summaryrefslogtreecommitdiff
path: root/32482-8.txt
diff options
context:
space:
mode:
Diffstat (limited to '32482-8.txt')
-rw-r--r--32482-8.txt1374
1 files changed, 1374 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/32482-8.txt b/32482-8.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b492405
--- /dev/null
+++ b/32482-8.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,1374 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Introduction of Self-Registering
+Meteorological Instruments, by Robert P. Multhauf
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Introduction of Self-Registering Meteorological Instruments
+
+Author: Robert P. Multhauf
+
+Release Date: May 22, 2010 [EBook #32482]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SELF-REG. METEOROLOGICAL INSTRUMENTS ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Colin Bell, Louise Pattison and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ CONTRIBUTIONS FROM
+
+ THE MUSEUM OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY:
+
+ PAPER 23
+
+
+ THE INTRODUCTION OF SELF-REGISTERING
+
+ METEOROLOGICAL INSTRUMENTS
+
+ _Robert P. Multhauf_
+
+
+ THE FIRST SELF-REGISTERING INSTRUMENTS 99
+
+ SELF-REGISTERING SYSTEMS 105
+
+ CONCLUSIONS 114
+
+
+
+
+_The Introduction of_ SELF-REGISTERING METEOROLOGICAL INSTRUMENTS
+
+_Robert P. Multhauf_
+
+
+ _The development of self-registering meteorological instruments
+ began very shortly after that of scientific meteorological
+ observation itself. Yet it was not until the 1860's, two centuries
+ after the beginning of scientific observation, that the
+ self-registering instrument became a factor in meteorology._
+
+ _This time delay is attributable less to deficiencies in the
+ techniques of instrument-making than to deficiencies in the
+ organisation of meteorology itself. The critical factor was the
+ establishment in the 1860's of well-financed and competently
+ directed meteorological observatories, most of which were created
+ as adjuncts to astronomical observatories._
+
+ THE AUTHOR: _Robert P. Multhauf is head curator of the department
+ of science and technology in the United States National Museum,
+ Smithsonian Institution._
+
+
+The flowering of science in the 17th century was accompanied by an
+efflorescence of instrument invention as luxurious as that of science
+itself. Although there were foreshadowing events, this flowering seems
+to have owed much to Galileo, whose interest in the measurement of
+natural phenomena is well known, and who is himself credited with the
+invention of the thermometer and the hydrostatic balance, both of which
+he devised in connection with experimentation on specific scientific
+problems. Many, if not most, of the other Italian instrument inventors
+of the early 17th century were his disciples. Benedetto Castelli, being
+interested in the effect of rainfall on the level of a lake, constructed
+a rain gauge about 1628. Santorio, well known as a pioneer in the
+quantification of animal physiology, is credited with observations,
+about 1626, that led to the development of the hygrometer.
+
+Both of these contemporaries were interested in Galileo's most famous
+invention, the thermoscope--forerunner of the thermometer--which he
+developed about 1597 as a method of obtaining comparisons of
+temperature. The utility of the instrument was immediately recognized by
+physicists (not by chemists, oddly enough), and much ingenuity was
+expended on its perfection over a 50-year period, in northern Europe as
+well as in Italy. The conversion of this open, air-expansion thermoscope
+into the modern thermometer was accomplished by the Florentine Accademia
+del Cimento about 1660.
+
+Galileo also inspired the barometer, through his speculations on the
+vacuum, which, in 1643, led his disciple Torricelli to experiments
+proving the limitation to nature's horror of a vacuum. Torricelli's
+apparatus, unlike Galileo's thermoscope, represented the barometer in
+essentially its classical form. In his earliest experiments, Torricelli
+observed that the air tended to become "thicker and thinner"; as a
+consequence, we find the barometer in use (with the thermometer) for
+meteorological observation as early as 1649.[1]
+
+The meetings of the Accademia terminated in 1667, but the 5-year-old
+Royal Society of London had already become as fruitful a source of new
+instruments, largely through the abilities of its demonstrator, Robert
+Hooke, whose task it was to entertain and instruct the members with
+experiments. In the course of devising these experiments Hooke became
+perhaps the most prolific instrument inventor of all time. He seems to
+have invented the first wind pressure gauge, as an aid to seamen, and he
+improved the bathometer, hygrometer, hydrometer, and barometer, as well
+as instruments not directly involved in measurement such as the vacuum
+pump and sea-water sampling devices. As in Florence, these instruments
+were immediately brought to bear on the observation of nature.
