+majority, and though Gambetta received the distinction of a multiple
+election in nine separate districts, Thiers was chosen in twenty-six.
+The radicals and advocates of guerilla warfare and of a "guerre &agrave;
+outrance" found themselves few in numbers. Many of the representatives
+had only local or rural reputation. They were new to parliamentary life,
+and in the majority of cases were averse to a permanent republican form
+of government. They would have preferred a monarchy, but they were ready
+to accept a provisional republic which would incur the task of settling
+the war with Germany and bear the onus of defeat. They were especially
+suspicious of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> Paris, and hostile to it as the home of fickleness, of
+irresponsibility, and of mob rule. They were largely provincial lawyers
+and rural landed gentry, conservative and clerical, who felt that too
+much importance had been usurped by the Parisian Government of National
+Defence.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 464px;">
+<img src="images/illus1.jpg" width="464" height="650" alt="ADOLPHE THIERS" title="" />
+<span class="caption">ADOLPHE THIERS</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>The new Assembly, therefore, gradually fell into several groups. On the
+conservative side came the Extreme Right, made up of out-and-out
+Legitimists, believing in absolutism and the divine right of kings; the
+Right, composed of monarchists desirous of conciliating the old r&eacute;gime
+with the demands of modern times and of making it a practical form of
+government; the Right Centre, consisting of constitutional monarchists
+and followers of the Orl&eacute;ans branch of the house of Bourbon. Among the
+anti-republicans the Bonapartists were almost negligible. Next came the
+Left Centre of conservative Republicans, the republican Left, and the
+radical Union r&eacute;publicaine, partisans of Gambetta and advanced
+"reformers."</p>
+
+<p>At the first public session of the Assembly Jules Gr&eacute;vy was chosen
+presiding officer. A<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> former leader of the opposition to the Empire, he
+had not participated in affairs since the Fourth of September, and,
+therefore, had not yet identified himself with any set. Among the
+Republicans he was averse to Gambetta and remained so even when the
+latter became moderate. On February 17, Adolphe Thiers, the
+"peace-maker," was by an almost unanimous vote elected "Chief of the
+Executive Power of the French Republic." It was he who, thirty years
+before, had fortified Paris that had now fallen only by famine, who had
+opposed the war when it might yet have been averted, who had travelled
+over Europe to defend the interests of France, who had been elected
+representative by the choice of twenty-six departments.</p>
+
+<p>M. Thiers formed a coalition cabinet representing different shades of
+political feeling, and in one of his early speeches, on March 10, he
+formulated a plan of party truce for the purpose of national
+reorganization. This plan was acquiesced in by the Assembly and bears in
+history the name of the Compact of Bordeaux (<i>pacte de Bordeaux</i>).
+France was to continue under a republican government, without<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> injury to
+the later claims of any party. Thiers, himself, as a former Orl&eacute;anist,
+advocated, at least in his relations with the monarchists, a
+Restoration, with the <i>sine qua non</i> that an attempt should be made at a
+fusion of the Legitimists and the Orl&eacute;anists. Meanwhile he was the chief
+executive official of a republic.</p>
+
+<p>But, even before the formulation of the truce of parties, Thiers was in
+eager haste to settle the terms of peace with Germany before the
+expiration of the armistice. The preliminaries were discussed between
+Thiers and Bismarck at Versailles. The Germans were almost as anxious as
+the French to see the end of the war, and the objections and delays of
+Bismarck were partly tactical. Brief successive prolongations of the
+armistice were obtained, and finally the preliminaries were signed on
+February 26. Thiers made herculean efforts to keep for France Belfort,
+which Bismark claimed, and finally succeeded on condition that the
+German army should occupy Paris from March 1 to the ratification of the
+preliminaries by the Assembly. France was to give up Alsace and a part
+of Lorraine, including Metz, and pay an indemnity of five<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> billion
+francs. German troops were to occupy the conquered districts and
+evacuate them progressively as the indemnity was paid. The peace
+discussions afterwards continued at Brussels, and the final treaty was
+signed at Frankfort on May 10, 1871.</p>
+
+<p>No sooner were the preliminaries signed than Thiers returned post-haste
+to Bordeaux, and obtained an almost immediate assent (March 1), so that
+the Germans were obliged to forego a large part of their plans for a
+triumphal entry into Paris and a review by the Emperor. Only one body of
+thirty thousand men marched in through one section and, two days later,
+evacuated the city.</p>
+
+<p>The same meeting which ratified the preliminaries of peace officially
+proclaimed the expulsion of the imperial dynasty and declared Napoleon
+III responsible for the invasion, the ruin and dismemberment of France.
+The same day also beheld the pathetic withdrawal of the representatives
+of Alsace and of Lorraine, turned over to the conqueror.</p>
+
+<p>The misfortunes of France were far from ended. Paris was soon to break
+out into rebellion under the eyes of the Germans still in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> possession of
+many of the suburbs. The enemy looked on and saw Frenchman killing
+Frenchman in civil war.</p>
+
+<p>It had become obvious that the division of administration between
+Bordeaux and Paris was making government difficult. The Assembly, still
+suspicious of Paris, decided to transfer its place of meeting to
+Versailles. But Paris itself was in a state of nervous hysteria as a
+result of the long and exhausting siege (<i>fi&egrave;vre obsidionale</i>). The
+Paris proletariat were as jealous and suspicious of the Assembly as the
+Assembly of them. The suggestion of a transfer to Versailles instead of
+to Paris seemed a direct challenge. Versailles recalled too easily Louis
+XIV and the Bourbons. The monarchical sympathies of the Assembly were,
+moreover, well known, and the Parisians dreaded the restoration of
+royalty. The people were hungry and penniless, and industry and commerce
+had almost completely ceased. The city was full, besides, of soldiers
+disarmed through the armistice and ready for riot. On the other hand,
+the National Guards, a large body of semi-disciplined militia made up,
+at least in part, of the dregs of the populace, had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> been allowed to
+retain their weapons, and many of them gave their time to drunkenness,
+loafing, and listening to agitators. Some rather injudicious
+condemnations of leaders in the October riots merely aggravated the
+dissatisfaction. All this led to the Commune.</p>
+
+<p>The leaders of the Commune were, some of them, sincere though visionary
+reformers, whose hearts rankled at the sufferings of the poor and the
+inequalities of wealth and privilege. The majority were mischief-makers
+and caf&eacute; orators, loquacious but incompetent or inexperienced, without
+definite plans and unfit to be leaders, some vicious and some dishonest.
+The rank and file soon became a lawless mob, ready to burn and murder,
+imitating, in their ignorant cult of "liberty," the worst phases of the
+French Revolution and its Reign of Terror. Still, the Communards have
+their admirers to-day, and, as the world advances in radicalism, it is
+not unlikely that the Jacobin Charles Delescluze, the bloodthirsty Raoul
+Rigault, and the brilliant and scholarly Gustave Flourens will be
+considered heroic precursors.</p>
+
+<p>The idea of the Commune was decentralization.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> It was an experiment
+aiming at a free and autonomous Paris serving as model for the other
+self-governing communes of France, united merely for their common needs.
+It amounted almost to the quasi-independence of each separate town. But
+mixed up with the theorists of the Commune were countless anarchist
+revolutionaries, followers of the teachings of Blanqui, as well as
+admirers of the great Revolution which overthrew the old r&eacute;gime, and
+socialists of various types.</p>
+
+<p>The germs of the movement which was to culminate in the Commune were
+visible at an early hour. The dissatisfaction of the Radicals with the
+moderation of the Government of National Defence, the riots of October
+31 and January 22 were all symptoms of the discontent of the
+proletariat. Indeed, the proclamation of the Republic, on September 4,
+was itself an object lesson in illegality to the malcontents. Organized
+dissatisfaction began to centre about the obstreperous and disorderly,
+but armed and now "federated" National Guards. Manifestoes signed by
+self-appointed committees of plebeian patriots appeared on the walls of
+Paris. These committees<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> finally merged into the "Comit&eacute; central," or
+were replaced by it. This committee advocated the trial and imprisonment
+of the members of the Government of National Defence, and protested
+against the disarmament of the National Guards and the entrance of the
+Germans into Paris.</p>
+
+<p>The Government was almost helpless. The few regulars left under arms in
+Paris were of doubtful reliance, and General d'Aurelle de Paladines, now
+in command of the National Guards, was not obeyed. A certain number of
+artillery guns in Paris had been paid for by popular subscription, and
+the rumor spread at one time that these were to be turned over to the
+Germans. The populace seized them and dragged them to different parts of
+the city.</p>
+
+<p>The Government decided at last to act boldly and, on March 18,
+dispatched General Lecomte with some troops to seize the guns at
+Montmartre. But the mob surrounded the soldiers, and these mutinied and
+refused to obey orders to fire, and arrested their own commander. Later
+in the day General Lecomte was shot with General Cl&eacute;ment Thomas, a
+former commander of the National Guard,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> who rather thoughtlessly and
+out of curiosity had mingled with the crowd and was recognized.</p>
+
+<p>Thus armed forces in Paris were in direct rebellion. Other outlying
+quarters had also sprung into insurrection. M. Thiers, who had recently
+arrived from Bordeaux, and the chief government officials quartered in
+Paris, withdrew to Versailles. Paris had to be besieged again and
+conquered by force of arms.</p>
+
+<p>In Paris the first elections of the Commune were held on March 26. On
+April 3 an armed sally of the Communards towards Versailles was repulsed
+with the loss of some of their chief leaders, including Flourens.
+Meanwhile, the Army of Versailles had been organized and put under the
+command of Mac-Mahon. Discipline was restored and the advance on Paris
+began.</p>
+
+<p>As time passed in the besieged city the saner men were swept into the
+background and reckless counsels prevailed. Some of the military leaders
+were competent men, such as Cluseret, who had been a general in the
+American army during the Civil War, or Rossel, a trained officer of
+engineers. But many were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> foreign adventurers and soldiers of fortune:
+Dombrowski, Wrobleski, La Cecilia. The civil administration grew into a
+reproduction of the worst phases of the Reign of Terror. Frenzied women
+egged on destruction and slaughter, and when at last the national troops
+fought their way into the conquered city, it was amid the flaming ruins
+of many of its proudest buildings and monuments.</p>
+
+<p>The siege lasted two months. On May 21, the Army of Versailles crossed
+the fortifications and there followed the "Seven Days' Battle," a
+street-by-street advance marked by desperate resistance by the
+Communards and bloodthirsty reprisals by the Versaillais. Civil war is
+often the most cruel and the Versailles troops, made up in large part of
+men recently defeated by the Germans, were glad to conquer somebody.
+Over seventeen thousand were shot down by the victors in this last week.
+The French to-day are horrified and ashamed at the cruel massacres of
+both sides and try to forget the Commune. Suffice it here to say that
+the last serious resistance was made in the cemetery of P&egrave;re-Lachaise,
+where those <i>f&eacute;d&eacute;r&eacute;s</i> taken arms in hand were lined up<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> against a wall
+and shot. Countless others, men, women, and children, herded together in
+bands, were tried summarily and either executed, imprisoned, or deported
+thousands of miles away to New Caledonia, until, years after, in 1879
+and 1880, the pacification of resentments brought amnesty to the
+survivors.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
+
+<p>Fortunately, M. Thiers had more inspiring tasks to deal with than the
+repression of the Commune. One was the liberation of French soil from
+German occupation, another the reorganization of the army. With
+wonderful speed and energy the enormous indemnity was raised and
+progressively paid, the Germans simultaneously evacuating sections of
+French territory. By March, 1873, France was in a position to agree to
+pay the last portion of the war tribute the following September (after
+the fall of Thiers, as it proved), thus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> ridding its soil of the last
+German many months earlier than had been provided for by the Treaty of
+Frankfort. The recovery of France aroused the admiration of the
+civilized world, and the anger of Bismarck, sorry not to have bled the
+country more. He viewed also with suspicion the organization of the army
+and the law of July, 1872, establishing practically universal military
+service. He affected to see in it France's desire for early revenge for
+the loss of Alsace and Lorraine.</p>
+
+<p>M. Thiers, the great leader, did not find his rule uncontested. Brought
+into power as the indispensable man to guide the nation out of war, his
+conceit was somewhat tickled and he wanted to remain necessary. Though
+over seventy he had shown the energy and endurance of a man in his prime
+joined to the wisdom and experience of a life spent in public service
+and the study of history. Elected by an anti-Republican Assembly and
+himself originally a Royalist, the formulator also of the Bordeaux
+Compact, he began to feel, nevertheless, in all sincerity that a
+conservative republic would be the best government, and his vanity made
+him think himself its best<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> leader. This conviction was intensified for
+a while by his successful tactics in threatening to resign, when
+thwarted, and thus bringing the Assembly to terms. But he tried the
+scheme once too often.</p>
+
+<p>The majority in the Assembly was not, in fact, anxious to give free rein
+to Thiers, and it had wanted to avoid committing itself definitely to a
+republic. It wanted also to insure its own continuation as long as
+possible, contrary to the wishes of advanced Republicans like Gambetta,
+who declared that the National Assembly no longer stood for the
+expression of the popular will and should give way to a real constituent
+assembly to organize a permanent republic.</p>
+
+<p>The first endeavor of the Royalists was to bring about a restoration of
+the monarchy. The princes of the Orl&eacute;anist branch were readmitted to
+France and restored to their privileges. A fusion between the two
+branches of the house of Bourbon was absolutely necessary to accomplish
+anything. The members of the younger or constitutionalist Orl&eacute;ans line,
+and notably its leader, the comte de Paris, were disposed to yield to
+the representative<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> of the legitimist branch, the comte de Chambord. He
+was an honorable and upright man, yet one who in statesmanship and
+religion was unable to understand anything since the Revolution. He had
+not been in France for over forty years, he was permeated with a
+religious mystical belief not only in the divinity of royalty, but in
+his own position as God-given (<i>Dieudonn&eacute;</i> was one of his names) and the
+only saviour of France. Moreover, he could not forgive his cousins the
+fact that their great-grandfather had voted for the execution of Louis
+XVI. So he treated their advances haughtily, declined to receive the
+comte de Paris, and issued a manifesto to the country proclaiming his
+unwillingness to give up the white flag for the tricolor. Henry V could
+not let anybody tear from his hand the white standard of Henry IV, of
+Francis I, and of Jeanne d'Arc.</p>
+
+<p>Such medi&aelig;valism dealt the monarchical cause a crushing blow. The
+Royalists had already begun to look askance at M. Thiers and hinted that
+his readiness to go on with the Republic was a tacit violation of the
+Bordeaux Compact. Under the circumstances, however,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> his sincerity need
+not be doubted in believing a republic the only outcome, and his
+ambition or vanity may be excused for wishing to continue its leader. By
+the Rivet-Vitet measure of August 31, 1871, M. Thiers, hitherto "chief
+of executive power," was called "President of the French Republic." He
+was to exercise his functions so long as the Assembly had not completed
+its work and was to be responsible to the Assembly. Thus the legislative
+body elected for an emergency was taking upon itself constituent
+authority and was tending to perpetuate the Republic which the majority
+disliked.</p>
+
+<p>From this time the tension grew greater between Thiers and the Assembly,
+which begrudged him the credit for the negotiations still proceeding,
+and already mentioned above, for the evacuation of France by the
+Germans. It thwarted the wish of the Republicans to transfer the seat of
+the executive and legislature to Paris. Thiers was, indeed, working away
+from the Bordeaux Compact and was advocating a republic, though a
+conservative one. This "treachery" the monarchists could not forgive,
+though bye-elections were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> constantly increasing the Republican
+membership. Thiers did not, on the other hand, welcome the advanced
+republicanism of Gambetta declaring war on clericalism, and proclaiming
+the advent of a new "social stratum" (<i>une couche sociale nouvelle</i>) for
+the government of the nation.</p>
+
+<p>By the middle of 1872, Thiers was the open advocate of "la R&eacute;publique
+conservatrice," and this gradual transformation of a transitional
+republic into a permanent one was what the monarchists could not accept.
+So they declared open war on M. Thiers. On November 29, 1872, a
+committee of thirty was appointed at Thiers's instigation to regulate
+the functions of public authority and the conditions of ministerial
+responsibility. This was inevitably another step toward the affirmation
+of a permanent republic by the clearer specification of governmental
+attributes. The majority of the committee were hostile to M. Thiers and
+were determined to overthrow him. The Left was also growing dissatisfied
+with his opposition to a dissolution. He found it increasingly difficult
+to ride two horses. The committee of thirty wished to prevent Thiers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span>
+from exercising pressure on the Assembly by intervention in debates and
+threats to resign. In February and March, 1873, it proposed that the
+President should notify the Assembly by message of his intention to
+speak, and the ensuing discussion was not to take place in his presence.
+M. Thiers protested in vain against this red tape (<i>chinoiseries</i>). The
+effect was to drive him more and more from the Assembly, where his
+personal influence might be felt.</p>
+
+<p>The crisis became acute when Jules Gr&eacute;vy, President of the Assembly, a
+partisan of Thiers, resigned his office after a disagreement on a
+parliamentary matter. His successor, M. Buffet, at once rigorously
+supported the hostile Right. In April an election in Paris brought into
+opposition Charles de R&eacute;musat, Minister of Foreign Affairs and personal
+friend of Thiers, and Barodet, candidate of the advanced and disaffected
+Republicans. The governmental candidate was defeated. Encouraged by this
+the duc de Broglie, leader of the Right, followed up the attack,
+declaring the Government unable to withstand radicalism. In May he made
+an interpellation on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> the governmental policy. Thiers invoked his right
+of reply and, on May 24, gave a brilliant defence of his past actions,
+formulating his plans for the future organization of the Republic. A
+resolution was introduced by M. Ernoul, censuring the Government and
+calling for a rigidly conservative policy. The government was put in the
+minority by a close vote and M. Thiers forthwith resigned. The victors
+at once chose as his successor the candidate of the Rights, the mar&eacute;chal
+de Mac-Mahon, duc de Magenta, the defeated general of Sedan, a brave and
+upright man, but a novice in politics and statecraft. He declared his
+intention of pursuing a conservative policy and of re-establishing and
+maintaining "l'ordre moral."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The fierceness of hatreds engendered by the Commune may be
+illustrated by the following untranslatable comment by Alexandre Dumas
+fils on Gustave Courbet, a famous writer and a famous painter: "De quel
+accouplement fabuleux d'une limace et d'un paon, de quelles antith&egrave;ses
+g&eacute;n&eacute;siaques, de quel suintement s&eacute;bac&eacute; peut avoir &eacute;t&eacute; g&eacute;n&eacute;r&eacute;e cette
+chose qu'on appelle M. Gustave Courbet? Sous quelle cloche, &agrave; l'aide de
+quel fumier, par suite de quelle mixture de vin, de bi&egrave;re, de mucus
+corrosif et d'&oelig;d&egrave;me flatulent a pu pousser cette courge sonore et
+poilue, ce ventre esth&eacute;tique, incarnation du moi imb&eacute;cile et
+impuissant?" (Quoted in Fiaux's history of the Commune, pp. 582-83.)</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER IV</h2>
+
+<h3>THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE MAR&Eacute;CHAL DE MAC-MAHON</h3>
+
+<h4>May, 1873, to January, 1879</h4>
+
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 463px;">
+<img src="images/illus2.jpg" width="463" height="650" alt="EDME-PATRICE-MAURICE DE MAC-MAHON" title="" />
+<span class="caption">EDME-PATRICE-MAURICE DE MAC-MAHON</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>"L'ordre moral," such was the political catchword of the new
+administration. Just what it meant was not very clear. In general,
+however, it was obviously intended to imply resistance to radicalism
+(republicanism) and the maintenance of a strictly conservative policy,
+strongly tinged with clericalism.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The victors over M. Thiers had
+revived their desire of a monarchical restoration and many of them hoped
+that the mar&eacute;chal de Mac-Mahon would shortly make way for the comte de
+Chambord. But though an anti-republican he was never willing to lend
+himself to any really illegal or dishonest man&oelig;uvres, and his sense
+of honor was of great help to him in his want of political competence.
+So he did not prove the pliant tool of his creators, and his term<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> of
+office saw the definite establishment of the Republic.</p>
+
+<p>The first Cabinet was led by the duc de Broglie who took the portfolio
+of Foreign Affairs. The new Government was viewed askance by the
+conquerors at Berlin, who disliked such an orderly transmission of
+powers as an indication of national recovery and stability. Bismarck
+even exacted new credentials from the French Ambassador. Meanwhile, the
+Minister of the Interior, Beul&eacute;, proceeded to consolidate the authority
+of the new Cabinet by numerous changes in the prefects of the
+departments, turning out the "rascals" of Thiers's administration to
+make room for appointees more amenable to new orders.</p>
+
+<p>The time now seemed ripe for another effort to establish the monarchy
+under the comte de Chambord. It culminated in the "monarchical campaign"
+of October, 1873. The monarchical sympathizers were hand-in-glove with
+the Clericals and for the most part coincided with them. The Royalists
+were inevitably clerical if for no other reason than that monarchy and
+religion both seemed to involve continuity, and the legitimacy of the
+monarchy<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> had always been blessed by the Church. The revolutionary
+Rights of Man were held to be inconsistent with the traditional Rights
+of God and the monarchy. Moreover, the founders of the third republic
+had, with noteworthy exceptions like the devout Trochu, been mildly
+anti-clerical. They were for the most part religious liberals and
+deists, rarely atheists, but that was enough to array the bishops, like
+monseigneur Pie of Poitiers, against them. Indeed, a quick religious
+revival swept over the land, as was shown by numerous pilgrimages,
+including one to Paray-le-Monial, home of the cult of the Sacred Heart.
+France herself should be consecrated to the Sacred Heart, and the idea
+was evolved, afterwards carried out, of the erection of the great votive
+basilica of the Sacr&eacute; C&oelig;ur on the heights of Montmartre.</p>
+
+<p>The first step toward the restoration of "Henry V" was to persuade the
+comte de Paris to make new efforts for a fusion of the two branches.
+Swallowing his pride, the comte de Paris generously went to the home of
+the comte de Chambord at Frohsdorf, in Austria, in August, and paid his
+respects to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> him as head of the family. As the comte de Chambord had no
+children, it was expected that the comte de Paris would be his
+successor. But the old difficulty about the white flag cropped up, and
+the comte de Chambord stubbornly refused to rule over a country above
+which waved the revolutionary tricolor.</p>
+
+<p>Matters dragged on through the summer, during the parliamentary recess,
+and the conservative leaders were outspoken as to their plans to
+overthrow the Republic. It was hoped that some compromise might be
+reached by which could be reconciled, as to the flag, the desires of the
+Assembly which was expected to recall the pretender and those of the
+comte de Chambord who considered his divinely inspired will superior to
+that of the representatives of the people. It was suggested that the
+question of the flag might be settled <i>after</i> his accession to the
+throne. The embassy to Salzburg, in October, of M. Chesnelong, an
+emissary of a committee of nine of the Royalist leaders, achieved only a
+half-success, but left matters sufficiently indeterminate to encourage
+them in continuing their plans. Matters seemed progressing swimmingly
+when,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> on October 27, an unexpected letter from the pretender to M.
+Chesnelong categorically declared that <i>nothing</i> would induce him to
+sacrifice the white banner.</p>
+
+<p>The effect of this letter was to make all hopes of a restoration
+impossible. Everybody knew that the majority of Frenchmen would never
+give up their flag for the white one, whether this were dignified by the
+name of "standard of Arques and Ivry," or whether one called it
+irreverently a "towel," as did Pope Pius IX, impatient at the obstinacy
+of the comte de Chambord. In the midst of the general confusion only one
+thing seemed feasible if governmental anarchy were to be avoided,
+namely, the prorogation of Mac-Mahon's authority, as a rampart against
+rising democracy and a permanent republic. This condition the Orl&eacute;anist
+Right Centre turned to their advantage. By a vote of November 20, the
+executive power was conferred for a definite period of seven years on
+the mar&eacute;chal de Mac-Mahon. Thus a head of the nation was provided who
+might perhaps outlast the Assembly. The vote might be interpreted either
+as the beginning of a permanent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> republican r&eacute;gime, as it proved to be,
+or as the establishment of a definite interlude in anticipation of a new
+attempt to set up a monarchy, this time to the advantage of the younger
+branch. Many hoped that the comte de Chambord would soon be dead, his
+white flag forgotten, and the way open to the comte de Paris. The
+Orl&eacute;anists were pleased by this latter idea, the Republicans were glad
+to have the republican r&eacute;gime recognized for, at any rate, seven years
+to come, accompanied by the promise of a constitutional commission of
+thirty members. The Legitimists alone were disappointed, and, oblivious
+of the fact that the comte de Chambord had lost through his folly, they
+were before long ready to vent their wrath on Mac-Mahon and his adviser,
+the duc de Broglie, who was responsible for the presidential
+prorogation.</p>
+
+<p>The pretender had been completely taken aback at the impression produced
+by his letter. Convinced of his divinely inspired omniscience, and
+certain that he was the foreordained ruler of France, he had thought
+that the Assembly would give way on the question of the flag, or that
+the army would follow him,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> or that Mac-Mahon would yield. His state
+coach had been made ready and a military uniform awaited him at a
+tailor's. He hastened in secret to Versailles, where he remained for a
+while in retirement to watch events, and where Mac-Mahon refused to see
+him. Then, after the vote on the presidency, he sadly returned into
+exile forever.</p>
+
+<p>Never was a greater service done to France than when the comte de
+Chambord refused to give up his flag. Completely out of touch with the
+country through a life spent in exile, inspired with the feeling of his
+divine rights and their superiority to the will of democracy, he would
+scarcely have ascended the throne before some conflict would have broken
+out and the history of France would have registered one revolution more.</p>
+
+<p>The duc de Broglie had considered it good form to resign after the vote
+of November 20, but Mac-Mahon immediately entrusted to him the selection
+of a second Cabinet. In this Cabinet the portfolio of Foreign Affairs
+was given to the duc Decazes, a skilled diplomat, but the Legitimists
+were offended by some of the cabinet changes and their dislike of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span>
+duc de Broglie gradually became more acute. Finally, after several
+months of parliamentary skirmishing the second Broglie Cabinet fell
+before a coalition vote of Republicans and extreme Royalists with a few
+Bonapartists, on May 16, 1874. The Right Centre and Left Centre had
+unsuccessfully joined in support of the Cabinet. The nation was taking
+another step toward republican control and the overthrow of the
+conservatives.</p>
+
+<p>From now on, Mac-Mahon's task became increasingly difficult. After the
+split in the conservative majority it was necessary to rely on
+combination ministries, representing different sets and harder to
+reconcile or to propitiate. The result of Mac-Mahon's first efforts was
+a Cabinet led by a soldier, General de Cissey, and having no pronounced
+political tendencies.</p>
+
+<p>Party differences were becoming accentuated. The downfall of the Broglie
+Cabinet had been largely due to the extreme Royalists and the Orl&eacute;anists
+could not forgive them. The situation was made worse by differences in
+interpretation of the law of November 20, establishing the "septennat"
+of the mar&eacute;chal de Mac-Mahon. Some of the Monarchists<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> maintained the
+"septennat personnel," namely, the election of one specific person to
+hold office for seven years, with the idea that he could withdraw at any
+time in favor of a king. Others interpreted the law as establishing a
+"septennat impersonnel," a definite truce of seven years, which should
+still hold even if Mac-Mahon had to be replaced before the expiration of
+the time by another President. Then, they hoped, their enemy Thiers
+would be dead. The Republicans were, of course, desirous of making the
+impersonal "septennat" lead to a permanent republic, and declared that
+Mac-Mahon was not the President of a seven years' republic, but
+President, for seven years, of the Republic.</p>
+
+<p>In this state of affairs the Bonapartists now became somewhat active
+again. Strangely enough, the disasters of 1870 were already growing
+sufficiently remote for some of the anti-Republicans to turn again to
+the prospect of empire. This menace frightened the moderate Royalists
+into what they had kept hesitating to do; that is to say, into spurring
+to activity the purposely inactive and dilatory constitutional
+commission.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The stumbling-block was the recognition of the Republic itself and the
+admission that the form of government existing in France was to be
+permanent. There was much parliamentary skirmishing over various plans,
+rejected one after the other, inclining in turn toward the Republic and
+a monarchy. Finally, some of the Monarchists, discouraged by the rising
+tide of "radicalism," and frightened lest unwillingness to accept a
+conservative republic now might result still worse for them in the
+future, rallied in support of the motion of M. Wallon, known as the
+"amendement Wallon," which was adopted by a vote of 353 to 352 (January,
+1875): "The President of the Republic is elected by absolute majority of
+votes by the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies united as a National
+Assembly. He is chosen for seven years and is re-eligible."</p>
+
+<p>In this vote the fateful statement was made concerning the election of a
+President other than Mac-Mahon and the transmission of power in a
+republic. The third Republic received its definite consecration by a
+majority of <i>one vote</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The vote on the Wallon amendment dealt<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> with only one article of a
+project not yet voted as a whole, but it was the crossing of the
+Rubicon. The other articles were adopted by increased majorities.</p>
+
+<p>The Ministry of General de Cissey had already resigned upon a minor
+question, but had held over at the President's request. Mac-Mahon now
+asked the Monarchist M. Buffet to form a conservative conciliation
+Cabinet, which was made up almost entirely from the Right Centre
+(Orl&eacute;anists) and the Left Centre (moderate Republicans) and accepted at
+first by the Republican Left. By this Cabinet still one more step was
+taken toward Republican preponderance.</p>
+
+<p>During the Buffet Ministry three important matters occupied public
+attention. One was the completion of the new constitution. A second was
+the creation of "free" universities, not under control of the State.
+This step was advocated in the name of intellectual freedom, but the
+whole scheme was backed by the Catholics and merely resulted in the
+creation of Catholic faculties in several great cities. A third matter
+was the intense anxiety over the prospect of a rupture with Germany.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span>
+Bismarck was renewing his policy of pin-pricks. The French army had been
+strengthened by a battalion to every regiment, and so Bismarck
+complained of the strictures of French and Belgian bishops on his
+anti-papal policy. Whether he only meant to humiliate France still more,
+or whether he actually desired a new rupture so as to crush the country
+finally, is not clear. At any rate, with the aid of England and
+especially of Russia, France showed that she was not helpless, and
+Bismarck protested that he was absolutely friendly.</p>
+
+<p>By the close of 1875, the measures constituting the new Government had
+been voted and, on December 31, the Assembly, which had governed France
+since the Franco-Prussian War, was dissolved to make way for the new
+legislature. During the succeeding elections M. Buffet's Cabinet,
+antagonized by the Republicans and rent by internal dissensions, went to
+pieces, M. Buffet personally suffered disastrously at the polls. The
+slate was clear for a totally new organization. The Assembly had done
+many a good service, but its dilatoriness in establishing a permanent
+government, its ingratitude to M. Thiers, its clericalism,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> and its
+stubbornness in trying to foist a king on the people made it pass away
+unregretted by a country which had far outstripped it in republicanism.</p>
+
+<p>The "Constitution of 1875," under which, with some modifications, France
+is still governed, is not a single document constructed <i>a priori</i>, like
+the Constitution of the United States. It was partly the result of the
+evolution of the National Assembly itself, partly the result of
+compromises and dickerings between hostile groups. Particularly, it
+expressed the jealousy of a monarchical assembly for a President of a
+republic, and the desire, therefore, to keep power in the hands of its
+own legislative successor. The Assembly took it for granted that the
+Chamber of Deputies would have the same opinions as itself. As a matter
+of fact, the political complexion of the legislature has been
+consistently toward radicalism, and the result has hindered a strong
+executive and promoted legislative demagogy.</p>
+
+<p>The Constitution of 1875 may be considered as consisting of the
+Constitutional Law of February 25, relating to the organization of the
+public powers (President, Senate, Chamber<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> of Deputies, Ministers,
+etc.); the Constitutional Law of the previous day, February 24, relating
+to the organization of the Senate; the Constitutional Law of July 16, on
+the relations of the public powers. Subsidiary "organic laws" voted
+later determined the procedure for the election of Senators and
+Deputies. The vote of February 25 was the crucial one in the definite
+establishment of the Republican r&eacute;gime. The Constitution has undergone
+certain slight modifications since its adoption.</p>
+
+<p>By the Constitution of 1875 the government of the French Republic was
+vested in a Senate and a Chamber of Deputies. The Senate consisted of
+300 members, of whom 75 were chosen for life by the expiring Assembly,
+their successors to be elected by co-optation in the Senate itself. The
+other 225, chosen for nine years and renewable by thirds, were to be
+elected by a method of indirect selection. In 1884, the choice of life
+Senators ceased and the seats, as they fell vacant, have been
+distributed among the Departments of the country. The Deputies were
+elected by universal suffrage for a period of four years. Unless a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span>
+candidate obtained an absolute majority of the votes cast, the election
+was void, and a new one was necessary. Except during the period from
+1885 to 1889, the Deputies have represented districts determined, unless
+for densely populated ones, by the administrative <i>arrondissements</i>.
+From 1885 to 1889, the <i>scrutin de liste</i> was in operation: the <i>whole</i>
+Department voted on a ticket containing as many names as there were
+<i>arrondissements</i>. The prerogatives of the two houses were identical
+except that financial measures were to originate in the Chamber of
+Deputies. As a matter of fact, the Senate has fallen into the
+background, and the habit of considering the vote of the Chamber rather
+than that of the Senate as important in a change of Ministry has made it
+the true source of government in France. The two houses met at
+Versailles until 1879; since then Paris has been the capital, except for
+the election of a President. After separate decision by each house to do
+so, or the request of the President, they could meet in joint assembly
+as a Constitutional Convention to revise the constitution.</p>
+
+<p>The Senate and Chamber, united in joint<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> session as a National Assembly,
+were to choose a President for a definite term of seven years, not to
+fill out an incomplete term vacated by another President. The President
+could be re-elected. With the consent of the Senate he could dissolve
+the Chamber, but this restriction made the privilege almost inoperative
+in practice. He was irresponsible, the nominal executive and figurehead
+of the State, but all his acts had to be countersigned by a responsible
+Minister, by which his initiative was greatly reduced. In fact the
+President had really less power than a constitutional king.</p>
+
+<p>The real executive authority was in the hands of the Cabinet, headed by
+a Premier or <i>Pr&eacute;sident du conseil</i>.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> The Ministry was responsible to
+the Senate and Chamber (in practice, as we have seen, to the Chamber),
+and was expected to resign as a whole if put by a vote in the minority.
+By custom the President selects the Premier from the majority and the
+latter selects his colleagues in the Cabinet, trying to make them
+representatives<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> of the wishes of the Parliament. The French Republic is
+therefore managed by a parliamentary government.</p>
+
+<p>The first elections under the new constitution resulted very much as
+might be expected: the Senate became in personnel the true successor of
+the Assembly, the Chamber of Deputies contained most of the new men. The
+Senate was conservative and monarchical, the Chamber was republican.
+Therefore, the President of the Republic entrusted the formation of a
+Ministry to M. Jules Dufaure, of the Left Centre, the views of which
+group differed hardly at all from those of the Right Centre, except in a
+full acceptance of the new conditions. Unfortunately, M. Dufaure found
+it impossible to ride two horses at once and to satisfy both the
+conservative Senate and the majority in the Chamber of more advanced
+Republicans than himself. He mistrusted the Republican leader Gambetta,
+though the latter was now far more moderate, and he sympathized too much
+with the Clericals to suit the new order of things. So his Cabinet
+resigned (December 2, 1876), less than nine months after its
+appointment, and the mar&eacute;chal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> de Mac-Mahon felt it necessary, very much
+against his will, to call to power Jules Simon. He had previously tried
+unsuccessfully to form a Cabinet from the Right Centre under the duc de
+Broglie.</p>
+
+<p>The duc de Broglie remained, however, the power behind the throne. The
+President was under the political advice of the conservative set, whose
+firm conviction he shared, that the new Republic was advancing headlong
+into irreligion. The course of political events now took on a strong
+religious flavor. Jules Simon was a liberal, which was considered a
+misfortune, though he announced himself now as "deeply republican and
+deeply conservative." But people knew his unfriendly relations with
+Gambetta, which dated from 1871, when he checkmated the dictator at
+Bordeaux. It was hoped that open dissension might break out in the
+Republican party which would justify measures tending to a conservative
+reaction, and help tide over the time until 1880. Then the constitution
+might be revised at the expiration of Mac-Mahon's term and the monarchy
+perhaps restored.</p>
+
+<p>Gambetta was, however, now a very different<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> man. Discarding his former
+unbending radicalism, he was now the advocate of the "political policy
+of results," or <i>opportunism</i>, a method of conciliation, of compromise,
+and of waiting for the favorable opportunity. This was to be,
+henceforth, the policy closely connected with his name and fame. So
+Jules Simon soon was sacrificed.</p>
+
+<p>The efforts of the Clerical party bore chiefly in two directions:
+control of education and advocacy of increased papal authority,
+particularly of the temporal power of the Pope, dispossessed of his
+states a few years before by the Government of Victor Emmanuel. This
+latter course could only tend to embroil France with Italy. So convinced
+was Gambetta of the unwise and disloyal activities of the Ultramontanes
+that on May 4, in a speech to the Chamber, he uttered his famous cry:
+"Le cl&eacute;ricalisme, voil&agrave; l'ennemi!"</p>
+
+<p>Jules Simon found himself in a very difficult position. Desirous of
+conciliating Mac-Mahon and his clique, he adopted a policy somewhat at
+variance with his former liberal religious views. On the other hand, he
+could not satisfy the President, who had always disliked him,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> or those
+who had determined upon his overthrow. The crisis came on May 16, 1877,
+when Mac-Mahon, taking advantage of some very minor measures, wrote a
+haughty and indignant letter to Jules Simon, to say that the Minister no
+longer had his confidence. Jules Simon, backed up by a majority in the
+Chamber, could very well have engaged in a constitutional struggle with
+Mac-Mahon, but he rather weakly resigned the next day.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Thus was
+opened the famous conflict known in French history, from its date, as
+the "Seize-Mai."</p>
+
+<p>No sooner was Jules Simon out of the way than Mac-Mahon appointed a
+reactionary coalition Ministry of Orl&eacute;anists and Imperialists headed by
+the duc de Broglie, and held apparently ready in waiting. The Ministers
+were at variance on many political questions, but united as to
+clericalism. The plan was to dissolve the Republican Chamber with the
+co-operation of the anti-Republican Senate, in the hope that a new
+election, under official<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> pressure, would result in a monarchical lower
+house also. The Chamber of Deputies was therefore prorogued until June
+16 and then dissolved. At the meeting of May 18, the Republicans
+presented a solid front of 363 in their protest against the high-handed
+action of the mar&eacute;chal de Mac-Mahon.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 459px;">
+<img src="images/illus3.jpg" width="459" height="650" alt="L&Eacute;ON GAMBETTA" title="" />
+<span class="caption">L&Eacute;ON GAMBETTA</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>The new Cabinet began by a wholesale revocation of administrative
+officials throughout the country, and spent the summer in unblushing
+advocacy of its candidates. Those favored by the Government were so
+indicated and their campaign manifestoes were printed on official white
+paper.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> The Republicans united their forces to support the re-election
+of the 363 and gave charge of their campaign to a committee of eighteen
+under the inspiring leadership of Gambetta. In a great speech at Lille,
+Gambetta declared that the President would have to "give in or give up"
+(<i>se soumettre ou se d&eacute;mettre</i>), for which crime of <i>l&egrave;se-majest&eacute;</i> he
+was condemned by default to fine and imprisonment. In September, Thiers,
+the great leader of the early Republic, died, and his funeral was made
+the occasion of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> a great manifestation of Republican unity. Finally, in
+spite of governmental pressure and the pulpit exhortations of the
+clergy, the elections in October resulted in a new Republican Chamber.
+The reactionary Cabinet was face to face with as firm an opposition as
+before.</p>
+
+<p>The duc de Broglie, in view of this crushing defeat, was ready to
+withdraw, and Mac-Mahon, after some hesitation, accepted his
+resignation. Mac-Mahon's own fighting blood was up, however, and he
+tried the experiment of an extra-parliamentary Ministry led by General
+de Rochebou&euml;t, the members of which were conservatives without seats in
+Parliament. But the Chamber refused to enter into relations with it, and
+as the budget was pressing and the Senate was not disposed to support a
+second dissolution, Mac-Mahon had to submit and the Rochebou&euml;t Cabinet
+withdrew.</p>
+
+<p>Thus ended Mac-Mahon's unsuccessful attempt to exert his personal power.
+The Seize-Mai has sometimes been likened to an abortive <i>coup d'&eacute;tat</i>.
+The parallel is hardly justifiable. Mac-Mahon would have welcomed a
+return of the monarchy at the end of his term<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> of office, but he
+intended to remain faithful to the constitution, however much he might
+strain it or interpret it under the advice of his Clerical managers, and
+though he might have been willing to use troops to enforce his wishes.
+One unfortunate result ensued: the crisis left the Presidency still more
+weak. Any repetition of Mac-Mahon's experiment of dissolving the Chamber
+would revive accusations against one of his successors of attempting a
+<i>coup d'&eacute;tat</i>. There have been times when the country would have
+welcomed the dissolution by a strong President of an incompetent
+Chamber. Unfortunately, Mac-Mahon stood for the reactionaries against
+the Republic. His course of action would be a dangerous precedent.</p>
+
+<p>The new order of things was marked by the advent of another Dufaure
+Ministry, very moderate in tendency, but acceptable to the majority.
+Most of the high-handed doings of the Broglie Cabinet were revoked, much
+to the disgust of Mac-Mahon, who frequently lost his temper when obliged
+to sign documents of which he disapproved. Finally, in January, 1879, in
+a controversy with his Cabinet<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> over some military transfers, Mac-Mahon
+resigned, over a year before the expiration of his term of office.
+Moreover, at the recent elections to the Senate the Republicans had
+obtained control of even that body. Thus he was alone, with both houses
+and the Ministry against him.</p>
+
+<p>In spite of the unfortunate endless internal dissensions, France made
+great strides in national recovery during the Presidency of Mac-Mahon.
+His rank and military title gave prestige to the Republic in presence of
+the diplomats of European monarchies, the German crisis of 1875 showed
+that Bismarck was not to have a free hand in crushing France, the
+participation of France in the Congress of Berlin enabled the country to
+take a place again among the European Powers. Finally, the International
+Exhibition of 1878 was an invitation to the world to witness the
+recovery of France from her disasters and to testify to her right to
+lead again in art and industry.</p>
+
+<p>The Presidency of Mac-Mahon shows the desperate efforts of the
+Monarchists to overthrow the Republic, and then to control it in view of
+an ultimate Restoration, either<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> by obstructing the vote of a
+constitution or by hindering its operation. Throughout, the Monarchists
+and the Clericals work together or are identical. The end of his term of
+office found the whole Government in the hands of the Republicans.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Clericalism does not imply political activity on the part
+of the clergy alone, but quite as much of laymen strongly in favor of
+the Church.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Before the Constitution of 1875, the Premier was only
+<i>vice-pr&eacute;sident du conseil</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> The Chamber, on May 12, had expressed itself in favor of
+the publicity of meetings of municipal councils, during the absence of
+the Minister of the Interior. On May 15, it had passed the second
+reading of a law, opposed by Jules Simon, on the freedom of the press.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> In France only official posters may be printed on white
+paper.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER V</h2>
+
+<h3>THE ADMINISTRATION OF JULES GR&Eacute;VY</h3>
+
+<h4>January, 1879, to December, 1887</h4>
+
+
+<p>The resignation of the mar&eacute;chal de Mac-Mahon was followed by the
+immediate gathering, in accordance with the constitution, of the
+National Assembly, which chose as President for seven years Jules Gr&eacute;vy.
+The new chief magistrate, elected without a competitor, was already
+seventy-two, and had in his long career won the reputation of a
+dignified and sound statesman, in whose hands public affairs might be
+entrusted with absolute safety. He represented a step beyond the
+military and aristocratic r&eacute;gime which had preceded him. The embodiment
+of the old <i>bourgeoisie</i>, he had, along with its qualities, some of its
+defects. Eminently cautious, his statesmanship had been at times a
+non-committal reserve more than constructive genius. His parsimony soon
+caused people to accuse him of unduly saving his salary and state
+allowances, while his personal dislikes led him<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> to err grievously in
+his choice of advisers, or rather in his elimination of Gambetta, to
+whom circumstances now pointed.</p>
+
+<p>Jules Gr&eacute;vy hated Gambetta, undeniably the leading figure in the
+Republican party since the death of Thiers, and neglected to entrust to
+him the formation of a Cabinet. Thiers himself had shown greater wisdom.
+He, too, had disliked the raging and apparently futile volubility of the
+young tribune during the Franco-Prussian War, but Thiers got over
+calling Gambetta a "fou furieux." On the contrary, just after the
+Seize-Mai and before his own death, when Thiers was expecting to return
+to the Presidency as successor to a discredited Mac-Mahon, he had
+intended to make Gambetta the head of his Cabinet. For Gambetta with
+maturity had become more moderate. Instead of drastic political remedies
+he was gradually evolving, as already stated, the policy of
+"Opportunism" so closely linked with his name, the method of gradual
+advance by concessions and compromises, by taking advantage of occasions
+and making one's general policy conform with opportunity.</p>
+
+<p>If Gambetta, as leader of the majority group<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> in the Republican party,
+which had evicted Mac-Mahon, had become Prime Minister, it is conceded
+that the precedent would have been set by the new administration for
+parliamentary government with a true party leadership, as in Great
+Britain. Instead, Gr&eacute;vy entrusted the task of forming a Ministry to an
+upright but colorless leader named Waddington, at the head of a
+composite Cabinet, more moderate in policy than Gambetta, who became
+presiding officer of the Chamber of Deputies. The consequence was that,
+after lasting less than a year, it gave way to another Cabinet led by
+the great political trimmer Freycinet,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> until in due time it was in
+turn succeeded by the Ministry of Jules Ferry in September, 1880.</p>
+
+<p>It must not be inferred that nothing was accomplished by the Waddington
+and Freycinet Ministries. Indeed, Jules Ferry, the chief Republican next
+to Gambetta, was himself a member of these two Cabinets before leading
+his own.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span></p>
+<p>The lining-up of Republican groups, as opposed to the Monarchists, under
+the new administration was: the Left Centre, composed as in the past of
+ultra-conservative Republicans, constantly diminishing numerically; the
+Republican Left, which followed Jules Ferry; the Republican Union of
+Gambetta; and, finally, the radical Extreme Left, which had taken for
+itself many of the advanced measures advocated by Gambetta when he had
+been a radical. One of its leaders was Georges Clemenceau. Between the
+two large groups of Ferry and Gambetta there was little difference in
+ideals, but Gambetta was now the Opportunist and Ferry made his own
+Gambetta's old battle-cry against clericalism.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 464px;">
+<img src="images/illus4.jpg" width="464" height="650" alt="JULES FERRY" title="" />
+<span class="caption">JULES FERRY</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>The Chamber elected after the Seize-Mai was by reaction markedly
+anti-Clerical, and the Waddington Cabinet, to begin with, contained
+three Protestants and a freethinker. Obviously steps would soon be taken
+to defeat the "enemy." In this movement Jules Ferry was from the
+beginning a leader, by direct action as well as by the educational
+reforms which he carried out as Minister of Public Instruction. Jules
+Ferry became, more than<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> Gambetta, the great bugbear of the Clericals
+and the author of the "lois sc&eacute;l&eacute;rates."</p>
+
+<p>During the Waddington Ministry Jules Ferry began his efforts for the
+reorganization of superior instruction, and among his measures carried
+through the Chamber of Deputies the notorious "Article 7" indirectly
+aimed at Jesuit influence in <i>secondary</i> teaching as well: "No person
+can direct any public or private establishment whatsoever or teach
+therein if he belongs to an unauthorized order." The Jesuits had at that
+time no legal footing in France, but were openly tolerated. The Senate
+rejected this article under the Freycinet Ministry and the law was
+finally adopted thus apparently weakened. But Jules Ferry, nothing
+daunted, immediately put into operation the no less notorious decrees of
+March, 1880, reviving older laws going back even to 1762, which had long
+since fallen into disuse. By these decrees the Jesuit establishments
+were to be closed and the members dispersed within three months.
+Moreover, every unauthorized order was, under penalty of expulsion, to
+apply for authorization within a like limit of time. The expulsion of
+the Jesuits<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> was carried out with a certain spectacular display of
+passive resistance on the part of those evicted. Later in the year
+similar steps were taken against many other organizations.</p>
+
+<p>It is evident from the above that the promotion of educational reform
+under Republican control was definitely connected with measures directed
+against clerical domination. The French Catholic Church, on its part,
+treated every attempt toward laicization as a form of persecution. But
+Jules Ferry unhesitatingly extended his policy when he became Prime
+Minister. His measures were genuinely neutral, but his reputation as a
+Voltairian freethinker and a freemason inevitably afforded his opponents
+an excuse for their charges.</p>
+
+<p>Jules Ferry's reforms in education, extending over several Cabinet
+periods as late as 1882, included secondary education for girls, and
+free, obligatory, lay, primary instruction. To Americans accustomed to
+such methods of education it is difficult to conceive the struggles of
+Jules Ferry and his assistant on the floor of the House, Paul Bert, in
+carrying through these measures for the training of the democracy.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In foreign affairs Jules Ferry inaugurated a more active policy
+symptomatic of the return of France to participation in international
+matters. At the Congress of Berlin, France had avoided entanglements,
+but, even at that early period, Lord Salisbury had hinted to M.