+
+It does not appear, however, that we would be justified in concluding
+that the rise of scientific meteorology was inspired by the invention of
+instruments, for meteorology had begun to free itself of the traditional
+weather-lore and demonology early in the 17th century. The Landgraf of
+Hesse described some simultaneous weather observations, made without
+instruments, in 1637. Francis Bacon's "Natural History of the Wind,"
+considered the first special work of this kind to attain general
+circulation, appeared in 1622.[2] It seems likely that the rise of
+scientific meteorology was an aspect of the general rationalization of
+nature study which occurred at this time, and that the initial impetus
+for such progress was gained not from the invention of instruments but
+from the need of navigators for wind data at a time when long voyages
+out of sight of land were becoming commonplace.
+
+[Illustration: Figure 1.--A set of typical Smithsonian meteorological
+instruments as recommended in instructions to observers issued by the
+Institution in the 1850's. _Top_ (from left): maximum-minimum
+thermometer of Professor Phillips, dry-bulb and wet-bulb thermometers,
+and mercurial barometer by Green of New York. _Lower left:_ rain gauge.
+The wet-bulb thermometer, although typical, is actually a later
+instrument. The rain gauge is a replica. (_Smithsonian photo 46740._)]
+
+It should be noted in this connection that the two most important
+instruments, the thermometer and barometer, were in no way inspired by
+an interest in meteorology. But the observation made early in the
+history of the barometer that the atmospheric pressure varied in some
+relationship to visible changes in the weather soon brought that
+instrument into use as a "weather glass." In particular, winds were
+attributed to disturbances of barometric equilibrium, and
+wind-barometric studies were made by Evangelista Torricelli, Edmé
+Mariotte, and Edmund Halley, the latter publishing the first
+meteorological chart. In 1678-1679 Gottfried Leibniz endeavored to
+encourage observations to test the capacity of the barometer for
+foretelling the weather.[3]
+
+Other questions of a quasi-meteorological nature interested the
+scientists of this period, and brought other instruments into use.
+Observations of rainfall and evaporation were made in pursuit of the
+ancient question of the sources of terrestrial water, the maintenance of
+the levels of seas, etc. Physicians brought instruments to bear on the
+question of the relationship between weather and the incidence of
+disease. The interrelationship between these various meteorological
+enterprises was not long in becoming apparent. Soon after its founding
+in 1657 the Florentine academy undertook, through the distribution of
+thermometers, barometers, hygrometers, and rain gauges, the
+establishment of an international network of meteorological observation
+stations, a network which did not survive the demise of the Accademia
+itself ten years later.
+
+Not for over a century was the first thoroughgoing attempt made at
+systematic observation. There was a meteorological section in the
+Academy of Sciences at Mannheim from 1763, and subsequently a separate
+society for meteorology. In 1783, the Academy published observations
+from 39 stations, those from the central station comprising data from
+the hygrometer, wind vane (but not anemometer), rain gauge,
+evaporimeter, and apparatus for geomagnetism and atmospheric
+electricity, as well as data from the thermometer and barometer. The
+Mannheim system was also short-lived, being terminated by the Napoleonic
+invasion, but systems of comparable scope were attempted throughout
+Europe and America during the next generation.
+
+In the United States the office of the Surgeon General, U. S. Army,
+began the first systematic observation in 1819, using only the
+thermometer and wind vane, to which were added the barometer and
+hygrometer in 1840-1841 and the wind force anemometer, rain gauge, and
+wet bulb thermometer in 1843. State weather observation systems
+meanwhile had been inaugurated in New York (1825), Pennsylvania (1836),
+and Ohio (1842).[4]
+
+Nearly 200 years of observation had not, however, noticeably improved
+the weather, and the naive faith in the power of instruments to reveal
+its mysteries, which had possessed many an early meteorologist, no
+longer charmed the scientist of the early 19th century. In the first
+published report of the British Association for the Advancement of
+Science in 1833, J. D. Forbes called for a reorganization of procedures:
+
+ In the science of Astronomy, for example, as in that of Optics, the
+ great general truths which emerge in the progress of discovery,
+ though depending for their establishment upon a multitude of
+ independent facts and observations, possess sufficient unity to
+ connect in the mind the bearing of the whole; and the more
+ perfectly understood connexion of parts invites to further
+ generalization.
+
+ Very different is the position of an infant science like
+ Meteorology. The unity of the whole ... is not always kept in view,
+ even as far as our present very limited general conceptions will
+ admit of: and as few persons have devoted their whole attention to
+ this science alone ... no wonder that we find strewed over its
+ irregular and far-spread surface, patches of cultivation upon spots
+ chosen without discrimination and treated on no common principle,
+ which defy the improver to inclose, and the surveyor to estimate
+ and connect them. Meteorological instruments have been for the most
+ part treated like toys, and much time and labor have been lost in
+ making and recording observations utterly useless for any
+ scientific purpose. Even the numerous registers of a rather
+ superior class ... hardly contain one jot of information ready for
+ incorporation in a Report on the progress of Meteorology....
+
+ The most general mistake probably consists in the idea that
+ Meteorology, as a science, has no other object but an experimental
+ acquaintance with the condition of those variable elements which
+ from day to day constitute the general and vague result of the
+ state of the _weather_ at any given spot; not considering that ...
+ when grouped together with others of the same character, [they] may
+ afford the most valuable aid to scientific generalization.[5]
+
+Forbes goes on to call for a greater emphasis on theory, and the
+replacement of the many small-scale observatories with "a few great
+Registers" to be adequately maintained by "great Societies" or by the
+government. He suggests that the time for pursuit of theory might be
+gained from "the vague mechanical task to which at present they
+generally devote their time, namely the search for great numerical
+accuracy, to a superfluity of decimal places exceeding the compass of
+the instrument to verify."
+
+From its founding the British Association sponsored systematic
+observation at various places. In 1842 it initiated observations at the
+Kew Observatory, which has continued until today to be the premier
+meteorological observatory in the British Empire. The American scientist
+Joseph Henry observed the functioning of an observatory maintained by
+the British Association at Plymouth in 1837, and when he became
+Secretary of the new Smithsonian Institution a few years later he made
+the furtherance of meteorology one of its first objectives.
+
+The Kew Observatory set a pattern for systematic observation in England
+as, from 1855, did the Smithsonian Institution in the United States. The
+instruments used differed little from those in use at Mannheim over half
+a century earlier[6] (fig. 1). They were undoubtedly more accurate, but
+this should not be overstressed. Forbes had noted in his report of 1832
+that some scientists were then calling for a return to Torricelli, for
+the construction of a temporary barometer on the site in preference to
+reliance on the then existing manufactured instruments.
+
+
+
+
+The First Self-Registering Instruments
+
+
+From the middle of the 17th century meteorological observations were
+recorded in manuscript books known as "registers," many of which were
+published in the early scientific journals. The most effective
+utilization of these observations was in the compilation of the history
+of particular storms, but where a larger synthesis was concerned they
+tended, as Forbes has shown, to show themselves unsystematic and
+non-comparable. The principal problems of meteorological observation
+have been from the outset the construction of precisely comparable
+instruments and their use to produce comparable records. The former
+problem has been frequently discussed, and perhaps, as Forbes suggests,
+overemphasized. It is the latter problem with which we are here
+concerned.