+Waddington, present as French delegate, that no interference would be
+made by England, were France to advance claims in Tunis. This suggestion
+came, perhaps, originally from Bismarck, who was not averse to
+embroiling France with Italy. That country longed for Tunis so
+conveniently situated near Sicily. England, moreover, was probably not
+desirous of seeing the Italians thus strategically ensconced in the
+Mediterranean.</p>
+
+<p>In 1881, financial man&oelig;uvres and the plundering expeditions into
+Algeria of border tribes called Kroumirs afforded a pretext for
+intervention, to the indignation of Italy, which was thus more than ever
+inclined to seek alliances against France, even with Germany. Here,
+indeed, was the germ of the Triple Alliance. An easy advance to Tunis
+forced the Bey to accept a French protectorate by the Treaty of the
+Bardo on May 12, 1881. Later in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> the year the situation became rather
+serious, and new and rather costly military operations became necessary,
+including the occupation of Sfax, Gab&egrave;s, and Kairouan.</p>
+
+<p>Thus France came into possession of valuable territories, but at the
+cost of Italian indignation. Moreover, Jules Ferry, who was always one
+of the most hated of party leaders in his own country, reaped no
+advantage to himself. His enemies affected to believe that the whole
+Tunisian war was a game of capitalists, or was planned for effect upon
+elections to the new Chamber. The boulevards refused to take the
+Kroumirs seriously and joked about "Cherchez le Kroumir." Finally, on
+November 9, 1881, the personal intervention of Gambetta before the newly
+elected Chamber of Deputies saved the Cabinet on a vote of confidence.
+Jules Ferry none the less determined to resign, and Gambetta, in spite
+of Gr&eacute;vy's aversion, was the inevitable man for the formation of a new
+Cabinet.</p>
+
+<p>Gambetta's great opportunity had come too late to be effective. The
+undoubted leader of the Republic, he had grown in statesmanship since
+his early days, but was still hated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> by men like Gr&eacute;vy who could not get
+over their old prejudices. Then the advanced radicals, or
+<i>intransigeants</i>, thought him a traitor to his old platforms or
+<i>programmes</i>.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> They blamed his Opportunism and said that he wanted
+power without responsibility. Gambetta's enemies, whether the duc de
+Broglie or Clemenceau, talked of his secret influence (<i>pouvoir
+occulte</i>), and accused him of aspiring to a dictatorship, in fact if not
+in name. Their suspicions were somewhat deepened by Gambetta's ardent
+advocacy of the <i>scrutin de liste</i> instead of the existing <i>scrutin
+d'arrondissement</i>.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p>
+
+<p>It was asserted that Gambetta wanted to diminish the independence of
+local representation and marshal behind himself a subservient majority.
+To Gambetta the <i>scrutin de liste</i> was the truly republican form of
+representation, the one existing under the National<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> Assembly and
+abolished by the reactionaries under the new constitution.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, Gambetta had against him, during the campaign for renewal of the
+Chamber of Deputies in the summer of 1881, not only the anti-Republicans
+but also timid liberals like Jules Simon, the influence of President
+Gr&eacute;vy, and the <i>intransigeants</i>. The Senate was averse to the <i>scrutin
+de liste</i> and rejected, in the spring of 1881, the measure which
+Gambetta carried through the Chamber. Gambetta, formerly the idol of the
+working classes of Paris, met with opposition, was hooted in one of his
+own political rallies, and was re-elected on the first ballot in one
+only of the two districts in which he was a candidate.</p>
+
+<p>The elections of the Chamber of 1881 resulted in a strongly Republican
+body, in which, however, the majority subdivided into groups. Gambetta's
+"Union r&eacute;publicaine" was the most numerous, followed by Ferry's "Gauche
+r&eacute;publicaine," and the extremists. A certain fraction of Gambetta's
+group, including Henri Brisson and Charles Floquet, also tended to stick
+together. They were the germ of what became in time the great Radical
+party.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It had been hoped that Gambetta would bring into his Cabinet all the
+other leaders of his party, and at last form a great governing ministry.
+But men like L&eacute;on Say and Freycinet refused their collaboration because
+of divergence of views or personal pride. Gambetta then decided to pick
+his collaborators from his immediate friends and partisans, some of whom
+had yet a reputation to make. The anticipated "Great Ministry" turned
+out to be, its opponents said, a "minist&egrave;re de commis," a cabinet of
+clerks. The fact that it contained men like Waldeck-Rousseau, Raynal,
+and Rouvier showed, however, that Gambetta could discover ability in
+others. But it was declared that the "dictator" was marshalling his
+henchmen. The extremists, especially, were furious because Gambetta also
+magnanimously gave important posts to non-Republicans like General de
+Miribel and the journalist J.-J. Weiss.</p>
+
+<p>The "Great Ministry" remained in office two months and a half and came
+to grief on the proposed revision of the constitution, in which Gambetta
+wished to incorporate the <i>scrutin de liste</i>. In January, 1882, it had
+to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> resign and Gambetta died on the last day of the same year. Thus, the
+third Republic lost its leading statesman since the death of Thiers.</p>
+
+<p>The year 1882 was filled by the two ineffective Cabinets of Freycinet
+(second time) and of Duclerc. Under the former, France made the mistake,
+injurious to her interests and prestige, of withdrawing from the
+Egyptian condominium with Great Britain and allowing the latter country
+free play for the conquest and occupation of Egypt. Thus the fruits of
+De Lesseps' piercing of the Isthmus of Suez went definitely to England.
+The death of Gambetta under the Duclerc-Falli&egrave;res Ministry<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> seemed to
+reawaken the hopes of the anti-Republicans, and Jerome Napoleon, chief
+Bonapartist pretender since the decease of the Prince Imperial, issued a
+manifesto against the Republic. Parliament fell into a ludicrous panic,
+various contradictory measures were proposed, and in the general
+confusion the Cabinet fell after an adverse vote.</p>
+
+<p>In this contingency President Gr&eacute;vy did what he should have done before,
+and called to office the leading statesman. This was now<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> Jules Ferry.
+At last France had an administration which lasted a little over two
+years. But Ferry was still intensely unpopular. He had become the
+successor of Gambetta and the exponent of the policy of Opportunism,
+which he tried to carry out with even more constructive statesmanship.
+But he was totally wanting in Gambetta's magnetism, and his domineering
+ways made him hated the more. The Clericals opposed him as the
+"persecutor" of the Catholic religion, and the Radicals thought he did
+not go far enough in his hostility to the Church. For Jules Ferry saw
+that the times were not ripe for disestablishment, and that the system
+of the <i>Concordat</i>, in vogue since Napoleon I, really gave the State
+more control over the Clergy than it would have in case of separation.
+The State would lose its power in appointments and salaries. Jules Ferry
+knew that the Church could be useful to him, and the politic Leo XIII,
+very different from Pius IX, was ready to meet him part way, though the
+Pope himself had to humor to a certain extent the hostility to the
+Republic of the French Monarchists and Clericals. Jules Ferry, like
+Gambetta, also had to put<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> up with the veiled hostility of President
+Gr&eacute;vy, working in Parliament through the intrigues of his son-in-law
+Wilson. Moreover, Ferry was made to bear the odium for a long period of
+financial depression, which had lasted since 1882, starting with the
+sensational failure (<i>krach</i>) of a large bank, the Union g&eacute;n&eacute;rale. So
+his career was made a torture and he was vilified perhaps more than any
+man of the third Republic.</p>
+
+<p>The extremists had in time another grievance against Jules Ferry in his
+opposition to a radical revision of the constitution. The enemies of the
+Republic still feigned to believe, especially when the death of the
+comte de Chambord in 1883 had fused the Legitimists and Orl&eacute;anists, that
+an integral revision would pave the way for a monarchical restoration.
+The Radicals demanded the suppression of the power of the Senate, whose
+consent was necessary to summon a constitutional convention. A Congress
+was summoned in 1884 at which the very limited programme of the Ministry
+was put through. The changes merely eliminated from the constitution the
+prescriptions for senatorial elections. After<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span> this, by an ordinary
+statute, life-senatorships were abolished for the future, and some
+changes were made in the choice of senatorial electors.</p>
+
+<p>Jules Ferry was what would to-day be called an imperialist. In this he
+may have been unwise, for the French, though intrepid explorers, do not
+care to settle permanently far from the motherland. The north coast of
+Africa might have been a sufficient field for enterprise. But Jules
+Ferry thought that the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria, and Italy,
+formed in 1882, was going to isolate France permanently in Europe. So
+she was to regain her prestige by territorial annexations in the Sudan,
+the Congo, Madagascar, Annam, and Tonkin.</p>
+
+<p>The French had some nominal rights on Tonkin since 1874, and
+disturbances there had caused a revival of activities. When the French
+officer Rivi&egrave;re was killed in an ambuscade in May, 1883, Jules Ferry
+sent heavy reinforcements and forced the King of Annam to acknowledge a
+French protectorate. This stirred up the Chinese, who also claimed
+Annam, and who caused the invasion of Tonkin by guerillas supported by
+their own troops.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> After various operations in Tonkin the Treaty of
+Tien-tsin was signed with China in May, 1884, by which China made the
+concessions called for by the French. Within a month Chinese troops
+ambuscaded a French column at Bac-Le and the Government decided on a
+punitive expedition. Thus France was engaged in troublesome warfare with
+China, without direct parliamentary authorization. The bombardment of
+Foo-chow, the attack on the island of Formosa, and the blockade of the
+coast dragged along unsatisfactorily through 1884 and 1885.</p>
+
+<p>While Jules Ferry in the spring of 1885 was actually negotiating a final
+peace with China on terms satisfactory to the French, the cession of
+Annam and Tonkin with a commercial treaty, and while he was
+categorically affirming in the Chamber of Deputies the success of
+military operations in Tonkin, a sudden dispatch from the East threw
+everything into a turmoil. General Bri&egrave;re de l'Isle telegraphed from
+Tonkin that the French had been disastrously defeated at Lang-son and
+General de N&eacute;grier severely wounded. The news proved to be a grievous
+exaggeration which was contradicted<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> by a later dispatch some hours
+after, but the damage was done. On March 30, in the Chamber of Deputies,
+Jules Ferry was insulted and abused by the leaders of a coalition of
+anti-Republicans and Radicals. The "Tonkinois," as his vilifiers called
+him, disgusted and discouraged, made little attempt to defend himself,
+and his Cabinet fell by a vote of 306 to 149. On April 4, the
+preliminaries of a victorious treaty of peace were signed with China.</p>
+
+<p>The fall of Jules Ferry was a severe blow to efficient government. It
+marked the end, for a long time, of any effort to construct satisfactory
+united Cabinets led by a strong man. It set a precedent for innumerable
+short-lived Ministries built on the treacherous sands of shifting
+groups. It paved the way for a deterioration in parliamentary
+management. It accentuated the bitter hatred now existing between the
+Union des gauches, as the united Gambetta and Ferry Opportunist groups
+called themselves, on the one hand, and the Radicals and the Extreme
+Left on the other. The Radicals, in particular, were influential, and
+one of their more moderate members,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> Henri Brisson, became the head of
+the next Cabinet. Brisson's name testified to an advance toward
+radicalism, but the Cabinet contained all sorts of moderate and
+nondescript elements, dubbed a "concentration" Cabinet. Its chief
+function was to tide over the elections of 1885, for a new Chamber of
+Deputies. In anticipation of this election Gambetta's long-desired
+<i>scrutin de liste</i> had been rather unexpectedly voted.</p>
+
+<p>The workings of the new method of voting were less satisfactory than had
+been anticipated. Republican dissensions and a greater union of the
+opposition caused a tremendous reactionary landslide on the first
+ballot. This was greatly reduced on the second ballot, so that the
+Republicans emerged with a large though diminished majority. But the old
+Left Centre had practically disappeared and the Radicals were vastly
+more numerous. The great divisions were now the Right, the moderate
+Union des gauches, the Radicals, and the revolutionary Extreme Left. The
+Brisson Cabinet was blamed for not "working" the elections more
+successfully and it resigned at the time of President Gr&eacute;vy's
+re-election. He<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> had reached the end of his seven years' term and was
+chosen again on December 28, 1885. He was to have troublesome
+experiences during the short time he remained in the Presidency.</p>
+
+<p>The Freycinet, Goblet, and Rouvier Cabinets, which fill the rest of
+Gr&eacute;vy's Presidency, were largely engrossed with a new danger in the
+person of General Boulanger. He first appeared in a prominent position
+as Minister of War in the Freycinet Cabinet. A young, brilliant, and
+popular though unprincipled officer, he soon devoted himself to demagogy
+and put himself at the head of the jingoes who called Ferry the slave of
+Bismarck. The expeditions of Tunis and Tonkin had, moreover, thrown a
+glamour over the flag and the army.</p>
+
+<p>Boulanger began at once to play politics and catered to the advanced
+parties, who adopted him as their own. He backed up the spectacular
+expulsion of the princes, which, as an answer to the monarchical
+progress, drove from France the heads of formerly reigning families and
+their direct heirs in line of primogeniture, and carried out their
+radiation from the army. The populace cheered the gallant general on his
+black horse, and when Bismarck complained<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> that he was a menace to the
+peace of Europe Boulanger's fortune seemed made. At a certain moment
+France and Germany were on the brink of war in the so-called Schnaebele
+affair.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> So, when Boulanger was left out of the Rouvier Cabinet
+combination in May, 1887, as dangerous, he played more than ever to the
+gallery as the persecuted saviour of France and, on being sent to take
+command of an army corps in the provinces at Clermont-Ferrand, he was
+escorted to the train by thousands of enthusiastic manifestants.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile, President Gr&eacute;vy was nearing a disaster. In October, 1887,
+General Caffarel, an important member of the General Staff, was arrested
+for participating in the sale of decorations. When Boulanger declared
+that the arrest of Caffarel was an indirect assault on himself,
+originally responsible for Caffarel's appointment to the General Staff,
+the affair got greater notoriety. The scandal assumed national
+proportions when it was found to involve the President's own son-in-law
+Daniel Wilson, well known to be a shady and tricky<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> politician, who had
+the octogenarian President under his thumb. The matter reached the scale
+of a Cabinet crisis, since it was by an overthrow of the Ministry that
+the President could best be reached. Unfortunately, Gr&eacute;vy could not see
+that the most dignified thing for him to do was to resign, even though
+he was in no way involved in Wilson's misdemeanors. For days he tried to
+persuade prominent men to form a Cabinet; he tried to argue his right
+and duty to remain. But finally the Chamber and Senate brought actual
+pressure upon him by voting to adjourn to specific hours in the
+expectation of a presidential communication. He bowed to the inevitable
+and retired from the Presidency with the reputation of a discredited old
+miser, instead of the great statesman he had appeared on beginning his
+term of office.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Gambetta's former assistant during the national defence
+after the first disasters; a brilliant organizer, but in general policy
+a <i>nolont&eacute;</i>, to use the term Gambetta coined about him on the basis of
+the word <i>volont&eacute;</i>. As Minister of Public Works he initiated at this
+period great improvements in the internal development of France,
+especially in the railways.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Especially as to the unlimited revision of the
+constitution and the <i>immediate</i> separation of Church and State.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Gambetta's contempt for the parochialism of the elections
+by district was great. He felt that departmental tickets would favor the
+choice of better men. One must remember how large a proportion of the
+French Deputies are physicians to appreciate the scorn of Gambetta's
+saying that the <i>scrutin d'arrondissement</i> produced a lot of
+<i>sous-v&eacute;t&eacute;rinaires</i>, that is, men who were not even decent
+"horse-doctors."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> M. Falli&egrave;res took the place of Duclerc as President of the
+Council during the last days.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> The French claimed that a government official had been
+lured over the frontier and illegally arrested.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER VI</h2>
+
+<h3>THE ADMINISTRATION OF SADI CARNOT</h3>
+
+<h4>December, 1887, to June, 1894</h4>
+
+
+<p>The successor of Jules Gr&eacute;vy was Sadi Carnot, in many ways the best
+choice. As has been seen, the transition was less easy than the two
+ballots of the National Assembly seemed to indicate (December 3, 1887).
+The intrigues of the so-called "nuits historiques" (November 28-30) had
+been an endeavor of the Radicals to keep Gr&eacute;vy, in order to ward off
+Jules Ferry as his successor. Finally, Carnot was a compromise
+candidate, or "dark horse," a Moderate acceptable to the Radicals still
+unwilling to endure the leading candidate Ferry.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 455px;">
+<img src="images/illus5.jpg" width="455" height="650" alt="SADI CARNOT" title="" />
+<span class="caption">SADI CARNOT</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>President Carnot, hitherto known chiefly as a capable civil engineer and
+a successful Cabinet officer, was the heir to the name and traditions of
+a great republican family. His integrity was a guarantee of honesty in
+office, and his personal dignity was bound to heighten the prestige of
+the chief magistracy, somewhat weakened by his predecessor Gr&eacute;vy. On
+the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> other hand, Carnot's conception of the constitutional
+irresponsibility or neutrality of his office was an insufficient bulwark
+to the State against the intrigues of petty politicians and the
+inefficiencies of the parliamentary r&eacute;gime. Consequently his term of
+office saw the Republic exposed to two of the worst crises in its
+history, the Boulanger campaign and the Panama scandals, while the
+legislative history records the overthrow of successive cabinets. These
+followed each other without definite constructive policy, and aimed
+chiefly at keeping power by constant dickerings and playing off group
+against group.</p>
+
+<p>The demoralization of parliamentary life had reached a climax. The
+Republicans were divided into the Moderates, former followers of
+Gambetta, the Radicals with Floquet and Brisson, the Extreme Left with
+Clemenceau and Pelletan, the Socialists with Millerand, Basly, and
+Clovis Hugues. The Royalists and Bonapartists worked against the
+Government and the Boulangists took advantage of the chaos to push their
+cause. The Socialists, in particular, were a new group in the Chamber,
+destined in later years to hold the centre of the stage. In<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> their
+manifesto of December, 1887, signed by seventeen Deputies, they
+advocated, in addition to innumerable specific reforms or practical
+innovations, schemes for the reorganization of society: state
+monopolies, nationalization of property, progressive taxation, and the
+like.</p>
+
+<p>The year 1888, characterized by intense political and social unrest, was
+critical. The trial and conviction of Gr&eacute;vy's son-in-law Wilson involved
+washing dirty linen in public. The steady growth of Boulangism testified
+to dissatisfaction, even though, as it proved, the enemies of the
+established order had united on a worthless adventurer as their leader.</p>
+
+<p>General Boulanger had been first "invented" as a leader by the extreme
+Radicals, and especially by Clemenceau, the <i>d&eacute;molisseur</i> or destroyer
+of ministries. Then, being gradually abandoned by them, he went over to
+the anti-Republicans and took heavy subsidies from the Monarchists,
+while continuing to advocate, at least openly, an anti-parliamentary,
+plebiscitary Republic.</p>
+
+<p>Early in 1888, in February, the candidacy of Boulanger to the Chamber
+was started in several departments. The electioneering activities<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> of a
+general in regular service and sundry deeds of insubordination on his
+part finally caused the Government, as a disciplinary measure, to retire
+him. The result was that his partisans raised a cry of persecution, and
+his actual retirement gave him the liberty to engage in politics which
+his service on the active list had prevented. In April Boulanger was
+elected Deputy in the southern department of la Dordogne and the
+northern le Nord. His plan of campaign was to be candidate for Deputy in
+each department successively in which a vacancy occurred, thus
+indirectly and gradually obtaining a plebiscite of approval from the
+country. At the same time he raised the cry in favor of militarism, not
+for the sake of war, he said, but for defence. He attacked the impotence
+of Parliament and, as a remedy, called for the dissolution of the
+Chamber and the convocation of a Constituent Assembly to revise the
+constitution. His opponents raised the answering cry of dictatorship and
+C&aelig;sarism. The election in the Nord was particularly alarming because of
+Boulanger's majority.</p>
+
+<p>Boulanger now had both Moderates and many Radicals against him,
+including the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> Prime Minister Floquet, and was, on the other hand,
+supported openly or secretly by the Imperialists and Monarchists,
+advocates for varying purposes of the plebiscite. The Royalists, who
+thought their chances of success the most hopeful, wanted to use
+Boulanger as a tool to further their designs for the overthrow of the
+Republic. Not only did he receive funds from the pretender, the comte de
+Paris, but an ardent Royalist lady of rank, the duchesse d'Uz&egrave;s,
+squandered millions of francs in furthering Boulanger's political
+schemes as leader of the Boulangists: the "National Party" or
+"Revisionists."</p>
+
+<p>In June, 1888, Boulanger brought forward in the Chamber a project for a
+revision of the constitution. He advocated a single Chamber, or, if a
+Senate were conceded, demanded that it be chosen by popular vote. The
+power of the Chamber was to be diminished, that of the President
+increased, and laws were to be subject to ratification by plebiscite or
+referendum. The measure was naturally rejected, but Boulanger renewed
+the attack in July by demanding the dissolution of the Chamber. In the
+excitement of the debate the lie was passed between<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> Boulanger and the
+President of the Council of Ministers, Floquet. Boulanger resigned his
+seat and in a duel, a few days later, between Floquet and Boulanger, the
+dashing general, the warrior of the black horse, and the hero of the
+popular song "En rev'nant d'la revue," was ignominiously wounded by the
+civilian politician.</p>
+
+<p>But Boulanger's star was not yet on the wane. He continued to be elected
+Deputy in different departments, and the efforts of the Ministry to cut
+the ground from under his feet by bringing in a separate revisionary
+project did not undermine his popularity with the rabble, the jingo
+Ligue des Patriotes of Paul D&eacute;roul&egrave;de, and the anti-Republican
+malcontents. In January, 1889, after a fiercely contested and
+spectacular campaign, he was elected Deputy for the department of the
+Seine, containing the city of Paris, nerve-centre of France. It is
+generally conceded that if Boulanger had gone to the Elys&eacute;e, the
+presidential mansion, on the evening of his election, and turned out
+Carnot, he would have had the Parisian populace and the police with him
+in carrying out a <i>coup d'&eacute;tat</i>. Luckily for the country his judgment<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span>
+or his nerve failed him at the crucial moment, and from that time his
+influence diminished. The panic-stricken Government was able to thwart
+his plebiscitary appeals by re-establishing the <i>scrutin
+d'arrondissement</i>, or election by small districts instead of by whole
+departments. Moreover, when the Floquet Cabinet fell soon after on its
+own revisionary project, the succeeding Tirard Ministry was able to pass
+a law preventing simultaneous multiple candidacies, and impeached
+Boulanger, with some of his followers, before the Senate as High Court
+of Justice. Instead of facing trial, Boulanger and his satellites Dillon
+and Henri Rochefort fled from France. In August they were condemned in
+absence to imprisonment. Boulanger never returned to France, and with
+diminishing subsidies his following waned. The elections of 1889
+resulted in the return of only thirty-eight Boulangists and, when in
+September, 1891, Boulanger committed suicide in Brussels at the grave of
+his mistress, most Frenchmen merely gave a sigh of relief at the memory
+of the dangers they had experienced not so long before.</p>
+
+<p>The International Exposition of 1889 afforded<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> a breathing spell in the
+midst of political anxieties, and helped, by its evidence of the
+Republic's prosperity, to weaken Boulanger's cause. But unsettled social
+and religious problems remained troublesome. The successive cabinets
+after the Floquet Ministry, and following the general election of 1889,
+pursued a policy of "Republican concentration," combining Moderate and
+Radical elements, disappearing often without important motives, and
+replaced by cabinets of approximately the same coloring. The Clerical
+Party was hand-in-glove with the Royalists and the Boulangists. It took
+advantage of governmental instability to try to undermine the Republic,
+but its own harmony of purpose was in due time diminished by the new
+policy of Leo XIII. That astute Italian diplomat was himself
+temperamentally an Opportunist. He conceived the idea of controlling
+France by advances to the Republic and by feigning to accept it in order
+to get hold of its policies, especially the educational and military
+laws. He realized, too, the harm done to the Vatican by the stubbornness
+of many French Catholics. He felt the necessity of making amends for the
+behavior of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> Catholic Royalists in the Boulanger affair. Certain
+prelates, including the Archbishop of Aix, Monseigneur Gouthe-Soulard,
+attacked the Government violently at the end of 1891 in connection with
+disturbances by French pilgrims to Rome who had manifested in favor of
+the Pope and written "Vive le Pape-Roi!" at the tomb of Victor Emmanuel.
+The French Catholics tended to resent the interference of the Pope, but
+the latter, who had for some months received the support of Cardinal
+Lavigerie, Archbishop of Algiers and Primate of Africa, tried to bring
+pressure on the leaders of the French clergy. In February, 1892, as a
+rejoinder to a manifesto by five French cardinals, came his famous
+encyclical letter advocating the established order of things. "The civil
+power considered as such is from God and always from God....
+Consequently, when new governments representing this new power are
+constituted, to accept them is not only permitted but demanded, or even
+imposed, by the needs of the social good." This encyclical was followed
+by a letter to the French cardinals in May and by other manifestations
+of his wishes. Thus a certain number of Catholics,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> among whom the comte
+de Mun and Jacques Piou were leaders, cut adrift from the Right and
+adhered to the Republic, forming the small group of "Ralli&eacute;s." They were
+never very numerous or powerful, and the Dreyfus affair, a few years
+later, showed how the Pope's desire to rally the Catholics to the
+Republic was thwarted by the French clergy and the reactionaries.</p>
+
+<p>The procedure of Leo XIII was thus a proof that the Vatican wanted to be
+on good terms with the Republic. The <i>rapprochement</i> with Russia was
+another proof that France, in spite of its troubles, was to be reckoned
+with in Europe. France and Russia felt it necessary to draw together in
+answer to the noisy renewal of the Triple Alliance. There had been
+tension in the spring of 1891, in which the French were not wholly
+blameless, as a result of the private visit to Paris of the dowager
+empress of Germany, the Empress Frederick. In the summer of 1891 a
+French fleet under Admiral Gervais was invited to Russian waters. It
+visited Cronstadt, and the Czar and the President exchanged telegrams of
+sympathy. On the return to France the same fleet visited Portsmouth<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> by
+invitation, and was welcomed by the Queen and the authorities. The visit
+to England did not, however, have the same meaning as the Russian one.
+"Portsmouth" meant an expression of England's freedom of action
+face-to-face with the Triple Alliance, and an endeavor to smooth French
+susceptibilities recently ruffled by Lord Salisbury. After an
+Anglo-French compact, in August, 1890, for the partition of
+protectorates and zones of influence in Africa, the British Prime
+Minister alluded rather scoffingly in the House of Lords to the lack of
+value of the Sahara assigned to the French. "Cronstadt," as opposed to
+"Portsmouth," meant an active understanding, to be followed in 1892 by a
+military defensive compact negotiated in St. Petersburg by General de
+Boisdeffre, head of the French General Staff.</p>
+
+<p>The return visit of the Russians took place at Toulon in 1893, and
+Admiral Avellan with his staff visited Paris, which went wild with
+enthusiasm. At that moment French relations with Italy were strained,
+partly because the Italian Government was jealous of the cordiality
+between the Pope and the Republic.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> The Franco-Russian manifestation was
+a new veiled warning.</p>
+
+<p>In 1892, under the leadership of Jules M&eacute;line, the Chamber adopted a
+protective tariff policy. This resulted in several tariff disputes and
+engendered bad feeling with various countries, including Italy.</p>
+
+<p>The desperate attack of the Royalists, engineered mainly against the
+Republic in the Panama scandals, helped to bring the Pope and the State
+still closer together, so that at certain times the Ralli&eacute;s or
+Republican Catholics and the Royalists fought each other violently. The
+Panama scandal was planned in view of the elections of 1893. During the
+decade following 1880 Ferdinand de Lesseps, the successful builder of
+the Suez Canal, had organized and tried to finance a company to
+construct a canal at Panama. The prestige of Lesseps's name and the
+memory of his previous achievement made countless Frenchmen invest huge
+sums in the company. But the expenses were enormous and the financial
+maladministration apparently extraordinary, for the directors of the
+company were led into illegal steps in order to influence legislation,
+or pay hush<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> money to the press to hide the condition of affairs, and
+then were blackmailed into further outlays. The company failed in 1888,
+and efforts to put it on its feet proved abortive. Hints of the scandals
+leaked out, and the Government played into the hands of its opponents by
+trying to conceal matters.</p>
+
+<p>In November, 1892, some Royalist members of the Chamber brought matters
+to a head and the Government was obliged to do something. It was decided
+to proceed against Ferdinand de Lesseps, his son Charles de Lesseps,
+Henri Cottu, Marius Fontane, members of the board of directors, and G.
+Eiffel, an engineer and contractor and the builder of the famous Eiffel
+Tower. At this juncture a well-known Jewish banker of Paris, Baron
+Jacques de Reinach, died suddenly and most mysteriously on November 20.
+He was openly charged with being the bribery agent of the company, and
+his sudden death was by some called suicide, while others hinted that he
+had been put out of the way because of his dangerous knowledge.</p>
+
+<p>Under these exciting conditions a Boulangist Deputy named Delahaye made
+an interpellation<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> in the Chamber hinting at the campaign of corruption
+carried on by the company through the agency of Reinach and two other
+Jews of German origin, Arton and Cornelius Herz, the latter a
+naturalized American citizen. By this campaign it was charged that three
+million francs had been used to corrupt more than a hundred and fifty
+Deputies, and much more had been spent in other ways.</p>
+
+<p>A commission of thirty-three was appointed under the chairmanship of
+Henri Brisson. The Royalists and Radicals were having their innings
+against the Government, and their newspapers continued to publish rumors
+and "revelations." The commission called for the autopsy of Reinach. The
+Loubet Cabinet, refusing to grant it, was voted down and resigned. The
+Ribot Ministry was then constituted, but at intervals lost successively
+two of its most prominent members, Rouvier and Freycinet, accused of
+complicity in the scandals. Even the leaders of the Radicals, Clemenceau
+and Floquet, in time found themselves involved. The former was charged
+with tricky dealings with Cornelius Herz, the latter was shown to have
+demanded money from the company,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> when Minister, in order to use it for
+political subsidies.</p>
+
+<p>In December the Cabinet decided to arrest Charles de Lesseps, Marius
+Fontane, Henri Cottu, and a former Deputy, Sans-Leroy, accused of having
+accepted a bribe of two hundred thousand francs. At the same time, on
+the basis of the seizure of twenty-six cheque stubs at the bank used by
+the baron de Reinach, the Minister of Justice proceeded against ten
+prominent Deputies and Senators, among whom was Albert Gr&eacute;vy, former
+Governor-General of Algeria, and brother of Jules Gr&eacute;vy. The Government
+seemed panic-stricken in its readiness to sacrifice, on mere suspicion,
+prominent members of its party. All the parliamentaries accused were, in
+due time, exonerated.</p>
+
+<p>The directors of the company came up for trial twice. The first time,
+with M. Eiffel, in January-February, 1893, and the second time, with
+other defendants, in March, before different jurisdictions on varying
+charges, they were condemned to fine and imprisonment. On appeal, in
+April, these condemnations were revised or annulled. One person became
+the scapegoat, a former Minister of Public Works<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> named Ba&iuml;haut,
+condemned to civil degradation, five years' imprisonment, and a heavy
+fine.</p>
+
+<p>Scandal was, however, not satisfied with these names. There was also
+talk of a mysterious list of one hundred and four Deputies charged with
+accepting bribes from Arton. Moreover, it was felt that quashing the
+indictments against prominent men like Rouvier and Albert Gr&eacute;vy was poor
+policy. If they were innocent they could prove their innocence. Under
+the circumstances suspicion would still be rife. The state of general
+anarchy was also revealed by the evidence of the wife of Henri Cottu,
+who testified that agents of the Government had offered her husband
+immunity if he would implicate a member of the Opposition.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Panama scandal was largely the work<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> of the Monarchists angry at the
+failure of the Boulanger campaign. It did them no good, as the elections
+to the new Chamber proved. On the other hand, it worked havoc among the
+leaders of the Moderates, who, innocent or blameworthy, fell under
+popular suspicion, and were in many cases relegated to the background in
+favor of new leaders. Moreover, it helped the Socialists, and even, by
+throwing discredit on parliamentarism, it encouraged lawless outbreaks
+of anarchists.</p>
+
+<p>New men in party leaderships came in the composite Cabinet of Moderate
+leanings led by Charles Dupuy in April, 1893. He seemed at first to
+incline toward the Conservatives and treated with considerable severity
+some street disturbances. A prank of art students at their annual ball
+(<i>Bal des quat'-z-arts</i>) was magnified into a street riot and was not
+quelled until after the loss of a life. The <i>Bourse du travail</i>
+(Workmen's Exchange) was closed by the Government after other
+disturbances.</p>
+
+<p>The elections in August and September resulted in a large Republican
+majority and a corresponding decline in the anti-Republican Right. On
+the other hand, the Radicals rose to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> about a hundred and fifty, and the
+Socialists were about fifty, forming for the first time a large party
+able to make its influence felt. The "Socialistic-Radicals" represented
+an effort toward a compromise between the advanced groups.</p>
+
+<p>The desire of the Moderate leaders of the Republic to meet the Pope
+halfway in his policy of conciliation was expressed in a noteworthy
+speech made in the Chamber in March, 1894, by the then Minister of
+Public Worship, Eug&egrave;ne Spuller. Answering the query of a Royalist
+Deputy, the Minister declared that the time had come to put an end to
+fanaticism and sectarianism, and that the country could count on the
+vigilance of the Government to maintain its rights, and on the new frame
+of mind (<i>esprit nouveau</i>) which inspired it, which tended to reconcile
+all French citizens and bring about a revival of common sense, justice,
+and charity.</p>
+
+<p>But the anarchists were not moved by any spirit of conciliation.
+Borrowing methods of violence from the Russian nihilists, they used
+bomb-throwing to draw attention to the vices of social organization and
+to themselves. During<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> 1892, 1893, and 1894 they tried to terrorize
+Paris. The deeds of various criminals, including Ravachol, Vaillant (who
+threw a bomb in the Chamber of Deputies),<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Emile Henry, among others,
+culminated at last in the cruel murder of President Carnot. On June 24,
+1894, while at Lyons, whither he had gone to pay a state visit to an
+international exhibition, President Carnot was fatally stabbed by an
+underwitted Italian anarchist named Caserio Santo, and died within a few
+hours. Never were more futile and abominable crimes committed than those
+which sacrificed Carnot and McKinley.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> The Panama affair was a violent shock to the Republic.
+People were amazed at the charges of widespread corruption and the
+tendency on the part of the Government to smooth things over. Suspicions
+aroused were not fully satisfied because Reinach was dead and Herz and
+Arton in flight. Cornelius Herz successfully fought extradition from
+England on the plea of illness. Arton was arrested in 1895 and
+extradited. His arrest caused a renewal of talk about Panama and the
+newspaper <i>la France</i> undertook to print the famous list of one hundred
+and four Deputies. This publication was recognized to be a case of
+blackmail and its promoters were punished. Arton was also condemned to a
+term of hard labor, but his trial did not bring out the longed-for
+revelations.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> M. Dupuy, then President of the Chamber, got much credit
+for his calmness and his remark, as the smoke of the bomb cleared away,
+"La s&eacute;ance continue."</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER VII</h2>
+
+<h3>THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEAN CASIMIR-PERIER</h3>
+
+<h4>June, 1894, to January, 1895</h4>
+
+<h3>AND OF F&Eacute;LIX FAURE</h3>
+
+<h4>January, 1895, to February, 1899</h4>
+
+
+<p>The customary promptness in the choice of a President, so unfamiliar to
+American campaigns, was observed in the election of Carnot's successor.
+The historic name and the social and financial position of the new chief
+magistrate, Jean Casimir-Perier, seemed to the monarchical
+sister-nations a guarantee of national stability and dignity. In reality
+the election brought about a more definite cleavage between rival
+political tendencies. Casimir-Perier, grandson of Louis-Philippe's great
+minister, obviously represented the Moderates, most of whom tried in all
+sincerity to carry out the <i>esprit nouveau</i> and a policy of good-will
+toward the Catholic Church. The Radicals said that this was playing into
+the hands of the Clericals, and to the Socialists Casimir-Perier was
+merely a hated capitalist. He was, moreover,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> unfortunately unfit for
+the acrimonies of political life. High-strung and emotional, he writhed
+under misinterpretation and abuse, and rebelled against the
+constitutional powerlessness of his office. He had never really wanted
+the Presidency and had accepted it chiefly through the personal
+persuasion of his friend the statesman Burdeau, who unfortunately died
+soon after his election. The brief Presidency of Casimir-Perier, lasting
+less than a year, was destined to see the beginning of the worst trial
+the French Republic had yet experienced, the famous Dreyfus case.</p>
+
+<p>The Administration, in which Dupuy remained Prime Minister, began by
+repressive measures, laws directed against the anarchists and the trial
+<i>en masse</i> of thirty defendants ranging from utopian theorists to actual
+criminals. Most of them were acquitted, but the procedure did not
+ingratiate the Government with the advanced parties. Toward the end of
+1894 the Dreyfus case began to be talked of, an affair which was
+destined to develop into a tremendous struggle of the leaders of the
+army and the Church to obtain control of the nation.</p>
+
+<p>In September, 1894, an officer named Henry,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> of the spy service of the
+French army, came into possession of a document pieced together from
+fragments stolen from a waste-paper basket in the German Embassy. This
+document, containing a <i>bordereau</i> or memorandum of information largely
+about the French artillery offered to the German military attach&eacute;,
+Schwartzkoppen, was anonymous, but Henry undoubtedly recognized, sooner
+or later, the handwriting of a friend, Major Esterhazy, a soldier of
+fortune in the French army, of bad reputation and shady character.
+Unable to destroy the document, which had been seen by others, Henry
+tried to fasten it on somebody else. Indeed, many people believe that
+Henry was an accomplice of Esterhazy in German pay. By a strange
+coincidence it happened that the handwriting of the <i>bordereau</i> somewhat
+resembled that of a brilliant young Jewish officer of the General Staff
+named Alfred Dreyfus. He belonged to a wealthy Alsatian family, and from
+antecedent probability would not seem to need to play a traitor's part,
+but he was intensely unpopular among his fellows because of many
+disagreeable traits of character. Moreover, anti-Semitism, formerly
+non-existent in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> France, was now rife. It had been largely fomented by
+the anti-Jewish agitator Edouard Drumont, with his book <i>la France
+juive</i> (1886) and his newspaper the <i>Libre Parole</i> (1892). Prejudice
+against the Jews as tricky financiers had been prepared and encouraged
+by the sensational failure of the great bank, the Union g&eacute;n&eacute;rale, a
+Catholic rival of the Rothschilds, in 1882, and by the Panama scandals
+with the doings of Jacques de Reinach, Cornelius Herz, and Arton. The
+<i>Libre Parole</i> had worked against Jewish officers in the army, an
+activity which culminated in some sensational duels, particularly one
+between Captain Mayer and the marquis de Mor&egrave;s (1892), in which the Jew
+was killed.</p>
+
+<p>So, in the present instance, the Minister of War, General Mercier, who
+had recently committed some much-criticized administrative blunders, and
+who now wished to show his efficiency, caused the arrest of Dreyfus.
+Then, egged on by anti-Semitic newspapers which had got hold of
+Dreyfus's name, Mercier brought him before a court-martial. The trial
+was held in secret, and the War Department sent to the officers
+constituting the tribunal,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> without the knowledge of the prisoner or his
+counsel Ma&icirc;tre Demange, a secret <i>dossier</i>, a collection of trumped-up
+incriminating documents. Demange devoted himself to proving that Dreyfus
+was not the author of the <i>bordereau</i>, but the members of the
+court-martial, believing in the genuineness of the additional documents,
+unhesitatingly convicted him of treason. Consequently, in spite of his
+protestations of innocence, Dreyfus was publicly degraded on January 5,
+1895, and hustled off to solitary confinement on the unhealthy Devil's
+Isle, off the coast of French Guiana. Meanwhile the whole French people
+sincerely believed that a vile traitor had been justly condemned and
+that the secrecy of the case was due to the advisability of avoiding
+diplomatic complications with Germany. With dramatic unexpectedness,
+only ten days later (January 15), Casimir-Perier resigned the
+Presidency.</p>
+
+<p>During the whole Dreyfus affair Casimir-Perier had chafed because his
+ministers had constantly acted without keeping him informed,
+particularly when he was called upon by the German Government to
+acknowledge that it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> had had nothing to do with Dreyfus. He had lost by
+death the support of his friend Burdeau; he was discouraged by the
+campaign of abuse against him, especially the election as Deputy in
+Paris of G&eacute;rault-Richard, one of his most active vilifiers. In
+particular he felt that his own Cabinet, and above all its leader Dupuy,
+were false to him. A discussion in the Chamber concerning the duration
+of the state guarantees to certain of the great railway companies ended
+in a vote unfavorable to the Cabinet, which resigned, whereupon
+Casimir-Perier seized the opportunity to go too. The Socialists declared
+that Dupuy had provoked his own defeat in order to embarrass the
+President by the difficulty of forming a new Cabinet, and make him
+resign as well.</p>
+
+<p>Two days later the electoral Congress met at Versailles. The Radicals
+supported Henri Brisson. The Moderates and the Conservatives were
+divided between Waldeck-Rousseau and F&eacute;lix Faure, but Waldeck-Rousseau
+having thrown his strength on the second ballot to Faure, the latter was
+elected.</p>
+
+<p>The new President, recently Minister of the Navy, was a well-meaning
+man, but full of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> vanity and na&iuml;vely delighted with his own rise in the
+world from a humble position to that of chief magistrate. The extent to
+which his judgment was warped by his temperament is shown by the later
+developments of the Dreyfus case.</p>
+
+<p>F&eacute;lix Faure's first Cabinet was led by the Republican Moderate Alexandre
+Ribot. It lasted less than a year and its history was chiefly
+noteworthy, at least in foreign affairs, by the increasing openness of
+the Franco-Russian <i>rapprochement</i> at the ceremonies of the inauguration
+of the Kiel Canal. In internal affairs there were some violent
+industrial disturbances and strikes.</p>
+
+<p>In October, 1895, the Moderates gave way to the Radical Cabinet of L&eacute;on
+Bourgeois. It was viewed with suspicion by the moneyed interests, who
+accused it of gravitating toward the Socialists. The cleavage between
+the two tendencies of the Republican Party became more marked. The
+Moderates joined forces with the Conservatives to oppose the schemes for
+social and financial reforms of the Radicals and of the representatives
+of the working classes. Prominent among these was the proposal for a
+progressive income tax. The Senate, naturally<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> a more conservative body,
+was opposed to the Bourgeois Cabinet, which had a majority, though not a
+very steadfast one, in the Chamber of Deputies. The Senate, usually a
+nonentity in determining the fall of a cabinet, for once successfully
+asserted its power and, by refusing to vote the credits asked for by the
+Ministry for the Madagascar campaign, caused it to resign in April,
+1896. The enemies of the Senate maintained that the Chamber of Deputies,
+elected by direct suffrage, was the only judge of the fate of a cabinet.
+But Bourgeois's hold was at best precarious and he seized the
+opportunity to withdraw.</p>
+
+<p>The M&eacute;line Cabinet which followed was a return to the Moderates
+supported by the Conservatives. Its opponents accused it of following
+what in American political parlance is called a "stand-pat" policy, but
+it remained in office longer than any ministry up to its time, a little
+over two years. It afforded, at any rate, an opportunity for the
+adversaries of the Republic to strengthen their positions and encouraged
+the transformation of the Dreyfus case into a political instead of a
+purely judicial matter.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In foreign affairs the most spectacular events were the visit of the
+Czar and Czarina to France in 1896 and the return visit of the French
+President to Russia in 1897. At the banquet of leave-taking on the
+French warship <i>Pothuau</i>, in their prepared speeches, the Czar and the
+President made use of the same expression "friendly and <i>allied</i>
+nations," thus publicly proclaiming to Europe the alliance suspected
+since 1891.</p>
+
+<p>In spite of the unanimous feeling of Dreyfus's guilt, his family did not
+lose faith in him, and his brother Mathieu set about the apparently
+impossible task of rehabilitation. But it chanced that one other person
+began to have doubts of the justice of Dreyfus's condemnation. This was
+Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart, who had been present at the court-martial
+as representative of the War Department, and who had since become chief
+of the espionage service, and Henry's superior. Another document stolen
+from a waste-paper basket at the German Embassy, an unforwarded
+pneumatic despatch (<i>petit bleu</i>), was brought to him, and directed his
+suspicions to Esterhazy, to whom it was addressed. At first he did not
+connect<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> Esterhazy and Dreyfus, but on obtaining specimens of
+Esterhazy's handwriting he was struck by the likeness with that of the
+<i>bordereau</i>. Then, examining the secret <i>dossier</i>, to which he now had
+access, he was stupefied to see its insignificance.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 465px;">
+<img src="images/illus6.jpg" width="465" height="650" alt="MARIE-GEORGES PICQUART" title="" />
+<span class="caption">MARIE-GEORGES PICQUART</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>From this time on, Picquart worked, with extraordinary tenacity of
+purpose and against all obstacles, for the rehabilitation of a stranger.
+Everybody was against him. His chief subordinate Henry dreaded
+revelations above all things, and set his colleagues against him. His
+superiors disliked any suggestion that an army court could have made a
+mistake, the remedying of which would help a Jew.</p>
+
+<p>Gradually, however, the agitation started by Mathieu Dreyfus was
+becoming stronger. He had won the help of a skilled writer Bernard
+Lazare; a daily paper succeeded in obtaining and publishing a facsimile
+of the <i>bordereau</i>. But Picquart was sent away from Paris on a tour of
+inspection, and when the matter came up in the Chamber, through an
+interpellation, the Minister of War, General Billot, declared that the
+judgment of 1894 was absolutely legal and just. Matters thus seemed
+settled again.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But a prominent Alsatian member of Parliament, Scheurer-Kestner, one of
+the Vice-Presidents of the Senate, was half-persuaded by Mathieu and
+Bernard Lazare. When Picquart's friend and legal adviser, Leblois,
+rather injudiciously, from a professional point of view, confided to him
+his client's suspicions, he was thoroughly convinced and the two
+separate currents of activity now coalesced. Yet the greater the
+agitation in favor of Dreyfus, the greater grew the opposition. The
+anti-Semites shrieked with rage against Judas, the "traitor." The upper
+ranks of the army were honeycombed by Clerical influences. An enormous
+proportion of the officers belonged to reactionary families and the
+Chief of Staff himself, General de Boisdeffre, was under the thumb of
+the P&egrave;re Du Lac, one of the most prominent Jesuits in France. The
+Clericals and anti-Semites, therefore, joined forces, and, by calling
+the Dreyfus agitation an attack on the honor of the army and a play into
+the hands of Germany, they won over all the jingoes and former
+Boulangists, who formed the new party of Nationalists. This was the
+so-called alliance of "the sword and the holy-water sprinkler"<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> (<i>le
+sabre et le goupillon</i>). Above all, certain religious associations,
+particularly the Assumptionists, under the name of religion, organized a
+campaign of slander and abuse against all who ventured to speak for
+Dreyfus. By a ludicrous counter-play the scoundrel Esterhazy had
+defenders as an injured innocent, the more so that Henry and the clique
+at the War Office found it to their interest to support him.</p>
+
+<p>Matters reached a crisis when, on November 15, 1897, Mathieu Dreyfus
+denounced Esterhazy to the Minister of War as author of the <i>bordereau</i>
+and as guilty of the treason for which his brother had been condemned.
+This was partly a tactical mistake, because, even if Esterhazy were
+proved to have written the <i>bordereau</i>, it would still be necessary to
+show him guilty of actual treason. It made it possible to swerve the
+discussion from the conviction of Dreyfus as a <i>res adjudicata</i> (<i>chose
+jug&eacute;e</i>) to vague charges against Esterhazy. The later called for a
+vindication, he was triumphantly acquitted by a court-martial early in
+January, 1898, and Picquart was put under arrest on various charges of
+indiscipline in connection with the whole affair.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Few and far between as they now seemed, the lovers of justice were still
+to be counted with. They consisted at first of a small number of
+much-derided <i>intellectuels</i>, scholars and trained thinkers, who used
+their judgment and not their prejudices. One of these was the famous
+novelist Emile Zola, who, to keep the case under discussion, published
+in the <i>Aurore</i> on January 13, a few days after Esterhazy's acquittal,
+his famous letter, <i>J'accuse</i>. In this article Zola denounced the guilty
+machinations of Dreyfus's adversaries <i>seriatim</i>, blamed the Dreyfus
+court-martial for convicting on secret evidence and the Esterhazy court
+for acquitting a guilty man in obedience to orders. Zola was not in
+possession of all the facts, since his precise aim was to have them
+brought out, and in his charges against the Esterhazy court he was
+technically and legally at fault. But he courted prosecution and got it.</p>
+
+<p>On February 7 Zola was brought to trial. The crafty authorities
+eliminated all references to the trial of 1894 as a <i>chose jug&eacute;e</i> and
+prosecuted Zola for having declared that Esterhazy was acquitted by
+order. Their tool, the presiding magistrate Delegorgue, seconded their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span>
+efforts by ruling out every question which might throw light on the
+Dreyfus case, in spite of the attempts of Zola's chief lawyer Labori.