+
+The idea of mechanizing the process of observation, not yet accomplished
+in Forbes' time, had been put forward within a little over a decade of
+the first use of the thermometer and barometer in meteorology. On
+December 9, 1663, Christopher Wren presented the Royal Society with a
+design for a "weather clock," of which a drawing is extant.[7] This
+drawing (fig. 2) shows an ordinary clock to which is attached a
+pencil-carrying rack, geared to the hour pinion. A discussion of the
+clock's "reduction to practice" began the involvement of Robert Hooke,
+who was "instructed" in September 1664 to make "a pendulum clock
+applicable to the observing of the changes in the weather."[8] This
+tribute to Hooke's reputation--and to the versatility of the mechanic
+arts at this time--was slightly overoptimistic, as 15 years ensued
+before the clock made its appearance.
+
+[Illustration: Figure 2.--A contemporary drawing of Wren's "weather
+clock." (Photo courtesy Royal Society of London.)]
+
+References to this clock are frequent in the records of the Royal
+Society--being mainly periodic injunctions to Hooke to get on with the
+work--until its completion in May 1679. The description which Hooke was
+asked to supply was subsequently found among his papers and printed by
+William Derham as follows:[9]
+
+ The weather-clock consists of two parts; _first_, that which
+ measures the time, which is a strong and large pendulum-clock,
+ which moves a week, with once winding up, and is sufficient to turn
+ a cylinder (upon which the paper is rolled) twice round in a day,
+ and also to lift a hammer for striking the punches, once every
+ quarter of an hour.
+
+ _Secondly_, of several instruments for measuring the degrees of
+ alteration, in the several things, to be observed. The first is,
+ the barometer, which moves the first punch, an inch and half,
+ serving to shew the difference between the greatest and the least
+ pressure of the air. The second is, the thermometer, which moves
+ the punch that shews the differences between the greatest heat in
+ summer, and the least in winter. The third is, the hygroscope,
+ moving the punch, which shews the difference between the moistest
+ and driest airs. The fourth is, the rain-bucket, serving to shew
+ the quantity of rain that falls; this hath two parts or punches;
+ the first, to shew what part of the bucket is fill'd, when there
+ falls not enough to make it empty itself; the second, to shew how
+ many full buckets have been emptied. The fifth is the wind vane;
+ this hath also two parts; the first to shew the strength of the
+ wind, which is observed by the number of revolutions in the
+ vane-mill, and marked by three punches; the first marks every
+ 10,000 revolutions, the second every 1,000, and the third every
+ 100: The second, to shew the quarters of the wind, this hath four
+ punches; the first with one point, marking the North quarters, viz.
+ N.: N. by E.: N. by W.: NNE.: NNW.: NE. by N. and N.W. by N.: NE.
+ and N.W. The second hath two points, marking the East and its
+ quarters. The third hath three points, marking the South and its
+ quarters. The fourth hath four points, marking the West and its
+ quarters. Some of these punches give one mark, every 100
+ revolutions of the vane-mill.
+
+ The stations or places of the first four punches are marked on a
+ scrowl of paper, by the clock-hammer, falling every quarter of an
+ hour. The punches, belonging to the fifth, are marked on the said
+ scrowl, by the revolutions of the vane, which are accounted by a
+ small numerator, standing at the top of the clock-case, which is
+ moved by the vane-mill.
+
+What, exactly, were the instruments applied by Hooke to his weather
+clock? It is not always easy even to guess, because it appears that Wren
+was actually the first to contrive such a device and seems to have
+developed nearly as many instruments as Hooke. It might be supposed that
+Hooke would have adapted to the weather clock his wheel-barometer,
+introduced in 1667, but it also appears that Wren had described (and
+perhaps built) a balance barometer before 1667.[10] As to the
+thermometer, we have no evidence of original work by Hooke, but we do
+have a description of Wren's self-registering thermometer, a circular,
+mercury-filled tube in which changes in temperature move "the whole
+instrument, like a wheel on its axis."[11]
+
+The hygroscope (hygrometer) probably existed in more versions than any
+other instrument, although we know nothing of any versions by Wren.