+Party passion was at its height, hired gangs of men were posted about
+the court-house to hoot and attack the Dreyfusites, members of the
+General Staff appeared in full uniform to interrupt the trial and
+bulldoze the jury by mysterious hints of war with Germany. Finally Zola
+was condemned to fine and imprisonment. At this trial for the first time
+mention was mysteriously but openly made of a new document, understood
+to be a communication alluding to Dreyfus between the Italian and the
+German military <i>attach&eacute;s</i> at Paris. Zola appealed, the higher court
+broke the verdict on the ground that the prosecution should have been
+instigated by the offended court-martial and not by the Government, he
+was brought to trial again on a change of venue at Versailles, was
+unsuccessful in interposing obstacles to an inevitable condemnation, and
+so fled to England (July).</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile, public opinion was becoming yet more violently excited.
+France was divided into two great camps, the line of cleavage often<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span>
+estranging the closest friends and relatives. On the one side was a vast
+majority consisting of the Clericals, the jingoes or Nationalists, the
+anti-Semites, and the unreflecting mass of the population. On the other
+were ranged the "intellectuals," the Socialists who were now rallying to
+the cause of tolerance, the Jews, and the few French Protestants. The
+League of the Rights of Man stood opposed to the association of the
+<i>Patrie Fran&ccedil;aise</i>. In the midst of this turmoil were held the elections
+of May, 1898, for the renewal of the Chamber of Deputies. The political
+coloring of the new body was not sensibly changed, but the open
+Dreyfusites were all excluded. The Moderates now generally dubbed
+themselves "Progressists." None the less at the first session the now
+long-lived M&eacute;line Cabinet resigned after a vote requesting it to govern
+with fewer concessions to the Right.</p>
+
+<p>The next Cabinet was Radical, headed by Henri Brisson. His mind was not
+yet definitely made up on the matter of revision, and he gave
+concessions to the Nationalists by appointing as Minister of War
+Godefroy Cavaignac. This headstrong personage, proud of an historic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span>
+name, undertook to manage the Cabinet and to prove once for all to the
+Chamber the guilt of Dreyfus. In his speech he relied mainly on the
+letter mentioned at the Zola trial as written by the Italian to the
+German <i>attach&eacute;</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Once more the Dreyfus affair seemed permanently settled, and once more
+the contrary proved to be the case. In August Cavaignac discovered, to
+his dismay, that the document he had sent to the Chamber, with such
+emphasis on its importance, was an out-and-out forgery of Henry. The
+latter was put under arrest and committed suicide. Discussion followed
+between Brisson, now converted to revision, and Cavaignac, still too
+stubborn to change his mind with regard to Dreyfus, in spite of his
+recent discovery. Cavaignac resigned as Minister of War, was replaced by
+General Zurlinden, who withdrew in a few days and was in turn succeeded
+by another general, Chanoine, thought to be in sympathy with the
+Cabinet. He in turn played his colleagues false and resigned
+unexpectedly during a meeting of the Chamber. Weakened by these
+successive blows the Brisson Cabinet itself had to resign, but its
+leader had now<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> forwarded to the supreme court of the land, the Cour de
+Cassation, the petition of Dreyfus's wife for a revision of his
+sentence. The first step had at last been taken. The Criminal Chamber
+accepted the request and proceeded to a further detailed investigation.</p>
+
+<p>The Brisson Ministry was followed by a third Cabinet of the unabashed
+Dupuy. It became evident that the Criminal Chamber of the Court of
+Cassation was inclining to decide on revision. Wishing to play to both
+sides and, yielding in this case to the anti-revisionists, early in 1899
+Dupuy brought in a bill to take the Dreyfus affair away from the
+Criminal Chamber in the very midst of its deliberations and submit it to
+the Court as a whole, where it was hoped a majority of judges would
+reject revision. Between the dates of the passage of this bill by the
+Chamber and by the Senate, President Faure died suddenly and under
+mysterious circumstances on February 16, 1899. He had opposed revision
+and his death, attributed to apoplexy, was a gain to the revisionists
+who were accused by his friends of having caused his murder. On the
+other hand, stories, which it is unnecessary to repeat here,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> found an
+echo some years later in the scandals repeated at the sensational trial
+of Madame Steinheil.</p>
+
+<p>During the turmoil over the Dreyfus affair, France underwent a
+humiliating experience with England. The colonial rivalry of the two
+countries had of late gone on unchecked, embittered as it had been by
+the ousting of France from the Suez Canal and Egypt. To many Frenchmen
+"Perfidious Albion" was, far more than Germany, the secular foe. In 1896
+a French expedition under Captain Marchand was sent from the Congo in
+the direction of the Nile. The English afterwards argued that its
+purpose was to cut their sphere of influence and hinder the
+Cape-to-Cairo project; the French declared they merely wished to occupy
+a post which should afford a basis for general diplomatic negotiations
+for the partition of Africa. The mission was numerically insufficient;
+it struggled painfully for two years through the heart of the continent,
+and at last the small handful of intrepid Frenchmen established
+themselves at Fashoda on the upper waters of the Nile in July, 1898. At
+once General Kitchener arriving from the victory of Omdurman<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> appeared
+on the scene to occupy Fashoda for the Egyptian Government. England
+assumed a viciously aggressive attitude and, under veiled threats of
+war, France was obliged to recall Marchand (November 4). The outburst of
+fury in France against England at this humiliation was tremendous. No
+sane man would have then ventured to predict that in a few years the
+hands of the two countries would be joined in the clasp of the <i>Entente
+cordiale</i>.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER VIII</h2>
+
+<h3>THE ADMINISTRATION OF EMILE LOUBET</h3>
+
+<h4>February, 1899, to February, 1906</h4>
+
+
+<p>The successor of F&eacute;lix Faure, Emile Loubet, was elected on February 18,
+1899, by a good majority over Jules M&eacute;line, the candidate of the larger
+number of the Moderates or "Progressists" and of the Conservatives.
+Loubet was himself a man of Moderate views, but he was thought to favor
+a revision of the Dreyfus case. Among the charges of his enemies was
+that, as Minister of the Interior in 1892, he had held, but had kept
+secret, the famous list of the "Hundred and Four" and had prevented the
+seizure of the papers of Baron de Reinach and the arrest of Arton. So
+Loubet's return to Paris from Versailles was amid hostile cries of
+"Loubet-Panama" and "Vive l'arm&eacute;e!"</p>
+
+<p>On February 23, after the state funeral of President Faure, a detachment
+of troops led by General Roget was returning to its barracks in an
+outlying quarter of Paris. Suddenly the Nationalist and quondam
+Boulangist<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> Paul D&eacute;roul&egrave;de, now chief of the Ligue des Patriotes and
+vigorous opponent of parliamentary government, though a Deputy himself,
+rushed to General Roget, and, grasping the bridle of his horse, tried to
+persuade him to lead his troops to the Elys&eacute;e, the presidential
+residence, and overthrow the Government. D&eacute;roul&egrave;de had expected to
+encounter General de Pellieux, a more amenable leader, and one of the
+noisy generals at the Zola trial. General Roget, who had been
+substituted at the last moment, refused to accede and caused the arrest
+of D&eacute;roul&egrave;de, with his fellow Deputy and conspirator Marcel Habert.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile the Dreyfus case had been taken out of the hands of the
+Criminal Chamber and given to the whole Court. To the dismay of the
+anti-Dreyfusites the Court, as a body, annulled, on June 3, the verdict
+of the court-martial of 1894, and decided that Dreyfus should appear
+before a second military court at Rennes for another trial.</p>
+
+<p>Thus party antagonisms were becoming more and more acute. In addition
+Dupuy, the head of the Cabinet, seemed to be spiting the new President.
+On the day after the verdict<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> of the Cour de Cassation, at the Auteuil
+races, President Loubet was roughly jostled by a band of fashionable
+young Royalists and struck with a cane by Baron de Christiani. A week
+later, at the Grand Prize races at Longchamps, on June 11, Dupuy, as
+though to atone for his previous carelessness, brought out a large array
+of troops, so obviously over-numerous as to cause new disturbances among
+the crowd desirous of manifesting its sympathy with the chief
+magistrate. More arrests were made and, at the meeting of the Chamber of
+Deputies the next day, the Cabinet was overthrown by an adverse vote.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 468px;">
+<img src="images/illus7.jpg" width="468" height="650" alt="REN&Eacute; WALDECK-ROUSSEAU" title="" />
+<span class="caption">REN&Eacute; WALDECK-ROUSSEAU</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>The ministerial crisis brought about by the fall of Dupuy was as
+important as any under the Third Republic because of its consequences in
+the redistribution of parties. For about ten days President Loubet was
+unable to find a leader who could in turn form a cabinet. At last public
+opinion was astounded by the masterly combination made by
+Waldeck-Rousseau, Gambetta's former lieutenant, who of recent years had
+kept somewhat aloof from active participation in politics. He brought
+together a ministry of "d&eacute;fense r&eacute;publicaine," which its<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> opponents,
+however, called a cabinet for the "liquidation" of the Dreyfus case. The
+old policy of "Republican concentration" of Opportunists and Radicals
+was given up in favor of a mass formation of the various advanced groups
+of the Left, including the Socialists.</p>
+
+<p>Waldeck-Rousseau was a Moderate Republican, whose legal practice of
+recent years had been mainly that of a corporation lawyer, but he was a
+cool-headed Opportunist. He realized the ill-success of the policy of
+the "esprit nouveau," and saw the necessity of making advances to the
+Socialists, who more and more held the balance of power. He succeeded in
+uniting in his Cabinet Moderates like himself, Radicals, and, for the
+first time in French parliamentary history, an out-and-out Socialist,
+Alexandre Millerand, author of the famous "Programme of Saint-Mand&eacute;" of
+1896, or declaration of faith of Socialism. Still more astounding was
+the presence as Minister of War, in the same Cabinet with Millerand, of
+General de Galliffet, a bluff, outspoken, and dashing aristocratic
+officer, a favorite with the whole army, but fiercely hated by the
+proletariat<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> because of his part in the repression of the Commune.</p>
+
+<p>The first days of the new Cabinet were stormy and its outlook was
+dubious. The task of reconciling such divergent elements, even against a
+common foe, seemed an impossibility, until at last the Radicals under
+Brisson swung into line. Such was the beginning of a Republican grouping
+which later, during the anti-Clerical campaign, was known as <i>le Bloc</i>,
+the united band of Republicans.</p>
+
+<p>The Waldeck-Rousseau Ministry took up the Dreyfus case with a queer
+combination of courage and weakness. Insubordinate army officers were
+summarily punished for injudicious remarks, but in order to appear
+neutral and to avoid criticism, the Cabinet held so much aloof that the
+anti-Dreyfusites were able to bring their full forces to bear on the
+court-martial. For a month at Rennes, beginning August 7, an
+extraordinary trial was carried on before the eyes of an impassioned
+France and angry onlooking nations. Witnesses had full latitude to
+indulge in rhetorical addresses and air their prejudices; military
+officers like Roget, who had had nothing to do with the original<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> trial,
+were allowed to take up the time of the court. Galliffet, though
+convinced of the innocence of Dreyfus, was unwilling to exert as much
+pressure as his colleagues in the Cabinet desired. It soon became
+evident that, regardless of the question involved, the issue was one
+between an insignificant Jewish officer on the one hand and General
+Mercier, ex-Minister of War, on the other. The judges were army officers
+full of caste-feeling and timorous of offending their superiors. Thus,
+on September 9, Dreyfus was a second time convicted, though with
+extenuating circumstances, by a vote of 5 to 2, and condemned to ten
+years' detention. This verdict was a travesty of justice, and a
+punishment fitting no crime of Dreyfus, since he was either innocent or
+guilty of treason beyond extenuation. The Ministry, perhaps regretting
+too late its excessive inertia, immediately caused the President to
+pardon Dreyfus, partly on the ostensible grounds that Dreyfus by his
+previous harsher condemnation had already purged his new one. This act
+of clemency was, however, not a legal clearing of the victim's honor,
+which was achieved only some years later.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>During the turmoil of the Dreyfus affair the Cabinet was, it seemed to
+many, unduly anxious over certain conspirators against the Republic. The
+symptoms of insubordination in high ranks in the army, linked with the
+Clerical man&oelig;uvres, had encouraged the other foes of the Republic
+(spurred on by the Royalists), whether sincere opponents of the
+parliamentary r&eacute;gime like Paul D&eacute;roul&egrave;de, or venal agitators such as the
+anti-Semitic Jules Gu&eacute;rin. But, certainly, above all objectionable were
+the proceedings of the Assumptionists, a religious order which had
+amassed enormous wealth, and which, by the various local editions of its
+paper <i>la Croix</i>, had organized a campaign of venomous slander and abuse
+of the Republic and its leaders.</p>
+
+<p>The Government, having got wind of a project of the conspirators to
+seize the reins of power during the Rennes court-martial, anticipated
+the act by wholesale arrests on August 12. Jules Gu&eacute;rin barricaded
+himself with some friends in a house in the rue de Chabrol in Paris, and
+defied the Government to arrest him without perpetrating murder. The
+grotesque incident of the "Fort Chabrol" came to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> an end after
+thirty-seven days when the authorities had surrounded the house with
+troops to starve Gu&eacute;rin out and stopped the drains.</p>
+
+<p>In November a motley array of conspirators, ranging from Andr&eacute; Buffet,
+representative of the pretender the Duke of Orl&eacute;ans, to butchers from
+the slaughter-houses of La Villette, were brought to trial before the
+Senate acting as a High Court of Justice, on the charge of conspiracy
+against the State. After a long trial lasting nearly two months, during
+which the prisoners outdid each other in declamatory insults to their
+enemies, the majority were acquitted. Paul D&eacute;roul&egrave;de and Andr&eacute; Buffet
+were condemned to banishment for ten years and Jules Gu&eacute;rin to
+imprisonment for the same term. Two others, Marcel Habert and the comte
+de Lur-Saluces, who had taken flight, gave themselves up later and were
+condemned in 1900 and 1901, respectively, amid a public indifference
+which was far from their liking.</p>
+
+<p>Thus the year 1899 had proved itself one of the most dramatically
+eventful in the history of the Republic. It was also to be one of the
+most significant in its consequences. For the new grouping of mutually
+jealous factions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> against a common danger had, in spite of the fiasco of
+the second Dreyfus case, shown a way to victory. And exasperation
+against the intrigues of the Clericals and the army officers was going
+to turn the former toleration of the "esprit nouveau" into active
+persecution, especially as the Socialists and Radicals formed the
+majority of the new combination.</p>
+
+<p>In November, 1899, Waldeck-Rousseau laid before Parliament an
+Associations bill to regulate the organization of societies, which was
+intended indirectly to control religious bodies. The leniency of the
+Government hitherto and the commercial energy of many religious orders,
+manufacturers of articles varying from chartreuse to hair-restorers and
+dentifrice, had enabled them to amass enormous sums held in mortmain.
+The power of this money was great in politics and the anti-Clericals
+cast envious eyes on these vague and mysterious fortunes. There were in
+France at the time almost seven hundred unauthorized "congregations."
+Against the Assumptionists in particular the Government took direct
+measures early in 1900, such as legal perquisitions, arrests, and
+prosecution as an illegal association.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The campaign went on through the year 1900, the Exposition of that year
+helping to act as a partial truce. The expedition of the Allies to China
+to put down the Boxer rebellion also diverted attention.
+Waldeck-Rousseau was sincerely desirous of bringing about a pacification
+of feeling in the country, and he felt bitter practically only against
+the Jesuits and the Assumptionists. He even succeeded in carrying
+through Parliament an amnesty bill dealing with the Dreyfus case and
+destined to quash all criminal actions in process, whether of
+Dreyfusites or anti-Dreyfusites. The former fought the project
+vigorously on the ground that it opposed a new obstacle to ultimate
+discovery of the truth, but they were unsuccessful. Waldeck-Rousseau
+remained at heart, none the less, a believer in Dreyfus's innocence and
+in spite of his amnesty project, he could not always hide his true
+feelings. In consequence he offended his Minister of War, General de
+Galliffet, Dreyfusite as well, but tired of the struggle now that the
+Rennes trial had made the task of rehabilitation apparently hopeless.
+Galliffet resigned his office and was succeeded by General Andr&eacute;, a
+politician soldier,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> who started out at once to purge the army
+drastically of its Clericalism.</p>
+
+<p>Waldeck-Rousseau's Associations project was fairly mild. He had no
+desire for a violent break with the Vatican, and the wily and diplomatic
+Leo XIII probably so understood well enough in spite of his protests.
+But, as debate and discussion went on, the measure became more severe.
+Waldeck-Rousseau had originally planned a bill dealing with
+authorization and incorporation of associations in general, in which he
+refrained from any specific allusion to religious bodies of monks and
+nuns, thereby assimilating them with other groups. As finally voted and
+promulgated in July, 1901, the law made provisions for the privilege of
+association in general, but made the important additional stipulations
+that no religious order or "congregation" could be formed without
+specific authorization by law, that a religious order could be dissolved
+by ministerial decree, and that no one belonging to an unauthorized
+order could direct personally, or by proxy, an educational
+establishment, or even teach in one. Thus the enemies of the lay
+Republic who, under cover of the "esprit nouveau," and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> by years of
+manipulation of the feeding sources of army and navy officers, had hoped
+to grasp power, and had made a supreme effort at the time of the Dreyfus
+agitation, now saw themselves thwarted, and faced the prospect of
+severer treatment.</p>
+
+<p>Matters had progressed even further than Waldeck-Rousseau himself
+perhaps desired. In the spring of 1902, new legislative elections took
+place for the renewal of the Chamber of Deputies. The policy of the
+Waldeck-Rousseau Ministry was endorsed by a sound majority, and yet at
+this moment of triumph, after the longest rule as Prime Minister of any
+hitherto in the history of the Republic, Waldeck-Rousseau resigned his
+post without an adverse vote. Undoubtedly the state of his personal
+health was partly responsible for his departure from office and he was
+destined not to live beyond 1904. The last important events of his
+administration were a visit of the Czar to France and a return visit of
+President Loubet to Russia.</p>
+
+<p>Waldeck-Rousseau's successor as Prime Minister was Emile Combes, a
+strong foe of the Church. Combes had himself been a former<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> theological
+student and had, in his youth, written a thesis on the philosophy of St.
+Thomas Aquinas. He now had all the vindictiveness of one who burns what
+he formerly worshipped. Encouraged by the recent elections, he turned
+more and more against the Vatican and impelled by the more violent
+members of the <i>Bloc</i>, he drifted toward the rupture which his
+predecessor had tried to avoid. A committee of the different groups
+supporting the Cabinet, called the "d&eacute;l&eacute;gation des gauches," had in time
+been instituted to formulate policies with the Prime Minister, who often
+had to obey it instead of guiding. Waldeck-Rousseau had intended not to
+apply his law retroactively. He had planned to spare educational
+establishments already in existence before July, 1901, when his measure
+went into operation, and had winked at lack of compliance on the part of
+many others. Combes applied the letter of the law ruthlessly. Amid
+public protestations and disturbances he closed a large number of these
+unauthorized schools; firstly, those which had actually been opened
+without permission since the promulgation of the law, then the many
+schools which were older than the law.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> In so doing he was called a
+persecutor, because the directors of the schools declared that they had
+allowed the time limit of application for authorization to go by, only
+through the understanding with the previous Administration that they
+were not to be interfered with. Now they could not help themselves.</p>
+
+<p>Emboldened by success Combes next took up the applications of the
+congregations which had duly followed the law and were seeking
+authorization. By decree, as was his right, he first promptly closed
+unlicensed schools of recognized orders. Then came the applications of
+orders seeking authorization. Legal procedure demanded laws to reject as
+well as laws to accept applications. A recommendation <i>favored</i> by the
+Government but <i>rejected</i> by the Chamber of Deputies would not go before
+the Senate. On the other hand, an <i>unfavorable</i> opinion of the
+Government <i>ratified</i> by the House would still have to go before the
+Senate. A way would thus be open for prolonged chicanery.</p>
+
+<p>Combes cut matters short. He lumped fifty-four individual applications
+into three batches, teaching orders, preaching orders, and the
+commercial<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> order of the Chartreux, manufacturers of the liqueur called
+"chartreuse." Then, presenting these batches of applications
+collectively instead of individually to the Chamber, he caused their
+rejection and proceeded to dissolve the orders and close their fifteen
+hundred establishments. Through the spring of 1903 there were turbulent
+scenes in consequence in various parts of France, the monks trying
+sometimes passive resistance, sometimes actual violence. In the
+reactionary districts the population attempted to stir up riots.
+Occasionally, even, a military officer whose duty it was to evict the
+monks refused to obey orders. But, nothing daunted, Combes went on, with
+the support of the Chambers, to reject a large mass of applications from
+teaching orders of women. Even Waldeck-Rousseau was led in time publicly
+to declare that he had never contemplated the transformation of his
+Associations law of 1901 from a measure of regulation to one of
+exclusion, nor the assumption by the State of expensive educational
+charges hitherto carried on by religious orders. At last the law of
+July, 1904, put a complete end to all kinds of instruction by religious<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span>
+bodies, thereby insuring, after a lapse of time for liquidation, the
+disappearance of all teaching orders.</p>
+
+<p>These measures against the religious groups were, in spite of outcries
+of persecution, after all matters of internal administration. But,
+meanwhile, causes for direct dissension with the Vatican had arisen over
+questions involving the <i>Concordat</i> regulating the relations of Church
+and State.</p>
+
+<p>The first dispute was about the method of appointing bishops. The
+Concordat gave to the Government the right of appointing bishops,
+subject to the papal ratification of the appointee's moral and
+theological qualifications. During the Third Republic the habit had
+grown up of mutual consultation before appointments were made, a
+practice which led the Vatican to assume that its initial influence was
+as great as that of the Government, and finally to make use of the
+formula <i>nobis nominavit</i>, or <i>nominaverit</i>, as though the Government
+merely proposed a candidate subject to the Vatican's free right to
+accept or to reject. The keen-scented Combes took an early opportunity
+to raise this issue by making certain<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> appointments to bishoprics
+without previously consulting the Vatican. In the midst of the
+discussions Leo XIII died in July, 1903, and was succeeded by Pius X,
+whose character was utterly different from that of his predecessor. His
+primitive faith saw in France the home of heretics like the Modernist,
+the Abb&eacute; Loisy; and his Secretary of State, the ultramontane Cardinal
+Merry del Val, was as hostile to France, as his predecessor Cardinal
+Rampolla had, on the whole, been well disposed to the "eldest daughter
+of the Church." Between Merry del Val and Combes no agreement was
+possible. So matters went from bad to worse.</p>
+
+<p>In the autumn of 1903 the King of Italy made a visit to France, and in
+1904 it was deemed advisable to have President Loubet return this visit
+to emphasize the new cordiality between France and Italy, the settlement
+of long-standing difficulties, and to cultivate as much as possible one
+member of the Triple Alliance. The Pope protested violently against this
+visit to his enemy in Rome and made it clear that he would refuse to see
+Loubet. The diplomatic crisis became acute and the French Ambassador to
+the Vatican was recalled.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Soon came a complete rupture over the treatment by the pontifical
+authorities of two French bishops, Geay of Laval and Le Nordez of Dijon.
+They had shown themselves loyal Republicans and had become the object of
+attack in their own dioceses until personal scandals were imagined or
+raked up against them. Combes took the part of the bishops and, to
+punish the Vatican for interfering with the French prelates, definitely
+broke off diplomatic relations in July, 1904, withdrawing even the
+charg&eacute; d'affaires who had been left after the departure of the
+ambassador.</p>
+
+<p>For some time, plans for the separation of Church and State had been
+under discussion in a somewhat academic way by a committee or
+<i>Commission</i> of the Chamber, under the general guidance of Ferdinand
+Buisson and Aristide Briand. The latter had even drawn up a preliminary
+project. But Combes, in spite of his vehemence in words against the
+Church, hesitated to involve the Ministry. He knew that the country at
+large was fully satisfied with the maintenance of the Concordat and that
+some of his own colleagues in the Cabinet, as well as Loubet, preferred
+not to disturb it.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Suddenly a great scandal broke out. The enemies of the Ministry got hold
+of the fact that General Andr&eacute;, through some of his subordinates in the
+War Office, was carrying on a regular system of espionage upon army
+officers suspected of luke-warm republicanism or of Clerical sympathies,
+and was using as spies members of Masonic lodges or even subordinate
+Masonic army officers throughout France.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> These spies had filed
+innumerable notes or memoranda known as <i>fiches</i>, containing
+information, rumor, or scandal concerning the persons involved, their
+families and intimacies. The discovery that leading members of the
+Cabinet had been countenancing methods as reprehensible as those of the
+worst of their opponents, caused an uproar. The Cabinet seemed on the
+point of being overthrown when one of its enemies did it a great
+service. A wild and blatant anti-Ministerialist named Syveton rushed up
+to the Minister of War and struck him two blows in the face during a
+meeting of the Chamber. The effect of this deed was to cause a temporary
+reaction in favor of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> Ministry, but also to draw Combes more to the
+Radicals, and he promptly brought forward his own governmental
+separation plan, which was considerably at variance with the Briand
+project. The respite was, however, only momentary, and, after
+sacrificing General Andr&eacute;, Combes gave up the struggle and resigned in
+January, 1905, without being actually put in the minority.</p>
+
+<p>It cannot be denied that there was a considerable deterioration in
+government during the r&eacute;gime of Combes. In attempting to thwart the
+Clerical Party he let himself lapse into methods as objectionable as
+theirs. His anti-clericalism breathed the spirit of persecution, as much
+as did the intrigues of the clergy during the early days of the
+Republic. He transformed Waldeck-Rousseau's plans for the regulation of
+religious orders into a measure of proscription. He countenanced
+underhanded intrigues, and allowed his Minister of War to undermine army
+discipline by his methods of political espionage almost as much as it
+had been undermined in the days of the supremacy of the Clericals. The
+concessions of the Ministers of War and of Marine to the Socialists<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> and
+pacifists considerably weakened the efficiency of both army and navy.
+Combes's administration was pre-eminently one of self-seeking
+politicians.</p>
+
+<p>Yet, on the other hand, certain very praiseworthy achievements may be
+registered to its credit. One of these was the act of General Andr&eacute;, in
+1903, instituting a new private investigation of the Dreyfus case. It
+resulted in the discovery of material sufficient to justify a new demand
+for revision, which the Cour de Cassation admitted in March, 1904.
+Another achievement was the <i>rapprochement</i> with England known as the
+<i>Entente cordiale</i> or friendly understanding, which following the new
+amity with Italy greatly strengthened France face-to-face with Germany.
+The Russian alliance had given France one definite European ally, and
+the cordiality with Italy, a member of the Triple Alliance, cleared the
+situation in the Mediterranean and on the frontier of the Alps. The
+<i>Entente cordiale</i> was engineered by Edward VII as a result of his visit
+to Paris in 1903. The accord of April, 1904, was really due to English
+as well as French fear of German aggression. It liquidated all the old
+contentions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> between England and France, one of which, the French Shore
+Dispute over Newfoundland fishing rights, dated back to the Treaty of
+Utrecht in the early eighteenth century. But, above all, France
+definitely gave up her Egyptian claims in return for freedom of action
+in Morocco guaranteed by England. For France was anxious to add Morocco
+to her African sphere of influence. A secret arrangement with Spain gave
+that country reversionary claims to certain parts of Morocco. By the
+agreement with England the bad blood caused by the Fashoda incident was
+wiped away, a new intimacy sprang up between "Perfidious Albion" and
+"Froggy," and through the natural drawing together of England and
+France's ally Russia, the Triple Entente came into being some years
+later, which was destined to face Germany and Austria in the Great
+European War.</p>
+
+<p>Combes's successor as Prime Minister was a member of his own Cabinet,
+Maurice Rouvier. More moderate in views than Combes, he would have been
+content to let the Separation bill rest, but the Radicals were in the
+saddle and he let things take their course. The discussions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> over the
+project went on through most of the year 1905, under the guidance of the
+Minister of Worship, Bienvenu-Martin, and particularly of Aristide
+Briand, the <i>rapporteur</i> or spokesman for the <i>Commission</i> in the
+Chamber. The bill, again and again modified in a spirit of conciliation
+and leniency under the guidance of Briand, finally resulted, as
+promulgated on December 9, in a sincere effort for a compromise between
+different views on religion. It showed a desire, since Church and State
+were to be divorced, to treat the former fairly. Provision was made,
+when the budget for religious purposes should be suppressed, for the
+legal inventory of ecclesiastical property, the pension of superannuated
+clergy, and the formation of legal corporations to insure public worship
+(<i>associations cultuelles</i>). It must be remembered that the new measure
+applied quite as much to the Protestants and to the Jews as to the
+Catholics. Before the separation the Protestant pastors and the Jewish
+rabbis were maintained by the State no less than the Catholic clergy.
+Their numerical insignificance made them of little importance in the
+general combat over the Clerical question. Nor could<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> they fairly be
+accused of intrigue against the Republic.</p>
+
+<p>The year 1905 is noteworthy for two other important events. One was the
+reduction of the term of compulsory military service from three to two
+years. This measure was carried through largely under the auspices of
+General Andr&eacute; and proved an over-dangerous concession to the
+anti-militarists and pacifists, since it was destined so soon to be
+repealed. The other was the sensational diplomatic dispute with Germany
+over Morocco, which resulted at first for France in a worse humiliation
+than Fashoda.</p>
+
+<p>Germany under Bismarck had encouraged the numerous French colonial
+schemes, as a way of keeping her busy abroad and of diverting her
+thoughts from Alsace-Lorraine. But as the Empire began to develop its
+Pan-Germanism and its aspirations to world-power under William II, it
+grew jealous of England and France and of their arrangement of 1904 to
+settle the interests of Morocco. Forthwith Germany began to intrigue
+with the Sultan of Morocco against the French, and declared that, as it
+had not been officially informed of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> the agreements between England,
+France, and Spain, it intended to disregard them. The defeat of Russia
+by Japan, in particular, encouraged Germany to feel that France,
+deprived of its ally, could be bullied with impunity. On March 31,
+Emperor William landed at Tangier and proclaimed that his visit was to
+the Sultan as an "independent sovereign." Germany also called for the
+convocation of an international meeting to regulate the Moroccan
+question. The French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Delcass&eacute;, objected to
+the thwarting of his plans, but because of the deterioration of the army
+and navy and the lack of hoped-for Russian support, Rouvier was obliged
+under German threats to drop him from his Cabinet and to agree to the
+convocation of the Conference of Algeciras.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> It should be remembered that, in France, the Freemasons
+are an anti-religious political quite as much as a benevolent order.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> The pro-German position, expressed in such works as E. D.
+Morel's <i>Morocco in Diplomacy</i> (1912), is that Sir Edward Grey and M.
+Delcass&eacute; were engaged in tricky schemes to dispose of Morocco without
+regard for German interests; that Germany was not officially notified by
+France of the public agreements with England (April, 1904) and with
+Spain (October, 1904); that these two agreements were both accompanied
+by secret ones which nullified their effect; that M. Delcass&eacute; resigned,
+not under German pressure, but at M. Rouvier's wish, for having unduly
+involved and compromised France.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER IX</h2>
+
+<h3>THE ADMINISTRATION OF ARMAND FALLI&Egrave;RES</h3>
+
+<h4>February, 1906, to February, 1918</h4>
+
+
+<p>The international conference for the regulation of the Moroccan question
+met at Algeciras in southern Spain, in January, 1906. Twelve powers
+participated, including the United States. The negotiations were
+prolonged until the end of March owing to the unconciliatory German
+attitude, and resulted in an arrangement which the Germans looked upon
+as totally unsatisfactory to themselves. In the shaping of the general
+results the United States had considerable influence. The agreement put
+out of discussion the sovereignty of the Sultan, the integrity of the
+empire, and the principle of commercial freedom, and was largely devoted
+to the question of the establishment of a state bank and the
+organization of the police in international ports of entry. In the bank
+France was to have special privileges, and the police was to be under
+the supervision of France and Spain. Germany was eliminated.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In the midst of the uncertainty over the outcome of the Conference two
+important events took place in France, the second of which came near
+seriously weakening the French position. These were the election of a
+successor to President Loubet and the downfall of the Rouvier Ministry.</p>
+
+<p>M. Loubet's term expired in February and he did not desire re-election.
+The two chief candidates were Armand Falli&egrave;res and Paul Doumer. M.
+Falli&egrave;res was an easy-going, good-natured, and well-meaning but
+second-rate statesman. Doumer was far more brilliant and vigorous, but
+was accused of self-seeking and was thought a less safe person to elect.
+Unfortunately, M. Falli&egrave;res, when chosen, had his master, and was
+largely under the control of Clemenceau.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile the almost unprincipled vacillation of M. Rouvier and his
+spineless policy caused increased dissatisfaction to the Chamber. During
+the discussion of a riotous episode connected with the enforcement of
+the Separation law, which had resulted in the death of a man, Rouvier
+was overthrown. He was succeeded by a colorless person, Sarrien, who
+included<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> Clemenceau in his Cabinet as Minister of the Interior. The
+latter gradually pushed his chief aside and finally replaced him before
+the end of the year as Prime Minister.</p>
+
+<p>Clemenceau showed himself during his lengthy control of power an astute
+politician. In the public eye ever since the days of the Commune, he had
+had success during the eighties as a destroyer of cabinets. Driven into
+the background by the Panama scandals, he now came forward again to try
+his fortune in holding the power from which he had often driven others.
+With a Cabinet thoroughly under his dictatorial control, he announced a
+programme which was to depend for success on the Radicals, rather than
+on the Moderates or the Socialists. It was a departure from the policy
+of the <i>Bloc</i>, though to conciliate the advanced parties he created the
+new Ministry of Labor and put M. Viviani, a Socialist, in charge of it.
+In practice, Clemenceau's policy was that of one determined to stay in
+office, showing alternately conciliation and severity, explaining his
+actions to the Chamber often with a flippancy which seemed out of place
+and did not help the prestige of parliamentary government.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Apart from the diplomatic tension with Germany, which was not settled by
+the Act of Algeciras, the history of the Falli&egrave;res Administration is
+largely taken up with the final disposition of the religious controversy
+and with labor questions. The constant advance toward radicalism and
+socialism, the lack of great statesmen in Parliament and the presence of
+professional politicians, the progress of anti-militarism and the
+relegation of the question of Alsace-Lorraine to the background, left a
+free field for the growth of social unrest. The tendency was encouraged
+by the elections for the renewal of the Chamber of Deputies in May,
+1906. To the religious disturbances and the efforts of the Conservatives
+to prove themselves persecuted, the country answered at the polls by an
+increased anti-Clerical majority.</p>
+
+<p>In 1906 the Dreyfus case was at last settled. The Cour de Cassation
+finally annulled the verdict of the Rennes court-martial. In consequence
+Dreyfus was restored to the army with the rank of Major which he would
+normally have reached had it not been for his great ordeal. Colonel
+Picquart, to whom more than to any one he owed his rehabilitation, who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span>
+had been driven from the army in 1898, was now made Brigadier-General.
+Promoted a few weeks later to Major-General, he became Minister of War
+in Clemenceau's Cabinet. The remains of Emile Zola were also transferred
+to the Pantheon. Such were the dramatic changes wrought in half a dozen
+years.</p>
+
+<p>The troubles over the application of the law for the disestablishment of
+the Church lasted more than two years. The Vatican was determined to
+make itself a martyr. It would undoubtedly have been glad to see a
+forcible closing of the churches in order to cause a reaction in its
+favor. Moreover, it objected to the diminution of priestly power and the
+participation of the laity as prescribed in the formation of the new
+<i>associations cultuelles</i>. The Ministry, and particularly Briand, were
+just as determined not to give it an opportunity to raise the cry of
+persecution.</p>
+
+<p>The first opportunity for a conflict came when the Government tried to
+make inventories of religious property, including valuables. This
+measure was for the protection of the Church, but the Clericals chose to
+call it inquisitorial and a first step to confiscation.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> In some parts
+of France armed resistance, often systematically prepared, was made to
+the authorities, army officers again occasionally refused to carry out
+orders, and on March 6, at B&oelig;schepe, a man was killed. It was this
+incident which caused the downfall of the Rouvier Cabinet.</p>
+
+<p>It was the policy of M. Briand, entrusted with the application of the
+new law, to employ the most conciliatory means face to face with the
+Vatican, determined to be persecuted. As a matter of fact the French
+bishops, after plenary consultation, had decided by a considerable
+majority, to accept the law in a good spirit, with reservations as to
+its justice, and to organize the <i>associations cultuelles</i>. Suddenly the
+Pope intervened by an encyclical directed against any such acceptance,
+and prescribed a continuation of the contest. These orders the bishops
+felt constrained to obey.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore, at the advent of the Clemenceau Cabinet in October, 1906, M.
+Briand had achieved nothing but compulsory inventories. He got
+Parliament to allow the legality of the proposed religious organizations
+under the Associations Law of 1901 or under the general<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span> law of 1881 on
+public meetings, as well as under the special legislation of 1905. Again
+the Holy See refused to obey, and ordered the clergy to continue their
+occupancy of the churches, but to refrain from any legal declaration or
+registration whatsoever. Then M. Briand did away with the declaration.
+So the contest went on without agreement until it finally lapsed. The
+clergy continued to occupy the churches, but without legal claim to
+them, under the law of 1881 on public meetings, amended by the law of
+March 28, 1907, suppressing the formality of a declaration. The Catholic
+Church was stripped, by its own unwillingness to help organize holding
+bodies, of all its possessions. By the good-will of the Government it
+continued to occupy the religious edifices, but the maintenance and
+repair of these was dependent on the good-will of the <i>commune</i> or
+administrative division in which the churches were situated. On the
+other hand, nothing has materialized of the prophesied religious
+persecutions, civil war, and martyrdoms.</p>
+
+<p>Apart from the annoyances caused by the separation of Church and State,
+the history of the Clemenceau Ministry deals largely with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> labor
+disturbances and social unrest. This was partly due to parliamentary
+demagogy. A succession of weak and ineffective ministries had been
+followed by Clemenceau's incoherencies and alterations of policy, though
+it remained consistently <i>Radical</i> and not socialistic. The Ministers
+were often at loggerheads (even Clemenceau and Briand over the
+Separation bill), and the Deputies were often mediocre politicians,
+quick to vote themselves an increase of salary, but dilatory in other
+achievements. The growth of socialism, with its theories of pacifism and
+international brotherhood, encouraged the anti-militarists. The
+brilliant leader Jaur&egrave;s openly advocated the abolition of the army and
+the creation of a national militia. Some anti-militarists, like Herv&eacute;,
+carried their theories beyond all bounds and rhetorically talked of
+dragging the national flag in the mire. Meanwhile the political methods
+in the past of men like Andr&eacute; in the War Department and Camille Pelletan
+in the Navy had weakened those services, as Delcass&eacute; had found to his
+cost in the controversy with Germany. The battleship <i>I&eacute;na</i> blew up in
+March, 1907, there was a suspicious fire at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> the Toulon Arsenal, and
+many other things disquieted people.</p>
+
+<p>The Government tried to cater to the labor parties, brought forward
+plans for an income tax and for old-age pensions, and carried through a
+law making compulsory one day of rest out of seven for workingmen.
+Especially active were the efforts of the syndicalists and the
+organizers of the anarchistic <i>Conf&eacute;d&eacute;ration g&eacute;n&eacute;rale du travail</i>, or
+"C.G.T.," to promote every contest between capital and labor and to
+bring about, if possible, a general strike of all labor. There were
+strikes of miners, longshoremen, sailors, electricians among others.
+Even more alarming was the formation of unions, affiliated with the
+C.G.T., among state employees such as school teachers and postmen, and
+efforts to disorganize the public service. These different movements
+Clemenceau met with his customary seesaw of friendliness and harshness,
+and the Government was usually victorious. Not less troublesome but
+somewhat more picturesque was the quasi-revolutionary movement, in 1907,
+of the wine-makers of the South, driven to desperation by overproduction
+and low prices, attributed to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> competition of adulterated wines. The
+municipalities where these disturbances occurred were often in sympathy
+with the creators of disturbance, not only in small towns, but in large
+places like B&eacute;ziers, Perpignan, Narbonne, and Carcassonne. Municipal
+officials resigned or refused to carry out their duties, and some
+regiments, made up of men recruited from one of the districts, mutinied.
+The troubles at last quieted down.</p>
+
+<p>In the beginning of 1909 an important agreement was signed with Germany
+which seemed to promise an end to the long disputes over Morocco. The
+Moroccan question had continued to dominate French foreign policy even
+after Algeciras and that conference had not ended the commercial
+rivalries of the two countries. In March, 1907, a Frenchman, Dr.
+Mauchamp, was murdered by natives at Marrakesh and the French in reply
+occupied Ujda near the Algerian frontier. In July, after the murder of
+some European workmen at Casablanca, the French sent a landing corps. In
+1908 the Sultan Abd-el-Aziz, a friend of the French, was overthrown by a
+rival, Muley-Hafid, egged on by the Germans. These also<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> raised a
+dispute over some deserters from the French Foreign Legion at
+Casablanca, who had taken refuge at the German Consulate and whom the
+Germans claimed as their subjects. For a moment war clouds seemed to
+appear on the horizon until dissipated by mutual expressions of regret
+and after a reference to the Hague Tribunal, which, on the whole,
+justified the French. It was, therefore, good news for Europe to hear of
+the agreement of February, 1909, which acknowledged the predominance of
+French political claims, and tried to facilitate economic co-operation
+instead of rivalry between France and Germany. Unfortunately, this
+agreement was destined to prove ineffective.</p>
+
+<p>The Clemenceau Cabinet lasted until July, 1909. During a discussion on
+the Navy, Clemenceau and Delcass&eacute; had an altercation as to their
+relative responsibilities for the French surrender to Germany in 1905
+when Delcass&eacute; was driven from the Rouvier Ministry. The Chamber sided
+with Delcass&eacute; and Clemenceau discovered that his sarcasm had overreached
+itself. The new Premier was Briand, the Socialist and former bugbear of
+the moneyed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> classes, who had shown by his management of the Separation
+bill the abilities of a true statesman and who became more and more
+moderate in his views under the increasing responsibilities of power.</p>
+
+<p>The history of the Briand Ministry was largely taken up by internal
+questions and the elections of May, 1910, for the renewal of the Chamber
+of Deputies. To propitiate the electorate the expiring Parliament passed
+a law providing old-age pensions for workingmen. The elections left the
+Radicals and the Socialistic Radicals (as opposed to the Socialists) on
+the whole masters of the situation, but the general parliamentary
+instability continued to prevail. The country felt the reaction. In the
+autumn of 1910 far-reaching railway strikes broke out, resulting in
+violence and injury to railway property or <i>sabotage</i>. Briand met the
+difficulty energetically by mobilizing the employees still subject to
+military duty, and making them perform their work under military orders.
+The act of "dictatorship" was approved by the Chamber, but Briand went
+through the ceremony of resigning and accepting the mission to form a
+new Cabinet. It<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> proved not very homogeneous and withdrew in February,
+1911. The Monis Cabinet, of more advanced Socialistic-Radical
+principles, lasted only a few months and faced new disturbances with
+wine-producers. This time the trouble was in the East, where many were
+dissatisfied with the artificial limitation of districts entitled to
+produce wines labelled "champagne." The Socialistic-Radical Ministry of
+Joseph Caillaux (June, 1911) encountered a new and dangerous crisis in
+the relations with Germany.</p>
+
+<p>The mutual agreement between the two countries for the economic
+development of Morocco had, through financial rivalries, not worked
+well. There was also friction over similar attempts for the development
+of the French Congo. In this state of affairs, the French sent a
+military expedition to Fez in the early summer of 1911 for the
+ostensible purpose of protecting the Sultan from attack by rebels and of
+relieving the French military mission. The Germans, backed up, indeed,
+by the French anti-militarist press, declared that this was a mere
+pretext for encroachment. Spain also took the opportunity of asserting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span>
+its rights to parts of the North in accordance with its reversionary
+claims by the Treaty of 1904. Thereupon Germany declared that the
+agreements of Algeciras and of 1909 had been nullified by France and
+demanded compensations. The gunboat <i>Panther</i> suddenly appeared in the
+port of Agadir (July 1) and the Germans began to call for their share in
+the partition of Morocco.</p>
+
+<p>Difficult negotiations were carried on between France and Germany
+through the summer of 1911, and at moments the two countries were on the
+very brink of war. The English Government backed up France. Lloyd George
+and Premier Asquith made public declarations to that effect. French
+capitalists also began calling in their funds invested in Germany and a
+financial crisis threatened that country.</p>
+
+<p>Thus brought to terms the Germans became more moderate in their demands,
+and it was finally possible to reach a compromise, unsatisfactory to
+both parties. Germany definitely gave up all political claim to Morocco
+and acknowledged France as paramount there. On the other hand, a
+territorial readjustment<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> was made in the Congo by which Germany added
+to the Cameroons about two hundred and thirty thousand square kilometres
+of land with a million people, and the new frontiers made annoying
+salients into the French Congo. The treaty was signed in November, 1911,
+but the Pan-Germanists were angry at any concessions to France, the
+Colonial Minister resigned, and the Emperor, who had thrown his
+influence on the side of peace, lost much prestige for a while. On the
+other hand, the French were correspondingly dissatisfied at the losses
+in the Congo. The opponents of the Prime Minister, Caillaux, had often
+taunted him with too close a relation between his official acts and his
+private financial interests. They now accused him of tricky concessions
+to Germany in connection with the Congo adjustments. M. Caillaux denied
+in the Chamber that he had ever entered into any private dealings apart
+from the negotiations of the ministry of Foreign Affairs. However,
+Clemenceau asked the Foreign Minister, M. de Selves, point-blank if the
+French Ambassador at Berlin had not complained of interference in the
+diplomatic negotiations. M. de Selves refused to answer,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span> thus
+implicitly giving the lie to M. Caillaux. The consequence was a cabinet
+crisis and the resignation of the Ministry (January, 1912).</p>
+
+<p>The upshot of the Agadir crisis was increased irritation between France
+and Germany and the feeling in each country that the other was seeking
+trouble. The French were now convinced that, some day or other, war
+would inevitably result and the nation dropped its strong pacifist
+tendencies and rallied to the army. The Germans were, above all, furious
+against the English, whom they considered responsible for their
+humiliation.</p>
+
+<p>So far as Morocco was immediately concerned, the French took steps to
+develop their new privileges. In March, 1912, they imposed a definite
+protectorate on the Sultan Muley-Hafid and soon replaced him by his
+brother Muley-Yussef. They came to an agreement with Spain as to the
+latter's claims in the North and entrusted to General Lyautey the
+administrative and military reorganization of the country. The
+pacification of the hostile tribes was not an easy task and went on
+laboriously through 1912 and 1913.</p>
+
+<p>After the downfall of M. Caillaux, Raymond<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> Poincar&eacute; became head of a
+Cabinet more moderate than its predecessor, the Socialistic Radicals
+seeming somewhat discredited in public opinion. M. Poincar&eacute; was a strong
+partisan of proportional representation, and a measure for the
+modification of the method of voting was, under his auspices, passed by
+the Chamber, though it failed the following year in the Senate.</p>
+
+<p>In foreign affairs, Morocco having dropped into the background, the
+Eastern question became acute. Fear lest the conflict in the Orient
+should involve the rest of Europe led France to draw again closer to
+Russia and England.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span></p>
+<h2>CHAPTER X</h2>
+
+<h3>THE ADMINISTRATION OF RAYMOND POINCAR&Eacute;</h3>
+
+<h4>February, 1913</h4>
+
+
+<p>M. Falli&egrave;res' term expired on February 18, 1913. The two leading
+candidates were Raymond Poincar&eacute;, head of the Ministry, and Jules Pams,
+who was supported by the advanced Radicals. M. Poincar&eacute;'s election was
+looked upon, because of his personal vigor, as a triumph of sound
+conservative republicanism, and it was predicted that he would prove a
+strong leader, able to give prestige to the Presidency and to bring
+order out of chaos. The early months of his Administration were less
+productive of results than had been hoped, but the European War came too
+soon to make definitive judgment safe.</p>
+
+<p>After M. Poincar&eacute;'s election, M. Falli&egrave;res made M. Briand President of
+the Council during the last weeks of his term, and M. Poincar&eacute; kept the
+same Cabinet. M. Briand, like M. Poincar&eacute;, advocated proportional
+representation. As the Chamber failed to take a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> vigorous position in
+support of the measure, and defeated the Ministry on a vote of
+confidence, the latter withdrew (March, 1913).</p>
+
+<p>Louis Barthou next became Prime Minister, and the important legislative
+measure of the year was the new military law. The Germans having largely
+increased their army, it was deemed necessary, in spite of the violent
+opposition of the Socialistic Radicals and the Socialists and the
+attempts of the syndicalists of the <i>Conf&eacute;d&eacute;ration g&eacute;n&eacute;rale du travail</i>
+to work up a general strike, to abrogate the Law of 1905 and to return
+to three years of military service without exemption. M. Barthou pushed
+the three-years bill already supported by the Briand Cabinet. France
+took upon herself an enormous financial burden, coupled with a
+corresponding loss of productive labor, yet events soon proved the
+wisdom of the step.</p>
+
+<p>The opposition to the Cabinet was virulent. There were now two great
+groupings of the chief political parties.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> The Radicals and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span>
+Socialistic Radicals, under the name of "Unified Radicals" waged war
+against the President and the Ministry. They were under the inspiration
+of men like Clemenceau and the active leadership of Joseph Caillaux and
+tried to revive the methods of the old <i>Bloc</i> of Combes. They
+declared their intention of repealing the three-years law and
+proclaimed the tenets of their faith at the Congress of Pau. The
+Briand-Barthou-Millerand group, supporters of Poincar&eacute;, soon formed a
+Moderate Party with a programme of conciliation and reform known as the
+"Federation of the Lefts."</p>
+
+<p>The Barthou Cabinet had been overthrown early in December, 1913, after a
+vote on a government loan. President Poincar&eacute; had to call in a Radical
+Cabinet led by Gaston Doumergue, the programme of which Ministry was,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span>
+after all, less "advanced" than the Pau programme, especially as to the
+three-years bill. M. Caillaux, the master-spirit of the Radicals, was
+the Minister of Finance and the object of the hostility of the
+Moderates. They claimed that he used his position to cause speculation
+at the Stock Exchange, and accused him of "selling out" to Germany in
+the settlement after Agadir. The <i>Figaro</i>, edited by Gaston Calmette,
+began a violent campaign. Among the charges was that during the
+prosecution in 1911 of Rochette, a swindling promoter, the then Prime
+Minister Monis, now Minister of Marine, had, at Caillaux's instigation,
+held up the prosecution for fraud, during which delay Rochette had been
+able to put through other swindles.</p>
+
+<p>In the midst of the public turmoil over these charges Caillaux's wife
+went to Calmette's editorial offices and killed him with a revolver.
+Caillaux resigned and, the Rochette case having come up for discussion
+in the Chamber, when Monis denied that he had ever influenced the law,
+Barthou produced a most damaging letter. A parliamentary commission
+later decided that the Monis Cabinet<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> <i>had</i> interfered to save Rochette
+from prosecution.</p>
+
+<p>It was under such circumstances that the Deputies separated for the
+general elections. Three chief questions came before the voters, the
+three-years law, the income tax, and proportional representation. The
+results of the elections were inconclusive and the new Chamber promised
+to be as ineffective as its predecessor. On the second ballots the
+Socialists made a good many gains.</p>
+
+<p>The Doumergue Ministry resigned soon after the elections which it had
+carried through. President Poincar&eacute; offered the leadership to the
+veteran statesman Ribot, who with the co-operation of L&eacute;on Bourgeois,
+formed a Moderate Cabinet with an inclination toward the Left. This
+Ministry was above the average, but its leaders were insulted and
+brow-beaten and overthrown on the very first day they met the Chamber of
+Deputies. So then a Cabinet was formed, led by the Socialist Ren&eacute;
+Viviani, who was willing, however, to accept the three-years law, though
+he had previously opposed it. But this victory for national defence was
+weakened by parliamentary<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span> revelations of military unpreparedness.</p>
+
+<p>In mid-July President Poincar&eacute; and M. Viviani left France for a round of
+state visits to Russia and Scandinavia. Paris was engrossed by the
+sensational trial of Madame Caillaux, which resulted in her acquittal,
+but this excitement was suddenly replaced by the European crisis, and
+President Poincar&eacute; cut short his foreign trip and hastened home. France
+loyally supported her ally Russia, and, on August 3, Baron von Schoen,
+the German Ambassador, notified M. Viviani of a state of war between
+Germany and France.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed, no sooner had the Moroccan question been settled than danger had
+loomed in the Orient, in which France was likely to be involved through
+her alliance with Russia. Moreover, Germany had not got over the Agadir
+fiasco and was furious with England as well as France. Thus the European
+balance of power had long been in danger through the hostility of the
+Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente. It is beyond the scope of the
+present volume to analyze in detail the Balkan question. The r&ocirc;le of
+France was consistent in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span> interest of peace by helping to maintain
+the balance of power, but obviously she was loyal toward her partners of
+the Triple Entente and acted in solidarity with them.</p>
+
+<p>So far as the outbreak of the war in 1914 is concerned, France stands
+with a clear conscience. She had nothing to do with the disputes between
+Austria and Serbia, or between Austria, Germany, and Russia. Once war
+proved inevitable France faithfully accepted the responsibilities of the
+Russian alliance. Against France, Germany was an open aggressor.
+Germany's strategic plans for the quick annihilation of France, before
+attacking Russia, are well known to the world. Everybody is aware how
+scrupulously France avoided every hostile measure, and, during the
+critical days preceding the war, withdrew all troops ten kilometres from
+the frontier to prevent a clash. The Germans were obliged, in order to
+justify their advance, to invent preposterous tales of bombs dropped by
+aeroplanes near Nuremberg or of the violation of Belgium neutrality by
+French officers in automobiles. France had no idea of invading Belgium.
+All the French strategic plans aimed at the protection<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span> of the direct
+frontier, and they were dislocated by the dishonest move of Germany
+through Belgium.</p>
+
+<p>In 1914 France was not even prepared for war. The pacification of
+Morocco immobilized thousands of her troops. Revelations in Parliament
+as late as July 13 showed, as mentioned above, great deficiencies in
+equipment. Public attention was taken up by the Caillaux trial and by
+political strife apparently reaching the proportions of national
+weakness.</p>
+
+<p>Since Agadir it is true that France, conscious of the constantly
+provocative attitude of Germany, had seen the folly of plans for
+disarmament. Love for the army had grown again, through realization of
+its necessity. But no nation ever looked forward with more horror and
+dread to military conflict than the French. They had been the last
+victims of a great European war, of which the memories were still alive.
+However much the loss of Alsace-Lorraine rankled in their hearts, they
+knew too well the madness of war to seek it again. A new generation had
+grown up reconciled to fate and willing to let bygones be bygones.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But Germany would not. The new Empire, a <i>Bourgeois gentilhomme</i> among
+nations, but without even the breeding of the <i>parvenu</i>, dreamed of
+world-supremacy. As the boor in society makes himself conspicuous, so it
+was one of the tenets of Pan-Germanism to let no international agreement
+take place without German interference.</p>
+
+<p>Some people, reading the annals of forty-four years since the
+Franco-Prussian War, have been disposed to sneer at France. Some have
+called the country degenerate because of its small birth-rate, its
+fiction sometimes brutal, sometimes neurotic, its inefficient
+Parliament, its vindictive political and religious contests. Such
+critics should remember that the French Government is the result of
+tactical compromise in presence of the Monarchical Party. Nobody denies
+that it might be improved. As to religious persecution, Americans might
+remember their own righteous feelings toward fellow citizens with
+"hyphenated" allegiance, when they rebuke the French for fighting vast
+organizations working against their Government under foreign orders.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In 1914 France, bearing on her shoulders proportionably the greatest
+burden of all the Allies, presented to the world a spirit of firmness,
+unity, and national resolve that won the admiration of neutral nations.
+Religious persecution and clerical man&oelig;uvre were alike put aside.
+France forgot all lassitude and discouragement. Atheist, Protestant, and
+Catholic felt a great wave of spiritual as well as of patriotic fervor,
+and took as symbol of love of country the heroic peasant girl of
+Lorraine, Jeanne d'Arc, who, coming from the people and leading the
+nation's army, sought to drive from the soil its foes and invaders.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> It must be obvious to the reader, after following all the
+changes in nomenclature recorded in this volume, that in France
+party-names give little hint of party-views: "In French political
+parlance 'Progressivs' ar retrograde, 'Liberals' ar conservativ,
+'Conservativs' ar revolutionary in aim and methods, 'Radicals' ar
+trimmers and time-servers, whilst one of the most reactionary
+administrations of recent years was heded by three 'Socialists.'" A.-L.
+Gu&eacute;rard in <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. of America</i>, vol. xxx, p. 624.
+Compare also the following: "Suivant les r&eacute;gions de la France,
+c'est-&agrave;-dire selon la moyenne de l'opinion locale et les termes de
+comparaison ou les traditions propres &agrave; chaque province, les mots
+changent de signification. Dans le Var un radical passe pour un mod&eacute;r&eacute;,
+dans l'ouest un r&eacute;publicain est consid&eacute;r&eacute; par certains comme un
+r&eacute;volutionnaire, ailleurs les candidats qui ne sont pas au moins
+radicaux-socialistes ne sont pas tenus pour de bons r&eacute;publicains." L.
+Jacques, <i>Les partis politiques sous la troisi&egrave;me r&eacute;publique</i>, p. 429.</p></div>
+
+</div>
+
+
+<h4>THE END</h4>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span></p>
+<h2>APPENDIX</h2>
+
+
+<h3>PRESIDING OFFICERS OF FRENCH CABINETS</h3><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">VICE-PR&Eacute;SIDENTS DU CONSEIL<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><i>Administration of Thiers</i><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Feb. 19, 1871, Jules Dufaure.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">May 18, 1873, Jules Dufaure.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><i>Administration of Mac-Mahon</i><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">May 25, 1873, Duc de Broglie.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Nov. 26, 1873, Duc de Broglie.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">May 22, 1874, G&eacute;n&eacute;ral de Cissey.<br /></span>
+<span class="i15">{Louis Buffet.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">March 10, 1875,&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;{<br /></span>
+<span class="i15">{Jules Dufaure.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">PR&Eacute;SIDENTS DU CONSEIL<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><i>Administration of Mac-Mahon (continued)</i><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">March 9, 1876, Jules Dufaure.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Dec. 12, 1876, Jules Simon.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">May 17, 1877, Duc de Broglie.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Nov. 23, 1877, G&eacute;n&eacute;ral de Rochebou&euml;t.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Dec. 13, 1877, Jules Dufaure.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><i>Administration of Jules Gr&eacute;vy</i><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Feb. 4, 1879, William-Henry Waddington.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Dec. 28, 1879, Charles de Freycinet.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Sept. 23, 1880, Jules Ferry.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Nov. 14, 1881, L&eacute;on Gambetta.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Jan. 30, 1882, Charles de Freycinet.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span><br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Aug. 7, 1882, Eug&egrave;ne Duclerc.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Jan. 29, 1883, Armand Falli&egrave;res.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Feb. 21, 1883, Jules Ferry.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">April 6, 1885, Henri Brisson.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Jan. 7, 1886, Charles de Freycinet.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Dec. 11, 1886, Ren&eacute; Goblet.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">May 30, 1887. Maurice Rouvier.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><i>Administration of Carnot</i><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Dec. 12, 1887, Pierre-Emmanuel Tirard.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">April 3, 1888, Charles Floquet.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Feb. 22, 1889, Pierre-Emmanuel Tirard.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">March 17, 1890, Charles de Freycinet.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Feb. 27, 1892, Emile Loubet.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Dec. 6, 1892, Alexandre Ribot.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Jan. 11, 1893, Alexandre Ribot.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">April 4, 1893, Charles Dupuy.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Dec. 3, 1893, Jean Casimir-Perier.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">May 30, 1894. Charles Dupuy.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><i>Administration of Casimir-Perier</i><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">July 1, 1894, Charles Dupuy.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><i>Administration of F&eacute;lix Faure</i><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Jan. 26, 1895, Alexandre Ribot.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Nov. 1, 1895, L&eacute;on Bourgeois.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">April 29, 1896, Jules M&eacute;line.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">June 28, 1898, Henri Brisson.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Nov. 1, 1898, Charles Dupuy.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><i>Administration of Emile Loubet</i><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Feb. 18, 1899, Charles Dupuy.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">June 22, 1899, Ren&eacute; Waldeck-Rousseau.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">June 7, 1902, Emile Combes.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Jan. 24, 1905, Maurice Rouvier.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><i>Administration of Armand Falli&egrave;res</i><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Feb. 18, 1906, Maurice Rouvier.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">March 14, 1906, Ferdinand Sarrien.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Oct. 25, 1906, Georges Clemenceau.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">July 23, 1909, Aristide Briand.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">March 2, 1911, Ernest Monis.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">July 27, 1911, Joseph Caillaux.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Jan. 13, 1912, Raymond Poincar&eacute;.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Jan. 21, 1913, Aristide Briand.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><i>Administration of Raymond Poincar&eacute;</i><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Feb. 18, 1913, Aristide Briand.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">March 21, 1913, Louis Barthou.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Dec. 2, 1913, Gaston Doumergue.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">June 9, 1914, Alexandre Ribot.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">June 13, 1914, Ren&eacute; Viviani.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Aug. 26, 1914, Ren&eacute; Viviani.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Oct. 29, 1915, Aristide Briand.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span></p>
+<h2>BIBLIOGRAPHY</h2>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span></p>
+<p><span class="smcap">Albin, Pierre.</span> <i>D'Agadir &agrave; Sarajevo (1911-1914).</i> 1915.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Andr&eacute;, G&eacute;n&eacute;ral L.</span> <i>Cinq ans de minist&egrave;re</i>. 1907.</p>
+
+<p><i>Annual Register</i>. Yearly volumes.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Barclay, Thomas.</span> <i>Thirty Years. Anglo-French Reminiscences (1876-1906).</i>
+1914.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Beyens, Baron.</span> <i>L'Allemagne avant la guerre. Les causes et les
+responsabilit&eacute;s.</i> 1915.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Bodley, J. E. C.</span> <i>The Church in France.</i> 1906.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Bodley, J. E. C.</span> <i>France.</i> 2 vols. 1898.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Brisson, H.</span> <i>Souvenirs.</i> 1908.</p>
+
+<p><i>Cambridge Modern History.</i> (Vol. XII, <i>The Latest Age.</i> 1910.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Chuquet, A.</span> <i>La Guerre, 1870-1871.</i> 1895.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Coubertin, P. de.</span> <i>L'Evolution fran&ccedil;aise sous la troisi&egrave;me r&eacute;publique.</i>
+1896.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Daniel, Andr&eacute;</span> (<span class="smcap">Andr&eacute; Lebon</span>). <i>L'Ann&eacute;e politique.</i> Yearly volumes,
+1874-1905.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Daudet, E.</span> <i>Souvenirs de la Pr&eacute;sidence du mar&eacute;chal de Mac-Mahon.</i> 1879.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Debidour, A.</span> <i>L'Eglise catholique et l'Etat sous la troisi&egrave;me
+R&eacute;publique.</i> 2 vols. 1909.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Denis, Samuel.</span> <i>Histoire contemporaine.</i> 4 vols. 1897-1903.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Despagnet, Frantz.</span> <i>La R&eacute;publique et le Vatican (1870-1906).</i> 1906.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Dimnet, E.</span> <i>France Herself Again.</i> 1914.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Dutrait-Crozon, H.</span> <i>Pr&eacute;cis de l'Affaire Dreyfus.</i> 1909.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Fiaux, Louis.</span> <i>Histoire de la guerre civile de 1871.</i> 1879.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">George, W. L.</span> <i>France in the Twentieth Century.</i> 1908.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Gu&eacute;rard, A.-L.</span> <i>French Civilization in the Nineteenth Century.</i> 1914.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Hanotaux, G.</span> <i>Fachoda.</i> 1909.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Hanotaux, G.</span> <i>Histoire de la France contemporaine.</i> 4 vols. 1903-1908.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Hippeau, E.</span> <i>Histoire diplomatique de la troisi&egrave;me r&eacute;publique</i>
+(1870-1889). 1889.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Jacques, L&eacute;on.</span> <i>Les partis politiques sous la troisi&egrave;me r&eacute;publique.</i>
+1912.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Lavisse</span> <i>et</i> <span class="smcap">Rambaud</span>, <i>editors</i>. <i>Histoire G&eacute;n&eacute;rale Du IV<sup>e</sup> si&egrave;cle &agrave;
+nos jours.</i> (Vol. XII, <i>Le Monde contemporain</i>, 1870-1900. 1901.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Lepelletier, E.</span> <i>Histoire de la Commune de 1871.</i> 1911.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Lissagaray, P.-O.</span> <i>Histoire de la Commune de 1871.</i> 1896.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Lowell, A. L.</span> <i>Governments and Parties in Continental Europe.</i> 2 vols.
+1897.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Lucas, A.</span> <i>Pr&eacute;cis historique de l'Affaire du Panama.</i> 1893.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Mar&eacute;chal, E.</span> <i>Histoire contemporaine de 1789 &agrave; nos jours.</i> 3 vols. 1900.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Margueritte, Paul</span> <i>et</i> <span class="smcap">Victor</span>. <i>Histoire de la guerre de 1870-1871.</i>
+1903.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Maurras, Charles.</span> <i>Kiel et Tanger</i> (1895-1905). 1913.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Meaux, Vicomte de.</span> <i>Souvenirs politiques.</i> 1904.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Mermeix.</span> <i>Les Coulisses du Boulangisme.</i> 1890.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Muel, L&eacute;on.</span> <i>Histoire politique de la septi&egrave;me l&eacute;gislature</i> (1898-1902).
+1903.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Pinon, Ren&eacute;.</span> <i>France et Allemagne</i> (1870-1913). 1913.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Reinach, Joseph.</span> <i>Histoire de l'Affaire Dreyfus.</i> 7 vols. 1901-1911.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Reinach, Joseph.</span> <i>Le Minist&egrave;re Gambetta.</i> 1884.</p>
+
+<p>R.-L.-M. <i>Histoire sommaire de l'Affaire Dreyfus.</i> 1904.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Rose, J. H.</span> <i>The Development of the European Nations, 1870-1914. Fifth
+edition.</i> 1916.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Rousset, L.</span> <i>Histoire g&eacute;n&eacute;rale de la guerre franco-allemande.</i> 6 vols.
+1895.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Sorel, Albert.</span> <i>Histoire diplomatique de la guerre franco-allemande.</i>
+1875.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Tardieu, Andr&eacute;.</span> <i>La Conf&eacute;rence d'Alg&eacute;siras.</i> Third Edition. 1909.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Tardieu, Andr&eacute;.</span> <i>La France et les alliances.</i> Third edition. 1909.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Tardieu, Andr&eacute;.</span> <i>Le Myst&egrave;re d'Agadir.</i> 1912.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Viallate, Achille</span>, <i>editor</i>. <i>La Vie politique dans les Deux Mondes.</i>
+Annual volumes, 1908-1913.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Wallier, Ren&eacute;.</span> <i>Le XX<sup>e</sup> si&egrave;cle politique.</i> Annual volumes, 1901-1907.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Welschinger, H.</span> <i>La Guerre de 1870; causes et responsabilit&eacute;s.</i> 1910.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Zevort, E.</span> <i>Histoire de la troisi&egrave;me R&eacute;publique.</i> 4 vols. 1896-1901.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span></p>
+<h2>INDEX</h2>
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span></p>
+<p>Abd-el-Aziz, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Africa, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Agadir, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Aix, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Albert of Saxony, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Alexander III, Czar, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Algeciras, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Algeria, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Algiers, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Alsace, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Amiens, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Andr&eacute;, General, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Annam, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Antony of Hohenzollern, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Arques, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Arton, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Artenay, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Asquith, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Aurelle de Paladines, General d', <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Austria, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Auteuil, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Avellan, Admiral, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Bac-Le, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ba&iuml;haut, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bapaume, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Barthou, Louis, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Basly, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bazaine, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Beaugency, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Beaumont, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Beaune-la-Rolande, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Belfort, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Belgium, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Benedetti, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Berlin, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bert, Paul, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Beul&eacute;, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>.<br />
+<br />
+B&eacute;ziers, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bienvenu-Martin, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Billot, General, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bismarck, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>,
+<a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bitche, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Blanqui, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>.<br />
+<br />
+B&oelig;schepe, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Boisdeffre, General de, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bordeaux, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Borny, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Boulanger, General, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bourbaki, General, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bourgeois, L&eacute;on, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Briand, Aristide, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>,
+<a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bri&egrave;re de l'Isle, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Brisson, Henri, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Broglie, due de, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Brussels, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Buffet, Andr&eacute;, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Buffet, Louis, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Buisson, Ferdinand, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Burdeau, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Busch, Moritz, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Buzenval, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Caffarel, General, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cahors, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Caillaux, Joseph, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Caillaux, Madame, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Calmette, Gaston, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cameroons, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span>Canrobert, Marshal, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Carcassonne, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Carnot, President, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>-114.<br />
+<br />
+Casablanca, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Caserio Santo, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Casimir-Perier, President, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>-120.<br />
+<br />
+Cavaignac, Godefroy, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ch&acirc;lons, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Chambord, comte de, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Champigny, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Chanoine, General, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Chanzy, General, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ch&acirc;teaudun, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ch&acirc;tillon, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Chesnelong, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>.<br />
+<br />
+China, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Christiani, Baron de, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cissey, General de, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Clemenceau, Georges, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>,
+<a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Clermont-Ferrand, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Clinchant, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cluseret, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Combes, Emile, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Congo, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cottu, Henri, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Coulmiers, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Courbet, Gustave, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cr&eacute;mieux, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cronstadt, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Crown Prince of Prussia, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Decazes, duc, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Delahaye, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Delcass&eacute;, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Delegorgue, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Delescluze, Charles, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Demange, Ma&icirc;tre, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Denfert-Rochereau, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.<br />
+<br />
+D&eacute;roul&egrave;de, Paul, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Devil's Isle, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dijon, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dillon, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dombrowski, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dordogne, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Douay, Abel, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Doumer, Paul, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Doumergue, Gaston, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dreyfus, Alfred, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>,
+<a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dreyfus, Madame, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dreyfus, Mathieu, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Drumont, Edouard, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Duclerc, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ducrot, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dufaure, Jules, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Du Lac, P&egrave;re, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dumas fils, Alexandre, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dupuy, Charles, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Edward VII, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Egypt, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Eiffel, G., <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ems, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.<br />
+<br />
+England, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ernoul, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Esterhazy, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Eug&eacute;nie, Empress, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Evans, Dr., <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Faidherbe, General, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Failly, General de, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Falli&egrave;res, Armand, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>-175, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Fashoda, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Faure, F&eacute;lix, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>-133, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Favre, General, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Favre, Jules, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ferri&egrave;res, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ferry, Jules, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Fez, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span>Fiaux, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Floquet, Charles, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Flourens, Gustave, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Fontane, Marius, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Foo-chow, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Forbach, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Formosa, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Fourichon, Admiral, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Francis I, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Frankfort, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Frederick, Empress, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Frederick the Great, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Frederick Charles, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Freycinet, Charles de, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Frohsdorf, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Fr&ouml;schwiller, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Frossard, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Gab&egrave;s, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Galliffet, General de, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gambetta, L&eacute;on, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>,
+<a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Garibaldi, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Geay, Monseigneur, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>.<br />
+<br />
+G&eacute;rault-Richard, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Germany, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>,157, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>,
+<a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gervais, Admiral, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Glais-Bizoin, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Goblet, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gouthe-Soulard, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gramont, duc de, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gravelotte, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gr&eacute;vy, Albert, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gr&eacute;vy, Jules, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>-95, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Grey, Sir Edward, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gu&eacute;rard, A.-L., <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gu&eacute;rin, Jules, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Habert, Marcel, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Henry IV, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Henry, Colonel, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Henry, Emile, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>.<br />
+<br />
+H&eacute;ricourt, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Herv&eacute;, Gustave, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Herz, Cornelius, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Hugues, Clovis, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Italy, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ivry, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Jacques, L., <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Japan, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Jaur&egrave;s, Jean, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Jeanne d'Arc, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Jerome Napoleon, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Josnes, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Kairouan, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Kiel Canal, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Kitchener, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>.<br />
+<br />
+K&ouml;niggr&auml;tz, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Kroumirs, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Labori, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>.<br />
+<br />
+La Cecilia, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>.<br />
+<br />
+La Motterouge, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lang-son, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Laval, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lavigerie, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>.<br />
+<br />
+La Villette, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lazare, Bernard, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Leblois, Ma&icirc;tre, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Le B&oelig;uf, Marshal, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Le Bourget, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lecomte, General, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Le Mans, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Le Nordez, Monseigneur, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Leo XIII, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lesseps, Charles de, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lesseps, Ferdinand de, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lille, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lisaine, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lloyd George, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Loigny, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span>Loir, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Loire, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Loisy, Abb&eacute;, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>.<br />
+<br />
+London, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Longchamps, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lorraine, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Loubet, Emile, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>-158, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Louis XIV, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Louis XVI, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Louis-Philippe, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lun&eacute;ville, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lur-Saluces, comte de, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Luxembourg, Duchy of, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lyautey, General, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lyons, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+McKinley, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mac-Mahon, mar&eacute;chal de, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>-74, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Madagascar, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Madrid, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mainz, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Marchand, Captain, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Marne, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Marrakesh, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mars-la-Tour, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mauchamp, Dr., <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mayer, Captain, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mediterranean, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.<br />
+<br />
+M&eacute;line, Jules, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mercier, General, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Merry del Val, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Metz, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Meuse, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mexican expedition, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Millerand, Alexandre, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Miribel, General de, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Moltke, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Monis, Ernest, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Montb&eacute;liard, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Montmartre, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Montm&eacute;dy, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Montretout, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Morel, E. D., <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mor&egrave;s, marquis de, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Morocco, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Muley-Hafid, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Muley-Yussef, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mun, comte de, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Nancy, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Napoleon I, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Napoleon III, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Narbonne, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.<br />
+<br />
+N&eacute;grier, General de, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.<br />
+<br />
+New Caledonia, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Newfoundland, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Nicholas II, Czar, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Nile, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Nord, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>.<br />
+<br />
+North Germany, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Nuremberg, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Offenbach, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ollivier, Emile, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Omdurman, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Orl&eacute;ans, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Orl&eacute;ans, Duke of, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Palikao, comte de, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pams, Jules, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Panama, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Paray-le-Monial, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Paris, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>,
+<a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>,
+<a href="#Page_181">181</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Paris, comte de, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Patay, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pau, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pelletan, Camille, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pellieux, General de, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>.<br />
+<br />
+P&egrave;re-Lachaise, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>.<br />
+<br />
+P&eacute;ronne, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Perpignan, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Picquart, General, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pie, Monseigneur, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Piou, Jacques, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pius IX, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span>Pius X, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Poincar&eacute;, Raymond, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>-185.<br />
+<br />
+Poitiers, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pont-Noyelles, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Portsmouth, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Prince Imperial, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Prussia, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Rampolla, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ravachol, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Raynal, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Regnier, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Reichsoffen, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Reims, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Reinach, Jacques de, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>.<br />
+<br />
+R&eacute;musat, Charles de, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rennes, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rezonville, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rhenish provinces, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rhine, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ribot, Alexandre, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rigault, Raoul, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rivi&egrave;re, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rochebou&euml;t, General de, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rochefort, Henri, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rochette, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Roget, General, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rome, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rossel, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rouvier, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Russia, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Saarbr&uuml;cken, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Sadowa, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Saint-Cloud, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Saint-Mand&eacute;, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Saint-Privat, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Saint-Quentin, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.<br />
+<br />
+St. Petersburg, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Salisbury, Lord, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Salzburg, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Sans-Leroy, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Sarrien, Ferdinand, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Say, L&eacute;on, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Scandinavia, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Scheurer-Kestner, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Schnaebele, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Schoen, Baron von, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Schwartzkoppen, Colonel, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Sedan, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Selves, M. de, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Serbia, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Sfax, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Sicily, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Simon, Jules, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>.<br />
+<br />
+South Germany, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Spain, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Spicheren, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Spuller, Eug&egrave;ne, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Steinheil, Madame, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Steinmetz, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Strassburg, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Sudan, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Suez, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Switzerland, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Syveton, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Tangier, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Thiers, Adolphe, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>-49, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Thomas, General Cl&eacute;ment, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Tien-tsin, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Tirard, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Tonkin, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Toulon, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Tours, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Trochu, General, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Tuileries, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Tunis, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Ujda, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.<br />
+<br />
+United States, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Uz&egrave;s, duchesse d', <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Vaillant, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Var, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Vend&ocirc;me, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Verdun, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Versailles, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Victor-Emmanuel II, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Victor-Emmanuel III, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span>Victoria, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Villepion, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Villers-Bretonneux, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Villersexel, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Villiers, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Villorceau, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Vinoy, General, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Vionville, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Viviani, Ren&eacute;, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Von der Thann, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Vosges, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Waddington, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Waldeck-Rousseau, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>,
+<a href="#Page_153">153</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wallon, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Weiss, J.-J., <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Welschinger, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>.<br />
+<br />
+William I, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.<br />
+<br />
+William II, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wilson, Daniel, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wimpffen, General de, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wissembourg, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.<br />
+<br />
+W&ouml;rth, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wrobleski, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Zola, Emile, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Zurlinden, General, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>.<br />
+</p>
+
+<h4>The Riverside Press</h4>
+
+<h4>CAMBRIDGE. MASSACHUSETTS</h4>
+
+<h4>U. S. A</h4>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>BOOKS ON THE GREAT WAR</h2>
+
+<h4><i>Published by</i></h4>
+
+<h3>Houghton Mifflin Company</h3>
+
+<p>Thrilling stories of real adventure; graphic pictures of the fighting by
+men who actually fought; notable volumes dealing with the larger aspects
+of the struggle; in short, books for every taste and on every phase of
+the war may be found in these pages.</p>
+
+
+<h4><i>Two Books of Extraordinary Interest</i></h4>
+
+
+<h2>GETTING TOGETHER</h2>
+
+<h3>IAN HAY</h3>
+
+<h4>(Captain Ian Hay Beith)</h4>
+
+<p>In this book, the author of "The First Hundred Thousand" discusses in an
+honest, straightforward way the outstanding issues between America and
+England. As a result of his prolonged visit to this country as a
+lecturer, he knows, as few Englishmen do, how the average American
+feels, and has written a book that will have a profound effect on both
+sides of the Atlantic.</p>
+
+<p>Published under the joint imprint of Doubleday, Page &amp; Co. and Houghton
+Mifflin Co. 50 cents, net.</p>
+
+
+<h2>OBSTACLES TO PEACE</h2>
+
+<h3>SAMUEL S. McCLURE</h3>
+
+<p>The author of this notable book recently spent several months in Europe.
+Recognizing his standing as an American publicist, the leading statesmen
+of the warring countries talked to him with extraordinary frankness,
+regarding both the war and the terms of peace, and put him in possession
+of hitherto unpublished documents of the utmost importance. As the
+result of this first-hand information gained from responsible sources,
+Mr. McClure has been able to write one of the most incisive and
+illuminating books that have yet been called forth by the Great War.
+$2.00 net.</p>
+
+
+<h4>In Belgium</h4>
+
+<h2>BELGIUM'S AGONY</h2>
+
+<h3>EMILE VERHAEREN</h3>
+
+<p>The story of what Belgium has endured and how she has endured it, told
+by her greatest poet. $1.25 net.</p>
+
+
+<h2>THE LOG OF A NON-COMBATANT</h2>
+
+<h3>HORACE GREEN</h3>
+
+<p>"A lively, readable narrative of personal experiences, thrilling,
+painful, humorous."&mdash;<i>Churchman.</i> Illustrated. $1.25 net.</p>
+
+
+<h4>In Germany</h4>
+
+<h2>TO RUHLEBEN AND BACK</h2>
+
+<h3>GEOFFREY PYKE</h3>
+
+<p>The story of a young Englishman's escape from a detention camp and
+flight across Germany. One of the most picturesque and thrilling
+narratives of the war. Illustrated. $1.50 net.</p>
+
+
+<h4>In Italy</h4>
+
+<h2>THE WORLD DECISION</h2>
+
+<h3>ROBERT HERRICK</h3>
+
+<p>Contains a graphic, first-hand account of Italy's entrance into the war,
+as well as a remarkable analysis of the larger aspects of the struggle.
+$1.25 net.</p>
+
+
+<h4>With the Austrians</h4>
+
+<h2>FOUR WEEKS IN THE TRENCHES</h2>
+
+<h3>FRITZ KREISLER</h3>
+
+<p>"Filled with memorable scenes and striking descriptions. It will stand
+as a picture of war."&mdash;<i>New York Globe.</i> Illustrated. $1.00 net.</p>
+
+
+<h4>With the Russians</h4>
+
+<h2>DAY BY DAY WITH THE RUSSIAN ARMY</h2>
+
+<h3>BERNARD PAR&Egrave;S</h3>
+
+<p>"A wonderful narrative. When the history of this great war comes to be
+written it will be an invaluable document."&mdash;<i>London Morning Post.</i>
+Illustrated. $2.50 net.</p>
+
+
+<h4>With the Japanese</h4>
+
+<h2>THE FALL OF TSINGTAU</h2>
+
+<h3>JEFFERSON JONES</h3>
+
+<p>A remarkable study of war and diplomacy in the Orient that "should be
+read by every American who is interested in the future of our status in
+the Far East."&mdash;<i>New York Tribune.</i> Illustrated. $1.75 net.</p>
+
+
+<h4>On the Ocean</h4>
+
+<h2>THE LUSITANIA'S LAST VOYAGE</h2>
+
+<h3>C. E. LAURIAT, JR.</h3>
+
+<p>"Not only a document of historic interest, but a thrilling narrative of
+the greatest disaster of its kind."&mdash;<i>The Dial.</i> Illustrated. $1.00
+net.</p>
+
+
+<h4>Causes and Results of the War</h4>
+
+
+<h4>Diplomatic</h4>
+
+<h2>THE DIPLOMACY OF THE WAR OF 1914: The Beginnings of the War</h2>
+
+<h3>ELLERY C. STOWELL</h3>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"The most complete statement that has been given."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Lord
+Bryce</span>. "The whole tangled web of diplomacy is made crystal
+clear in this really statesmanlike book."&mdash;<i>New York Times</i>,
+$5.00 net.</p></div>
+
+
+<h2>PAN-GERMANISM</h2>
+
+<h3>ROLAND G. USHER</h3>
+
+<p>The war has borne out in a remarkable way the accuracy of this analysis
+of the game of world politics that preceded the resort to arms. $1.75
+net.</p>
+
+
+<h2>THIRTY YEARS</h2>
+
+<h3>SIR THOMAS BARCLAY</h3>
+
+<p>The story of the forming of the Entente between France and England told
+by the man largely responsible for its existence. $3.50 net.</p>
+
+
+<h4>Financial</h4>
+
+<h2>THE RULING CASTE AND FRENZIED TRADE IN GERMANY</h2>
+
+<h3>MAURICE MILLIOUD</h3>
+
+<p>Shows the part played by the over-extension of German trade in bringing
+on the war. $1.00 net.</p>
+
+
+<h2>THE AUDACIOUS WAR</h2>
+
+<h3>C. W. BARRON</h3>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>An analysis of the commercial and financial aspects of the
+war by one of America's keenest business men. "Not only of
+prime importance but of breathless interest."&mdash;<i>Philadelphia
+Public Ledger.</i> $1.00 net.</p></div>
+
+
+<h4><i>America and the War</i></h4>
+
+
+<h4>The Diplomatic Aspects</h4>
+
+<h2>THE CHALLENGE OF THE FUTURE</h2>
+
+<h3>ROLAND G. USHER</h3>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"The most cogent analysis of national prospects and
+possibilities any student of world politics has yet
+written."&mdash;<i>Boston Herald.</i> $1.75 net.</p></div>
+
+
+<h4>The Military Aspects</h4>
+
+<h2>ARE WE READY?</h2>
+
+<h3>H. D. WHEELER</h3>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>A sane constructive study of our unpreparedness for war.
+"You have performed a real service to the American
+people."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Henry T. Stimson</span>, Former Secretary of War. $1.50
+net.</p></div>
+
+
+<h4>The Moral Aspects</h4>
+
+
+<h2>THE ROAD TOWARD PEACE</h2>
+
+<h3>CHARLES W. ELIOT</h3>
+
+<p>"Few writers have discussed the way and means of establishing peace and
+friendly relations among nations with more sanity and far-reaching
+estimate of values."&mdash;<i>Detroit Free Press.</i> $1.00 net.</p>
+
+
+<h2>GERMANY VERSUS CIVILIZATION</h2>
+
+<h3>WILLIAM ROSCOE THAYER</h3>
+
+<p>A biting indictment of Prussianism and an analysis of the meaning of the
+war to America. $1.00 net.</p>
+
+<h2>COUNTER-CURRENTS</h2>
+
+<h3>AGNES REPPLIER</h3>
+
+<p>Dealing mainly with issues arising from the war, these essays will take
+their place among the most brilliant of contemporary comment. $1.25 net.</p>
+
+
+<h4><i>Miscellaneous</i></h4>
+
+
+<h4>Fiction</h4>
+
+<h2>THE FIELD OF HONOUR</h2>
+
+<h3>H. FIELDING-HALL</h3>
+
+<p>Short stories dealing with the spirit of England at war. "Admirably
+written without one superfluous word to mar the directness of their
+appeal."&mdash;<i>New York Times.</i> $1.50 net.</p>
+
+
+<h4>Poetry</h4>
+
+<h2>A SONG OF THE GUNS</h2>
+
+<h3>GILBERT FRANKAU</h3>
+
+<p>Vivid, powerful verse written to the roar of guns on the western front,
+by a son of Frank Danby, the novelist.</p>
+
+
+<h4>Biography</h4>
+
+<h2>KITCHENER, ORGANIZER OF VICTORY</h2>
+
+<h3>HAROLD BEGBIE</h3>
+
+<p>The first full and satisfactory account of the life and deeds of
+England's great War Minister. <i>Suppressed in England for its frankness.</i>
+Illustrated. $1.25.</p>
+
+
+<h4>History</h4>
+
+<h2>IS WAR DIMINISHING?</h2>
+
+<h3>FREDERICK ADAMS WOOD, M.D., AND ALEXANDER BALTZLEY</h3>
+
+<p>The first complete and authoritative study of the question of whether
+warfare has increased or diminished in the last five centuries. $1.00
+net.</p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of the Third French Republic, by
+C. H. C. Wright
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of the Third French Republic, by
+C. H. C. Wright
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: A History of the Third French Republic
+
+Author: C. H. C. Wright
+
+Release Date: June 6, 2010 [EBook #32715]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY--THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Josephine Paolucci and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+A HISTORY OF THE THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC
+
+BY
+
+C. H. C. WRIGHT
+
+_Professor of the French Language and Literature in Harvard University_
+
+
+WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+[Illustration]
+
+BOSTON AND NEW YORK
+HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
+
+
+COPYRIGHT, 1916, BY CHARLES H. C. WRIGHT
+
+ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
+
+_Published May 1916_
+
+
+TO
+
+MY WIFE
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+
+I. THE ANTECEDENTS OF THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. 1
+
+II. THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR--THE GOVERNMENT OF
+NATIONAL DEFENCE (SEPTEMBER, 1870, TO FEBRUARY,
+1871). 11
+
+III. THE ADMINISTRATION OF ADOLPHE THIERS (FEBRUARY,
+1871, TO MAY, 1873). 31
+
+IV. THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARECHAL DE MAC-MAHON
+(MAY, 1873, TO JANUARY, 1879). 50
+
+V. THE ADMINISTRATION OF JULES GREVY (JANUARY,
+1879, TO DECEMBER, 1887). 75
+
+VI. THE ADMINISTRATION OF SADI CARNOT (DECEMBER,
+1887, TO JUNE, 1894). 96
+
+VII. THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEAN CASIMIR-PERIER (JUNE,
+1894, TO JANUARY, 1895) AND OF FELIX FAURE
+(JANUARY, 1895, TO FEBRUARY, 1899). 115
+
+VIII. THE ADMINISTRATION OF EMILE LOUBET (FEBRUARY,
+1899, TO FEBRUARY, 1906). 134
+
+IX. THE ADMINISTRATION OF ARMAND FALLIERES (FEBRUARY,
+1906, TO FEBRUARY, 1913). 159
+
+X. THE ADMINISTRATION OF RAYMOND POINCARE (FEBRUARY,
+1913-). 176
+
+APPENDIX: PRESIDING OFFICERS OF FRENCH CABINETS. 187
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY. 193
+
+INDEX. 199
+
+
+
+
+ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+RAYMOND POINCARE _Frontispiece_
+
+ADOLPHE THIERS 32
+
+EDME-PATRICE-MAURICE DE MAC-MAHON 50
+
+LEON GAMBETTA 70
+
+JULES FERRY 78
+
+SADI CARNOT 96
+
+MARIE-GEORGES PICQUART 124
+
+RENE WALDECK-ROUSSEAU 136
+
+
+
+[Illustration: Raymond Poincare]
+
+
+
+
+A HISTORY OF THE THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE ANTECEDENTS OF THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR
+
+
+Two men were largely responsible, each in his own way, for the third
+French Republic, Napoleon III and Bismarck. The one, endeavoring partly
+at his wife's instigation to renew the prestige of a weakening Empire,
+and the other, furthering the ambitions of the Prussian Kingdom, set in
+motion the forces which culminated in the Fourth of September.
+
+The causes of the downfall of the Empire can be traced back several
+years. Napoleon III was, at heart, a man of peace and had, in all
+sincerity, soon after his accession, uttered the famous saying:
+"L'empire, c'est la paix." But the military glamour of the Napoleonic
+name led the nephew, like the uncle, into repeated wars. These had, in
+most cases, been successful, exceptions, such as the unfortunate Mexican
+expedition, seeming negligible. They had sometimes even resulted in
+territorial aggrandizement. Napoleon III was, therefore, desirous of
+establishing once for all the so-called "natural" frontiers of France
+along the Rhine by the annexation of those Rhenish provinces which,
+during the First Empire and before, had for a score of years been part
+of the French nation.
+
+On the other hand, though France was still considered the leading
+continental power, and though its military superiority seemed
+unassailable, the imperial regime was unquestionably growing "stale."
+The Emperor himself, always a mystical fatalist rather than the hewer of
+his own fortune, felt the growing inertia of his final malady. A
+lavishly luxurious court had been imitated by a pleasure-loving capital.
+This had brought in its train relaxed standards of governmental morals
+and had seriously weakened the fibre of many military commanders.
+Outwardly the Empire seemed as glorious as ever, and in 1867 France
+invited the world to a gorgeous exposition in the "Ville-lumiere." But
+Paris was more emotional year by year, and the Tuileries and Saint-Cloud
+were dominated by a narrow-minded and spoiled Empress. Court intrigues
+were rife and drawing-room generals were to be found in real life, as
+well as in Offenbach's "Grande Duchesse." But nobody, except perhaps
+Napoleon himself, realized how the Empire had declined. The Empress
+merely felt that it was time to do something stirring, and, without
+necessarily waging war, to assert again the pre-eminence in Europe of
+France, weakened in 1866 by the unexpected outcome of the rivalry
+between Austria and Prussia for preponderance among the German States.
+
+Beyond the eastern frontier of France a nation was growing in ambition
+and power. Prussia still remembered the warlike achievements of
+Frederick the Great, although since those days its military efficiency
+had at times undergone a decline. But now, under the reign of King
+William, guided by a vigorous minister, Bismarck, an example, whatever
+his admirers may say, of the brutal and unscrupulous _Junker_, the
+Prussian Government had for some time tried to impose its leadership on
+the other German States. Some of these were far from anxious to accept
+it. In the furtherance of Prussian schemes, Bismarck had been able to
+inflict a diplomatic rebuff on Napoleon, as well as a severe military
+defeat on Austria.
+
+In 1866, Prussia won from Austria the important victory of Koeniggraetz or
+Sadowa, and thereby asserted its leadership. The outcome was a check to
+Napoleon, who had expected a different result. Moreover, by it Bismarck
+was encouraged to pursue his plans for the consolidation of Germany
+under a still more openly acknowledged Prussian supremacy. A crafty and
+utterly unscrupulous diplomat, he was able to mislead Napoleon and his
+unskilful ministers.
+
+Soon after Sadowa the Emperor tried to obtain territorial compensation
+from Prussia. He wished, in return for recognition of Prussia's new
+position and of the projected union of North and South Germany minus
+Austria, to obtain the cession of territories on the left bank of the
+Rhine, or an alliance for the conquest and annexation of Belgium to
+France. Such schemes having failed, Napoleon tried next to satisfy
+French jingoism by the acquisition of the Duchy of Luxembourg. This move
+resulted only in securing the evacuation by its Prussian garrison of the
+Luxembourg fortress and the neutralization of the duchy. From that time
+on, tension increased between France and Prussia. Bismarck was, indeed,
+more anxious for war than Napoleon. He suspected the weakness of the
+French Empire, he despised its leaders, he realized the advance in
+military efficiency of his own country, and his aim was unswerving to
+establish a Prussianized German Empire at the cost, if possible, of the
+downfall of France. As a matter of fact, France, as now, was far from
+being permeated with militarism and, a few months before the war in
+1870, the military budget was actually reduced.
+
+The occasion for a dispute arrived with the suggested candidacy of
+Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, a German prince related to the King
+of Prussia, to the crown of Spain. As early as 1868, intrigues had begun
+to put a Prussian on the Spanish throne, but Napoleon had not as yet
+been disturbed. It was not until 1870 that he took the matter seriously.
+In July, Prince Leopold accepted the crown, egged on by Bismarck, and
+with the fiction of the approval of King William as head of the
+Hohenzollerns, as distinguished from his position as King of Prussia.
+
+At that time the French Emperor was in precarious health and scarcely in
+full control of his powers. The French people at large were pacifically
+inclined and would have asked for nothing better than to remain at home
+instead of fighting about a foreigner's candidacy to an alien throne.
+But, unfortunately, the Empress Eugenie was for war. The Government,
+too, was in the hands of second-rate and hesitating diplomats. Emile
+Ollivier, the chief of the Cabinet, was an orator more than a statesman,
+and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the duc de Gramont, was a conceited
+mediocrity more and more involved in his own mistakes. In consequence,
+the attitude of the Government was not so much deliberate desire for war
+as provocative bluster, of which Bismarck was quick to take advantage.
+The Cabinet was egged on by Eugenie's adherents, the militants, who had
+been looking for an insult since Sadowa, and by obstreperous journalists
+and noisy boulevard mobs, whose manifestations were unfortunately taken,
+even by the Corps legislatif, for the voice of France.
+
+In consequence, blunder after blunder was made. The ministers worked at
+cross-purposes, without due consultation and without consideration of
+the effect of their actions on an inflamed public opinion or on
+prospective European alliances. Stated in terms of diplomatic procedure,
+the aim of the French Cabinet was to humiliate Prussia by forcing its
+Government to acknowledge a retreat. King William was not seeking war
+and was probably willing to make honorable concessions. Bismarck, on the
+contrary, desired war, if it could be under favorable diplomatic
+auspices, and the Hohenzollern candidacy was a direct provocation. He
+wanted France to seem the aggressor, in view of the effect both on
+neutral Europe, and particularly on the South German States, which he
+wished to draw into alliance under the menace of French attack.
+
+The French Ambassador to the King of Prussia, Benedetti, was instructed
+to demand the withdrawal of Prince Leopold's candidacy. This demand
+followed a very arrogant statement to the Corps legislatif, on July 6,
+by the duc de Gramont. The assumption was that Prince Leopold's presence
+on the Spanish throne would be dangerous to the honor and interests of
+France, by exposing the country on two sides to Prussian influence.
+King William was, on the whole, willing to make a concession to avoid
+international complications, but he obviously wished not to appear to
+act under pressure. M. Benedetti went to Ems and, on July 9, he laid the
+French demands before the King. After long-drawn-out discussion the
+French Government asked for a categorical reply by July 12. On that day
+the father of Prince Leopold, Prince Antony of Hohenzollern, in a
+telegram to Spain, formally withdrew his son's name. The King had
+planned to give his consent to this apparently _spontaneous_ action on
+the part of the candidate's family, when officially informed. Thus
+France would obtain its ends and the King himself would not be involved.
+
+Unfortunately the thoughtlessness of the head of the French Ministry
+spoiled everything. Instead of waiting a day for the King's
+ratification, Emile Ollivier, desirous also of peace, hastened to make
+public the telegram from the Prince of Hohenzollern. Thereupon the
+leaders of the war party in the Corps legislatif at once pointed out
+that the telegram was not accompanied by the signature of the Prussian
+monarch, declared that the Cabinet had been outwitted, and clamored for
+definite guarantees. Stung by the charge of inefficiency, the would-be
+statesman Gramont immediately accentuated his stipulations and demanded
+that the King of Prussia guarantee not to support in future the
+candidacy of a Hohenzollern to the Spanish throne.