+Hooke may have used his own "oat-beard" instrument.[12] Derham follows
+his description of the clock--which has been quoted above--with a
+detailed description of a tipping-bucket rain gauge invented by Hooke
+and used with the clock. He also notes that in 1670 Hooke had described
+two other types of rain gauge in which a bucket was counterbalanced in
+one case by a string of bullets and in another by an immersed weight.
+But here again, Sprat records the invention of a tipping-bucket gauge by
+Wren before 1667.
+
+Hooke has been generally regarded as the first inventor of an
+anemometer, in 1662.[13] But this invention was a pressure-plate
+gauge--that is, a metal plate held with its face against the
+wind--whereas the gauge used with the weather clock is clearly a
+windmill type, of which type this may be the first. Wren also had an
+anemometer, but we have no description of it. Hooke's account does not
+refer to other instruments which the weather clock is supposed to have
+had, according to a description quoted by Gunther, which concludes the
+enumeration of the elements recorded with "sunshine, etc."[14] One can
+only wish for further information on the mechanism by which the
+punches--or in Wren's clock, the pencils--were moved. But it is apparent
+that Hooke's clock was actually used for some time.
+
+[Illustration: Figure 3.--Dolland's "atmospheric recorder": 1, siphon and
+float barometer; 2, balance (?) thermometer; 3, hygrometer; 4,
+electrometer; 5, float rain gauge; 6, float evaporimeter; 7,
+suspended-weight wind force indicator; 8, wind direction indicator; 9,
+clock; 10, receivers for rain gauge and evaporimeter. (From _Official
+... Catalogue of the Great Exhibition, 1851,_ London, 1851, pt. 2).]
+
+The 17th century was not entirely unprepared for the idea of such a
+self-registering instrument. Water clocks and other devices in which
+natural forces governed a pointer were known in antiquity, as were
+counters of the type of the odometer. A water clock described in Italy
+in 1524 was essentially an inversion of one of Hooke's rain gauges, that
+in which a bucket was balanced against a string of bullets.[15] The
+mechanical clock also had a considerable history in the 17th century,
+and had long since been applied to the operations of figures through
+cams, as was almost certainly the case with the punches in Hooke's
+clock. Still, the combination of an instrument-actuated pointer with a
+clock-actuated time-scale and a means of obtaining a permanent record
+represent a group of innovations which certainly ranks among the
+greatest in the history of instrumentation. It appears that we owe these
+innovations to Wren and Hooke.
+
+Hooke's clock contributed nothing to the systematization of
+meteorological observation, and the last record of it appears to have
+been a note on its "re-fitting" in 1690. Its complexity is sufficient
+reason for its ephemeral history, but complexity in machine design was
+the fashion of the time and Hooke may have intended no more than a
+mechanistic _tour de force_. On the other hand, he may have recognized
+the desideratum to which later meteorologists frequently returned--the
+need for simultaneous observations of several instruments on the same
+register. In any case, no instrument so comprehensive seems to have been
+attempted again until the middle of the 19th century, when George
+Dolland exhibited one at the Great Exhibition in London (see fig. 3).
+The weather elements recorded by Dolland's instrument were the same as
+those recorded by Hooke's, except that atmospheric electricity (unknown
+in Hooke's time) was recorded and sunshine was not recorded. Striking
+hammers were used by Dolland for some of the instruments and "ever
+pointed pencils" for the others. Dolland's barometer was a wheel
+instrument controlling a hammer. His thermometric element consisted of
+12 balanced mercury thermometers. Its mode of operation is not clear,
+but it probably was similar to that of the thermometer developed by Karl
+Kreil in Prague about the same time (fig. 4). Dolland's wind force
+indicator consisted of a pressure plate counterbalanced by a string of
+suspended weights. Altogether, it is not clear that Dolland's instrument
+was superior to Hooke's, or that its career was longer.[16]
+
+The 171 years between these two instruments were not lacking in
+inventiveness in this field, but even though inventors set the more
+modest aim of a self-recording instrument for a single piece of
+meteorological data, their brain children were uniformly still-born.