+
+Matters were rapidly reaching an _impasse_, and Bismarck was
+correspondingly elated, because France was appearing to Europe a
+trouble-maker. The duc de Gramont and Emile Ollivier committed the error
+of dictating a letter to the Prussian Ambassador for him to transmit to
+the King, to be in turn sent back as his reply. King William was
+offended by this high-handed procedure. He had already told comte
+Benedetti at Ems that a satisfactory letter was on its way from Prince
+Antony and had promised him another interview upon its arrival. After
+receiving the dispatch from his ambassador at Paris communicating
+Gramont's formulas, he sent word to Benedetti that Prince Leopold was no
+longer a candidate and that the incident was closed. Nor was the King
+willing to grant Benedetti's urgent requests for an interview (July
+13).
+
+The King and the French Ambassador had remained perfectly courteous, and
+the next day, at the railway station, they took leave of each other with
+marks of respect. Things were not yet hopeless, until Bismarck, by a
+trick of which he afterwards bragged, caused a dispatch to be published
+implying that Benedetti had been so persistent in pushing his demands
+that King William had been obliged to snub him. The French were led to
+believe that their representative had been insulted, and neutrals sided
+with Prussia as the aggrieved party. After deliberation the French
+Ministry decided on war and the decision was blindly ratified by the
+Corps legislatif on July 15. At this meeting Emile Ollivier made his
+famous remark that the Ministry accepted responsibility for the war with
+a "clear conscience." His actual words, "le coeur leger," seemed,
+however, to imply "with a light heart", and thereafter weighed heavily
+against him in the minds of Frenchmen.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR--THE GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL DEFENCE
+
+September, 1870, to February, 1871
+
+
+On July 19 the French Embassy at Berlin declared a state of war. Paris
+was wild with enthusiasm and eager for an advance on Berlin. The
+provinces were for the most part cool, but accepted the war calmly
+because they were assured of an easy victory. The leaders of the two
+nations had for each other equal contempt. "Ce n'est pas un homme
+serieux," Napoleon had once said of Bismarck, and Bismarck thought
+Napoleon "stupid and sentimental." Meanwhile each nation had eyes on the
+territory of the other: France was ready to claim the Rhine frontier;
+Prussia wanted all it could get, and certainly Alsace and Lorraine. The
+idea, so often repeated by the Germans since the war, that these
+provinces were annexed because they had once been German, was not in
+Bismarck's mind,--"that is a Professor's reason," he said.[1] He wanted
+Strassburg because its commanding position and the wedge of Wissembourg
+could cut off northern from southern Germany. The frontier of the Vosges
+was as desirable to the Germans as the Rhine to the French.
+
+From the beginning all went wrong in France. The Government found itself
+left in the lurch by the European states whose alliance it had expected.
+Moreover, mobilization proceeded slowly and in utter confusion. In spite
+of Marshal Le Boeuf's famous exclamation ("Il ne manquera pas un
+bouton de guetre"), never did a nation enter on a war less prepared than
+the French. On the other hand, all Germany, well trained and ready,
+sprang to the side of Prussia. The whole military force was grouped in
+three armies--under Steinmetz, Prince Frederick Charles, and the Crown
+Prince. But, meanwhile, it seemed necessary to the French to give a
+semblance of military achievement. The Emperor had started from Paris on
+July 28 leaving the Empress as regent. On August 2, a vain military
+display with largely superior forces was made across the frontier at
+Saarbruecken, a practically unprotected place was taken, and the Emperor
+was able to send home word that the Prince Imperial had received his
+"baptism of fire" and that the soldiers wept at seeing him calmly pick
+up a bullet. The same day King William took command of the German forces
+at Mainz, and on August 4 the army of the Crown Prince entered Alsace
+and defeated at Wissembourg the division of about twelve thousand men of
+General Abel Douay, who was killed. On the 6th Mac-Mahon, with a larger
+force, met the still more numerous Germans somewhat farther back at
+Woerth, Froeschwiller, and Reichsoffen, and was utterly routed with a loss
+of over ten thousand in killed, wounded, and taken. Alsace was thus
+completely exposed to the enemy, and the road was open to Luneville and
+Nancy. On the same day, German armies under Steinmetz and Prince
+Frederick Charles crossed into Lorraine at Saarbruecken and engaged the
+troops of the French general Frossard at Forbach and Spicheren,
+inflicting on them a severe repulse. Meanwhile Frossard's superior,
+Bazaine, though not far away, did not move a finger to help him. "If
+Frossard wanted the baton of marshal of France he could win it alone."
+
+The news of these disasters was a terrible shock to Paris. The "liberal"
+Ollivier Cabinet was overthrown and replaced by a reactionary one led by
+General Cousin-Montauban, comte de Palikao. The Emperor withdrew from
+military leadership and Marshal Bazaine received supreme command.
+Bazaine was a brave soldier, but a poor general-in-chief, and withal a
+self-seeking man, incompetent to deal with the difficulties in which
+France found itself. He was perhaps not a conscious traitor in the great
+disaster which soon came to pass, but he thought more of himself than of
+his country. At the time we are concerned with he was considered the
+coming man. Meanwhile Mac-Mahon, cut off from Bazaine's main army, fell
+back, between August 6 and August 17, to Chalons. Bazaine was apparently
+without intelligent strategic plans. He professed to be desirous of
+concentrating at Verdun, but was afraid to get out of reach of Metz. He
+won first an indecisive battle at Borny (August 14), which was
+unproductive of any concrete advantage. On August 16, he let himself be
+turned back, by an enemy only half as numerous, at Rezonville
+(Vionville, Mars-la-Tour). On the 18th, he encountered, on the
+contrary, a much larger force at Saint-Privat (Gravelotte) and let
+himself be cooped up in Metz. Critics of Bazaine say that he could have
+turned both Rezonville and Gravelotte to the advantage of the French.
+
+The familiar military uncertainties now began to show themselves in the
+movements of Mac-Mahon and his troops. The armies of Steinmetz and of
+Frederick Charles were united under command of the latter to beleaguer
+Metz, and a smaller force under Prince Albert of Saxony was thrown off
+to cooperate with the army of the Crown Prince in its advance on Paris.
+Mac-Mahon had collected about one hundred and twenty thousand men, and
+Napoleon, without real authority except as a meddler, was with him. The
+plan was originally to fall back for the protection of Paris, but the
+Empress-Regent was afraid to have a defeated Emperor return to the
+capital lest revolution ensue, and Palikao urged a swift advance to
+rescue Metz, crushing Prince Albert of Saxony on the way, taking
+Frederick Charles between the two fires of rescuers and besieged, with
+the Crown Prince still too far away to be dangerous. Meanwhile
+Mac-Mahon moved to Reims, which was neither on the direct road to Paris
+nor to Metz, and at last started to the rescue of Bazaine by the
+roundabout route of Montmedy, continually hesitating and retracing his
+steps. On receiving news of his progress, the armies of the Crown Prince
+and of Prince Albert converged northward. Mac-Mahon's right wing, under
+General de Failly, was surprised at Beaumont, and finally the French
+army in disorder drew up in most unfavorable positions between the Meuse
+and the Belgian frontier, to face a foe twice as numerous and already
+nearly completely surrounding it. The battle of Sedan broke out on
+September 1. Mac-Mahon was wounded early in the fight and gave over the
+command to Ducrot, in turn superseded by Wimpffen, already designated by
+the Ministry to replace Mac-Mahon in case of accident. After a fierce
+battle it fell to General de Wimpffen to capitulate on September 2. By
+the disaster of Sedan the Germans captured the Emperor, a marshal of
+France, and the whole of one of its two armies.
+
+The news of the overwhelming defeat of Sedan struck Paris like a
+thunderbolt. Jules Favre proposed to the Corps legislatif the overthrow
+of Napoleon and of his dynasty; Thiers, who favored the restoration of
+the Orleans family, wished the convocation of a Constituent Assembly;
+the comte de Palikao asked for a provisional governing commission of
+which he should be the lieutenant-general. But, before anything was
+done, the Paris mob invaded the legislative chamber. Gambetta, with the
+majority of the Paris Deputies, went to the Hotel de Ville, and to
+prevent a more radical set from seizing the Government, proclaimed the
+Republic (September 4). A Government of National Defence was constituted
+of which General Trochu became President, Jules Favre Minister of
+Foreign Affairs, and Gambetta Minister of the Interior. Thiers was not a
+member, but gave his support. Eugenie escaped from the Tuileries to the
+home of her American dentist, Dr. Evans, and then fled to England.
+
+Jules Favre was innocent enough to think that the Germans would be
+satisfied with the overthrow of Napoleon, and he was rash enough to
+declare that France would not yield "an inch of its territory or a
+stone of its fortresses." But, in an interview with Bismarck at
+Ferrieres, on September 19, he realized the oppressiveness of the German
+demands. The rhetorical and emotional, even tearful, Jules Favre was
+faced by a harsh and unrelenting conqueror, and the meeting ended
+without an agreement. Meanwhile Paris was invested by the German forces
+of the Crown Prince and the Prince of Saxony after a defeat of some
+French troops at Chatillon. William, Bismarck, and Moltke took up their
+station at Versailles. Europe, made suspicious by the numerous changes
+of government in France in the nineteenth century, and moved also by
+selfish reasons, refused its aid and looked on with indifference. Thiers
+made a fruitless quest through Europe for practical aid, bringing home
+only meaningless expressions of sympathy.
+
+Unfortunately even a number of people in the provinces, relaxed by the
+factitious prosperity of the imperial regime, were too willing to yield
+to the invaders. Where resistance was brave it appeared fruitless:
+Strassburg capitulated on September 28, after the Germans had burned
+its library and bombarded the cathedral. A scratch army on the Loire,
+under La Motterouge, was beaten at Artenay (October 10) and had to
+evacuate Orleans. On October 18, the Germans captured Chateaudun after
+heroic resistance by National Guards and sharpshooters.
+
+Though one of the two great French armies was in captivity and the other
+besieged in Metz, the idea of submission never for a moment entered
+Gambetta's head. Paris was under the command of Trochu, patriotic and
+brave, but military critic rather than leader, discouraged from the
+beginning, and unable to take advantage of opportunities. A delegation
+of the Government of National Defence had established itself at Tours to
+avoid the German besiegers, but two of its members, Cremieux and
+Glais-Bizoin, were elderly and weak. Admiral Fourichon was the most
+competent. Gambetta escaped from Paris by balloon on October 7, and,
+reaching Tours in safety, made himself by his energy and patriotic
+inspiration, practically dictator and organizer of resistance to the
+invaders.
+
+Leon Gambetta, a young lawyer politician of thirty-two, of
+inexhaustible energy and impassioned eloquence, was the son of an
+Italian grocer settled at Cahors. With the help of his assistant Charles
+de Freycinet, he levied and armed in four months six hundred thousand
+men, an average of five thousand a day. Everything was done in haste and
+unsatisfactorily,--the army of General Chanzy was equipped with guns of
+fifteen different patterns. But Gambetta did the task of a giant, in
+spite of another crushing blow to France, the surrender of Metz.
+
+Bazaine had let himself be cooped up in Metz. Instead of being moved by
+patriotism, he thought only of his own interests and ambitions. In the
+midst of the cataclysm which had fallen on France he aspired to hold the
+position of power. The Emperor gone and the Republic destined, Bazaine
+thought, to fall, he would be left at the head of the only army. His
+would be the task of treating for peace with Germany, and then he would
+perhaps become in France regent instead of the Empress, or
+Marshal-Lieutenant of the Empire, like the Spanish marshals. So he
+neglected favorable military opportunities, and dallied over plans of
+peace, while Bismarck misled him with fruitless propositions or false
+emissaries like the adventurer Regnier. Finally, on October 27, Bazaine
+had to surrender Metz, with three marshals (himself, Canrobert, and Le
+Boeuf), sixty generals, six thousand officers, and one hundred and
+seventy-three thousand men. France was deprived of her last trained
+forces, and the besieging army of Frederick Charles was set free to help
+in the conquest of France. After the war Bazaine was condemned to death,
+by court-martial, for treason. His sentence was commuted to life
+imprisonment, but he afterwards escaped from the fortress in which he
+was confined and died in obscurity and disgrace at Madrid.
+
+No sooner did the news of the capitulation of Metz reach Paris than a
+regrettable affair took place. There was much dissatisfaction with the
+indecision of the Provisional Government, and, on October 31, a mob
+invaded the Hotel de Ville and arrested the chief members of the
+commission. Fortunately they were released later the same day and a
+plebiscite of November 3 confirmed the powers of the Government of
+National Defence. Fortunately, too, within a few days came news of the
+first real success of the French during the war, the battle of Coulmiers
+(November 9).
+
+Gambetta had succeeded during October in organizing the Army of the
+Loire which, under General d'Aurelle de Paladines, defeated the Bavarian
+forces of von der Thann at Coulmiers and recaptured Orleans. The plan
+was to push on to Paris and the objections of d'Aurelle were overcome by
+Gambetta. But the fall of Metz had released German reinforcements. After
+an unsuccessful contest by the right wing at Beaune-la-Rolande (November
+28), and a partial victory at Villepion, the French were defeated in
+turn on December 2 at Loigny or Patay (left wing), on December 3 at
+Artenay. The Germans reoccupied Orleans and the first Army of the Loire
+was dispersed. The Government moved from Tours to Bordeaux.
+
+After Coulmiers General Trochu had planned a sortie from Paris to meet
+the Army of the Loire. This advance was under command of General Ducrot,
+but was delayed by trouble with pontoon bridges. The various battles of
+the Marne (November 30-December 2) culminated in the terrible fight and
+repulse of Villiers and Champigny. In the north, a small army hastily
+brought together under temporary command of General Favre was defeated
+at Villers-Bretonneux and Amiens (November 27).
+
+The last phase of the Franco-Prussian War begins with the crushing of
+the Army of the Loire and the check of the advance to Champigny. With
+unwearied tenacity Gambetta tried to reorganize the Army of the Loire. A
+portion became the second Army of the Loire or of the West, under
+Chanzy. The rest, under Bourbaki, became the Army of the East. Faidherbe
+tried to revive the Army of the North.
+
+To Chanzy, on the whole the most capable French general of the war, was
+assigned the task of trying, with a smaller force, what d'Aurelle had
+already failed in accomplishing, a drive on Paris. In this task Bourbaki
+and Faidherbe were expected by Gambetta to cooperate. Instead of
+succeeding, Chanzy, bravely fighting, was driven back, first down the
+Loire, in the long-contested battle of Josnes (Villorceau or Beaugency)
+(December 7-10), then up the valley of the tributary Loir to Vendome
+and Le Mans. There the army, reduced almost to a mob, made a new stand.
+In a battle between January 10 and 12, this army was again routed and
+what was left thrown back to Laval.
+
+Faidherbe, taking the offensive in the north, fought an indecisive
+contest at Pont-Noyelles (December 23) and took Bapaume (January 3). But
+his endeavor to proceed to the assistance of Paris was frustrated, he
+was unable to relieve Peronne, which fell on January 9, and was defeated
+at Saint-Quentin on January 19.
+
+Bourbaki, in spite of his reputation, showed himself inferior to Chanzy
+and Faidherbe. He let his army lose morale by his hesitation, and then
+accepted with satisfaction Freycinet's plan to move east upon Germany
+instead of to the rescue of Paris. On the eastern frontier Colonel
+Denfert-Rochereau was tenaciously holding Belfort, which was never
+captured by the Germans during the whole war.[2] Bourbaki's
+dishearteningly slow progress received no effective assistance from
+Garibaldi. This Italian soldier of fortune, now somewhat in his
+decline, had offered his services to France and was in command of a
+small body of guerillas and sharpshooters, the Army of the Vosges. With
+alternate periods of inactivity, failure, and success, Garibaldi perhaps
+did more harm than good to France. He monopolized the services of
+several thousand men, and yet, through his prestige as a distinguished
+foreign volunteer, he could not be brought under control. Bourbaki won
+the battle of Villersexel on January 9. Pushing on to Belfort he was
+defeated only a few miles from the town in the battle of Hericourt, or
+Montbeliard, along the river Lisaine. The army, now transformed into
+panic-stricken fugitives, made its way painfully through bitter cold and
+snow, and Bourbaki tried to commit suicide. He was succeeded by General
+Clinchant. When Paris capitulated, on January 28, and an armistice was
+signed, this Army of the East was omitted. Jules Favre at Paris failed
+to notify Gambetta in the provinces of this exception, and the army,
+hearing of the armistice, ceased its flight, only to be relentlessly
+followed by the Germans. Finally, on February 1, the remnants of the
+army fled across the Swiss frontier and found safety on neutral soil.
+
+Meanwhile, in Paris the tightening of the Prussian lines had made the
+food problem more and more difficult, and the population were reduced to
+small rations and unpalatable diet. After Champigny the German general
+von Moltke communicated with the besieged, informing them of the defeat
+of Orleans, and the means seemed opened for negotiations. But the
+opportunity was rejected, and the Government even refused to be
+represented at an international conference, then opening in London,
+because of its unwillingness to apply to Bismarck for a safe-conduct for
+its representative. A chance to bring the condition of France before the
+Powers was neglected. Between December 21 and 26, a sally to Le Bourget
+was driven back, and, on the next day, the bombardment of the forts
+began. On January 5, the Prussian batteries opened fire on the city
+itself. On January 18, the Germans took a spectacular revenge for the
+conquests of Louis XIV by the coronation of King William of Prussia as
+Emperor of the united German people. The ceremony took place in the
+great Galerie des Glaces of Louis's magnificent palace of Versailles.
+The very next day the triumph of the Germans received its consecration,
+not only by the battle of Saint-Quentin (already mentioned), but by the
+repulse of the last offensive movement from Paris. To placate the Paris
+population an advance was made on Versailles with battalions largely
+composed of National Guards. At Montretout and Buzenval they were routed
+and driven back in a panic to Paris. General Trochu was forced to resign
+the military governorship of Paris, though by a strange contradiction he
+kept the presidency of the Government of National Defence, and was
+replaced by General Vinoy. On January 22, a riot broke out in the
+capital in which blood was shed in civil strife. Finally, on January 28,
+Jules Favre had to submit to the conqueror's terms. Paris capitulated
+and the garrison was disarmed, with the exception of a few thousand
+regulars to preserve order, and the National Guard; a war tribute was
+imposed on the city and an armistice of twenty-one days was signed to
+permit the election and gathering of a National Assembly to pass on
+terms of peace. With inexcusable carelessness Jules Favre neglected to
+warn Gambetta in the provinces that this armistice began for the rest of
+France only on the thirty-first and that, as already stated, the Army of
+the East was excepted from its provisions.
+
+Gambetta was furious at the surrender and at the presumption of Paris to
+decide for the provinces. He preached a continuation of the war, and the
+intervention of Bismarck was necessary to prevent him from excluding
+from the National Assembly all who had had any connection with the
+imperial regime. Jules Simon was sent from Paris to counteract
+Gambetta's efforts. The latter yielded before the prospect of civil war,
+withdrew from power, and, on February 8, elections were held for the
+National Assembly.
+
+The downfall of what had been considered the chief military nation of
+Europe was due to many involved causes. The Empire was responsible for
+the _debacle_ and the Government of National Defence was unable to
+create everything out of nothing. Many people were ready to be
+discouraged after a first defeat, and few realized what Germany's
+demands were going to be. The imperial army was insufficiently equipped
+and the majority of its generals were inefficient and lacking in
+initiative: there was no preparation, no system, little discipline.
+
+During the period of National Defence the members of the Government
+themselves were usually wanting in experience and in diplomacy, and the
+badly trained armies made up of raw recruits were liable to panics or
+unable to follow up an advantage. There was jealousy, mistrust, and
+frequent unwillingness to subordinate politics to patriotism, or, at any
+rate, to make allowances for other forms of patriotism than one's own.
+Gambetta and Jules Favre were primarily orators and tribunes and
+indulged in too many wordy proclamations, in which habit they were
+followed by General Trochu. The patriotism and enthusiasm of Gambetta
+were undeniable, but he was imbued with the principles and memories of
+the French Revolution, including the efficacy of national volunteers,
+the ability of France to resist all Europe, and the subordination of
+military to civil authority. Consequently, in a time of stress he nagged
+the generals and interfered, and gave free rein to Freycinet to do the
+same. They upset plans made by experienced generals, and sent civilians
+to spy over them, with power to retire them from command. They were,
+moreover, trying to thrust a republic down the throats of a hostile
+majority of the population, for a large proportion of those not
+Bonapartists were in favor of a monarchy. The wonder is, therefore, that
+France was able to do so much. M. de Freycinet was not boasting when he
+wrote later, "Alone, without allies, without leaders, without an army,
+deprived for the first time of communication with its capital, it
+resisted for five months, with improvised resources, a formidable enemy
+that the regular armies of the Empire, though made up of heroic
+soldiers, had not been able to hold back five weeks."[3]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Moritz Busch, _Bismarck_, vol. 1, chap. 1.
+
+[2] He surrendered by order of the Government. The isolated incident of
+the resistance of the town of Bitche through all the war is no less
+noteworthy.
+
+[3] _La guerre en province_, quoted by Welschinger, _La guerre de 1870_,
+vol. II, p. 295.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF ADOLPHE THIERS
+
+February, 1871, to May, 1873
+
+
+The elections were held in hot haste. The short time allowed before the
+convening of the Assembly made the usual campaign impossible. It met at
+Bordeaux on February 13, 1871. The peace party was in very considerable
+majority, and though Gambetta received the distinction of a multiple
+election in nine separate districts, Thiers was chosen in twenty-six.
+The radicals and advocates of guerilla warfare and of a "guerre a
+outrance" found themselves few in numbers. Many of the representatives
+had only local or rural reputation. They were new to parliamentary life,
+and in the majority of cases were averse to a permanent republican form
+of government. They would have preferred a monarchy, but they were ready
+to accept a provisional republic which would incur the task of settling
+the war with Germany and bear the onus of defeat. They were especially
+suspicious of Paris, and hostile to it as the home of fickleness, of
+irresponsibility, and of mob rule. They were largely provincial lawyers
+and rural landed gentry, conservative and clerical, who felt that too
+much importance had been usurped by the Parisian Government of National
+Defence.
+
+[Illustration: ADOLPHE THIERS]
+
+The new Assembly, therefore, gradually fell into several groups. On the
+conservative side came the Extreme Right, made up of out-and-out
+Legitimists, believing in absolutism and the divine right of kings; the
+Right, composed of monarchists desirous of conciliating the old regime
+with the demands of modern times and of making it a practical form of
+government; the Right Centre, consisting of constitutional monarchists
+and followers of the Orleans branch of the house of Bourbon. Among the
+anti-republicans the Bonapartists were almost negligible. Next came the
+Left Centre of conservative Republicans, the republican Left, and the
+radical Union republicaine, partisans of Gambetta and advanced
+"reformers."
+
+At the first public session of the Assembly Jules Grevy was chosen
+presiding officer. A former leader of the opposition to the Empire, he
+had not participated in affairs since the Fourth of September, and,
+therefore, had not yet identified himself with any set. Among the
+Republicans he was averse to Gambetta and remained so even when the
+latter became moderate. On February 17, Adolphe Thiers, the
+"peace-maker," was by an almost unanimous vote elected "Chief of the
+Executive Power of the French Republic." It was he who, thirty years
+before, had fortified Paris that had now fallen only by famine, who had
+opposed the war when it might yet have been averted, who had travelled
+over Europe to defend the interests of France, who had been elected
+representative by the choice of twenty-six departments.
+
+M. Thiers formed a coalition cabinet representing different shades of
+political feeling, and in one of his early speeches, on March 10, he
+formulated a plan of party truce for the purpose of national
+reorganization. This plan was acquiesced in by the Assembly and bears in
+history the name of the Compact of Bordeaux (_pacte de Bordeaux_).
+France was to continue under a republican government, without injury to
+the later claims of any party. Thiers, himself, as a former Orleanist,
+advocated, at least in his relations with the monarchists, a
+Restoration, with the _sine qua non_ that an attempt should be made at a
+fusion of the Legitimists and the Orleanists. Meanwhile he was the chief
+executive official of a republic.
+
+But, even before the formulation of the truce of parties, Thiers was in
+eager haste to settle the terms of peace with Germany before the
+expiration of the armistice. The preliminaries were discussed between
+Thiers and Bismarck at Versailles. The Germans were almost as anxious as
+the French to see the end of the war, and the objections and delays of
+Bismarck were partly tactical. Brief successive prolongations of the
+armistice were obtained, and finally the preliminaries were signed on
+February 26. Thiers made herculean efforts to keep for France Belfort,
+which Bismark claimed, and finally succeeded on condition that the
+German army should occupy Paris from March 1 to the ratification of the
+preliminaries by the Assembly. France was to give up Alsace and a part
+of Lorraine, including Metz, and pay an indemnity of five billion
+francs. German troops were to occupy the conquered districts and
+evacuate them progressively as the indemnity was paid. The peace
+discussions afterwards continued at Brussels, and the final treaty was
+signed at Frankfort on May 10, 1871.
+
+No sooner were the preliminaries signed than Thiers returned post-haste
+to Bordeaux, and obtained an almost immediate assent (March 1), so that
+the Germans were obliged to forego a large part of their plans for a
+triumphal entry into Paris and a review by the Emperor. Only one body of
+thirty thousand men marched in through one section and, two days later,
+evacuated the city.
+
+The same meeting which ratified the preliminaries of peace officially
+proclaimed the expulsion of the imperial dynasty and declared Napoleon
+III responsible for the invasion, the ruin and dismemberment of France.
+The same day also beheld the pathetic withdrawal of the representatives
+of Alsace and of Lorraine, turned over to the conqueror.
+
+The misfortunes of France were far from ended. Paris was soon to break
+out into rebellion under the eyes of the Germans still in possession of
+many of the suburbs. The enemy looked on and saw Frenchman killing
+Frenchman in civil war.
+
+It had become obvious that the division of administration between
+Bordeaux and Paris was making government difficult. The Assembly, still
+suspicious of Paris, decided to transfer its place of meeting to
+Versailles. But Paris itself was in a state of nervous hysteria as a
+result of the long and exhausting siege (_fievre obsidionale_). The
+Paris proletariat were as jealous and suspicious of the Assembly as the
+Assembly of them. The suggestion of a transfer to Versailles instead of
+to Paris seemed a direct challenge. Versailles recalled too easily Louis
+XIV and the Bourbons. The monarchical sympathies of the Assembly were,
+moreover, well known, and the Parisians dreaded the restoration of
+royalty. The people were hungry and penniless, and industry and commerce
+had almost completely ceased. The city was full, besides, of soldiers
+disarmed through the armistice and ready for riot. On the other hand,
+the National Guards, a large body of semi-disciplined militia made up,
+at least in part, of the dregs of the populace, had been allowed to
+retain their weapons, and many of them gave their time to drunkenness,
+loafing, and listening to agitators. Some rather injudicious
+condemnations of leaders in the October riots merely aggravated the
+dissatisfaction. All this led to the Commune.
+
+The leaders of the Commune were, some of them, sincere though visionary
+reformers, whose hearts rankled at the sufferings of the poor and the
+inequalities of wealth and privilege. The majority were mischief-makers
+and cafe orators, loquacious but incompetent or inexperienced, without
+definite plans and unfit to be leaders, some vicious and some dishonest.
+The rank and file soon became a lawless mob, ready to burn and murder,
+imitating, in their ignorant cult of "liberty," the worst phases of the
+French Revolution and its Reign of Terror. Still, the Communards have
+their admirers to-day, and, as the world advances in radicalism, it is
+not unlikely that the Jacobin Charles Delescluze, the bloodthirsty Raoul
+Rigault, and the brilliant and scholarly Gustave Flourens will be
+considered heroic precursors.
+
+The idea of the Commune was decentralization. It was an experiment
+aiming at a free and autonomous Paris serving as model for the other
+self-governing communes of France, united merely for their common needs.
+It amounted almost to the quasi-independence of each separate town. But
+mixed up with the theorists of the Commune were countless anarchist
+revolutionaries, followers of the teachings of Blanqui, as well as
+admirers of the great Revolution which overthrew the old regime, and
+socialists of various types.
+
+The germs of the movement which was to culminate in the Commune were
+visible at an early hour. The dissatisfaction of the Radicals with the
+moderation of the Government of National Defence, the riots of October
+31 and January 22 were all symptoms of the discontent of the
+proletariat. Indeed, the proclamation of the Republic, on September 4,
+was itself an object lesson in illegality to the malcontents. Organized
+dissatisfaction began to centre about the obstreperous and disorderly,
+but armed and now "federated" National Guards. Manifestoes signed by
+self-appointed committees of plebeian patriots appeared on the walls of
+Paris. These committees finally merged into the "Comite central," or
+were replaced by it. This committee advocated the trial and imprisonment
+of the members of the Government of National Defence, and protested
+against the disarmament of the National Guards and the entrance of the
+Germans into Paris.
+
+The Government was almost helpless. The few regulars left under arms in
+Paris were of doubtful reliance, and General d'Aurelle de Paladines, now
+in command of the National Guards, was not obeyed. A certain number of
+artillery guns in Paris had been paid for by popular subscription, and
+the rumor spread at one time that these were to be turned over to the
+Germans. The populace seized them and dragged them to different parts of
+the city.
+
+The Government decided at last to act boldly and, on March 18,
+dispatched General Lecomte with some troops to seize the guns at
+Montmartre. But the mob surrounded the soldiers, and these mutinied and
+refused to obey orders to fire, and arrested their own commander. Later
+in the day General Lecomte was shot with General Clement Thomas, a
+former commander of the National Guard, who rather thoughtlessly and
+out of curiosity had mingled with the crowd and was recognized.
+
+Thus armed forces in Paris were in direct rebellion. Other outlying
+quarters had also sprung into insurrection. M. Thiers, who had recently
+arrived from Bordeaux, and the chief government officials quartered in
+Paris, withdrew to Versailles. Paris had to be besieged again and
+conquered by force of arms.
+
+In Paris the first elections of the Commune were held on March 26. On
+April 3 an armed sally of the Communards towards Versailles was repulsed
+with the loss of some of their chief leaders, including Flourens.
+Meanwhile, the Army of Versailles had been organized and put under the
+command of Mac-Mahon. Discipline was restored and the advance on Paris
+began.
+
+As time passed in the besieged city the saner men were swept into the
+background and reckless counsels prevailed. Some of the military leaders
+were competent men, such as Cluseret, who had been a general in the
+American army during the Civil War, or Rossel, a trained officer of
+engineers. But many were foreign adventurers and soldiers of fortune:
+Dombrowski, Wrobleski, La Cecilia. The civil administration grew into a
+reproduction of the worst phases of the Reign of Terror. Frenzied women
+egged on destruction and slaughter, and when at last the national troops
+fought their way into the conquered city, it was amid the flaming ruins
+of many of its proudest buildings and monuments.
+
+The siege lasted two months. On May 21, the Army of Versailles crossed
+the fortifications and there followed the "Seven Days' Battle," a
+street-by-street advance marked by desperate resistance by the
+Communards and bloodthirsty reprisals by the Versaillais. Civil war is
+often the most cruel and the Versailles troops, made up in large part of
+men recently defeated by the Germans, were glad to conquer somebody.
+Over seventeen thousand were shot down by the victors in this last week.
+The French to-day are horrified and ashamed at the cruel massacres of
+both sides and try to forget the Commune. Suffice it here to say that
+the last serious resistance was made in the cemetery of Pere-Lachaise,
+where those _federes_ taken arms in hand were lined up against a wall
+and shot. Countless others, men, women, and children, herded together in
+bands, were tried summarily and either executed, imprisoned, or deported
+thousands of miles away to New Caledonia, until, years after, in 1879
+and 1880, the pacification of resentments brought amnesty to the
+survivors.[4]
+
+Fortunately, M. Thiers had more inspiring tasks to deal with than the
+repression of the Commune. One was the liberation of French soil from
+German occupation, another the reorganization of the army. With
+wonderful speed and energy the enormous indemnity was raised and
+progressively paid, the Germans simultaneously evacuating sections of
+French territory. By March, 1873, France was in a position to agree to
+pay the last portion of the war tribute the following September (after
+the fall of Thiers, as it proved), thus ridding its soil of the last
+German many months earlier than had been provided for by the Treaty of
+Frankfort. The recovery of France aroused the admiration of the
+civilized world, and the anger of Bismarck, sorry not to have bled the
+country more. He viewed also with suspicion the organization of the army
+and the law of July, 1872, establishing practically universal military
+service. He affected to see in it France's desire for early revenge for
+the loss of Alsace and Lorraine.
+
+M. Thiers, the great leader, did not find his rule uncontested. Brought
+into power as the indispensable man to guide the nation out of war, his
+conceit was somewhat tickled and he wanted to remain necessary. Though
+over seventy he had shown the energy and endurance of a man in his prime
+joined to the wisdom and experience of a life spent in public service
+and the study of history. Elected by an anti-Republican Assembly and
+himself originally a Royalist, the formulator also of the Bordeaux
+Compact, he began to feel, nevertheless, in all sincerity that a
+conservative republic would be the best government, and his vanity made
+him think himself its best leader. This conviction was intensified for
+a while by his successful tactics in threatening to resign, when
+thwarted, and thus bringing the Assembly to terms. But he tried the
+scheme once too often.
+
+The majority in the Assembly was not, in fact, anxious to give free rein
+to Thiers, and it had wanted to avoid committing itself definitely to a
+republic. It wanted also to insure its own continuation as long as
+possible, contrary to the wishes of advanced Republicans like Gambetta,
+who declared that the National Assembly no longer stood for the
+expression of the popular will and should give way to a real constituent
+assembly to organize a permanent republic.
+
+The first endeavor of the Royalists was to bring about a restoration of
+the monarchy. The princes of the Orleanist branch were readmitted to
+France and restored to their privileges. A fusion between the two
+branches of the house of Bourbon was absolutely necessary to accomplish
+anything. The members of the younger or constitutionalist Orleans line,
+and notably its leader, the comte de Paris, were disposed to yield to
+the representative of the legitimist branch, the comte de Chambord. He
+was an honorable and upright man, yet one who in statesmanship and
+religion was unable to understand anything since the Revolution. He had
+not been in France for over forty years, he was permeated with a
+religious mystical belief not only in the divinity of royalty, but in
+his own position as God-given (_Dieudonne_ was one of his names) and the
+only saviour of France. Moreover, he could not forgive his cousins the
+fact that their great-grandfather had voted for the execution of Louis
+XVI. So he treated their advances haughtily, declined to receive the
+comte de Paris, and issued a manifesto to the country proclaiming his
+unwillingness to give up the white flag for the tricolor. Henry V could
+not let anybody tear from his hand the white standard of Henry IV, of
+Francis I, and of Jeanne d'Arc.
+
+Such mediaevalism dealt the monarchical cause a crushing blow. The
+Royalists had already begun to look askance at M. Thiers and hinted that
+his readiness to go on with the Republic was a tacit violation of the
+Bordeaux Compact. Under the circumstances, however, his sincerity need
+not be doubted in believing a republic the only outcome, and his
+ambition or vanity may be excused for wishing to continue its leader. By
+the Rivet-Vitet measure of August 31, 1871, M. Thiers, hitherto "chief
+of executive power," was called "President of the French Republic." He
+was to exercise his functions so long as the Assembly had not completed
+its work and was to be responsible to the Assembly. Thus the legislative
+body elected for an emergency was taking upon itself constituent
+authority and was tending to perpetuate the Republic which the majority
+disliked.
+
+From this time the tension grew greater between Thiers and the Assembly,
+which begrudged him the credit for the negotiations still proceeding,
+and already mentioned above, for the evacuation of France by the
+Germans. It thwarted the wish of the Republicans to transfer the seat of
+the executive and legislature to Paris. Thiers was, indeed, working away
+from the Bordeaux Compact and was advocating a republic, though a
+conservative one. This "treachery" the monarchists could not forgive,
+though bye-elections were constantly increasing the Republican
+membership. Thiers did not, on the other hand, welcome the advanced
+republicanism of Gambetta declaring war on clericalism, and proclaiming
+the advent of a new "social stratum" (_une couche sociale nouvelle_) for
+the government of the nation.
+
+By the middle of 1872, Thiers was the open advocate of "la Republique
+conservatrice," and this gradual transformation of a transitional
+republic into a permanent one was what the monarchists could not accept.
+So they declared open war on M. Thiers. On November 29, 1872, a
+committee of thirty was appointed at Thiers's instigation to regulate
+the functions of public authority and the conditions of ministerial
+responsibility. This was inevitably another step toward the affirmation
+of a permanent republic by the clearer specification of governmental
+attributes. The majority of the committee were hostile to M. Thiers and
+were determined to overthrow him. The Left was also growing dissatisfied
+with his opposition to a dissolution. He found it increasingly difficult
+to ride two horses. The committee of thirty wished to prevent Thiers
+from exercising pressure on the Assembly by intervention in debates and
+threats to resign. In February and March, 1873, it proposed that the
+President should notify the Assembly by message of his intention to
+speak, and the ensuing discussion was not to take place in his presence.
+M. Thiers protested in vain against this red tape (_chinoiseries_). The
+effect was to drive him more and more from the Assembly, where his
+personal influence might be felt.
+
+The crisis became acute when Jules Grevy, President of the Assembly, a
+partisan of Thiers, resigned his office after a disagreement on a
+parliamentary matter. His successor, M. Buffet, at once rigorously
+supported the hostile Right. In April an election in Paris brought into
+opposition Charles de Remusat, Minister of Foreign Affairs and personal
+friend of Thiers, and Barodet, candidate of the advanced and disaffected
+Republicans. The governmental candidate was defeated. Encouraged by this
+the duc de Broglie, leader of the Right, followed up the attack,
+declaring the Government unable to withstand radicalism. In May he made
+an interpellation on the governmental policy. Thiers invoked his right
+of reply and, on May 24, gave a brilliant defence of his past actions,
+formulating his plans for the future organization of the Republic. A
+resolution was introduced by M. Ernoul, censuring the Government and
+calling for a rigidly conservative policy. The government was put in the
+minority by a close vote and M. Thiers forthwith resigned. The victors
+at once chose as his successor the candidate of the Rights, the marechal
+de Mac-Mahon, duc de Magenta, the defeated general of Sedan, a brave and
+upright man, but a novice in politics and statecraft. He declared his
+intention of pursuing a conservative policy and of re-establishing and
+maintaining "l'ordre moral."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[4] The fierceness of hatreds engendered by the Commune may be
+illustrated by the following untranslatable comment by Alexandre Dumas
+fils on Gustave Courbet, a famous writer and a famous painter: "De quel
+accouplement fabuleux d'une limace et d'un paon, de quelles antitheses
+genesiaques, de quel suintement sebace peut avoir ete generee cette
+chose qu'on appelle M. Gustave Courbet? Sous quelle cloche, a l'aide de
+quel fumier, par suite de quelle mixture de vin, de biere, de mucus
+corrosif et d'oedeme flatulent a pu pousser cette courge sonore et
+poilue, ce ventre esthetique, incarnation du moi imbecile et
+impuissant?" (Quoted in Fiaux's history of the Commune, pp. 582-83.)
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARECHAL DE MAC-MAHON
+
+May, 1873, to January, 1879
+
+
+[Illustration: EDME-PATRICE-MAURICE DE MAC-MAHON]
+
+"L'ordre moral," such was the political catchword of the new
+administration. Just what it meant was not very clear. In general,
+however, it was obviously intended to imply resistance to radicalism
+(republicanism) and the maintenance of a strictly conservative policy,
+strongly tinged with clericalism.[5] The victors over M. Thiers had
+revived their desire of a monarchical restoration and many of them hoped
+that the marechal de Mac-Mahon would shortly make way for the comte de
+Chambord. But though an anti-republican he was never willing to lend
+himself to any really illegal or dishonest manoeuvres, and his sense
+of honor was of great help to him in his want of political competence.
+So he did not prove the pliant tool of his creators, and his term of
+office saw the definite establishment of the Republic.
+
+The first Cabinet was led by the duc de Broglie who took the portfolio
+of Foreign Affairs. The new Government was viewed askance by the
+conquerors at Berlin, who disliked such an orderly transmission of
+powers as an indication of national recovery and stability. Bismarck
+even exacted new credentials from the French Ambassador. Meanwhile, the
+Minister of the Interior, Beule, proceeded to consolidate the authority
+of the new Cabinet by numerous changes in the prefects of the
+departments, turning out the "rascals" of Thiers's administration to
+make room for appointees more amenable to new orders.
+
+The time now seemed ripe for another effort to establish the monarchy
+under the comte de Chambord. It culminated in the "monarchical campaign"
+of October, 1873. The monarchical sympathizers were hand-in-glove with
+the Clericals and for the most part coincided with them. The Royalists
+were inevitably clerical if for no other reason than that monarchy and
+religion both seemed to involve continuity, and the legitimacy of the
+monarchy had always been blessed by the Church. The revolutionary
+Rights of Man were held to be inconsistent with the traditional Rights
+of God and the monarchy. Moreover, the founders of the third republic
+had, with noteworthy exceptions like the devout Trochu, been mildly
+anti-clerical. They were for the most part religious liberals and
+deists, rarely atheists, but that was enough to array the bishops, like
+monseigneur Pie of Poitiers, against them. Indeed, a quick religious
+revival swept over the land, as was shown by numerous pilgrimages,
+including one to Paray-le-Monial, home of the cult of the Sacred Heart.
+France herself should be consecrated to the Sacred Heart, and the idea
+was evolved, afterwards carried out, of the erection of the great votive
+basilica of the Sacre Coeur on the heights of Montmartre.
+
+The first step toward the restoration of "Henry V" was to persuade the
+comte de Paris to make new efforts for a fusion of the two branches.
+Swallowing his pride, the comte de Paris generously went to the home of
+the comte de Chambord at Frohsdorf, in Austria, in August, and paid his
+respects to him as head of the family. As the comte de Chambord had no
+children, it was expected that the comte de Paris would be his
+successor. But the old difficulty about the white flag cropped up, and
+the comte de Chambord stubbornly refused to rule over a country above
+which waved the revolutionary tricolor.
+
+Matters dragged on through the summer, during the parliamentary recess,
+and the conservative leaders were outspoken as to their plans to
+overthrow the Republic. It was hoped that some compromise might be
+reached by which could be reconciled, as to the flag, the desires of the
+Assembly which was expected to recall the pretender and those of the
+comte de Chambord who considered his divinely inspired will superior to
+that of the representatives of the people. It was suggested that the
+question of the flag might be settled _after_ his accession to the
+throne. The embassy to Salzburg, in October, of M. Chesnelong, an
+emissary of a committee of nine of the Royalist leaders, achieved only a
+half-success, but left matters sufficiently indeterminate to encourage
+them in continuing their plans. Matters seemed progressing swimmingly
+when, on October 27, an unexpected letter from the pretender to M.
+Chesnelong categorically declared that _nothing_ would induce him to
+sacrifice the white banner.
+
+The effect of this letter was to make all hopes of a restoration
+impossible. Everybody knew that the majority of Frenchmen would never
+give up their flag for the white one, whether this were dignified by the
+name of "standard of Arques and Ivry," or whether one called it
+irreverently a "towel," as did Pope Pius IX, impatient at the obstinacy
+of the comte de Chambord. In the midst of the general confusion only one
+thing seemed feasible if governmental anarchy were to be avoided,
+namely, the prorogation of Mac-Mahon's authority, as a rampart against
+rising democracy and a permanent republic. This condition the Orleanist
+Right Centre turned to their advantage. By a vote of November 20, the
+executive power was conferred for a definite period of seven years on
+the marechal de Mac-Mahon. Thus a head of the nation was provided who
+might perhaps outlast the Assembly. The vote might be interpreted either
+as the beginning of a permanent republican regime, as it proved to be,
+or as the establishment of a definite interlude in anticipation of a new
+attempt to set up a monarchy, this time to the advantage of the younger
+branch. Many hoped that the comte de Chambord would soon be dead, his
+white flag forgotten, and the way open to the comte de Paris. The
+Orleanists were pleased by this latter idea, the Republicans were glad
+to have the republican regime recognized for, at any rate, seven years
+to come, accompanied by the promise of a constitutional commission of
+thirty members. The Legitimists alone were disappointed, and, oblivious
+of the fact that the comte de Chambord had lost through his folly, they
+were before long ready to vent their wrath on Mac-Mahon and his adviser,
+the duc de Broglie, who was responsible for the presidential
+prorogation.
+
+The pretender had been completely taken aback at the impression produced
+by his letter. Convinced of his divinely inspired omniscience, and
+certain that he was the foreordained ruler of France, he had thought
+that the Assembly would give way on the question of the flag, or that
+the army would follow him, or that Mac-Mahon would yield. His state
+coach had been made ready and a military uniform awaited him at a
+tailor's. He hastened in secret to Versailles, where he remained for a
+while in retirement to watch events, and where Mac-Mahon refused to see
+him. Then, after the vote on the presidency, he sadly returned into
+exile forever.
+
+Never was a greater service done to France than when the comte de
+Chambord refused to give up his flag. Completely out of touch with the
+country through a life spent in exile, inspired with the feeling of his
+divine rights and their superiority to the will of democracy, he would
+scarcely have ascended the throne before some conflict would have broken
+out and the history of France would have registered one revolution more.
+
+The duc de Broglie had considered it good form to resign after the vote
+of November 20, but Mac-Mahon immediately entrusted to him the selection
+of a second Cabinet. In this Cabinet the portfolio of Foreign Affairs
+was given to the duc Decazes, a skilled diplomat, but the Legitimists
+were offended by some of the cabinet changes and their dislike of the
+duc de Broglie gradually became more acute. Finally, after several
+months of parliamentary skirmishing the second Broglie Cabinet fell
+before a coalition vote of Republicans and extreme Royalists with a few
+Bonapartists, on May 16, 1874. The Right Centre and Left Centre had
+unsuccessfully joined in support of the Cabinet. The nation was taking
+another step toward republican control and the overthrow of the
+conservatives.
+
+From now on, Mac-Mahon's task became increasingly difficult. After the
+split in the conservative majority it was necessary to rely on
+combination ministries, representing different sets and harder to
+reconcile or to propitiate. The result of Mac-Mahon's first efforts was
+a Cabinet led by a soldier, General de Cissey, and having no pronounced
+political tendencies.
+
+Party differences were becoming accentuated. The downfall of the Broglie
+Cabinet had been largely due to the extreme Royalists and the Orleanists
+could not forgive them. The situation was made worse by differences in
+interpretation of the law of November 20, establishing the "septennat"
+of the marechal de Mac-Mahon. Some of the Monarchists maintained the
+"septennat personnel," namely, the election of one specific person to
+hold office for seven years, with the idea that he could withdraw at any
+time in favor of a king. Others interpreted the law as establishing a
+"septennat impersonnel," a definite truce of seven years, which should
+still hold even if Mac-Mahon had to be replaced before the expiration of
+the time by another President. Then, they hoped, their enemy Thiers
+would be dead. The Republicans were, of course, desirous of making the
+impersonal "septennat" lead to a permanent republic, and declared that
+Mac-Mahon was not the President of a seven years' republic, but
+President, for seven years, of the Republic.
+
+In this state of affairs the Bonapartists now became somewhat active
+again. Strangely enough, the disasters of 1870 were already growing
+sufficiently remote for some of the anti-Republicans to turn again to
+the prospect of empire. This menace frightened the moderate Royalists
+into what they had kept hesitating to do; that is to say, into spurring
+to activity the purposely inactive and dilatory constitutional
+commission.
+
+The stumbling-block was the recognition of the Republic itself and the
+admission that the form of government existing in France was to be
+permanent. There was much parliamentary skirmishing over various plans,
+rejected one after the other, inclining in turn toward the Republic and
+a monarchy. Finally, some of the Monarchists, discouraged by the rising
+tide of "radicalism," and frightened lest unwillingness to accept a
+conservative republic now might result still worse for them in the
+future, rallied in support of the motion of M. Wallon, known as the
+"amendement Wallon," which was adopted by a vote of 353 to 352 (January,
+1875): "The President of the Republic is elected by absolute majority of
+votes by the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies united as a National
+Assembly. He is chosen for seven years and is re-eligible."
+
+In this vote the fateful statement was made concerning the election of a
+President other than Mac-Mahon and the transmission of power in a
+republic. The third Republic received its definite consecration by a
+majority of _one vote_.
+
+The vote on the Wallon amendment dealt with only one article of a
+project not yet voted as a whole, but it was the crossing of the
+Rubicon. The other articles were adopted by increased majorities.
+
+The Ministry of General de Cissey had already resigned upon a minor
+question, but had held over at the President's request. Mac-Mahon now
+asked the Monarchist M. Buffet to form a conservative conciliation
+Cabinet, which was made up almost entirely from the Right Centre
+(Orleanists) and the Left Centre (moderate Republicans) and accepted at
+first by the Republican Left. By this Cabinet still one more step was
+taken toward Republican preponderance.
+
+During the Buffet Ministry three important matters occupied public
+attention. One was the completion of the new constitution. A second was
+the creation of "free" universities, not under control of the State.
+This step was advocated in the name of intellectual freedom, but the
+whole scheme was backed by the Catholics and merely resulted in the
+creation of Catholic faculties in several great cities. A third matter
+was the intense anxiety over the prospect of a rupture with Germany.
+Bismarck was renewing his policy of pin-pricks. The French army had been
+strengthened by a battalion to every regiment, and so Bismarck
+complained of the strictures of French and Belgian bishops on his
+anti-papal policy. Whether he only meant to humiliate France still more,
+or whether he actually desired a new rupture so as to crush the country
+finally, is not clear. At any rate, with the aid of England and
+especially of Russia, France showed that she was not helpless, and
+Bismarck protested that he was absolutely friendly.
+
+By the close of 1875, the measures constituting the new Government had
+been voted and, on December 31, the Assembly, which had governed France
+since the Franco-Prussian War, was dissolved to make way for the new
+legislature. During the succeeding elections M. Buffet's Cabinet,
+antagonized by the Republicans and rent by internal dissensions, went to
+pieces, M. Buffet personally suffered disastrously at the polls. The
+slate was clear for a totally new organization. The Assembly had done
+many a good service, but its dilatoriness in establishing a permanent
+government, its ingratitude to M. Thiers, its clericalism, and its
+stubbornness in trying to foist a king on the people made it pass away
+unregretted by a country which had far outstripped it in republicanism.
+
+The "Constitution of 1875," under which, with some modifications, France
+is still governed, is not a single document constructed _a priori_, like
+the Constitution of the United States. It was partly the result of the
+evolution of the National Assembly itself, partly the result of
+compromises and dickerings between hostile groups. Particularly, it
+expressed the jealousy of a monarchical assembly for a President of a
+republic, and the desire, therefore, to keep power in the hands of its
+own legislative successor. The Assembly took it for granted that the
+Chamber of Deputies would have the same opinions as itself. As a matter
+of fact, the political complexion of the legislature has been
+consistently toward radicalism, and the result has hindered a strong
+executive and promoted legislative demagogy.
+
+The Constitution of 1875 may be considered as consisting of the
+Constitutional Law of February 25, relating to the organization of the
+public powers (President, Senate, Chamber of Deputies, Ministers,
+etc.); the Constitutional Law of the previous day, February 24, relating
+to the organization of the Senate; the Constitutional Law of July 16, on
+the relations of the public powers. Subsidiary "organic laws" voted
+later determined the procedure for the election of Senators and
+Deputies. The vote of February 25 was the crucial one in the definite
+establishment of the Republican regime. The Constitution has undergone
+certain slight modifications since its adoption.
+
+By the Constitution of 1875 the government of the French Republic was
+vested in a Senate and a Chamber of Deputies. The Senate consisted of
+300 members, of whom 75 were chosen for life by the expiring Assembly,
+their successors to be elected by co-optation in the Senate itself. The
+other 225, chosen for nine years and renewable by thirds, were to be
+elected by a method of indirect selection. In 1884, the choice of life
+Senators ceased and the seats, as they fell vacant, have been
+distributed among the Departments of the country. The Deputies were
+elected by universal suffrage for a period of four years. Unless a
+candidate obtained an absolute majority of the votes cast, the election
+was void, and a new one was necessary. Except during the period from
+1885 to 1889, the Deputies have represented districts determined, unless
+for densely populated ones, by the administrative _arrondissements_.
+From 1885 to 1889, the _scrutin de liste_ was in operation: the _whole_
+Department voted on a ticket containing as many names as there were
+_arrondissements_. The prerogatives of the two houses were identical
+except that financial measures were to originate in the Chamber of
+Deputies. As a matter of fact, the Senate has fallen into the
+background, and the habit of considering the vote of the Chamber rather
+than that of the Senate as important in a change of Ministry has made it
+the true source of government in France. The two houses met at
+Versailles until 1879; since then Paris has been the capital, except for
+the election of a President. After separate decision by each house to do
+so, or the request of the President, they could meet in joint assembly
+as a Constitutional Convention to revise the constitution.
+
+The Senate and Chamber, united in joint session as a National Assembly,
+were to choose a President for a definite term of seven years, not to
+fill out an incomplete term vacated by another President. The President
+could be re-elected. With the consent of the Senate he could dissolve
+the Chamber, but this restriction made the privilege almost inoperative
+in practice. He was irresponsible, the nominal executive and figurehead
+of the State, but all his acts had to be countersigned by a responsible
+Minister, by which his initiative was greatly reduced. In fact the
+President had really less power than a constitutional king.
+
+The real executive authority was in the hands of the Cabinet, headed by
+a Premier or _President du conseil_.[6] The Ministry was responsible to
+the Senate and Chamber (in practice, as we have seen, to the Chamber),
+and was expected to resign as a whole if put by a vote in the minority.
+By custom the President selects the Premier from the majority and the
+latter selects his colleagues in the Cabinet, trying to make them
+representatives of the wishes of the Parliament. The French Republic is
+therefore managed by a parliamentary government.
+
+The first elections under the new constitution resulted very much as
+might be expected: the Senate became in personnel the true successor of
+the Assembly, the Chamber of Deputies contained most of the new men. The
+Senate was conservative and monarchical, the Chamber was republican.
+Therefore, the President of the Republic entrusted the formation of a
+Ministry to M. Jules Dufaure, of the Left Centre, the views of which
+group differed hardly at all from those of the Right Centre, except in a
+full acceptance of the new conditions. Unfortunately, M. Dufaure found
+it impossible to ride two horses at once and to satisfy both the
+conservative Senate and the majority in the Chamber of more advanced
+Republicans than himself. He mistrusted the Republican leader Gambetta,
+though the latter was now far more moderate, and he sympathized too much
+with the Clericals to suit the new order of things. So his Cabinet
+resigned (December 2, 1876), less than nine months after its
+appointment, and the marechal de Mac-Mahon felt it necessary, very much
+against his will, to call to power Jules Simon. He had previously tried
+unsuccessfully to form a Cabinet from the Right Centre under the duc de
+Broglie.
+
+The duc de Broglie remained, however, the power behind the throne. The
+President was under the political advice of the conservative set, whose
+firm conviction he shared, that the new Republic was advancing headlong
+into irreligion. The course of political events now took on a strong
+religious flavor. Jules Simon was a liberal, which was considered a
+misfortune, though he announced himself now as "deeply republican and
+deeply conservative." But people knew his unfriendly relations with
+Gambetta, which dated from 1871, when he checkmated the dictator at
+Bordeaux. It was hoped that open dissension might break out in the
+Republican party which would justify measures tending to a conservative
+reaction, and help tide over the time until 1880. Then the constitution
+might be revised at the expiration of Mac-Mahon's term and the monarchy
+perhaps restored.
+
+Gambetta was, however, now a very different man. Discarding his former
+unbending radicalism, he was now the advocate of the "political policy
+of results," or _opportunism_, a method of conciliation, of compromise,
+and of waiting for the favorable opportunity. This was to be,
+henceforth, the policy closely connected with his name and fame. So
+Jules Simon soon was sacrificed.
+
+The efforts of the Clerical party bore chiefly in two directions:
+control of education and advocacy of increased papal authority,
+particularly of the temporal power of the Pope, dispossessed of his
+states a few years before by the Government of Victor Emmanuel. This
+latter course could only tend to embroil France with Italy. So convinced
+was Gambetta of the unwise and disloyal activities of the Ultramontanes
+that on May 4, in a speech to the Chamber, he uttered his famous cry:
+"Le clericalisme, voila l'ennemi!"
+
+Jules Simon found himself in a very difficult position. Desirous of
+conciliating Mac-Mahon and his clique, he adopted a policy somewhat at
+variance with his former liberal religious views. On the other hand, he
+could not satisfy the President, who had always disliked him, or those
+who had determined upon his overthrow. The crisis came on May 16, 1877,
+when Mac-Mahon, taking advantage of some very minor measures, wrote a
+haughty and indignant letter to Jules Simon, to say that the Minister no
+longer had his confidence. Jules Simon, backed up by a majority in the
+Chamber, could very well have engaged in a constitutional struggle with
+Mac-Mahon, but he rather weakly resigned the next day.[7] Thus was
+opened the famous conflict known in French history, from its date, as
+the "Seize-Mai."
+
+No sooner was Jules Simon out of the way than Mac-Mahon appointed a
+reactionary coalition Ministry of Orleanists and Imperialists headed by
+the duc de Broglie, and held apparently ready in waiting. The Ministers
+were at variance on many political questions, but united as to
+clericalism. The plan was to dissolve the Republican Chamber with the
+co-operation of the anti-Republican Senate, in the hope that a new
+election, under official pressure, would result in a monarchical lower
+house also. The Chamber of Deputies was therefore prorogued until June
+16 and then dissolved. At the meeting of May 18, the Republicans
+presented a solid front of 363 in their protest against the high-handed
+action of the marechal de Mac-Mahon.
+
+[Illustration: LEON GAMBETTA]
+
+The new Cabinet began by a wholesale revocation of administrative
+officials throughout the country, and spent the summer in unblushing
+advocacy of its candidates. Those favored by the Government were so
+indicated and their campaign manifestoes were printed on official white
+paper.[8] The Republicans united their forces to support the re-election
+of the 363 and gave charge of their campaign to a committee of eighteen
+under the inspiring leadership of Gambetta. In a great speech at Lille,
+Gambetta declared that the President would have to "give in or give up"
+(_se soumettre ou se demettre_), for which crime of _lese-majeste_ he
+was condemned by default to fine and imprisonment. In September, Thiers,
+the great leader of the early Republic, died, and his funeral was made
+the occasion of a great manifestation of Republican unity. Finally, in
+spite of governmental pressure and the pulpit exhortations of the
+clergy, the elections in October resulted in a new Republican Chamber.
+The reactionary Cabinet was face to face with as firm an opposition as
+before.
+
+The duc de Broglie, in view of this crushing defeat, was ready to
+withdraw, and Mac-Mahon, after some hesitation, accepted his
+resignation. Mac-Mahon's own fighting blood was up, however, and he
+tried the experiment of an extra-parliamentary Ministry led by General
+de Rochebouet, the members of which were conservatives without seats in
+Parliament. But the Chamber refused to enter into relations with it, and
+as the budget was pressing and the Senate was not disposed to support a
+second dissolution, Mac-Mahon had to submit and the Rochebouet Cabinet
+withdrew.
+
+Thus ended Mac-Mahon's unsuccessful attempt to exert his personal power.
+The Seize-Mai has sometimes been likened to an abortive _coup d'etat_.
+The parallel is hardly justifiable. Mac-Mahon would have welcomed a
+return of the monarchy at the end of his term of office, but he
+intended to remain faithful to the constitution, however much he might
+strain it or interpret it under the advice of his Clerical managers, and
+though he might have been willing to use troops to enforce his wishes.
+One unfortunate result ensued: the crisis left the Presidency still more
+weak. Any repetition of Mac-Mahon's experiment of dissolving the Chamber
+would revive accusations against one of his successors of attempting a
+_coup d'etat_. There have been times when the country would have
+welcomed the dissolution by a strong President of an incompetent
+Chamber. Unfortunately, Mac-Mahon stood for the reactionaries against
+the Republic. His course of action would be a dangerous precedent.
+
+The new order of things was marked by the advent of another Dufaure
+Ministry, very moderate in tendency, but acceptable to the majority.
+Most of the high-handed doings of the Broglie Cabinet were revoked, much
+to the disgust of Mac-Mahon, who frequently lost his temper when obliged
+to sign documents of which he disapproved. Finally, in January, 1879, in
+a controversy with his Cabinet over some military transfers, Mac-Mahon
+resigned, over a year before the expiration of his term of office.
+Moreover, at the recent elections to the Senate the Republicans had
+obtained control of even that body. Thus he was alone, with both houses
+and the Ministry against him.
+
+In spite of the unfortunate endless internal dissensions, France made
+great strides in national recovery during the Presidency of Mac-Mahon.
+His rank and military title gave prestige to the Republic in presence of
+the diplomats of European monarchies, the German crisis of 1875 showed
+that Bismarck was not to have a free hand in crushing France, the
+participation of France in the Congress of Berlin enabled the country to
+take a place again among the European Powers. Finally, the International
+Exhibition of 1878 was an invitation to the world to witness the
+recovery of France from her disasters and to testify to her right to
+lead again in art and industry.
+
+The Presidency of Mac-Mahon shows the desperate efforts of the
+Monarchists to overthrow the Republic, and then to control it in view of
+an ultimate Restoration, either by obstructing the vote of a
+constitution or by hindering its operation. Throughout, the Monarchists
+and the Clericals work together or are identical. The end of his term of
+office found the whole Government in the hands of the Republicans.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[5] Clericalism does not imply political activity on the part of the
+clergy alone, but quite as much of laymen strongly in favor of the
+Church.
+
+[6] Before the Constitution of 1875, the Premier was only
+_vice-president du conseil_.
+
+[7] The Chamber, on May 12, had expressed itself in favor of the
+publicity of meetings of municipal councils, during the absence of the
+Minister of the Interior. On May 15, it had passed the second reading of
+a law, opposed by Jules Simon, on the freedom of the press.
+
+[8] In France only official posters may be printed on white paper.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF JULES GREVY
+
+January, 1879, to December, 1887
+
+
+The resignation of the marechal de Mac-Mahon was followed by the
+immediate gathering, in accordance with the constitution, of the
+National Assembly, which chose as President for seven years Jules Grevy.
+The new chief magistrate, elected without a competitor, was already
+seventy-two, and had in his long career won the reputation of a
+dignified and sound statesman, in whose hands public affairs might be
+entrusted with absolute safety. He represented a step beyond the
+military and aristocratic regime which had preceded him. The embodiment
+of the old _bourgeoisie_, he had, along with its qualities, some of its
+defects. Eminently cautious, his statesmanship had been at times a
+non-committal reserve more than constructive genius. His parsimony soon
+caused people to accuse him of unduly saving his salary and state
+allowances, while his personal dislikes led him to err grievously in
+his choice of advisers, or rather in his elimination of Gambetta, to
+whom circumstances now pointed.
+
+Jules Grevy hated Gambetta, undeniably the leading figure in the
+Republican party since the death of Thiers, and neglected to entrust to
+him the formation of a Cabinet. Thiers himself had shown greater wisdom.
+He, too, had disliked the raging and apparently futile volubility of the
+young tribune during the Franco-Prussian War, but Thiers got over
+calling Gambetta a "fou furieux." On the contrary, just after the
+Seize-Mai and before his own death, when Thiers was expecting to return
+to the Presidency as successor to a discredited Mac-Mahon, he had
+intended to make Gambetta the head of his Cabinet. For Gambetta with
+maturity had become more moderate. Instead of drastic political remedies
+he was gradually evolving, as already stated, the policy of
+"Opportunism" so closely linked with his name, the method of gradual
+advance by concessions and compromises, by taking advantage of occasions
+and making one's general policy conform with opportunity.
+
+If Gambetta, as leader of the majority group in the Republican party,
+which had evicted Mac-Mahon, had become Prime Minister, it is conceded
+that the precedent would have been set by the new administration for
+parliamentary government with a true party leadership, as in Great
+Britain. Instead, Grevy entrusted the task of forming a Ministry to an
+upright but colorless leader named Waddington, at the head of a
+composite Cabinet, more moderate in policy than Gambetta, who became
+presiding officer of the Chamber of Deputies. The consequence was that,
+after lasting less than a year, it gave way to another Cabinet led by
+the great political trimmer Freycinet,[9] until in due time it was in
+turn succeeded by the Ministry of Jules Ferry in September, 1880.
+
+It must not be inferred that nothing was accomplished by the Waddington
+and Freycinet Ministries. Indeed, Jules Ferry, the chief Republican next
+to Gambetta, was himself a member of these two Cabinets before leading
+his own.
+
+The lining-up of Republican groups, as opposed to the Monarchists, under
+the new administration was: the Left Centre, composed as in the past of
+ultra-conservative Republicans, constantly diminishing numerically; the
+Republican Left, which followed Jules Ferry; the Republican Union of
+Gambetta; and, finally, the radical Extreme Left, which had taken for
+itself many of the advanced measures advocated by Gambetta when he had
+been a radical. One of its leaders was Georges Clemenceau. Between the
+two large groups of Ferry and Gambetta there was little difference in
+ideals, but Gambetta was now the Opportunist and Ferry made his own
+Gambetta's old battle-cry against clericalism.
+
+[Illustration: JULES FERRY]
+
+The Chamber elected after the Seize-Mai was by reaction markedly
+anti-Clerical, and the Waddington Cabinet, to begin with, contained
+three Protestants and a freethinker. Obviously steps would soon be taken
+to defeat the "enemy." In this movement Jules Ferry was from the
+beginning a leader, by direct action as well as by the educational
+reforms which he carried out as Minister of Public Instruction. Jules
+Ferry became, more than Gambetta, the great bugbear of the Clericals
+and the author of the "lois scelerates."
+
+During the Waddington Ministry Jules Ferry began his efforts for the
+reorganization of superior instruction, and among his measures carried
+through the Chamber of Deputies the notorious "Article 7" indirectly
+aimed at Jesuit influence in _secondary_ teaching as well: "No person
+can direct any public or private establishment whatsoever or teach
+therein if he belongs to an unauthorized order." The Jesuits had at that
+time no legal footing in France, but were openly tolerated. The Senate
+rejected this article under the Freycinet Ministry and the law was
+finally adopted thus apparently weakened. But Jules Ferry, nothing
+daunted, immediately put into operation the no less notorious decrees of
+March, 1880, reviving older laws going back even to 1762, which had long
+since fallen into disuse. By these decrees the Jesuit establishments
+were to be closed and the members dispersed within three months.
+Moreover, every unauthorized order was, under penalty of expulsion, to
+apply for authorization within a like limit of time. The expulsion of
+the Jesuits was carried out with a certain spectacular display of
+passive resistance on the part of those evicted. Later in the year
+similar steps were taken against many other organizations.
+
+It is evident from the above that the promotion of educational reform
+under Republican control was definitely connected with measures directed
+against clerical domination. The French Catholic Church, on its part,
+treated every attempt toward laicization as a form of persecution. But
+Jules Ferry unhesitatingly extended his policy when he became Prime
+Minister. His measures were genuinely neutral, but his reputation as a
+Voltairian freethinker and a freemason inevitably afforded his opponents
+an excuse for their charges.
+
+Jules Ferry's reforms in education, extending over several Cabinet
+periods as late as 1882, included secondary education for girls, and
+free, obligatory, lay, primary instruction. To Americans accustomed to
+such methods of education it is difficult to conceive the struggles of
+Jules Ferry and his assistant on the floor of the House, Paul Bert, in
+carrying through these measures for the training of the democracy.
+
+In foreign affairs Jules Ferry inaugurated a more active policy
+symptomatic of the return of France to participation in international
+matters. At the Congress of Berlin, France had avoided entanglements,
+but, even at that early period, Lord Salisbury had hinted to M.
+Waddington, present as French delegate, that no interference would be
+made by England, were France to advance claims in Tunis. This suggestion
+came, perhaps, originally from Bismarck, who was not averse to
+embroiling France with Italy. That country longed for Tunis so
+conveniently situated near Sicily. England, moreover, was probably not
+desirous of seeing the Italians thus strategically ensconced in the
+Mediterranean.
+
+In 1881, financial manoeuvres and the plundering expeditions into
+Algeria of border tribes called Kroumirs afforded a pretext for
+intervention, to the indignation of Italy, which was thus more than ever
+inclined to seek alliances against France, even with Germany. Here,
+indeed, was the germ of the Triple Alliance. An easy advance to Tunis
+forced the Bey to accept a French protectorate by the Treaty of the
+Bardo on May 12, 1881. Later in the year the situation became rather
+serious, and new and rather costly military operations became necessary,
+including the occupation of Sfax, Gabes, and Kairouan.
+
+Thus France came into possession of valuable territories, but at the
+cost of Italian indignation. Moreover, Jules Ferry, who was always one
+of the most hated of party leaders in his own country, reaped no
+advantage to himself. His enemies affected to believe that the whole
+Tunisian war was a game of capitalists, or was planned for effect upon
+elections to the new Chamber. The boulevards refused to take the
+Kroumirs seriously and joked about "Cherchez le Kroumir." Finally, on
+November 9, 1881, the personal intervention of Gambetta before the newly
+elected Chamber of Deputies saved the Cabinet on a vote of confidence.
+Jules Ferry none the less determined to resign, and Gambetta, in spite
+of Grevy's aversion, was the inevitable man for the formation of a new
+Cabinet.
+
+Gambetta's great opportunity had come too late to be effective. The
+undoubted leader of the Republic, he had grown in statesmanship since
+his early days, but was still hated by men like Grevy who could not get
+over their old prejudices. Then the advanced radicals, or
+_intransigeants_, thought him a traitor to his old platforms or
+_programmes_.[10] They blamed his Opportunism and said that he wanted
+power without responsibility. Gambetta's enemies, whether the duc de
+Broglie or Clemenceau, talked of his secret influence (_pouvoir
+occulte_), and accused him of aspiring to a dictatorship, in fact if not
+in name. Their suspicions were somewhat deepened by Gambetta's ardent
+advocacy of the _scrutin de liste_ instead of the existing _scrutin
+d'arrondissement_.[11]
+
+It was asserted that Gambetta wanted to diminish the independence of
+local representation and marshal behind himself a subservient majority.
+To Gambetta the _scrutin de liste_ was the truly republican form of
+representation, the one existing under the National Assembly and
+abolished by the reactionaries under the new constitution.
+
+Thus, Gambetta had against him, during the campaign for renewal of the
+Chamber of Deputies in the summer of 1881, not only the anti-Republicans
+but also timid liberals like Jules Simon, the influence of President
+Grevy, and the _intransigeants_. The Senate was averse to the _scrutin
+de liste_ and rejected, in the spring of 1881, the measure which
+Gambetta carried through the Chamber. Gambetta, formerly the idol of the
+working classes of Paris, met with opposition, was hooted in one of his
+own political rallies, and was re-elected on the first ballot in one
+only of the two districts in which he was a candidate.
+
+The elections of the Chamber of 1881 resulted in a strongly Republican
+body, in which, however, the majority subdivided into groups. Gambetta's
+"Union republicaine" was the most numerous, followed by Ferry's "Gauche
+republicaine," and the extremists. A certain fraction of Gambetta's
+group, including Henri Brisson and Charles Floquet, also tended to stick
+together. They were the germ of what became in time the great Radical
+party.
+
+It had been hoped that Gambetta would bring into his Cabinet all the
+other leaders of his party, and at last form a great governing ministry.
+But men like Leon Say and Freycinet refused their collaboration because
+of divergence of views or personal pride. Gambetta then decided to pick
+his collaborators from his immediate friends and partisans, some of whom
+had yet a reputation to make. The anticipated "Great Ministry" turned
+out to be, its opponents said, a "ministere de commis," a cabinet of
+clerks. The fact that it contained men like Waldeck-Rousseau, Raynal,
+and Rouvier showed, however, that Gambetta could discover ability in
+others. But it was declared that the "dictator" was marshalling his
+henchmen. The extremists, especially, were furious because Gambetta also
+magnanimously gave important posts to non-Republicans like General de
+Miribel and the journalist J.-J. Weiss.
+
+The "Great Ministry" remained in office two months and a half and came
+to grief on the proposed revision of the constitution, in which Gambetta
+wished to incorporate the _scrutin de liste_. In January, 1882, it had
+to resign and Gambetta died on the last day of the same year. Thus, the
+third Republic lost its leading statesman since the death of Thiers.
+
+The year 1882 was filled by the two ineffective Cabinets of Freycinet
+(second time) and of Duclerc. Under the former, France made the mistake,
+injurious to her interests and prestige, of withdrawing from the
+Egyptian condominium with Great Britain and allowing the latter country
+free play for the conquest and occupation of Egypt. Thus the fruits of
+De Lesseps' piercing of the Isthmus of Suez went definitely to England.
+The death of Gambetta under the Duclerc-Fallieres Ministry[12] seemed to
+reawaken the hopes of the anti-Republicans, and Jerome Napoleon, chief
+Bonapartist pretender since the decease of the Prince Imperial, issued a
+manifesto against the Republic. Parliament fell into a ludicrous panic,
+various contradictory measures were proposed, and in the general
+confusion the Cabinet fell after an adverse vote.
+
+In this contingency President Grevy did what he should have done before,
+and called to office the leading statesman. This was now Jules Ferry.
+At last France had an administration which lasted a little over two
+years. But Ferry was still intensely unpopular. He had become the
+successor of Gambetta and the exponent of the policy of Opportunism,
+which he tried to carry out with even more constructive statesmanship.
+But he was totally wanting in Gambetta's magnetism, and his domineering
+ways made him hated the more. The Clericals opposed him as the
+"persecutor" of the Catholic religion, and the Radicals thought he did
+not go far enough in his hostility to the Church. For Jules Ferry saw
+that the times were not ripe for disestablishment, and that the system
+of the _Concordat_, in vogue since Napoleon I, really gave the State
+more control over the Clergy than it would have in case of separation.
+The State would lose its power in appointments and salaries. Jules Ferry
+knew that the Church could be useful to him, and the politic Leo XIII,
+very different from Pius IX, was ready to meet him part way, though the
+Pope himself had to humor to a certain extent the hostility to the
+Republic of the French Monarchists and Clericals. Jules Ferry, like
+Gambetta, also had to put up with the veiled hostility of President
+Grevy, working in Parliament through the intrigues of his son-in-law
+Wilson. Moreover, Ferry was made to bear the odium for a long period of
+financial depression, which had lasted since 1882, starting with the
+sensational failure (_krach_) of a large bank, the Union generale. So
+his career was made a torture and he was vilified perhaps more than any
+man of the third Republic.
+
+The extremists had in time another grievance against Jules Ferry in his
+opposition to a radical revision of the constitution. The enemies of the
+Republic still feigned to believe, especially when the death of the
+comte de Chambord in 1883 had fused the Legitimists and Orleanists, that
+an integral revision would pave the way for a monarchical restoration.
+The Radicals demanded the suppression of the power of the Senate, whose
+consent was necessary to summon a constitutional convention. A Congress
+was summoned in 1884 at which the very limited programme of the Ministry
+was put through. The changes merely eliminated from the constitution the
+prescriptions for senatorial elections. After this, by an ordinary
+statute, life-senatorships were abolished for the future, and some
+changes were made in the choice of senatorial electors.
+
+Jules Ferry was what would to-day be called an imperialist. In this he
+may have been unwise, for the French, though intrepid explorers, do not
+care to settle permanently far from the motherland. The north coast of
+Africa might have been a sufficient field for enterprise. But Jules
+Ferry thought that the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria, and Italy,
+formed in 1882, was going to isolate France permanently in Europe. So
+she was to regain her prestige by territorial annexations in the Sudan,
+the Congo, Madagascar, Annam, and Tonkin.
+
+The French had some nominal rights on Tonkin since 1874, and
+disturbances there had caused a revival of activities. When the French
+officer Riviere was killed in an ambuscade in May, 1883, Jules Ferry
+sent heavy reinforcements and forced the King of Annam to acknowledge a
+French protectorate. This stirred up the Chinese, who also claimed
+Annam, and who caused the invasion of Tonkin by guerillas supported by
+their own troops. After various operations in Tonkin the Treaty of
+Tien-tsin was signed with China in May, 1884, by which China made the
+concessions called for by the French. Within a month Chinese troops
+ambuscaded a French column at Bac-Le and the Government decided on a
+punitive expedition. Thus France was engaged in troublesome warfare with
+China, without direct parliamentary authorization. The bombardment of
+Foo-chow, the attack on the island of Formosa, and the blockade of the
+coast dragged along unsatisfactorily through 1884 and 1885.
+
+While Jules Ferry in the spring of 1885 was actually negotiating a final
+peace with China on terms satisfactory to the French, the cession of
+Annam and Tonkin with a commercial treaty, and while he was
+categorically affirming in the Chamber of Deputies the success of
+military operations in Tonkin, a sudden dispatch from the East threw
+everything into a turmoil. General Briere de l'Isle telegraphed from
+Tonkin that the French had been disastrously defeated at Lang-son and
+General de Negrier severely wounded. The news proved to be a grievous
+exaggeration which was contradicted by a later dispatch some hours
+after, but the damage was done. On March 30, in the Chamber of Deputies,
+Jules Ferry was insulted and abused by the leaders of a coalition of
+anti-Republicans and Radicals. The "Tonkinois," as his vilifiers called
+him, disgusted and discouraged, made little attempt to defend himself,
+and his Cabinet fell by a vote of 306 to 149. On April 4, the
+preliminaries of a victorious treaty of peace were signed with China.
+
+The fall of Jules Ferry was a severe blow to efficient government. It
+marked the end, for a long time, of any effort to construct satisfactory
+united Cabinets led by a strong man. It set a precedent for innumerable
+short-lived Ministries built on the treacherous sands of shifting
+groups. It paved the way for a deterioration in parliamentary
+management. It accentuated the bitter hatred now existing between the
+Union des gauches, as the united Gambetta and Ferry Opportunist groups
+called themselves, on the one hand, and the Radicals and the Extreme
+Left on the other. The Radicals, in particular, were influential, and
+one of their more moderate members, Henri Brisson, became the head of
+the next Cabinet. Brisson's name testified to an advance toward
+radicalism, but the Cabinet contained all sorts of moderate and
+nondescript elements, dubbed a "concentration" Cabinet. Its chief
+function was to tide over the elections of 1885, for a new Chamber of
+Deputies. In anticipation of this election Gambetta's long-desired
+_scrutin de liste_ had been rather unexpectedly voted.
+
+The workings of the new method of voting were less satisfactory than had
+been anticipated. Republican dissensions and a greater union of the
+opposition caused a tremendous reactionary landslide on the first
+ballot. This was greatly reduced on the second ballot, so that the
+Republicans emerged with a large though diminished majority. But the old
+Left Centre had practically disappeared and the Radicals were vastly
+more numerous. The great divisions were now the Right, the moderate
+Union des gauches, the Radicals, and the revolutionary Extreme Left. The
+Brisson Cabinet was blamed for not "working" the elections more
+successfully and it resigned at the time of President Grevy's
+re-election. He had reached the end of his seven years' term and was
+chosen again on December 28, 1885. He was to have troublesome
+experiences during the short time he remained in the Presidency.
+
+The Freycinet, Goblet, and Rouvier Cabinets, which fill the rest of
+Grevy's Presidency, were largely engrossed with a new danger in the
+person of General Boulanger. He first appeared in a prominent position
+as Minister of War in the Freycinet Cabinet. A young, brilliant, and
+popular though unprincipled officer, he soon devoted himself to demagogy
+and put himself at the head of the jingoes who called Ferry the slave of
+Bismarck. The expeditions of Tunis and Tonkin had, moreover, thrown a
+glamour over the flag and the army.
+
+Boulanger began at once to play politics and catered to the advanced
+parties, who adopted him as their own. He backed up the spectacular
+expulsion of the princes, which, as an answer to the monarchical
+progress, drove from France the heads of formerly reigning families and
+their direct heirs in line of primogeniture, and carried out their
+radiation from the army. The populace cheered the gallant general on his
+black horse, and when Bismarck complained that he was a menace to the
+peace of Europe Boulanger's fortune seemed made. At a certain moment
+France and Germany were on the brink of war in the so-called Schnaebele
+affair.[13] So, when Boulanger was left out of the Rouvier Cabinet
+combination in May, 1887, as dangerous, he played more than ever to the
+gallery as the persecuted saviour of France and, on being sent to take
+command of an army corps in the provinces at Clermont-Ferrand, he was
+escorted to the train by thousands of enthusiastic manifestants.
+
+Meanwhile, President Grevy was nearing a disaster. In October, 1887,
+General Caffarel, an important member of the General Staff, was arrested
+for participating in the sale of decorations. When Boulanger declared
+that the arrest of Caffarel was an indirect assault on himself,
+originally responsible for Caffarel's appointment to the General Staff,
+the affair got greater notoriety. The scandal assumed national
+proportions when it was found to involve the President's own son-in-law
+Daniel Wilson, well known to be a shady and tricky politician, who had
+the octogenarian President under his thumb. The matter reached the scale
+of a Cabinet crisis, since it was by an overthrow of the Ministry that
+the President could best be reached. Unfortunately, Grevy could not see
+that the most dignified thing for him to do was to resign, even though
+he was in no way involved in Wilson's misdemeanors. For days he tried to
+persuade prominent men to form a Cabinet; he tried to argue his right
+and duty to remain. But finally the Chamber and Senate brought actual
+pressure upon him by voting to adjourn to specific hours in the
+expectation of a presidential communication. He bowed to the inevitable
+and retired from the Presidency with the reputation of a discredited old
+miser, instead of the great statesman he had appeared on beginning his
+term of office.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[9] Gambetta's former assistant during the national defence after the
+first disasters; a brilliant organizer, but in general policy a
+_nolonte_, to use the term Gambetta coined about him on the basis of the
+word _volonte_. As Minister of Public Works he initiated at this period
+great improvements in the internal development of France, especially in
+the railways.
+
+[10] Especially as to the unlimited revision of the constitution and the
+_immediate_ separation of Church and State.
+
+[11] Gambetta's contempt for the parochialism of the elections by
+district was great. He felt that departmental tickets would favor the
+choice of better men. One must remember how large a proportion of the
+French Deputies are physicians to appreciate the scorn of Gambetta's
+saying that the _scrutin d'arrondissement_ produced a lot of
+_sous-veterinaires_, that is, men who were not even decent
+"horse-doctors."
+
+[12] M. Fallieres took the place of Duclerc as President of the Council
+during the last days.
+
+[13] The French claimed that a government official had been lured over
+the frontier and illegally arrested.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF SADI CARNOT
+
+December, 1887, to June, 1894
+
+
+The successor of Jules Grevy was Sadi Carnot, in many ways the best
+choice. As has been seen, the transition was less easy than the two
+ballots of the National Assembly seemed to indicate (December 3, 1887).
+The intrigues of the so-called "nuits historiques" (November 28-30) had
+been an endeavor of the Radicals to keep Grevy, in order to ward off
+Jules Ferry as his successor. Finally, Carnot was a compromise
+candidate, or "dark horse," a Moderate acceptable to the Radicals still
+unwilling to endure the leading candidate Ferry.
+
+[Illustration: SADI CARNOT]
+
+President Carnot, hitherto known chiefly as a capable civil engineer and
+a successful Cabinet officer, was the heir to the name and traditions of
+a great republican family. His integrity was a guarantee of honesty in
+office, and his personal dignity was bound to heighten the prestige of
+the chief magistracy, somewhat weakened by his predecessor Grevy. On
+the other hand, Carnot's conception of the constitutional
+irresponsibility or neutrality of his office was an insufficient bulwark
+to the State against the intrigues of petty politicians and the
+inefficiencies of the parliamentary regime. Consequently his term of
+office saw the Republic exposed to two of the worst crises in its
+history, the Boulanger campaign and the Panama scandals, while the
+legislative history records the overthrow of successive cabinets. These
+followed each other without definite constructive policy, and aimed
+chiefly at keeping power by constant dickerings and playing off group
+against group.
+
+The demoralization of parliamentary life had reached a climax. The
+Republicans were divided into the Moderates, former followers of
+Gambetta, the Radicals with Floquet and Brisson, the Extreme Left with
+Clemenceau and Pelletan, the Socialists with Millerand, Basly, and
+Clovis Hugues. The Royalists and Bonapartists worked against the
+Government and the Boulangists took advantage of the chaos to push their
+cause. The Socialists, in particular, were a new group in the Chamber,
+destined in later years to hold the centre of the stage. In their
+manifesto of December, 1887, signed by seventeen Deputies, they
+advocated, in addition to innumerable specific reforms or practical
+innovations, schemes for the reorganization of society: state
+monopolies, nationalization of property, progressive taxation, and the
+like.
+
+The year 1888, characterized by intense political and social unrest, was
+critical. The trial and conviction of Grevy's son-in-law Wilson involved
+washing dirty linen in public. The steady growth of Boulangism testified
+to dissatisfaction, even though, as it proved, the enemies of the
+established order had united on a worthless adventurer as their leader.
+
+General Boulanger had been first "invented" as a leader by the extreme
+Radicals, and especially by Clemenceau, the _demolisseur_ or destroyer
+of ministries. Then, being gradually abandoned by them, he went over to
+the anti-Republicans and took heavy subsidies from the Monarchists,
+while continuing to advocate, at least openly, an anti-parliamentary,
+plebiscitary Republic.
+
+Early in 1888, in February, the candidacy of Boulanger to the Chamber
+was started in several departments. The electioneering activities of a
+general in regular service and sundry deeds of insubordination on his
+part finally caused the Government, as a disciplinary measure, to retire
+him. The result was that his partisans raised a cry of persecution, and
+his actual retirement gave him the liberty to engage in politics which
+his service on the active list had prevented. In April Boulanger was
+elected Deputy in the southern department of la Dordogne and the
+northern le Nord. His plan of campaign was to be candidate for Deputy in
+each department successively in which a vacancy occurred, thus
+indirectly and gradually obtaining a plebiscite of approval from the
+country. At the same time he raised the cry in favor of militarism, not
+for the sake of war, he said, but for defence. He attacked the impotence
+of Parliament and, as a remedy, called for the dissolution of the
+Chamber and the convocation of a Constituent Assembly to revise the
+constitution. His opponents raised the answering cry of dictatorship and
+Caesarism. The election in the Nord was particularly alarming because of
+Boulanger's majority.
+
+Boulanger now had both Moderates and many Radicals against him,
+including the Prime Minister Floquet, and was, on the other hand,
+supported openly or secretly by the Imperialists and Monarchists,
+advocates for varying purposes of the plebiscite. The Royalists, who
+thought their chances of success the most hopeful, wanted to use
+Boulanger as a tool to further their designs for the overthrow of the
+Republic. Not only did he receive funds from the pretender, the comte de
+Paris, but an ardent Royalist lady of rank, the duchesse d'Uzes,
+squandered millions of francs in furthering Boulanger's political
+schemes as leader of the Boulangists: the "National Party" or
+"Revisionists."
+
+In June, 1888, Boulanger brought forward in the Chamber a project for a
+revision of the constitution. He advocated a single Chamber, or, if a
+Senate were conceded, demanded that it be chosen by popular vote. The
+power of the Chamber was to be diminished, that of the President
+increased, and laws were to be subject to ratification by plebiscite or
+referendum. The measure was naturally rejected, but Boulanger renewed
+the attack in July by demanding the dissolution of the Chamber. In the
+excitement of the debate the lie was passed between Boulanger and the
+President of the Council of Ministers, Floquet. Boulanger resigned his
+seat and in a duel, a few days later, between Floquet and Boulanger, the
+dashing general, the warrior of the black horse, and the hero of the
+popular song "En rev'nant d'la revue," was ignominiously wounded by the
+civilian politician.
+
+But Boulanger's star was not yet on the wane. He continued to be elected
+Deputy in different departments, and the efforts of the Ministry to cut
+the ground from under his feet by bringing in a separate revisionary
+project did not undermine his popularity with the rabble, the jingo
+Ligue des Patriotes of Paul Deroulede, and the anti-Republican
+malcontents. In January, 1889, after a fiercely contested and
+spectacular campaign, he was elected Deputy for the department of the
+Seine, containing the city of Paris, nerve-centre of France. It is
+generally conceded that if Boulanger had gone to the Elysee, the
+presidential mansion, on the evening of his election, and turned out
+Carnot, he would have had the Parisian populace and the police with him
+in carrying out a _coup d'etat_. Luckily for the country his judgment
+or his nerve failed him at the crucial moment, and from that time his
+influence diminished. The panic-stricken Government was able to thwart
+his plebiscitary appeals by re-establishing the _scrutin
+d'arrondissement_, or election by small districts instead of by whole
+departments. Moreover, when the Floquet Cabinet fell soon after on its
+own revisionary project, the succeeding Tirard Ministry was able to pass
+a law preventing simultaneous multiple candidacies, and impeached
+Boulanger, with some of his followers, before the Senate as High Court
+of Justice. Instead of facing trial, Boulanger and his satellites Dillon
+and Henri Rochefort fled from France. In August they were condemned in
+absence to imprisonment. Boulanger never returned to France, and with
+diminishing subsidies his following waned. The elections of 1889
+resulted in the return of only thirty-eight Boulangists and, when in
+September, 1891, Boulanger committed suicide in Brussels at the grave of
+his mistress, most Frenchmen merely gave a sigh of relief at the memory
+of the dangers they had experienced not so long before.
+
+The International Exposition of 1889 afforded a breathing spell in the
+midst of political anxieties, and helped, by its evidence of the
+Republic's prosperity, to weaken Boulanger's cause. But unsettled social
+and religious problems remained troublesome. The successive cabinets
+after the Floquet Ministry, and following the general election of 1889,
+pursued a policy of "Republican concentration," combining Moderate and
+Radical elements, disappearing often without important motives, and
+replaced by cabinets of approximately the same coloring. The Clerical
+Party was hand-in-glove with the Royalists and the Boulangists. It took
+advantage of governmental instability to try to undermine the Republic,
+but its own harmony of purpose was in due time diminished by the new
+policy of Leo XIII. That astute Italian diplomat was himself
+temperamentally an Opportunist. He conceived the idea of controlling
+France by advances to the Republic and by feigning to accept it in order
+to get hold of its policies, especially the educational and military
+laws. He realized, too, the harm done to the Vatican by the stubbornness
+of many French Catholics. He felt the necessity of making amends for the
+behavior of the Catholic Royalists in the Boulanger affair. Certain
+prelates, including the Archbishop of Aix, Monseigneur Gouthe-Soulard,
+attacked the Government violently at the end of 1891 in connection with
+disturbances by French pilgrims to Rome who had manifested in favor of
+the Pope and written "Vive le Pape-Roi!" at the tomb of Victor Emmanuel.
+The French Catholics tended to resent the interference of the Pope, but
+the latter, who had for some months received the support of Cardinal
+Lavigerie, Archbishop of Algiers and Primate of Africa, tried to bring
+pressure on the leaders of the French clergy. In February, 1892, as a
+rejoinder to a manifesto by five French cardinals, came his famous
+encyclical letter advocating the established order of things. "The civil
+power considered as such is from God and always from God....
+Consequently, when new governments representing this new power are
+constituted, to accept them is not only permitted but demanded, or even
+imposed, by the needs of the social good." This encyclical was followed
+by a letter to the French cardinals in May and by other manifestations
+of his wishes. Thus a certain number of Catholics, among whom the comte
+de Mun and Jacques Piou were leaders, cut adrift from the Right and
+adhered to the Republic, forming the small group of "Rallies." They were
+never very numerous or powerful, and the Dreyfus affair, a few years
+later, showed how the Pope's desire to rally the Catholics to the
+Republic was thwarted by the French clergy and the reactionaries.
+
+The procedure of Leo XIII was thus a proof that the Vatican wanted to be
+on good terms with the Republic. The _rapprochement_ with Russia was
+another proof that France, in spite of its troubles, was to be reckoned
+with in Europe. France and Russia felt it necessary to draw together in
+answer to the noisy renewal of the Triple Alliance. There had been
+tension in the spring of 1891, in which the French were not wholly
+blameless, as a result of the private visit to Paris of the dowager
+empress of Germany, the Empress Frederick. In the summer of 1891 a
+French fleet under Admiral Gervais was invited to Russian waters. It
+visited Cronstadt, and the Czar and the President exchanged telegrams of
+sympathy. On the return to France the same fleet visited Portsmouth by
+invitation, and was welcomed by the Queen and the authorities. The visit
+to England did not, however, have the same meaning as the Russian one.
+"Portsmouth" meant an expression of England's freedom of action
+face-to-face with the Triple Alliance, and an endeavor to smooth French
+susceptibilities recently ruffled by Lord Salisbury. After an
+Anglo-French compact, in August, 1890, for the partition of
+protectorates and zones of influence in Africa, the British Prime
+Minister alluded rather scoffingly in the House of Lords to the lack of
+value of the Sahara assigned to the French. "Cronstadt," as opposed to
+"Portsmouth," meant an active understanding, to be followed in 1892 by a
+military defensive compact negotiated in St. Petersburg by General de
+Boisdeffre, head of the French General Staff.
+
+The return visit of the Russians took place at Toulon in 1893, and
+Admiral Avellan with his staff visited Paris, which went wild with
+enthusiasm. At that moment French relations with Italy were strained,
+partly because the Italian Government was jealous of the cordiality
+between the Pope and the Republic. The Franco-Russian manifestation was
+a new veiled warning.
+
+In 1892, under the leadership of Jules Meline, the Chamber adopted a
+protective tariff policy. This resulted in several tariff disputes and
+engendered bad feeling with various countries, including Italy.
+
+The desperate attack of the Royalists, engineered mainly against the
+Republic in the Panama scandals, helped to bring the Pope and the State
+still closer together, so that at certain times the Rallies or
+Republican Catholics and the Royalists fought each other violently. The
+Panama scandal was planned in view of the elections of 1893. During the
+decade following 1880 Ferdinand de Lesseps, the successful builder of
+the Suez Canal, had organized and tried to finance a company to
+construct a canal at Panama. The prestige of Lesseps's name and the
+memory of his previous achievement made countless Frenchmen invest huge
+sums in the company. But the expenses were enormous and the financial
+maladministration apparently extraordinary, for the directors of the
+company were led into illegal steps in order to influence legislation,
+or pay hush money to the press to hide the condition of affairs, and
+then were blackmailed into further outlays. The company failed in 1888,
+and efforts to put it on its feet proved abortive. Hints of the scandals
+leaked out, and the Government played into the hands of its opponents by
+trying to conceal matters.
+
+In November, 1892, some Royalist members of the Chamber brought matters
+to a head and the Government was obliged to do something. It was decided
+to proceed against Ferdinand de Lesseps, his son Charles de Lesseps,
+Henri Cottu, Marius Fontane, members of the board of directors, and G.
+Eiffel, an engineer and contractor and the builder of the famous Eiffel
+Tower. At this juncture a well-known Jewish banker of Paris, Baron
+Jacques de Reinach, died suddenly and most mysteriously on November 20.
+He was openly charged with being the bribery agent of the company, and
+his sudden death was by some called suicide, while others hinted that he
+had been put out of the way because of his dangerous knowledge.
+
+Under these exciting conditions a Boulangist Deputy named Delahaye made
+an interpellation in the Chamber hinting at the campaign of corruption
+carried on by the company through the agency of Reinach and two other
+Jews of German origin, Arton and Cornelius Herz, the latter a
+naturalized American citizen. By this campaign it was charged that three
+million francs had been used to corrupt more than a hundred and fifty
+Deputies, and much more had been spent in other ways.
+
+A commission of thirty-three was appointed under the chairmanship of
+Henri Brisson. The Royalists and Radicals were having their innings
+against the Government, and their newspapers continued to publish rumors
+and "revelations." The commission called for the autopsy of Reinach. The
+Loubet Cabinet, refusing to grant it, was voted down and resigned. The
+Ribot Ministry was then constituted, but at intervals lost successively
+two of its most prominent members, Rouvier and Freycinet, accused of
+complicity in the scandals. Even the leaders of the Radicals, Clemenceau
+and Floquet, in time found themselves involved. The former was charged
+with tricky dealings with Cornelius Herz, the latter was shown to have
+demanded money from the company, when Minister, in order to use it for
+political subsidies.
+
+In December the Cabinet decided to arrest Charles de Lesseps, Marius
+Fontane, Henri Cottu, and a former Deputy, Sans-Leroy, accused of having
+accepted a bribe of two hundred thousand francs. At the same time, on
+the basis of the seizure of twenty-six cheque stubs at the bank used by
+the baron de Reinach, the Minister of Justice proceeded against ten
+prominent Deputies and Senators, among whom was Albert Grevy, former
+Governor-General of Algeria, and brother of Jules Grevy. The Government
+seemed panic-stricken in its readiness to sacrifice, on mere suspicion,
+prominent members of its party. All the parliamentaries accused were, in
+due time, exonerated.
+
+The directors of the company came up for trial twice. The first time,
+with M. Eiffel, in January-February, 1893, and the second time, with
+other defendants, in March, before different jurisdictions on varying
+charges, they were condemned to fine and imprisonment. On appeal, in
+April, these condemnations were revised or annulled. One person became
+the scapegoat, a former Minister of Public Works named Baihaut,
+condemned to civil degradation, five years' imprisonment, and a heavy
+fine.
+
+Scandal was, however, not satisfied with these names. There was also
+talk of a mysterious list of one hundred and four Deputies charged with
+accepting bribes from Arton. Moreover, it was felt that quashing the
+indictments against prominent men like Rouvier and Albert Grevy was poor
+policy. If they were innocent they could prove their innocence. Under
+the circumstances suspicion would still be rife. The state of general
+anarchy was also revealed by the evidence of the wife of Henri Cottu,
+who testified that agents of the Government had offered her husband
+immunity if he would implicate a member of the Opposition.[14]
+
+The Panama scandal was largely the work of the Monarchists angry at the
+failure of the Boulanger campaign. It did them no good, as the elections
+to the new Chamber proved. On the other hand, it worked havoc among the
+leaders of the Moderates, who, innocent or blameworthy, fell under
+popular suspicion, and were in many cases relegated to the background in
+favor of new leaders. Moreover, it helped the Socialists, and even, by
+throwing discredit on parliamentarism, it encouraged lawless outbreaks
+of anarchists.
+
+New men in party leaderships came in the composite Cabinet of Moderate
+leanings led by Charles Dupuy in April, 1893. He seemed at first to
+incline toward the Conservatives and treated with considerable severity
+some street disturbances. A prank of art students at their annual ball
+(_Bal des quat'-z-arts_) was magnified into a street riot and was not
+quelled until after the loss of a life. The _Bourse du travail_
+(Workmen's Exchange) was closed by the Government after other
+disturbances.
+
+The elections in August and September resulted in a large Republican
+majority and a corresponding decline in the anti-Republican Right. On
+the other hand, the Radicals rose to about a hundred and fifty, and the
+Socialists were about fifty, forming for the first time a large party
+able to make its influence felt. The "Socialistic-Radicals" represented
+an effort toward a compromise between the advanced groups.
+
+The desire of the Moderate leaders of the Republic to meet the Pope
+halfway in his policy of conciliation was expressed in a noteworthy
+speech made in the Chamber in March, 1894, by the then Minister of
+Public Worship, Eugene Spuller. Answering the query of a Royalist
+Deputy, the Minister declared that the time had come to put an end to
+fanaticism and sectarianism, and that the country could count on the
+vigilance of the Government to maintain its rights, and on the new frame
+of mind (_esprit nouveau_) which inspired it, which tended to reconcile
+all French citizens and bring about a revival of common sense, justice,
+and charity.
+
+But the anarchists were not moved by any spirit of conciliation.
+Borrowing methods of violence from the Russian nihilists, they used
+bomb-throwing to draw attention to the vices of social organization and
+to themselves. During 1892, 1893, and 1894 they tried to terrorize
+Paris. The deeds of various criminals, including Ravachol, Vaillant (who
+threw a bomb in the Chamber of Deputies),[15] Emile Henry, among others,
+culminated at last in the cruel murder of President Carnot. On June 24,
+1894, while at Lyons, whither he had gone to pay a state visit to an
+international exhibition, President Carnot was fatally stabbed by an
+underwitted Italian anarchist named Caserio Santo, and died within a few
+hours. Never were more futile and abominable crimes committed than those
+which sacrificed Carnot and McKinley.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[14] The Panama affair was a violent shock to the Republic. People were
+amazed at the charges of widespread corruption and the tendency on the
+part of the Government to smooth things over. Suspicions aroused were
+not fully satisfied because Reinach was dead and Herz and Arton in
+flight. Cornelius Herz successfully fought extradition from England on
+the plea of illness. Arton was arrested in 1895 and extradited. His
+arrest caused a renewal of talk about Panama and the newspaper _la
+France_ undertook to print the famous list of one hundred and four
+Deputies. This publication was recognized to be a case of blackmail and
+its promoters were punished. Arton was also condemned to a term of hard
+labor, but his trial did not bring out the longed-for revelations.
+
+[15] M. Dupuy, then President of the Chamber, got much credit for his
+calmness and his remark, as the smoke of the bomb cleared away, "La
+seance continue."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF JEAN CASIMIR-PERIER
+
+June, 1894, to January, 1895
+
+AND OF FELIX FAURE
+
+January, 1895, to February, 1899
+
+
+The customary promptness in the choice of a President, so unfamiliar to
+American campaigns, was observed in the election of Carnot's successor.
+The historic name and the social and financial position of the new chief
+magistrate, Jean Casimir-Perier, seemed to the monarchical
+sister-nations a guarantee of national stability and dignity. In reality
+the election brought about a more definite cleavage between rival
+political tendencies. Casimir-Perier, grandson of Louis-Philippe's great
+minister, obviously represented the Moderates, most of whom tried in all
+sincerity to carry out the _esprit nouveau_ and a policy of good-will
+toward the Catholic Church. The Radicals said that this was playing into
+the hands of the Clericals, and to the Socialists Casimir-Perier was
+merely a hated capitalist. He was, moreover, unfortunately unfit for
+the acrimonies of political life. High-strung and emotional, he writhed
+under misinterpretation and abuse, and rebelled against the
+constitutional powerlessness of his office. He had never really wanted
+the Presidency and had accepted it chiefly through the personal
+persuasion of his friend the statesman Burdeau, who unfortunately died
+soon after his election. The brief Presidency of Casimir-Perier, lasting
+less than a year, was destined to see the beginning of the worst trial
+the French Republic had yet experienced, the famous Dreyfus case.
+
+The Administration, in which Dupuy remained Prime Minister, began by
+repressive measures, laws directed against the anarchists and the trial
+_en masse_ of thirty defendants ranging from utopian theorists to actual
+criminals. Most of them were acquitted, but the procedure did not
+ingratiate the Government with the advanced parties. Toward the end of
+1894 the Dreyfus case began to be talked of, an affair which was
+destined to develop into a tremendous struggle of the leaders of the
+army and the Church to obtain control of the nation.
+
+In September, 1894, an officer named Henry, of the spy service of the
+French army, came into possession of a document pieced together from
+fragments stolen from a waste-paper basket in the German Embassy. This
+document, containing a _bordereau_ or memorandum of information largely
+about the French artillery offered to the German military attache,
+Schwartzkoppen, was anonymous, but Henry undoubtedly recognized, sooner
+or later, the handwriting of a friend, Major Esterhazy, a soldier of
+fortune in the French army, of bad reputation and shady character.
+Unable to destroy the document, which had been seen by others, Henry
+tried to fasten it on somebody else. Indeed, many people believe that
+Henry was an accomplice of Esterhazy in German pay. By a strange
+coincidence it happened that the handwriting of the _bordereau_ somewhat
+resembled that of a brilliant young Jewish officer of the General Staff
+named Alfred Dreyfus. He belonged to a wealthy Alsatian family, and from
+antecedent probability would not seem to need to play a traitor's part,
+but he was intensely unpopular among his fellows because of many
+disagreeable traits of character. Moreover, anti-Semitism, formerly
+non-existent in France, was now rife. It had been largely fomented by
+the anti-Jewish agitator Edouard Drumont, with his book _la France
+juive_ (1886) and his newspaper the _Libre Parole_ (1892). Prejudice
+against the Jews as tricky financiers had been prepared and encouraged
+by the sensational failure of the great bank, the Union generale, a
+Catholic rival of the Rothschilds, in 1882, and by the Panama scandals
+with the doings of Jacques de Reinach, Cornelius Herz, and Arton. The
+_Libre Parole_ had worked against Jewish officers in the army, an
+activity which culminated in some sensational duels, particularly one
+between Captain Mayer and the marquis de Mores (1892), in which the Jew
+was killed.
+
+So, in the present instance, the Minister of War, General Mercier, who
+had recently committed some much-criticized administrative blunders, and
+who now wished to show his efficiency, caused the arrest of Dreyfus.
+Then, egged on by anti-Semitic newspapers which had got hold of
+Dreyfus's name, Mercier brought him before a court-martial. The trial
+was held in secret, and the War Department sent to the officers
+constituting the tribunal, without the knowledge of the prisoner or his
+counsel Maitre Demange, a secret _dossier_, a collection of trumped-up
+incriminating documents. Demange devoted himself to proving that Dreyfus
+was not the author of the _bordereau_, but the members of the
+court-martial, believing in the genuineness of the additional documents,
+unhesitatingly convicted him of treason. Consequently, in spite of his
+protestations of innocence, Dreyfus was publicly degraded on January 5,
+1895, and hustled off to solitary confinement on the unhealthy Devil's
+Isle, off the coast of French Guiana. Meanwhile the whole French people
+sincerely believed that a vile traitor had been justly condemned and
+that the secrecy of the case was due to the advisability of avoiding
+diplomatic complications with Germany. With dramatic unexpectedness,
+only ten days later (January 15), Casimir-Perier resigned the
+Presidency.
+
+During the whole Dreyfus affair Casimir-Perier had chafed because his
+ministers had constantly acted without keeping him informed,
+particularly when he was called upon by the German Government to
+acknowledge that it had had nothing to do with Dreyfus. He had lost by
+death the support of his friend Burdeau; he was discouraged by the
+campaign of abuse against him, especially the election as Deputy in
+Paris of Gerault-Richard, one of his most active vilifiers. In
+particular he felt that his own Cabinet, and above all its leader Dupuy,
+were false to him. A discussion in the Chamber concerning the duration
+of the state guarantees to certain of the great railway companies ended
+in a vote unfavorable to the Cabinet, which resigned, whereupon
+Casimir-Perier seized the opportunity to go too. The Socialists declared
+that Dupuy had provoked his own defeat in order to embarrass the
+President by the difficulty of forming a new Cabinet, and make him
+resign as well.
+
+Two days later the electoral Congress met at Versailles. The Radicals
+supported Henri Brisson. The Moderates and the Conservatives were
+divided between Waldeck-Rousseau and Felix Faure, but Waldeck-Rousseau
+having thrown his strength on the second ballot to Faure, the latter was
+elected.
+
+The new President, recently Minister of the Navy, was a well-meaning
+man, but full of vanity and naively delighted with his own rise in the
+world from a humble position to that of chief magistrate. The extent to
+which his judgment was warped by his temperament is shown by the later
+developments of the Dreyfus case.
+
+Felix Faure's first Cabinet was led by the Republican Moderate Alexandre
+Ribot. It lasted less than a year and its history was chiefly
+noteworthy, at least in foreign affairs, by the increasing openness of
+the Franco-Russian _rapprochement_ at the ceremonies of the inauguration
+of the Kiel Canal. In internal affairs there were some violent
+industrial disturbances and strikes.
+
+In October, 1895, the Moderates gave way to the Radical Cabinet of Leon
+Bourgeois. It was viewed with suspicion by the moneyed interests, who
+accused it of gravitating toward the Socialists. The cleavage between
+the two tendencies of the Republican Party became more marked. The
+Moderates joined forces with the Conservatives to oppose the schemes for
+social and financial reforms of the Radicals and of the representatives
+of the working classes. Prominent among these was the proposal for a
+progressive income tax. The Senate, naturally a more conservative body,
+was opposed to the Bourgeois Cabinet, which had a majority, though not a
+very steadfast one, in the Chamber of Deputies. The Senate, usually a
+nonentity in determining the fall of a cabinet, for once successfully
+asserted its power and, by refusing to vote the credits asked for by the
+Ministry for the Madagascar campaign, caused it to resign in April,
+1896. The enemies of the Senate maintained that the Chamber of Deputies,
+elected by direct suffrage, was the only judge of the fate of a cabinet.
+But Bourgeois's hold was at best precarious and he seized the
+opportunity to withdraw.
+
+The Meline Cabinet which followed was a return to the Moderates
+supported by the Conservatives. Its opponents accused it of following
+what in American political parlance is called a "stand-pat" policy, but
+it remained in office longer than any ministry up to its time, a little
+over two years. It afforded, at any rate, an opportunity for the
+adversaries of the Republic to strengthen their positions and encouraged
+the transformation of the Dreyfus case into a political instead of a
+purely judicial matter.
+
+In foreign affairs the most spectacular events were the visit of the
+Czar and Czarina to France in 1896 and the return visit of the French
+President to Russia in 1897. At the banquet of leave-taking on the
+French warship _Pothuau_, in their prepared speeches, the Czar and the
+President made use of the same expression "friendly and _allied_
+nations," thus publicly proclaiming to Europe the alliance suspected
+since 1891.
+
+In spite of the unanimous feeling of Dreyfus's guilt, his family did not
+lose faith in him, and his brother Mathieu set about the apparently
+impossible task of rehabilitation. But it chanced that one other person
+began to have doubts of the justice of Dreyfus's condemnation. This was
+Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart, who had been present at the court-martial
+as representative of the War Department, and who had since become chief
+of the espionage service, and Henry's superior. Another document stolen
+from a waste-paper basket at the German Embassy, an unforwarded
+pneumatic despatch (_petit bleu_), was brought to him, and directed his
+suspicions to Esterhazy, to whom it was addressed. At first he did not
+connect Esterhazy and Dreyfus, but on obtaining specimens of
+Esterhazy's handwriting he was struck by the likeness with that of the
+_bordereau_. Then, examining the secret _dossier_, to which he now had
+access, he was stupefied to see its insignificance.
+
+[Illustration: MARIE-GEORGES PICQUART]
+
+From this time on, Picquart worked, with extraordinary tenacity of
+purpose and against all obstacles, for the rehabilitation of a stranger.
+Everybody was against him. His chief subordinate Henry dreaded
+revelations above all things, and set his colleagues against him. His
+superiors disliked any suggestion that an army court could have made a
+mistake, the remedying of which would help a Jew.
+
+Gradually, however, the agitation started by Mathieu Dreyfus was
+becoming stronger. He had won the help of a skilled writer Bernard
+Lazare; a daily paper succeeded in obtaining and publishing a facsimile
+of the _bordereau_. But Picquart was sent away from Paris on a tour of
+inspection, and when the matter came up in the Chamber, through an
+interpellation, the Minister of War, General Billot, declared that the
+judgment of 1894 was absolutely legal and just. Matters thus seemed
+settled again.
+
+But a prominent Alsatian member of Parliament, Scheurer-Kestner, one of
+the Vice-Presidents of the Senate, was half-persuaded by Mathieu and
+Bernard Lazare. When Picquart's friend and legal adviser, Leblois,
+rather injudiciously, from a professional point of view, confided to him
+his client's suspicions, he was thoroughly convinced and the two
+separate currents of activity now coalesced. Yet the greater the
+agitation in favor of Dreyfus, the greater grew the opposition. The
+anti-Semites shrieked with rage against Judas, the "traitor." The upper
+ranks of the army were honeycombed by Clerical influences. An enormous
+proportion of the officers belonged to reactionary families and the
+Chief of Staff himself, General de Boisdeffre, was under the thumb of
+the Pere Du Lac, one of the most prominent Jesuits in France. The
+Clericals and anti-Semites, therefore, joined forces, and, by calling
+the Dreyfus agitation an attack on the honor of the army and a play into
+the hands of Germany, they won over all the jingoes and former
+Boulangists, who formed the new party of Nationalists. This was the
+so-called alliance of "the sword and the holy-water sprinkler" (_le
+sabre et le goupillon_). Above all, certain religious associations,
+particularly the Assumptionists, under the name of religion, organized a
+campaign of slander and abuse against all who ventured to speak for
+Dreyfus. By a ludicrous counter-play the scoundrel Esterhazy had
+defenders as an injured innocent, the more so that Henry and the clique
+at the War Office found it to their interest to support him.
+
+Matters reached a crisis when, on November 15, 1897, Mathieu Dreyfus
+denounced Esterhazy to the Minister of War as author of the _bordereau_
+and as guilty of the treason for which his brother had been condemned.
+This was partly a tactical mistake, because, even if Esterhazy were
+proved to have written the _bordereau_, it would still be necessary to
+show him guilty of actual treason. It made it possible to swerve the
+discussion from the conviction of Dreyfus as a _res adjudicata_ (_chose
+jugee_) to vague charges against Esterhazy. The later called for a
+vindication, he was triumphantly acquitted by a court-martial early in
+January, 1898, and Picquart was put under arrest on various charges of
+indiscipline in connection with the whole affair.
+
+Few and far between as they now seemed, the lovers of justice were still
+to be counted with. They consisted at first of a small number of
+much-derided _intellectuels_, scholars and trained thinkers, who used
+their judgment and not their prejudices. One of these was the famous
+novelist Emile Zola, who, to keep the case under discussion, published
+in the _Aurore_ on January 13, a few days after Esterhazy's acquittal,
+his famous letter, _J'accuse_. In this article Zola denounced the guilty
+machinations of Dreyfus's adversaries _seriatim_, blamed the Dreyfus
+court-martial for convicting on secret evidence and the Esterhazy court
+for acquitting a guilty man in obedience to orders. Zola was not in
+possession of all the facts, since his precise aim was to have them
+brought out, and in his charges against the Esterhazy court he was
+technically and legally at fault. But he courted prosecution and got it.
+
+On February 7 Zola was brought to trial. The crafty authorities
+eliminated all references to the trial of 1894 as a _chose jugee_ and
+prosecuted Zola for having declared that Esterhazy was acquitted by
+order. Their tool, the presiding magistrate Delegorgue, seconded their
+efforts by ruling out every question which might throw light on the
+Dreyfus case, in spite of the attempts of Zola's chief lawyer Labori.
+Party passion was at its height, hired gangs of men were posted about
+the court-house to hoot and attack the Dreyfusites, members of the
+General Staff appeared in full uniform to interrupt the trial and
+bulldoze the jury by mysterious hints of war with Germany. Finally Zola
+was condemned to fine and imprisonment. At this trial for the first time
+mention was mysteriously but openly made of a new document, understood
+to be a communication alluding to Dreyfus between the Italian and the
+German military _attaches_ at Paris. Zola appealed, the higher court
+broke the verdict on the ground that the prosecution should have been
+instigated by the offended court-martial and not by the Government, he
+was brought to trial again on a change of venue at Versailles, was
+unsuccessful in interposing obstacles to an inevitable condemnation, and
+so fled to England (July).
+
+Meanwhile, public opinion was becoming yet more violently excited.
+France was divided into two great camps, the line of cleavage often
+estranging the closest friends and relatives. On the one side was a vast
+majority consisting of the Clericals, the jingoes or Nationalists, the
+anti-Semites, and the unreflecting mass of the population. On the other
+were ranged the "intellectuals," the Socialists who were now rallying to
+the cause of tolerance, the Jews, and the few French Protestants. The
+League of the Rights of Man stood opposed to the association of the
+_Patrie Francaise_. In the midst of this turmoil were held the elections
+of May, 1898, for the renewal of the Chamber of Deputies. The political
+coloring of the new body was not sensibly changed, but the open
+Dreyfusites were all excluded. The Moderates now generally dubbed
+themselves "Progressists." None the less at the first session the now
+long-lived Meline Cabinet resigned after a vote requesting it to govern
+with fewer concessions to the Right.
+
+The next Cabinet was Radical, headed by Henri Brisson. His mind was not
+yet definitely made up on the matter of revision, and he gave
+concessions to the Nationalists by appointing as Minister of War
+Godefroy Cavaignac. This headstrong personage, proud of an historic
+name, undertook to manage the Cabinet and to prove once for all to the
+Chamber the guilt of Dreyfus. In his speech he relied mainly on the
+letter mentioned at the Zola trial as written by the Italian to the
+German _attache_.
+
+Once more the Dreyfus affair seemed permanently settled, and once more
+the contrary proved to be the case. In August Cavaignac discovered, to
+his dismay, that the document he had sent to the Chamber, with such
+emphasis on its importance, was an out-and-out forgery of Henry. The
+latter was put under arrest and committed suicide. Discussion followed
+between Brisson, now converted to revision, and Cavaignac, still too
+stubborn to change his mind with regard to Dreyfus, in spite of his
+recent discovery. Cavaignac resigned as Minister of War, was replaced by
+General Zurlinden, who withdrew in a few days and was in turn succeeded
+by another general, Chanoine, thought to be in sympathy with the
+Cabinet. He in turn played his colleagues false and resigned
+unexpectedly during a meeting of the Chamber. Weakened by these
+successive blows the Brisson Cabinet itself had to resign, but its
+leader had now forwarded to the supreme court of the land, the Cour de
+Cassation, the petition of Dreyfus's wife for a revision of his
+sentence. The first step had at last been taken. The Criminal Chamber
+accepted the request and proceeded to a further detailed investigation.
+
+The Brisson Ministry was followed by a third Cabinet of the unabashed
+Dupuy. It became evident that the Criminal Chamber of the Court of
+Cassation was inclining to decide on revision. Wishing to play to both
+sides and, yielding in this case to the anti-revisionists, early in 1899
+Dupuy brought in a bill to take the Dreyfus affair away from the
+Criminal Chamber in the very midst of its deliberations and submit it to
+the Court as a whole, where it was hoped a majority of judges would
+reject revision. Between the dates of the passage of this bill by the
+Chamber and by the Senate, President Faure died suddenly and under
+mysterious circumstances on February 16, 1899. He had opposed revision
+and his death, attributed to apoplexy, was a gain to the revisionists
+who were accused by his friends of having caused his murder. On the
+other hand, stories, which it is unnecessary to repeat here, found an
+echo some years later in the scandals repeated at the sensational trial
+of Madame Steinheil.
+
+During the turmoil over the Dreyfus affair, France underwent a
+humiliating experience with England. The colonial rivalry of the two
+countries had of late gone on unchecked, embittered as it had been by
+the ousting of France from the Suez Canal and Egypt. To many Frenchmen
+"Perfidious Albion" was, far more than Germany, the secular foe. In 1896
+a French expedition under Captain Marchand was sent from the Congo in
+the direction of the Nile. The English afterwards argued that its
+purpose was to cut their sphere of influence and hinder the
+Cape-to-Cairo project; the French declared they merely wished to occupy
+a post which should afford a basis for general diplomatic negotiations
+for the partition of Africa. The mission was numerically insufficient;
+it struggled painfully for two years through the heart of the continent,
+and at last the small handful of intrepid Frenchmen established
+themselves at Fashoda on the upper waters of the Nile in July, 1898. At
+once General Kitchener arriving from the victory of Omdurman appeared
+on the scene to occupy Fashoda for the Egyptian Government. England
+assumed a viciously aggressive attitude and, under veiled threats of
+war, France was obliged to recall Marchand (November 4). The outburst of
+fury in France against England at this humiliation was tremendous. No
+sane man would have then ventured to predict that in a few years the
+hands of the two countries would be joined in the clasp of the _Entente
+cordiale_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF EMILE LOUBET
+
+February, 1899, to February, 1906
+
+
+The successor of Felix Faure, Emile Loubet, was elected on February 18,
+1899, by a good majority over Jules Meline, the candidate of the larger
+number of the Moderates or "Progressists" and of the Conservatives.
+Loubet was himself a man of Moderate views, but he was thought to favor
+a revision of the Dreyfus case. Among the charges of his enemies was
+that, as Minister of the Interior in 1892, he had held, but had kept
+secret, the famous list of the "Hundred and Four" and had prevented the
+seizure of the papers of Baron de Reinach and the arrest of Arton. So
+Loubet's return to Paris from Versailles was amid hostile cries of
+"Loubet-Panama" and "Vive l'armee!"
+
+On February 23, after the state funeral of President Faure, a detachment
+of troops led by General Roget was returning to its barracks in an
+outlying quarter of Paris. Suddenly the Nationalist and quondam
+Boulangist Paul Deroulede, now chief of the Ligue des Patriotes and
+vigorous opponent of parliamentary government, though a Deputy himself,
+rushed to General Roget, and, grasping the bridle of his horse, tried to
+persuade him to lead his troops to the Elysee, the presidential
+residence, and overthrow the Government. Deroulede had expected to
+encounter General de Pellieux, a more amenable leader, and one of the
+noisy generals at the Zola trial. General Roget, who had been
+substituted at the last moment, refused to accede and caused the arrest
+of Deroulede, with his fellow Deputy and conspirator Marcel Habert.
+
+Meanwhile the Dreyfus case had been taken out of the hands of the
+Criminal Chamber and given to the whole Court. To the dismay of the
+anti-Dreyfusites the Court, as a body, annulled, on June 3, the verdict
+of the court-martial of 1894, and decided that Dreyfus should appear
+before a second military court at Rennes for another trial.
+
+Thus party antagonisms were becoming more and more acute. In addition
+Dupuy, the head of the Cabinet, seemed to be spiting the new President.
+On the day after the verdict of the Cour de Cassation, at the Auteuil
+races, President Loubet was roughly jostled by a band of fashionable
+young Royalists and struck with a cane by Baron de Christiani. A week
+later, at the Grand Prize races at Longchamps, on June 11, Dupuy, as
+though to atone for his previous carelessness, brought out a large array
+of troops, so obviously over-numerous as to cause new disturbances among
+the crowd desirous of manifesting its sympathy with the chief
+magistrate. More arrests were made and, at the meeting of the Chamber of
+Deputies the next day, the Cabinet was overthrown by an adverse vote.
+
+[Illustration: RENE WALDECK-ROUSSEAU]
+
+The ministerial crisis brought about by the fall of Dupuy was as
+important as any under the Third Republic because of its consequences in
+the redistribution of parties. For about ten days President Loubet was
+unable to find a leader who could in turn form a cabinet. At last public
+opinion was astounded by the masterly combination made by
+Waldeck-Rousseau, Gambetta's former lieutenant, who of recent years had
+kept somewhat aloof from active participation in politics. He brought
+together a ministry of "defense republicaine," which its opponents,
+however, called a cabinet for the "liquidation" of the Dreyfus case. The
+old policy of "Republican concentration" of Opportunists and Radicals
+was given up in favor of a mass formation of the various advanced groups
+of the Left, including the Socialists.
+
+Waldeck-Rousseau was a Moderate Republican, whose legal practice of
+recent years had been mainly that of a corporation lawyer, but he was a
+cool-headed Opportunist. He realized the ill-success of the policy of
+the "esprit nouveau," and saw the necessity of making advances to the
+Socialists, who more and more held the balance of power. He succeeded in
+uniting in his Cabinet Moderates like himself, Radicals, and, for the
+first time in French parliamentary history, an out-and-out Socialist,
+Alexandre Millerand, author of the famous "Programme of Saint-Mande" of
+1896, or declaration of faith of Socialism. Still more astounding was
+the presence as Minister of War, in the same Cabinet with Millerand, of
+General de Galliffet, a bluff, outspoken, and dashing aristocratic
+officer, a favorite with the whole army, but fiercely hated by the
+proletariat because of his part in the repression of the Commune.
+
+The first days of the new Cabinet were stormy and its outlook was
+dubious. The task of reconciling such divergent elements, even against a
+common foe, seemed an impossibility, until at last the Radicals under
+Brisson swung into line. Such was the beginning of a Republican grouping
+which later, during the anti-Clerical campaign, was known as _le Bloc_,
+the united band of Republicans.
+
+The Waldeck-Rousseau Ministry took up the Dreyfus case with a queer
+combination of courage and weakness. Insubordinate army officers were
+summarily punished for injudicious remarks, but in order to appear
+neutral and to avoid criticism, the Cabinet held so much aloof that the
+anti-Dreyfusites were able to bring their full forces to bear on the
+court-martial. For a month at Rennes, beginning August 7, an
+extraordinary trial was carried on before the eyes of an impassioned
+France and angry onlooking nations. Witnesses had full latitude to
+indulge in rhetorical addresses and air their prejudices; military
+officers like Roget, who had had nothing to do with the original trial,
+were allowed to take up the time of the court. Galliffet, though
+convinced of the innocence of Dreyfus, was unwilling to exert as much
+pressure as his colleagues in the Cabinet desired. It soon became
+evident that, regardless of the question involved, the issue was one
+between an insignificant Jewish officer on the one hand and General
+Mercier, ex-Minister of War, on the other. The judges were army officers
+full of caste-feeling and timorous of offending their superiors. Thus,
+on September 9, Dreyfus was a second time convicted, though with
+extenuating circumstances, by a vote of 5 to 2, and condemned to ten
+years' detention. This verdict was a travesty of justice, and a
+punishment fitting no crime of Dreyfus, since he was either innocent or
+guilty of treason beyond extenuation. The Ministry, perhaps regretting
+too late its excessive inertia, immediately caused the President to
+pardon Dreyfus, partly on the ostensible grounds that Dreyfus by his
+previous harsher condemnation had already purged his new one. This act
+of clemency was, however, not a legal clearing of the victim's honor,
+which was achieved only some years later.
+
+During the turmoil of the Dreyfus affair the Cabinet was, it seemed to
+many, unduly anxious over certain conspirators against the Republic. The
+symptoms of insubordination in high ranks in the army, linked with the
+Clerical manoeuvres, had encouraged the other foes of the Republic
+(spurred on by the Royalists), whether sincere opponents of the
+parliamentary regime like Paul Deroulede, or venal agitators such as the
+anti-Semitic Jules Guerin. But, certainly, above all objectionable were
+the proceedings of the Assumptionists, a religious order which had
+amassed enormous wealth, and which, by the various local editions of its
+paper _la Croix_, had organized a campaign of venomous slander and abuse
+of the Republic and its leaders.
+
+The Government, having got wind of a project of the conspirators to
+seize the reins of power during the Rennes court-martial, anticipated
+the act by wholesale arrests on August 12. Jules Guerin barricaded
+himself with some friends in a house in the rue de Chabrol in Paris, and
+defied the Government to arrest him without perpetrating murder. The
+grotesque incident of the "Fort Chabrol" came to an end after
+thirty-seven days when the authorities had surrounded the house with
+troops to starve Guerin out and stopped the drains.
+
+In November a motley array of conspirators, ranging from Andre Buffet,
+representative of the pretender the Duke of Orleans, to butchers from
+the slaughter-houses of La Villette, were brought to trial before the
+Senate acting as a High Court of Justice, on the charge of conspiracy
+against the State. After a long trial lasting nearly two months, during
+which the prisoners outdid each other in declamatory insults to their
+enemies, the majority were acquitted. Paul Deroulede and Andre Buffet
+were condemned to banishment for ten years and Jules Guerin to
+imprisonment for the same term. Two others, Marcel Habert and the comte
+de Lur-Saluces, who had taken flight, gave themselves up later and were
+condemned in 1900 and 1901, respectively, amid a public indifference
+which was far from their liking.
+
+Thus the year 1899 had proved itself one of the most dramatically
+eventful in the history of the Republic. It was also to be one of the
+most significant in its consequences. For the new grouping of mutually
+jealous factions against a common danger had, in spite of the fiasco of
+the second Dreyfus case, shown a way to victory. And exasperation
+against the intrigues of the Clericals and the army officers was going
+to turn the former toleration of the "esprit nouveau" into active
+persecution, especially as the Socialists and Radicals formed the
+majority of the new combination.
+
+In November, 1899, Waldeck-Rousseau laid before Parliament an
+Associations bill to regulate the organization of societies, which was
+intended indirectly to control religious bodies. The leniency of the
+Government hitherto and the commercial energy of many religious orders,
+manufacturers of articles varying from chartreuse to hair-restorers and
+dentifrice, had enabled them to amass enormous sums held in mortmain.
+The power of this money was great in politics and the anti-Clericals
+cast envious eyes on these vague and mysterious fortunes. There were in
+France at the time almost seven hundred unauthorized "congregations."
+Against the Assumptionists in particular the Government took direct
+measures early in 1900, such as legal perquisitions, arrests, and
+prosecution as an illegal association.
+
+The campaign went on through the year 1900, the Exposition of that year
+helping to act as a partial truce. The expedition of the Allies to China
+to put down the Boxer rebellion also diverted attention.
+Waldeck-Rousseau was sincerely desirous of bringing about a pacification
+of feeling in the country, and he felt bitter practically only against
+the Jesuits and the Assumptionists. He even succeeded in carrying
+through Parliament an amnesty bill dealing with the Dreyfus case and
+destined to quash all criminal actions in process, whether of
+Dreyfusites or anti-Dreyfusites. The former fought the project
+vigorously on the ground that it opposed a new obstacle to ultimate
+discovery of the truth, but they were unsuccessful. Waldeck-Rousseau
+remained at heart, none the less, a believer in Dreyfus's innocence and
+in spite of his amnesty project, he could not always hide his true
+feelings. In consequence he offended his Minister of War, General de
+Galliffet, Dreyfusite as well, but tired of the struggle now that the
+Rennes trial had made the task of rehabilitation apparently hopeless.
+Galliffet resigned his office and was succeeded by General Andre, a
+politician soldier, who started out at once to purge the army
+drastically of its Clericalism.
+
+Waldeck-Rousseau's Associations project was fairly mild. He had no
+desire for a violent break with the Vatican, and the wily and diplomatic
+Leo XIII probably so understood well enough in spite of his protests.
+But, as debate and discussion went on, the measure became more severe.
+Waldeck-Rousseau had originally planned a bill dealing with
+authorization and incorporation of associations in general, in which he
+refrained from any specific allusion to religious bodies of monks and
+nuns, thereby assimilating them with other groups. As finally voted and
+promulgated in July, 1901, the law made provisions for the privilege of
+association in general, but made the important additional stipulations
+that no religious order or "congregation" could be formed without
+specific authorization by law, that a religious order could be dissolved
+by ministerial decree, and that no one belonging to an unauthorized
+order could direct personally, or by proxy, an educational
+establishment, or even teach in one. Thus the enemies of the lay
+Republic who, under cover of the "esprit nouveau," and by years of
+manipulation of the feeding sources of army and navy officers, had hoped
+to grasp power, and had made a supreme effort at the time of the Dreyfus
+agitation, now saw themselves thwarted, and faced the prospect of
+severer treatment.
+
+Matters had progressed even further than Waldeck-Rousseau himself
+perhaps desired. In the spring of 1902, new legislative elections took
+place for the renewal of the Chamber of Deputies. The policy of the
+Waldeck-Rousseau Ministry was endorsed by a sound majority, and yet at
+this moment of triumph, after the longest rule as Prime Minister of any
+hitherto in the history of the Republic, Waldeck-Rousseau resigned his
+post without an adverse vote. Undoubtedly the state of his personal
+health was partly responsible for his departure from office and he was
+destined not to live beyond 1904. The last important events of his
+administration were a visit of the Czar to France and a return visit of
+President Loubet to Russia.
+
+Waldeck-Rousseau's successor as Prime Minister was Emile Combes, a
+strong foe of the Church. Combes had himself been a former theological
+student and had, in his youth, written a thesis on the philosophy of St.
+Thomas Aquinas. He now had all the vindictiveness of one who burns what
+he formerly worshipped. Encouraged by the recent elections, he turned
+more and more against the Vatican and impelled by the more violent
+members of the _Bloc_, he drifted toward the rupture which his
+predecessor had tried to avoid. A committee of the different groups
+supporting the Cabinet, called the "delegation des gauches," had in time
+been instituted to formulate policies with the Prime Minister, who often
+had to obey it instead of guiding. Waldeck-Rousseau had intended not to
+apply his law retroactively. He had planned to spare educational
+establishments already in existence before July, 1901, when his measure
+went into operation, and had winked at lack of compliance on the part of
+many others. Combes applied the letter of the law ruthlessly. Amid
+public protestations and disturbances he closed a large number of these
+unauthorized schools; firstly, those which had actually been opened
+without permission since the promulgation of the law, then the many
+schools which were older than the law. In so doing he was called a
+persecutor, because the directors of the schools declared that they had
+allowed the time limit of application for authorization to go by, only
+through the understanding with the previous Administration that they
+were not to be interfered with. Now they could not help themselves.
+
+Emboldened by success Combes next took up the applications of the
+congregations which had duly followed the law and were seeking
+authorization. By decree, as was his right, he first promptly closed
+unlicensed schools of recognized orders. Then came the applications of
+orders seeking authorization. Legal procedure demanded laws to reject as
+well as laws to accept applications. A recommendation _favored_ by the
+Government but _rejected_ by the Chamber of Deputies would not go before
+the Senate. On the other hand, an _unfavorable_ opinion of the
+Government _ratified_ by the House would still have to go before the
+Senate. A way would thus be open for prolonged chicanery.
+
+Combes cut matters short. He lumped fifty-four individual applications
+into three batches, teaching orders, preaching orders, and the
+commercial order of the Chartreux, manufacturers of the liqueur called
+"chartreuse." Then, presenting these batches of applications
+collectively instead of individually to the Chamber, he caused their
+rejection and proceeded to dissolve the orders and close their fifteen
+hundred establishments. Through the spring of 1903 there were turbulent
+scenes in consequence in various parts of France, the monks trying
+sometimes passive resistance, sometimes actual violence. In the
+reactionary districts the population attempted to stir up riots.
+Occasionally, even, a military officer whose duty it was to evict the
+monks refused to obey orders. But, nothing daunted, Combes went on, with
+the support of the Chambers, to reject a large mass of applications from
+teaching orders of women. Even Waldeck-Rousseau was led in time publicly
+to declare that he had never contemplated the transformation of his
+Associations law of 1901 from a measure of regulation to one of
+exclusion, nor the assumption by the State of expensive educational
+charges hitherto carried on by religious orders. At last the law of
+July, 1904, put a complete end to all kinds of instruction by religious
+bodies, thereby insuring, after a lapse of time for liquidation, the
+disappearance of all teaching orders.
+
+These measures against the religious groups were, in spite of outcries
+of persecution, after all matters of internal administration. But,
+meanwhile, causes for direct dissension with the Vatican had arisen over
+questions involving the _Concordat_ regulating the relations of Church
+and State.
+
+The first dispute was about the method of appointing bishops. The
+Concordat gave to the Government the right of appointing bishops,
+subject to the papal ratification of the appointee's moral and
+theological qualifications. During the Third Republic the habit had
+grown up of mutual consultation before appointments were made, a
+practice which led the Vatican to assume that its initial influence was
+as great as that of the Government, and finally to make use of the
+formula _nobis nominavit_, or _nominaverit_, as though the Government
+merely proposed a candidate subject to the Vatican's free right to
+accept or to reject. The keen-scented Combes took an early opportunity
+to raise this issue by making certain appointments to bishoprics
+without previously consulting the Vatican. In the midst of the
+discussions Leo XIII died in July, 1903, and was succeeded by Pius X,
+whose character was utterly different from that of his predecessor. His
+primitive faith saw in France the home of heretics like the Modernist,
+the Abbe Loisy; and his Secretary of State, the ultramontane Cardinal
+Merry del Val, was as hostile to France, as his predecessor Cardinal
+Rampolla had, on the whole, been well disposed to the "eldest daughter
+of the Church." Between Merry del Val and Combes no agreement was
+possible. So matters went from bad to worse.
+
+In the autumn of 1903 the King of Italy made a visit to France, and in
+1904 it was deemed advisable to have President Loubet return this visit
+to emphasize the new cordiality between France and Italy, the settlement
+of long-standing difficulties, and to cultivate as much as possible one
+member of the Triple Alliance. The Pope protested violently against this
+visit to his enemy in Rome and made it clear that he would refuse to see
+Loubet. The diplomatic crisis became acute and the French Ambassador to
+the Vatican was recalled.
+
+Soon came a complete rupture over the treatment by the pontifical
+authorities of two French bishops, Geay of Laval and Le Nordez of Dijon.
+They had shown themselves loyal Republicans and had become the object of
+attack in their own dioceses until personal scandals were imagined or
+raked up against them. Combes took the part of the bishops and, to
+punish the Vatican for interfering with the French prelates, definitely
+broke off diplomatic relations in July, 1904, withdrawing even the
+charge d'affaires who had been left after the departure of the
+ambassador.
+
+For some time, plans for the separation of Church and State had been
+under discussion in a somewhat academic way by a committee or
+_Commission_ of the Chamber, under the general guidance of Ferdinand
+Buisson and Aristide Briand. The latter had even drawn up a preliminary
+project. But Combes, in spite of his vehemence in words against the
+Church, hesitated to involve the Ministry. He knew that the country at
+large was fully satisfied with the maintenance of the Concordat and that
+some of his own colleagues in the Cabinet, as well as Loubet, preferred
+not to disturb it.
+
+Suddenly a great scandal broke out. The enemies of the Ministry got hold
+of the fact that General Andre, through some of his subordinates in the
+War Office, was carrying on a regular system of espionage upon army
+officers suspected of luke-warm republicanism or of Clerical sympathies,
+and was using as spies members of Masonic lodges or even subordinate
+Masonic army officers throughout France.[16] These spies had filed
+innumerable notes or memoranda known as _fiches_, containing
+information, rumor, or scandal concerning the persons involved, their
+families and intimacies. The discovery that leading members of the
+Cabinet had been countenancing methods as reprehensible as those of the
+worst of their opponents, caused an uproar. The Cabinet seemed on the
+point of being overthrown when one of its enemies did it a great
+service. A wild and blatant anti-Ministerialist named Syveton rushed up
+to the Minister of War and struck him two blows in the face during a
+meeting of the Chamber. The effect of this deed was to cause a temporary
+reaction in favor of the Ministry, but also to draw Combes more to the
+Radicals, and he promptly brought forward his own governmental
+separation plan, which was considerably at variance with the Briand
+project. The respite was, however, only momentary, and, after
+sacrificing General Andre, Combes gave up the struggle and resigned in
+January, 1905, without being actually put in the minority.
+
+It cannot be denied that there was a considerable deterioration in
+government during the regime of Combes. In attempting to thwart the
+Clerical Party he let himself lapse into methods as objectionable as
+theirs. His anti-clericalism breathed the spirit of persecution, as much
+as did the intrigues of the clergy during the early days of the
+Republic. He transformed Waldeck-Rousseau's plans for the regulation of
+religious orders into a measure of proscription. He countenanced
+underhanded intrigues, and allowed his Minister of War to undermine army
+discipline by his methods of political espionage almost as much as it
+had been undermined in the days of the supremacy of the Clericals. The
+concessions of the Ministers of War and of Marine to the Socialists and
+pacifists considerably weakened the efficiency of both army and navy.
+Combes's administration was pre-eminently one of self-seeking
+politicians.
+
+Yet, on the other hand, certain very praiseworthy achievements may be
+registered to its credit. One of these was the act of General Andre, in
+1903, instituting a new private investigation of the Dreyfus case. It
+resulted in the discovery of material sufficient to justify a new demand
+for revision, which the Cour de Cassation admitted in March, 1904.
+Another achievement was the _rapprochement_ with England known as the
+_Entente cordiale_ or friendly understanding, which following the new
+amity with Italy greatly strengthened France face-to-face with Germany.
+The Russian alliance had given France one definite European ally, and
+the cordiality with Italy, a member of the Triple Alliance, cleared the
+situation in the Mediterranean and on the frontier of the Alps. The
+_Entente cordiale_ was engineered by Edward VII as a result of his visit
+to Paris in 1903. The accord of April, 1904, was really due to English
+as well as French fear of German aggression. It liquidated all the old
+contentions between England and France, one of which, the French Shore
+Dispute over Newfoundland fishing rights, dated back to the Treaty of
+Utrecht in the early eighteenth century. But, above all, France
+definitely gave up her Egyptian claims in return for freedom of action
+in Morocco guaranteed by England. For France was anxious to add Morocco
+to her African sphere of influence. A secret arrangement with Spain gave
+that country reversionary claims to certain parts of Morocco. By the
+agreement with England the bad blood caused by the Fashoda incident was
+wiped away, a new intimacy sprang up between "Perfidious Albion" and
+"Froggy," and through the natural drawing together of England and
+France's ally Russia, the Triple Entente came into being some years
+later, which was destined to face Germany and Austria in the Great
+European War.
+
+Combes's successor as Prime Minister was a member of his own Cabinet,
+Maurice Rouvier. More moderate in views than Combes, he would have been
+content to let the Separation bill rest, but the Radicals were in the
+saddle and he let things take their course. The discussions over the
+project went on through most of the year 1905, under the guidance of the
+Minister of Worship, Bienvenu-Martin, and particularly of Aristide
+Briand, the _rapporteur_ or spokesman for the _Commission_ in the
+Chamber. The bill, again and again modified in a spirit of conciliation
+and leniency under the guidance of Briand, finally resulted, as
+promulgated on December 9, in a sincere effort for a compromise between
+different views on religion. It showed a desire, since Church and State
+were to be divorced, to treat the former fairly. Provision was made,
+when the budget for religious purposes should be suppressed, for the
+legal inventory of ecclesiastical property, the pension of superannuated
+clergy, and the formation of legal corporations to insure public worship
+(_associations cultuelles_). It must be remembered that the new measure
+applied quite as much to the Protestants and to the Jews as to the
+Catholics. Before the separation the Protestant pastors and the Jewish
+rabbis were maintained by the State no less than the Catholic clergy.
+Their numerical insignificance made them of little importance in the
+general combat over the Clerical question. Nor could they fairly be
+accused of intrigue against the Republic.
+
+The year 1905 is noteworthy for two other important events. One was the
+reduction of the term of compulsory military service from three to two
+years. This measure was carried through largely under the auspices of
+General Andre and proved an over-dangerous concession to the
+anti-militarists and pacifists, since it was destined so soon to be
+repealed. The other was the sensational diplomatic dispute with Germany
+over Morocco, which resulted at first for France in a worse humiliation
+than Fashoda.
+
+Germany under Bismarck had encouraged the numerous French colonial
+schemes, as a way of keeping her busy abroad and of diverting her
+thoughts from Alsace-Lorraine. But as the Empire began to develop its
+Pan-Germanism and its aspirations to world-power under William II, it
+grew jealous of England and France and of their arrangement of 1904 to
+settle the interests of Morocco. Forthwith Germany began to intrigue
+with the Sultan of Morocco against the French, and declared that, as it
+had not been officially informed of the agreements between England,
+France, and Spain, it intended to disregard them. The defeat of Russia
+by Japan, in particular, encouraged Germany to feel that France,
+deprived of its ally, could be bullied with impunity. On March 31,
+Emperor William landed at Tangier and proclaimed that his visit was to
+the Sultan as an "independent sovereign." Germany also called for the
+convocation of an international meeting to regulate the Moroccan
+question. The French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Delcasse, objected to
+the thwarting of his plans, but because of the deterioration of the army
+and navy and the lack of hoped-for Russian support, Rouvier was obliged
+under German threats to drop him from his Cabinet and to agree to the
+convocation of the Conference of Algeciras.[17]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[16] It should be remembered that, in France, the Freemasons are an
+anti-religious political quite as much as a benevolent order.
+
+[17] The pro-German position, expressed in such works as E. D. Morel's
+_Morocco in Diplomacy_ (1912), is that Sir Edward Grey and M. Delcasse
+were engaged in tricky schemes to dispose of Morocco without regard for
+German interests; that Germany was not officially notified by France of
+the public agreements with England (April, 1904) and with Spain
+(October, 1904); that these two agreements were both accompanied by
+secret ones which nullified their effect; that M. Delcasse resigned, not
+under German pressure, but at M. Rouvier's wish, for having unduly
+involved and compromised France.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF ARMAND FALLIERES
+
+February, 1906, to February, 1918
+
+
+The international conference for the regulation of the Moroccan question
+met at Algeciras in southern Spain, in January, 1906. Twelve powers
+participated, including the United States. The negotiations were
+prolonged until the end of March owing to the unconciliatory German
+attitude, and resulted in an arrangement which the Germans looked upon
+as totally unsatisfactory to themselves. In the shaping of the general
+results the United States had considerable influence. The agreement put
+out of discussion the sovereignty of the Sultan, the integrity of the
+empire, and the principle of commercial freedom, and was largely devoted
+to the question of the establishment of a state bank and the
+organization of the police in international ports of entry. In the bank
+France was to have special privileges, and the police was to be under
+the supervision of France and Spain. Germany was eliminated.
+
+In the midst of the uncertainty over the outcome of the Conference two
+important events took place in France, the second of which came near
+seriously weakening the French position. These were the election of a
+successor to President Loubet and the downfall of the Rouvier Ministry.
+
+M. Loubet's term expired in February and he did not desire re-election.
+The two chief candidates were Armand Fallieres and Paul Doumer. M.
+Fallieres was an easy-going, good-natured, and well-meaning but
+second-rate statesman. Doumer was far more brilliant and vigorous, but
+was accused of self-seeking and was thought a less safe person to elect.
+Unfortunately, M. Fallieres, when chosen, had his master, and was
+largely under the control of Clemenceau.
+
+Meanwhile the almost unprincipled vacillation of M. Rouvier and his
+spineless policy caused increased dissatisfaction to the Chamber. During
+the discussion of a riotous episode connected with the enforcement of
+the Separation law, which had resulted in the death of a man, Rouvier
+was overthrown. He was succeeded by a colorless person, Sarrien, who
+included Clemenceau in his Cabinet as Minister of the Interior. The
+latter gradually pushed his chief aside and finally replaced him before
+the end of the year as Prime Minister.
+
+Clemenceau showed himself during his lengthy control of power an astute
+politician. In the public eye ever since the days of the Commune, he had
+had success during the eighties as a destroyer of cabinets. Driven into
+the background by the Panama scandals, he now came forward again to try
+his fortune in holding the power from which he had often driven others.
+With a Cabinet thoroughly under his dictatorial control, he announced a
+programme which was to depend for success on the Radicals, rather than
+on the Moderates or the Socialists. It was a departure from the policy
+of the _Bloc_, though to conciliate the advanced parties he created the
+new Ministry of Labor and put M. Viviani, a Socialist, in charge of it.
+In practice, Clemenceau's policy was that of one determined to stay in
+office, showing alternately conciliation and severity, explaining his
+actions to the Chamber often with a flippancy which seemed out of place
+and did not help the prestige of parliamentary government.
+
+Apart from the diplomatic tension with Germany, which was not settled by
+the Act of Algeciras, the history of the Fallieres Administration is
+largely taken up with the final disposition of the religious controversy
+and with labor questions. The constant advance toward radicalism and
+socialism, the lack of great statesmen in Parliament and the presence of
+professional politicians, the progress of anti-militarism and the
+relegation of the question of Alsace-Lorraine to the background, left a
+free field for the growth of social unrest. The tendency was encouraged
+by the elections for the renewal of the Chamber of Deputies in May,
+1906. To the religious disturbances and the efforts of the Conservatives
+to prove themselves persecuted, the country answered at the polls by an
+increased anti-Clerical majority.
+
+In 1906 the Dreyfus case was at last settled. The Cour de Cassation
+finally annulled the verdict of the Rennes court-martial. In consequence
+Dreyfus was restored to the army with the rank of Major which he would
+normally have reached had it not been for his great ordeal. Colonel
+Picquart, to whom more than to any one he owed his rehabilitation, who
+had been driven from the army in 1898, was now made Brigadier-General.
+Promoted a few weeks later to Major-General, he became Minister of War
+in Clemenceau's Cabinet. The remains of Emile Zola were also transferred
+to the Pantheon. Such were the dramatic changes wrought in half a dozen
+years.
+
+The troubles over the application of the law for the disestablishment of
+the Church lasted more than two years. The Vatican was determined to
+make itself a martyr. It would undoubtedly have been glad to see a
+forcible closing of the churches in order to cause a reaction in its
+favor. Moreover, it objected to the diminution of priestly power and the
+participation of the laity as prescribed in the formation of the new
+_associations cultuelles_. The Ministry, and particularly Briand, were
+just as determined not to give it an opportunity to raise the cry of
+persecution.
+
+The first opportunity for a conflict came when the Government tried to
+make inventories of religious property, including valuables. This
+measure was for the protection of the Church, but the Clericals chose to
+call it inquisitorial and a first step to confiscation. In some parts
+of France armed resistance, often systematically prepared, was made to
+the authorities, army officers again occasionally refused to carry out
+orders, and on March 6, at Boeschepe, a man was killed. It was this
+incident which caused the downfall of the Rouvier Cabinet.
+
+It was the policy of M. Briand, entrusted with the application of the
+new law, to employ the most conciliatory means face to face with the
+Vatican, determined to be persecuted. As a matter of fact the French
+bishops, after plenary consultation, had decided by a considerable
+majority, to accept the law in a good spirit, with reservations as to
+its justice, and to organize the _associations cultuelles_. Suddenly the
+Pope intervened by an encyclical directed against any such acceptance,
+and prescribed a continuation of the contest. These orders the bishops
+felt constrained to obey.
+
+Therefore, at the advent of the Clemenceau Cabinet in October, 1906, M.
+Briand had achieved nothing but compulsory inventories. He got
+Parliament to allow the legality of the proposed religious organizations
+under the Associations Law of 1901 or under the general law of 1881 on
+public meetings, as well as under the special legislation of 1905. Again
+the Holy See refused to obey, and ordered the clergy to continue their
+occupancy of the churches, but to refrain from any legal declaration or
+registration whatsoever. Then M. Briand did away with the declaration.
+So the contest went on without agreement until it finally lapsed. The
+clergy continued to occupy the churches, but without legal claim to
+them, under the law of 1881 on public meetings, amended by the law of
+March 28, 1907, suppressing the formality of a declaration. The Catholic
+Church was stripped, by its own unwillingness to help organize holding
+bodies, of all its possessions. By the good-will of the Government it
+continued to occupy the religious edifices, but the maintenance and
+repair of these was dependent on the good-will of the _commune_ or
+administrative division in which the churches were situated. On the
+other hand, nothing has materialized of the prophesied religious
+persecutions, civil war, and martyrdoms.
+
+Apart from the annoyances caused by the separation of Church and State,
+the history of the Clemenceau Ministry deals largely with labor
+disturbances and social unrest. This was partly due to parliamentary
+demagogy. A succession of weak and ineffective ministries had been
+followed by Clemenceau's incoherencies and alterations of policy, though
+it remained consistently _Radical_ and not socialistic. The Ministers
+were often at loggerheads (even Clemenceau and Briand over the
+Separation bill), and the Deputies were often mediocre politicians,
+quick to vote themselves an increase of salary, but dilatory in other
+achievements. The growth of socialism, with its theories of pacifism and
+international brotherhood, encouraged the anti-militarists. The
+brilliant leader Jaures openly advocated the abolition of the army and
+the creation of a national militia. Some anti-militarists, like Herve,
+carried their theories beyond all bounds and rhetorically talked of
+dragging the national flag in the mire. Meanwhile the political methods
+in the past of men like Andre in the War Department and Camille Pelletan
+in the Navy had weakened those services, as Delcasse had found to his
+cost in the controversy with Germany. The battleship _Iena_ blew up in
+March, 1907, there was a suspicious fire at the Toulon Arsenal, and
+many other things disquieted people.
+
+The Government tried to cater to the labor parties, brought forward
+plans for an income tax and for old-age pensions, and carried through a
+law making compulsory one day of rest out of seven for workingmen.
+Especially active were the efforts of the syndicalists and the
+organizers of the anarchistic _Confederation generale du travail_, or
+"C.G.T.," to promote every contest between capital and labor and to
+bring about, if possible, a general strike of all labor. There were
+strikes of miners, longshoremen, sailors, electricians among others.
+Even more alarming was the formation of unions, affiliated with the
+C.G.T., among state employees such as school teachers and postmen, and
+efforts to disorganize the public service. These different movements
+Clemenceau met with his customary seesaw of friendliness and harshness,
+and the Government was usually victorious. Not less troublesome but
+somewhat more picturesque was the quasi-revolutionary movement, in 1907,
+of the wine-makers of the South, driven to desperation by overproduction
+and low prices, attributed to the competition of adulterated wines. The
+municipalities where these disturbances occurred were often in sympathy
+with the creators of disturbance, not only in small towns, but in large
+places like Beziers, Perpignan, Narbonne, and Carcassonne. Municipal
+officials resigned or refused to carry out their duties, and some
+regiments, made up of men recruited from one of the districts, mutinied.
+The troubles at last quieted down.
+
+In the beginning of 1909 an important agreement was signed with Germany
+which seemed to promise an end to the long disputes over Morocco. The
+Moroccan question had continued to dominate French foreign policy even
+after Algeciras and that conference had not ended the commercial
+rivalries of the two countries. In March, 1907, a Frenchman, Dr.
+Mauchamp, was murdered by natives at Marrakesh and the French in reply
+occupied Ujda near the Algerian frontier. In July, after the murder of
+some European workmen at Casablanca, the French sent a landing corps. In
+1908 the Sultan Abd-el-Aziz, a friend of the French, was overthrown by a
+rival, Muley-Hafid, egged on by the Germans. These also raised a
+dispute over some deserters from the French Foreign Legion at
+Casablanca, who had taken refuge at the German Consulate and whom the
+Germans claimed as their subjects. For a moment war clouds seemed to
+appear on the horizon until dissipated by mutual expressions of regret
+and after a reference to the Hague Tribunal, which, on the whole,
+justified the French. It was, therefore, good news for Europe to hear of
+the agreement of February, 1909, which acknowledged the predominance of
+French political claims, and tried to facilitate economic co-operation
+instead of rivalry between France and Germany. Unfortunately, this
+agreement was destined to prove ineffective.
+
+The Clemenceau Cabinet lasted until July, 1909. During a discussion on
+the Navy, Clemenceau and Delcasse had an altercation as to their
+relative responsibilities for the French surrender to Germany in 1905
+when Delcasse was driven from the Rouvier Ministry. The Chamber sided
+with Delcasse and Clemenceau discovered that his sarcasm had overreached
+itself. The new Premier was Briand, the Socialist and former bugbear of
+the moneyed classes, who had shown by his management of the Separation
+bill the abilities of a true statesman and who became more and more
+moderate in his views under the increasing responsibilities of power.
+
+The history of the Briand Ministry was largely taken up by internal
+questions and the elections of May, 1910, for the renewal of the Chamber
+of Deputies. To propitiate the electorate the expiring Parliament passed
+a law providing old-age pensions for workingmen. The elections left the
+Radicals and the Socialistic Radicals (as opposed to the Socialists) on
+the whole masters of the situation, but the general parliamentary
+instability continued to prevail. The country felt the reaction. In the
+autumn of 1910 far-reaching railway strikes broke out, resulting in
+violence and injury to railway property or _sabotage_. Briand met the
+difficulty energetically by mobilizing the employees still subject to
+military duty, and making them perform their work under military orders.
+The act of "dictatorship" was approved by the Chamber, but Briand went
+through the ceremony of resigning and accepting the mission to form a
+new Cabinet. It proved not very homogeneous and withdrew in February,
+1911. The Monis Cabinet, of more advanced Socialistic-Radical
+principles, lasted only a few months and faced new disturbances with
+wine-producers. This time the trouble was in the East, where many were
+dissatisfied with the artificial limitation of districts entitled to
+produce wines labelled "champagne." The Socialistic-Radical Ministry of
+Joseph Caillaux (June, 1911) encountered a new and dangerous crisis in
+the relations with Germany.
+
+The mutual agreement between the two countries for the economic
+development of Morocco had, through financial rivalries, not worked
+well. There was also friction over similar attempts for the development
+of the French Congo. In this state of affairs, the French sent a
+military expedition to Fez in the early summer of 1911 for the
+ostensible purpose of protecting the Sultan from attack by rebels and of
+relieving the French military mission. The Germans, backed up, indeed,
+by the French anti-militarist press, declared that this was a mere
+pretext for encroachment. Spain also took the opportunity of asserting
+its rights to parts of the North in accordance with its reversionary
+claims by the Treaty of 1904. Thereupon Germany declared that the
+agreements of Algeciras and of 1909 had been nullified by France and
+demanded compensations. The gunboat _Panther_ suddenly appeared in the
+port of Agadir (July 1) and the Germans began to call for their share in
+the partition of Morocco.
+
+Difficult negotiations were carried on between France and Germany
+through the summer of 1911, and at moments the two countries were on the
+very brink of war. The English Government backed up France. Lloyd George
+and Premier Asquith made public declarations to that effect. French
+capitalists also began calling in their funds invested in Germany and a
+financial crisis threatened that country.
+
+Thus brought to terms the Germans became more moderate in their demands,
+and it was finally possible to reach a compromise, unsatisfactory to
+both parties. Germany definitely gave up all political claim to Morocco
+and acknowledged France as paramount there. On the other hand, a
+territorial readjustment was made in the Congo by which Germany added
+to the Cameroons about two hundred and thirty thousand square kilometres
+of land with a million people, and the new frontiers made annoying
+salients into the French Congo. The treaty was signed in November, 1911,
+but the Pan-Germanists were angry at any concessions to France, the
+Colonial Minister resigned, and the Emperor, who had thrown his
+influence on the side of peace, lost much prestige for a while. On the
+other hand, the French were correspondingly dissatisfied at the losses
+in the Congo. The opponents of the Prime Minister, Caillaux, had often
+taunted him with too close a relation between his official acts and his
+private financial interests. They now accused him of tricky concessions
+to Germany in connection with the Congo adjustments. M. Caillaux denied
+in the Chamber that he had ever entered into any private dealings apart
+from the negotiations of the ministry of Foreign Affairs. However,
+Clemenceau asked the Foreign Minister, M. de Selves, point-blank if the
+French Ambassador at Berlin had not complained of interference in the
+diplomatic negotiations. M. de Selves refused to answer, thus
+implicitly giving the lie to M. Caillaux. The consequence was a cabinet
+crisis and the resignation of the Ministry (January, 1912).
+
+The upshot of the Agadir crisis was increased irritation between France
+and Germany and the feeling in each country that the other was seeking
+trouble. The French were now convinced that, some day or other, war
+would inevitably result and the nation dropped its strong pacifist
+tendencies and rallied to the army. The Germans were, above all, furious
+against the English, whom they considered responsible for their
+humiliation.
+
+So far as Morocco was immediately concerned, the French took steps to
+develop their new privileges. In March, 1912, they imposed a definite
+protectorate on the Sultan Muley-Hafid and soon replaced him by his
+brother Muley-Yussef. They came to an agreement with Spain as to the
+latter's claims in the North and entrusted to General Lyautey the
+administrative and military reorganization of the country. The
+pacification of the hostile tribes was not an easy task and went on
+laboriously through 1912 and 1913.
+
+After the downfall of M. Caillaux, Raymond Poincare became head of a
+Cabinet more moderate than its predecessor, the Socialistic Radicals
+seeming somewhat discredited in public opinion. M. Poincare was a strong
+partisan of proportional representation, and a measure for the
+modification of the method of voting was, under his auspices, passed by
+the Chamber, though it failed the following year in the Senate.
+
+In foreign affairs, Morocco having dropped into the background, the
+Eastern question became acute. Fear lest the conflict in the Orient
+should involve the rest of Europe led France to draw again closer to
+Russia and England.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+THE ADMINISTRATION OF RAYMOND POINCARE
+
+February, 1913
+
+
+M. Fallieres' term expired on February 18, 1913. The two leading
+candidates were Raymond Poincare, head of the Ministry, and Jules Pams,
+who was supported by the advanced Radicals. M. Poincare's election was
+looked upon, because of his personal vigor, as a triumph of sound
+conservative republicanism, and it was predicted that he would prove a
+strong leader, able to give prestige to the Presidency and to bring
+order out of chaos. The early months of his Administration were less
+productive of results than had been hoped, but the European War came too
+soon to make definitive judgment safe.
+
+After M. Poincare's election, M. Fallieres made M. Briand President of
+the Council during the last weeks of his term, and M. Poincare kept the
+same Cabinet. M. Briand, like M. Poincare, advocated proportional
+representation. As the Chamber failed to take a vigorous position in
+support of the measure, and defeated the Ministry on a vote of
+confidence, the latter withdrew (March, 1913).
+
+Louis Barthou next became Prime Minister, and the important legislative
+measure of the year was the new military law. The Germans having largely
+increased their army, it was deemed necessary, in spite of the violent
+opposition of the Socialistic Radicals and the Socialists and the
+attempts of the syndicalists of the _Confederation generale du travail_
+to work up a general strike, to abrogate the Law of 1905 and to return
+to three years of military service without exemption. M. Barthou pushed
+the three-years bill already supported by the Briand Cabinet. France
+took upon herself an enormous financial burden, coupled with a
+corresponding loss of productive labor, yet events soon proved the
+wisdom of the step.
+
+The opposition to the Cabinet was virulent. There were now two great
+groupings of the chief political parties.[18] The Radicals and
+Socialistic Radicals, under the name of "Unified Radicals" waged war
+against the President and the Ministry. They were under the inspiration
+of men like Clemenceau and the active leadership of Joseph Caillaux and
+tried to revive the methods of the old _Bloc_ of Combes. They
+declared their intention of repealing the three-years law and
+proclaimed the tenets of their faith at the Congress of Pau. The
+Briand-Barthou-Millerand group, supporters of Poincare, soon formed a
+Moderate Party with a programme of conciliation and reform known as the
+"Federation of the Lefts."
+
+The Barthou Cabinet had been overthrown early in December, 1913, after a
+vote on a government loan. President Poincare had to call in a Radical
+Cabinet led by Gaston Doumergue, the programme of which Ministry was,
+after all, less "advanced" than the Pau programme, especially as to the
+three-years bill. M. Caillaux, the master-spirit of the Radicals, was
+the Minister of Finance and the object of the hostility of the
+Moderates. They claimed that he used his position to cause speculation
+at the Stock Exchange, and accused him of "selling out" to Germany in
+the settlement after Agadir. The _Figaro_, edited by Gaston Calmette,
+began a violent campaign. Among the charges was that during the
+prosecution in 1911 of Rochette, a swindling promoter, the then Prime
+Minister Monis, now Minister of Marine, had, at Caillaux's instigation,
+held up the prosecution for fraud, during which delay Rochette had been
+able to put through other swindles.
+
+In the midst of the public turmoil over these charges Caillaux's wife
+went to Calmette's editorial offices and killed him with a revolver.
+Caillaux resigned and, the Rochette case having come up for discussion
+in the Chamber, when Monis denied that he had ever influenced the law,
+Barthou produced a most damaging letter. A parliamentary commission
+later decided that the Monis Cabinet _had_ interfered to save Rochette
+from prosecution.
+
+It was under such circumstances that the Deputies separated for the
+general elections. Three chief questions came before the voters, the
+three-years law, the income tax, and proportional representation. The
+results of the elections were inconclusive and the new Chamber promised
+to be as ineffective as its predecessor. On the second ballots the
+Socialists made a good many gains.
+
+The Doumergue Ministry resigned soon after the elections which it had
+carried through. President Poincare offered the leadership to the
+veteran statesman Ribot, who with the co-operation of Leon Bourgeois,
+formed a Moderate Cabinet with an inclination toward the Left. This
+Ministry was above the average, but its leaders were insulted and
+brow-beaten and overthrown on the very first day they met the Chamber of
+Deputies. So then a Cabinet was formed, led by the Socialist Rene
+Viviani, who was willing, however, to accept the three-years law, though
+he had previously opposed it. But this victory for national defence was
+weakened by parliamentary revelations of military unpreparedness.
+
+In mid-July President Poincare and M. Viviani left France for a round of
+state visits to Russia and Scandinavia. Paris was engrossed by the
+sensational trial of Madame Caillaux, which resulted in her acquittal,
+but this excitement was suddenly replaced by the European crisis, and
+President Poincare cut short his foreign trip and hastened home. France
+loyally supported her ally Russia, and, on August 3, Baron von Schoen,
+the German Ambassador, notified M. Viviani of a state of war between
+Germany and France.
+
+Indeed, no sooner had the Moroccan question been settled than danger had
+loomed in the Orient, in which France was likely to be involved through
+her alliance with Russia. Moreover, Germany had not got over the Agadir
+fiasco and was furious with England as well as France. Thus the European
+balance of power had long been in danger through the hostility of the
+Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente. It is beyond the scope of the
+present volume to analyze in detail the Balkan question. The role of
+France was consistent in the interest of peace by helping to maintain
+the balance of power, but obviously she was loyal toward her partners of
+the Triple Entente and acted in solidarity with them.
+
+So far as the outbreak of the war in 1914 is concerned, France stands
+with a clear conscience. She had nothing to do with the disputes between
+Austria and Serbia, or between Austria, Germany, and Russia. Once war
+proved inevitable France faithfully accepted the responsibilities of the
+Russian alliance. Against France, Germany was an open aggressor.
+Germany's strategic plans for the quick annihilation of France, before
+attacking Russia, are well known to the world. Everybody is aware how
+scrupulously France avoided every hostile measure, and, during the
+critical days preceding the war, withdrew all troops ten kilometres from
+the frontier to prevent a clash. The Germans were obliged, in order to
+justify their advance, to invent preposterous tales of bombs dropped by
+aeroplanes near Nuremberg or of the violation of Belgium neutrality by
+French officers in automobiles. France had no idea of invading Belgium.
+All the French strategic plans aimed at the protection of the direct
+frontier, and they were dislocated by the dishonest move of Germany
+through Belgium.
+
+In 1914 France was not even prepared for war. The pacification of
+Morocco immobilized thousands of her troops. Revelations in Parliament
+as late as July 13 showed, as mentioned above, great deficiencies in
+equipment. Public attention was taken up by the Caillaux trial and by
+political strife apparently reaching the proportions of national
+weakness.
+
+Since Agadir it is true that France, conscious of the constantly
+provocative attitude of Germany, had seen the folly of plans for
+disarmament. Love for the army had grown again, through realization of
+its necessity. But no nation ever looked forward with more horror and
+dread to military conflict than the French. They had been the last
+victims of a great European war, of which the memories were still alive.
+However much the loss of Alsace-Lorraine rankled in their hearts, they
+knew too well the madness of war to seek it again. A new generation had
+grown up reconciled to fate and willing to let bygones be bygones.
+
+But Germany would not. The new Empire, a _Bourgeois gentilhomme_ among
+nations, but without even the breeding of the _parvenu_, dreamed of
+world-supremacy. As the boor in society makes himself conspicuous, so it
+was one of the tenets of Pan-Germanism to let no international agreement
+take place without German interference.
+
+Some people, reading the annals of forty-four years since the
+Franco-Prussian War, have been disposed to sneer at France. Some have
+called the country degenerate because of its small birth-rate, its
+fiction sometimes brutal, sometimes neurotic, its inefficient
+Parliament, its vindictive political and religious contests. Such
+critics should remember that the French Government is the result of
+tactical compromise in presence of the Monarchical Party. Nobody denies
+that it might be improved. As to religious persecution, Americans might
+remember their own righteous feelings toward fellow citizens with
+"hyphenated" allegiance, when they rebuke the French for fighting vast
+organizations working against their Government under foreign orders.
+
+In 1914 France, bearing on her shoulders proportionably the greatest
+burden of all the Allies, presented to the world a spirit of firmness,
+unity, and national resolve that won the admiration of neutral nations.
+Religious persecution and clerical manoeuvre were alike put aside.
+France forgot all lassitude and discouragement. Atheist, Protestant, and
+Catholic felt a great wave of spiritual as well as of patriotic fervor,
+and took as symbol of love of country the heroic peasant girl of
+Lorraine, Jeanne d'Arc, who, coming from the people and leading the
+nation's army, sought to drive from the soil its foes and invaders.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[18] It must be obvious to the reader, after following all the changes
+in nomenclature recorded in this volume, that in France party-names give
+little hint of party-views: "In French political parlance 'Progressivs'
+ar retrograde, 'Liberals' ar conservativ, 'Conservativs' ar
+revolutionary in aim and methods, 'Radicals' ar trimmers and
+time-servers, whilst one of the most reactionary administrations of
+recent years was heded by three 'Socialists.'" A.-L. Guerard in _Pub.
+Mod. Lang. Assoc. of America_, vol. xxx, p. 624. Compare also the
+following: "Suivant les regions de la France, c'est-a-dire selon la
+moyenne de l'opinion locale et les termes de comparaison ou les
+traditions propres a chaque province, les mots changent de
+signification. Dans le Var un radical passe pour un modere, dans l'ouest
+un republicain est considere par certains comme un revolutionnaire,
+ailleurs les candidats qui ne sont pas au moins radicaux-socialistes ne
+sont pas tenus pour de bons republicains." L. Jacques, _Les partis
+politiques sous la troisieme republique_, p. 429.
+
+
+THE END
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+
+PRESIDING OFFICERS OF FRENCH CABINETS
+
+ VICE-PRESIDENTS DU CONSEIL
+
+
+ _Administration of Thiers_
+
+ Feb. 19, 1871, Jules Dufaure.
+ May 18, 1873, Jules Dufaure.
+
+
+ _Administration of Mac-Mahon_
+
+ May 25, 1873, Duc de Broglie.
+ Nov. 26, 1873, Duc de Broglie.
+ May 22, 1874, General de Cissey.
+ {Louis Buffet.
+ March 10, 1875,{
+ {Jules Dufaure.
+
+
+ PRESIDENTS DU CONSEIL
+
+
+ _Administration of Mac-Mahon (continued)_
+
+ March 9, 1876, Jules Dufaure.
+ Dec. 12, 1876, Jules Simon.
+ May 17, 1877, Duc de Broglie.
+ Nov. 23, 1877, General de Rochebouet.
+ Dec. 13, 1877, Jules Dufaure.
+
+
+ _Administration of Jules Grevy_
+
+ Feb. 4, 1879, William-Henry Waddington.
+ Dec. 28, 1879, Charles de Freycinet.
+ Sept. 23, 1880, Jules Ferry.
+ Nov. 14, 1881, Leon Gambetta.
+ Jan. 30, 1882, Charles de Freycinet.
+ Aug. 7, 1882, Eugene Duclerc.
+ Jan. 29, 1883, Armand Fallieres.
+ Feb. 21, 1883, Jules Ferry.
+ April 6, 1885, Henri Brisson.
+ Jan. 7, 1886, Charles de Freycinet.
+ Dec. 11, 1886, Rene Goblet.
+ May 30, 1887. Maurice Rouvier.
+
+
+ _Administration of Carnot_
+
+ Dec. 12, 1887, Pierre-Emmanuel Tirard.
+ April 3, 1888, Charles Floquet.
+ Feb. 22, 1889, Pierre-Emmanuel Tirard.
+ March 17, 1890, Charles de Freycinet.
+ Feb. 27, 1892, Emile Loubet.
+ Dec. 6, 1892, Alexandre Ribot.
+ Jan. 11, 1893, Alexandre Ribot.
+ April 4, 1893, Charles Dupuy.
+ Dec. 3, 1893, Jean Casimir-Perier.
+ May 30, 1894. Charles Dupuy.
+
+
+ _Administration of Casimir-Perier_
+
+ July 1, 1894, Charles Dupuy.
+
+
+ _Administration of Felix Faure_
+
+ Jan. 26, 1895, Alexandre Ribot.
+ Nov. 1, 1895, Leon Bourgeois.
+ April 29, 1896, Jules Meline.
+ June 28, 1898, Henri Brisson.
+ Nov. 1, 1898, Charles Dupuy.
+
+
+ _Administration of Emile Loubet_
+
+ Feb. 18, 1899, Charles Dupuy.
+ June 22, 1899, Rene Waldeck-Rousseau.
+ June 7, 1902, Emile Combes.
+ Jan. 24, 1905, Maurice Rouvier.
+
+
+ _Administration of Armand Fallieres_
+
+ Feb. 18, 1906, Maurice Rouvier.
+ March 14, 1906, Ferdinand Sarrien.
+ Oct. 25, 1906, Georges Clemenceau.
+ July 23, 1909, Aristide Briand.
+ March 2, 1911, Ernest Monis.
+ July 27, 1911, Joseph Caillaux.
+ Jan. 13, 1912, Raymond Poincare.
+ Jan. 21, 1913, Aristide Briand.
+
+
+ _Administration of Raymond Poincare_
+
+ Feb. 18, 1913, Aristide Briand.
+ March 21, 1913, Louis Barthou.
+ Dec. 2, 1913, Gaston Doumergue.
+ June 9, 1914, Alexandre Ribot.
+ June 13, 1914, Rene Viviani.
+ Aug. 26, 1914, Rene Viviani.
+ Oct. 29, 1915, Aristide Briand.
+
+
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+ALBIN, PIERRE. _D'Agadir a Sarajevo (1911-1914)._ 1915.
+
+ANDRE, GENERAL L. _Cinq ans de ministere_. 1907.
+
+_Annual Register_. Yearly volumes.
+
+BARCLAY, THOMAS. _Thirty Years. Anglo-French Reminiscences (1876-1906)._
+1914.
+
+BEYENS, BARON. _L'Allemagne avant la guerre. Les causes et les
+responsabilites._ 1915.
+
+BODLEY, J. E. C. _The Church in France._ 1906.
+
+BODLEY, J. E. C. _France._ 2 vols. 1898.
+
+BRISSON, H. _Souvenirs._ 1908.
+
+_Cambridge Modern History._ (Vol. XII, _The Latest Age._ 1910.)
+
+CHUQUET, A. _La Guerre, 1870-1871._ 1895.
+
+COUBERTIN, P. DE. _L'Evolution francaise sous la troisieme republique._
+1896.
+
+DANIEL, ANDRE (ANDRE LEBON). _L'Annee politique._ Yearly volumes,
+1874-1905.
+
+DAUDET, E. _Souvenirs de la Presidence du marechal de Mac-Mahon._ 1879.
+
+DEBIDOUR, A. _L'Eglise catholique et l'Etat sous la troisieme
+Republique._ 2 vols. 1909.
+
+DENIS, SAMUEL. _Histoire contemporaine._ 4 vols. 1897-1903.
+
+DESPAGNET, FRANTZ. _La Republique et le Vatican (1870-1906)._ 1906.
+
+DIMNET, E. _France Herself Again._ 1914.
+
+DUTRAIT-CROZON, H. _Precis de l'Affaire Dreyfus._ 1909.
+
+FIAUX, LOUIS. _Histoire de la guerre civile de 1871._ 1879.
+
+GEORGE, W. L. _France in the Twentieth Century._ 1908.
+
+GUERARD, A.-L. _French Civilization in the Nineteenth Century._ 1914.
+
+HANOTAUX, G. _Fachoda._ 1909.
+
+HANOTAUX, G. _Histoire de la France contemporaine._ 4 vols. 1903-1908.
+
+HIPPEAU, E. _Histoire diplomatique de la troisieme republique_
+(1870-1889). 1889.
+
+JACQUES, LEON. _Les partis politiques sous la troisieme republique._
+1912.
+
+LAVISSE _et_ RAMBAUD, _editors_. _Histoire Generale Du IVe siecle a
+nos jours._ (Vol. XII, _Le Monde contemporain_, 1870-1900. 1901.)
+
+LEPELLETIER, E. _Histoire de la Commune de 1871._ 1911.
+
+LISSAGARAY, P.-O. _Histoire de la Commune de 1871._ 1896.
+
+LOWELL, A. L. _Governments and Parties in Continental Europe._ 2 vols.
+1897.
+
+LUCAS, A. _Precis historique de l'Affaire du Panama._ 1893.
+
+MARECHAL, E. _Histoire contemporaine de 1789 a nos jours._ 3 vols. 1900.
+
+MARGUERITTE, PAUL _et_ VICTOR. _Histoire de la guerre de 1870-1871._
+1903.
+
+MAURRAS, CHARLES. _Kiel et Tanger_ (1895-1905). 1913.
+
+MEAUX, VICOMTE DE. _Souvenirs politiques._ 1904.
+
+MERMEIX. _Les Coulisses du Boulangisme._ 1890.
+
+MUEL, LEON. _Histoire politique de la septieme legislature_ (1898-1902).
+1903.
+
+PINON, RENE. _France et Allemagne_ (1870-1913). 1913.
+
+REINACH, JOSEPH. _Histoire de l'Affaire Dreyfus._ 7 vols. 1901-1911.
+
+REINACH, JOSEPH. _Le Ministere Gambetta._ 1884.
+
+R.-L.-M. _Histoire sommaire de l'Affaire Dreyfus._ 1904.
+
+ROSE, J. H. _The Development of the European Nations, 1870-1914. Fifth
+edition._ 1916.
+
+ROUSSET, L. _Histoire generale de la guerre franco-allemande._ 6 vols.
+1895.
+
+SOREL, ALBERT. _Histoire diplomatique de la guerre franco-allemande._
+1875.
+
+TARDIEU, ANDRE. _La Conference d'Algesiras._ Third Edition. 1909.
+
+TARDIEU, ANDRE. _La France et les alliances._ Third edition. 1909.
+
+TARDIEU, ANDRE. _Le Mystere d'Agadir._ 1912.
+
+VIALLATE, ACHILLE, _editor_. _La Vie politique dans les Deux Mondes._
+Annual volumes, 1908-1913.
+
+WALLIER, RENE. _Le XXe siecle politique._ Annual volumes, 1901-1907.
+
+WELSCHINGER, H. _La Guerre de 1870; causes et responsabilites._ 1910.
+
+ZEVORT, E. _Histoire de la troisieme Republique._ 4 vols. 1896-1901.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+Abd-el-Aziz, 168.
+
+Africa, 89, 104, 106,132.
+
+Agadir, 172, 174, 179, 181, 183.
+
+Aix, 104.
+
+Albert of Saxony, 15, 16, 18.
+
+Alexander III, Czar, 105.
+
+Algeciras, 158, 159, 162, 168, 172.
+
+Algeria, 81, 110, 168.
+
+Algiers, 104.
+
+Alsace, 11, 13, 34, 35, 43, 157, 162, 183.
+
+Amiens, 23.
+
+Andre, General, 143, 152, 153, 154, 157, 166.
+
+Annam, 89, 90.
+
+Antony of Hohenzollern, 8, 9.
+
+Arques, 54.
+
+Arton, 109, 111, 118, 134.
+
+Artenay, 19, 22.
+
+Asquith, 172.
+
+Aurelle de Paladines, General d', 22, 23, 39.
+
+Austria, 3, 4, 52, 89, 155, 182.
+
+Auteuil, 136.
+
+Avellan, Admiral, 106.
+
+
+Bac-Le, 90.
+
+Baihaut, 111.
+
+Bapaume, 24.
+
+Barthou, Louis, 177, 178, 179.
+
+Basly, 97.
+
+Bazaine, 13, 14, 15, 16, 20, 21.
+
+Beaugency, 23.
+
+Beaumont, 16.
+
+Beaune-la-Rolande, 22.
+
+Belfort, 24, 25, 34.
+
+Belgium, 4, 16, 182, 183.
+
+Benedetti, 7, 8, 9, 10.
+
+Berlin, 11, 51, 73, 81.
+
+Bert, Paul, 80.
+
+Beule, 51.
+
+Beziers, 168.
+
+Bienvenu-Martin, 156.
+
+Billot, General, 124, 126.
+
+Bismarck, 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 18, 21, 26, 28, 34, 51, 61,
+73, 81, 93, 157.
+
+Bitche, 24.
+
+Blanqui, 38.
+
+Boeschepe, 164.
+
+Boisdeffre, General de, 106, 125.
+
+Bordeaux, 22, 31, 35, 36, 40, 43, 45, 46.
+
+Borny, 14.
+
+Boulanger, General, 93, 94, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103.
+
+Bourbaki, General, 23, 24, 25.
+
+Bourgeois, Leon, 121, 122, 180.
+
+Briand, Aristide, 151, 153, 156, 163, 164, 165, 166, 169, 170,
+176, 177, 178.
+
+Briere de l'Isle, 90.
+
+Brisson, Henri, 84, 92, 97, 109, 120, 129, 130, 131, 138.
+
+Broglie, due de, 48, 51, 55, 56, 57, 67, 69, 71, 72, 83.
+
+Brussels, 35, 102.
+
+Buffet, Andre, 141.
+
+Buffet, Louis, 48, 60, 61.
+
+Buisson, Ferdinand, 151.
+
+Burdeau, 116, 120.
+
+Busch, Moritz, 11.
+
+Buzenval, 27.
+
+
+Caffarel, General, 94.
+
+Cahors, 20.
+
+Caillaux, Joseph, 171, 173, 174, 178, 179.
+
+Caillaux, Madame, 179, 181, 183.
+
+Calmette, Gaston, 179.
+
+Cameroons, 173.
+
+Canrobert, Marshal, 21.
+
+Carcassonne, 168.
+
+Carnot, President, 96-114.
+
+Casablanca, 168, 169.
+
+Caserio Santo, 114.
+
+Casimir-Perier, President, 115-120.
+
+Cavaignac, Godefroy, 129, 130.
+
+Chalons, 14.
+
+Chambord, comte de, 45, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 88.
+
+Champigny, 23, 26.
+
+Chanoine, General, 130.
+
+Chanzy, General, 20, 23, 24.
+
+Chateaudun, 19.
+
+Chatillon, 18.
+
+Chesnelong, 53, 54.
+
+China, 90, 91, 143.
+
+Christiani, Baron de, 136.
+
+Cissey, General de, 57, 60.
+
+Clemenceau, Georges, 78, 83, 97, 98, 109, 160, 161, 163,
+164, 165, 166, 167, 169, 178.
+
+Clermont-Ferrand, 94.
+
+Clinchant, 25.
+
+Cluseret, 40.
+
+Combes, Emile, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 178.
+
+Congo, 132, 171, 173.
+
+Cottu, Henri, 108, 110, 111.
+
+Coulmiers, 22.
+
+Courbet, Gustave, 42.
+
+Cremieux, 19.
+
+Cronstadt, 105, 106.
+
+Crown Prince of Prussia, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18.
+
+
+Decazes, duc, 56.
+
+Delahaye, 108.
+
+Delcasse, 158, 166, 169.
+
+Delegorgue, 127.
+
+Delescluze, Charles, 37.
+
+Demange, Maitre, 119.
+
+Denfert-Rochereau, 24.
+
+Deroulede, Paul, 101, 135, 140, 141.
+
+Devil's Isle, 119.
+
+Dijon, 151.
+
+Dillon, 102.
+
+Dombrowski, 41.
+
+Dordogne, 99.
+
+Douay, Abel, 13.
+
+Doumer, Paul, 160.
+
+Doumergue, Gaston, 178, 180.
+
+Dreyfus, Alfred, 105, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126,
+127, 128, 130, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 145, 154, 162.
+
+Dreyfus, Madame, 131.
+
+Dreyfus, Mathieu, 123, 124, 125, 126.
+
+Drumont, Edouard, 118.
+
+Duclerc, 86.
+
+Ducrot, 16, 22.
+
+Dufaure, Jules, 66, 72.
+
+Du Lac, Pere, 125.
+
+Dumas fils, Alexandre, 42.
+
+Dupuy, Charles, 112, 114, 116, 120, 131, 135, 136.
+
+
+Edward VII, 154.
+
+Egypt, 86, 132, 155.
+
+Eiffel, G., 108, 110.
+
+Ems, 8, 9.
+
+England, 17, 61, 86, 106, 111, 128, 132, 133, 154, 155, 157, 158, 174, 181.
+
+Ernoul, 49.
+
+Esterhazy, 117, 123, 124, 126, 127.
+
+Eugenie, Empress, 1, 3, 6, 12, 15, 17, 20.
+
+Evans, Dr., 17.
+
+
+Faidherbe, General, 23, 24.
+
+Failly, General de, 16.
+
+Fallieres, Armand, 86, 159-175, 176.
+
+Fashoda, 132, 133, 155, 157.
+
+Faure, Felix, 115-133, 134.
+
+Favre, General, 23.
+
+Favre, Jules, 17, 18, 25, 27, 28, 29.
+
+Ferrieres, 18.
+
+Ferry, Jules, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 96.
+
+Fez, 171.
+
+Fiaux, 42.
+
+Floquet, Charles, 84, 97, 100, 101, 102, 103, 109.
+
+Flourens, Gustave, 37, 40.
+
+Fontane, Marius, 108, 110.
+
+Foo-chow, 90.
+
+Forbach, 13.
+
+Formosa, 90.
+
+Fourichon, Admiral, 19.
+
+Francis I, 45.
+
+Frankfort, 35, 43.
+
+Frederick, Empress, 105.
+
+Frederick the Great, 3.
+
+Frederick Charles, 12, 13, 15, 21.
+
+Freycinet, Charles de, 20, 24, 30, 77, 79, 85, 86, 93, 109.
+
+Frohsdorf, 52.
+
+Froeschwiller, 13.
+
+Frossard, 13.
+
+
+Gabes, 82.
+
+Galliffet, General de, 137, 139, 143.
+
+Gambetta, Leon, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 25, 28, 29, 31, 33, 44, 47, 66, 67, 68,
+70, 76, 77, 78, 79, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 91, 92, 97, 136.
+
+Garibaldi, 24, 25.
+
+Geay, Monseigneur, 151.
+
+Gerault-Richard, 120.
+
+Germany, 31, 34, 48, 60, 81, 89, 94, 119, 128, 132, 154, 155,157, 158, 159,
+162, 166, 168, 169, 171, 172, 173, 174, 179, 182, 183, 184.
+
+Gervais, Admiral, 105.
+
+Glais-Bizoin, 19.
+
+Goblet, 93.
+
+Gouthe-Soulard, 104.
+
+Gramont, duc de, 6, 7, 9.
+
+Gravelotte, 15.
+
+Grevy, Albert, 110, 111.
+
+Grevy, Jules, 32, 75-95, 96, 110.
+
+Grey, Sir Edward, 158.
+
+Guerard, A.-L., 178.
+
+Guerin, Jules, 140, 141.
+
+
+Habert, Marcel, 135, 141.
+
+Henry IV, 45.
+
+Henry, Colonel, 116, 117, 123, 124, 126, 130.
+
+Henry, Emile, 114.
+
+Hericourt, 25.
+
+Herve, Gustave, 166.
+
+Herz, Cornelius, 109, 111, 118.
+
+Hugues, Clovis, 97.
+
+
+Italy, 81, 89, 106, 107, 150, 154.
+
+Ivry, 54.
+
+
+Jacques, L., 178.
+
+Japan, 158.
+
+Jaures, Jean, 166.
+
+Jeanne d'Arc, 45, 185.
+
+Jerome Napoleon, 86.
+
+Josnes, 23.
+
+
+Kairouan, 82.
+
+Kiel Canal, 121.
+
+Kitchener, 132.
+
+Koeniggraetz, 4.
+
+Kroumirs, 81, 82.
+
+
+Labori, 128.
+
+La Cecilia, 41.
+
+La Motterouge, 19.
+
+Lang-son, 90.
+
+Laval, 24, 151.
+
+Lavigerie, Cardinal, 104.
+
+La Villette, 141.
+
+Lazare, Bernard, 124, 125.
+
+Leblois, Maitre, 125.
+
+Le Boeuf, Marshal, 12, 21.
+
+Le Bourget, 26.
+
+Lecomte, General, 39.
+
+Le Mans, 24.
+
+Le Nordez, Monseigneur, 151.
+
+Leo XIII, 87, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 113, 144, 150.
+
+Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, 5, 7, 8, 9.
+
+Lesseps, Charles de, 108, 110.
+
+Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 86, 107, 108.
+
+Lille, 70.
+
+Lisaine, 25.
+
+Lloyd George, 172.
+
+Loigny, 22.
+
+Loir, 24.
+
+Loire, 19, 22, 23.
+
+Loisy, Abbe, 150.
+
+London, 26.
+
+Longchamps, 136.
+
+Lorraine, 11, 13, 34, 35, 43, 157, 162, 183, 185.
+
+Loubet, Emile, 109, 134-158, 160.
+
+Louis XIV, 26, 36.
+
+Louis XVI, 45.
+
+Louis-Philippe, 115.
+
+Luneville, 13.
+
+Lur-Saluces, comte de, 141.
+
+Luxembourg, Duchy of, 4.
+
+Lyautey, General, 174.
+
+Lyons, 114.
+
+
+McKinley, 114.
+
+Mac-Mahon, marechal de, 13, 14, 15, 16, 40, 49, 50-74, 75, 77.
+
+Madagascar, 89, 122.
+
+Madrid, 21.
+
+Mainz, 13.
+
+Marchand, Captain, 132, 133.
+
+Marne, 22.
+
+Marrakesh, 168.
+
+Mars-la-Tour, 14.
+
+Mauchamp, Dr., 168.
+
+Mayer, Captain, 118.
+
+Mediterranean, 81.
+
+Meline, Jules, 107, 122, 129, 134.
+
+Mercier, General, 118, 139.
+
+Merry del Val, Cardinal, 150.
+
+Metz, 14, 15, 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 34.
+
+Meuse, 16.
+
+Mexican expedition, 1.
+
+Millerand, Alexandre, 97, 137, 178.
+
+Miribel, General de, 85.
+
+Moltke, 18, 26.
+
+Monis, Ernest, 171, 179.
+
+Montbeliard, 25.
+
+Montmartre, 39, 52.
+
+Montmedy, 16.
+
+Montretout, 27.
+
+Morel, E. D., 158.
+
+Mores, marquis de, 118.
+
+Morocco, 155, 157, 158, 159, 168, 171, 172, 174, 181, 183.
+
+Muley-Hafid, 168, 174.
+
+Muley-Yussef, 174.
+
+Mun, comte de, 105.
+
+
+Nancy, 13.
+
+Napoleon I, 1, 87.
+
+Napoleon III, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 35.
+
+Narbonne, 168.
+
+Negrier, General de, 90.
+
+New Caledonia, 42.
+
+Newfoundland, 155.
+
+Nicholas II, Czar, 123, 145.
+
+Nile, 132.
+
+Nord, 99.
+
+North Germany, 4, 12.
+
+Nuremberg, 182.
+
+
+Offenbach, 3.
+
+Ollivier, Emile, 6, 8, 9.
+
+Omdurman, 132.
+
+Orleans, 19, 22, 26.
+
+Orleans, Duke of, 141.
+
+
+Palikao, comte de, 14, 15, 17.
+
+Pams, Jules, 176.
+
+Panama, 97, 107, 111, 134, 161.
+
+Paray-le-Monial, 52.
+
+Paris, 2, 9, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33,
+34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 46, 64, 84, 101, 105, 106, 120, 128, 134, 140, 154,
+181.
+
+Paris, comte de, 44, 52, 53, 55, 100.
+
+Patay, 22.
+
+Pau, 178, 179.
+
+Pelletan, Camille, 97, 166.
+
+Pellieux, General de, 135.
+
+Pere-Lachaise, 41.
+
+Peronne, 24.
+
+Perpignan, 168.
+
+Picquart, General, 123, 124, 125, 126, 162, 163.
+
+Pie, Monseigneur, 52.
+
+Piou, Jacques, 105.
+
+Pius IX, 54, 68, 87.
+
+Pius X, 150, 164.
+
+Poincare, Raymond, 175, 176-185.
+
+Poitiers, 52.
+
+Pont-Noyelles, 24.
+
+Portsmouth, 105, 106.
+
+Prince Imperial, 13, 86.
+
+Prussia, 3, 4, 5, 7, 10, 11, 12.
+
+
+Rampolla, Cardinal, 150.
+
+Ravachol, 114.
+
+Raynal, 85.
+
+Regnier, 21.
+
+Reichsoffen, 13.
+
+Reims, 16.
+
+Reinach, Jacques de, 108, 109, 110, 111, 118, 134.
+
+Remusat, Charles de, 48.
+
+Rennes, 135, 138, 140, 143, 162.
+
+Rezonville, 14, 15.
+
+Rhenish provinces, 2.
+
+Rhine, 2, 4.
+
+Ribot, Alexandre, 109, 121, 180.
+
+Rigault, Raoul, 37.
+
+Riviere, 89.
+
+Rochebouet, General de, 71.
+
+Rochefort, Henri, 102.
+
+Rochette, 179, 180.
+
+Roget, General, 134, 135, 138.
+
+Rome, 150.
+
+Rossel, 40.
+
+Rouvier, 85, 93, 94, 109, 111, 155, 158, 160, 164, 169.
+
+Russia, 61, 105, 121, 123, 145, 154, 155, 158, 181, 182.
+
+
+Saarbruecken, 12, 13.
+
+Sadowa, 4, 6.
+
+Saint-Cloud, 2.
+
+Saint-Mande, 137.
+
+Saint-Privat, 15.
+
+Saint-Quentin, 24, 27.
+
+St. Petersburg, 106.
+
+Salisbury, Lord, 81, 106.
+
+Salzburg, 53.
+
+Sans-Leroy, 110.
+
+Sarrien, Ferdinand, 160.
+
+Say, Leon, 85.
+
+Scandinavia, 181.
+
+Scheurer-Kestner, 125.
+
+Schnaebele, 94.
+
+Schoen, Baron von, 181.
+
+Schwartzkoppen, Colonel, 117, 128, 130.
+
+Sedan, 16, 17, 49.
+
+Selves, M. de, 173.
+
+Serbia, 182.
+
+Sfax, 82.
+
+Sicily, 81.
+
+Simon, Jules, 28, 67, 68, 69, 84.
+
+South Germany, 4, 7, 12.
+
+Spain, 5, 8, 155, 158, 159, 171, 174.
+
+Spicheren, 13.
+
+Spuller, Eugene, 113.
+
+Steinheil, Madame, 132.
+
+Steinmetz, 12, 13, 15.
+
+Strassburg, 11, 18.
+
+Sudan, 89.
+
+Suez, 86, 107, 132.
+
+Switzerland, 26.
+
+Syveton, 152.
+
+
+Tangier, 158.
+
+Thiers, Adolphe, 17, 18, 31-49, 50, 51, 58, 61, 70, 76, 86.
+
+Thomas, General Clement, 39.
+
+Tien-tsin, 90.
+
+Tirard, 102.
+
+Tonkin, 89, 90, 93.
+
+Toulon, 106, 167.
+
+Tours, 19, 22.
+
+Trochu, General, 17, 19, 22, 27, 29, 52.
+
+Tuileries, 2, 17.
+
+Tunis, 81, 93.
+
+
+Ujda, 168.
+
+United States, 62, 159.
+
+Uzes, duchesse d', 100.
+
+
+Vaillant, 114.
+
+Var, 178.
+
+Vendome, 24.
+
+Verdun, 14.
+
+Versailles, 18, 27, 34, 36, 40, 41, 56, 64, 120, 128, 134.
+
+Victor-Emmanuel II, 68, 104.
+
+Victor-Emmanuel III, 150.
+
+Victoria, 106.
+
+Villepion, 22.
+
+Villers-Bretonneux, 23.
+
+Villersexel, 25.
+
+Villiers, 23.
+
+Villorceau, 23.
+
+Vinoy, General, 27.
+
+Vionville, 14.
+
+Viviani, Rene, 161, 180, 181.
+
+Von der Thann, 22.
+
+Vosges, 12, 25.
+
+
+Waddington, 77, 78, 79, 81.
+
+Waldeck-Rousseau, 85, 120, 136, 137, 138, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 148,
+153.
+
+Wallon, 59.
+
+Weiss, J.-J., 85.
+
+Welschinger, 30.
+
+William I, 3, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 18, 26, 35.
+
+William II, 157, 158, 173.
+
+Wilson, Daniel, 88, 94, 98.
+
+Wimpffen, General de, 16.
+
+Wissembourg, 12, 13.
+
+Woerth, 13.
+
+Wrobleski, 41.
+
+
+Zola, Emile, 127, 128, 130, 135, 163.
+
+Zurlinden, General, 130.
+
+The Riverside Press
+
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+THE FIELD OF HONOUR
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+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of the Third French Republic, by
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