+Then, during the period 1840-1850, we see the appearance of a series of
+self-registering instruments which were actually used, which were widely
+adopted by observatories, and which were superseded by superior
+instruments rather than abandoned. This development was undoubtedly a
+consequence of the establishment at that time of permanent observatories
+under competent scientific direction.
+
+Long experience had demonstrated to the meteorologists of the 1840's
+that the principal obstacle to the success of self-registering
+instruments was friction. Forbes had indicated that the most urgent need
+was for automatic registration of wind data, as the erratic fluctuation
+of the wind demanded more frequent observation than any manual system
+could accomplish. Two of the British Association's observers produced
+separate recording instruments for wind direction and force in the late
+1830's, a prompt response which suggests that it was not the idea which
+was lacking. One of these instruments--designed by William
+Whewell--contained gearing, the friction of which vitiated its utility
+as it had that of a number of predecessors. The other, designed by A.
+Follet Osler, was free of gearing; it separately recorded wind pressure
+and direction on a sheet of paper moved laterally by clockwork. The
+pressure element was a spring-loaded pressure plate carried around by
+the vane to face the wind. Both this plate and the vane itself were made
+to move pencils through linkages of chains and pulleys.[17] Osler's
+anemometer (fig. 5) deserves to be called the first successful
+self-registering meteorological instrument; it was standard equipment in
+British observatories until the latter part of the 19th century when it
+was replaced by the cup-anemometer of Robinson.
+
+[Illustration: Figure 4.--Kreil's balance thermometer, 1843. (From Karl
+Kreil, _Magnetische und meteorologische Beobachtungen zu Prag_, Prague,
+1843, vol. 3, fig. 1.)]
+
+[Illustration: Figure 5.--Osler's self-registering pressure plate
+anemometer, 1837. The instrument is shown with a tipping-bucket rain
+gauge. (From Abbe, _op. cit._ footnote 17.)]
+
+Self-recording barometers and thermometers were more vulnerable to the
+influence of friction than were wind instruments, but fortunately
+pressure and temperature were also less subject to sudden fluctuation,
+and so self-registration was less necessary. Nevertheless, two events
+occurred in the 1840's which led to the development of self-registering
+instruments. One event was the development of the geomagnetic
+observatory, which used the magnetometer, an instrument as delicate as
+the barometer and thermometer, and (as it then seemed), as subject to
+fluctuation as the wind vane. The other event was the development of
+photography, making possible a recording method free of friction. In
+1845 Francis Ronalds at Kew Observatory and Charles Brooke at Greenwich
+undertook to develop apparatus to register the magnetometer,
+electrometer, thermometer, and barometer by photography.[18] This was
+six years after Daguerre's discovery of the photographic process. The
+magnetometers of both investigators were put into use in 1847, and the
+barometers and thermometers shortly after. They were based on the
+deflection--by a mirror in the case of the magnetometer and electrometer
+and by the mercury in the barometer and thermometer--of a beam of light
+directed against a photographic plate. Brooke exhibited his instruments
+at the Great Exhibition of 1850, and they subsequently became items of
+commerce and standard appurtenances of the major observatory until
+nearly the end of the century (fig. 6). Their advantages in accuracy
+were finally insufficient to offset the inconvenience to which a
+photographic instrument was subject.
+
+Before 1850 the British observatories at Kew and Greenwich (the latter
+an astronomical observatory with auxiliary meteorological activity) had
+self-registering apparatus in use for most of the elements observed.
+
+
+
+
+Self-Registering Systems
+
+
+In 1870 the Signal Corps, U.S. Army, took on the burden of official
+meteorology in the United States as the result of a joint resolution of
+the Congress and in accordance with Joseph Henry's dictum that the
+Smithsonian Institution should not become the permanent agency for such
+scientific work once its permanency had been decided upon. Smithsonian
+meteorology had not involved self-recording instruments, and neither did
+that of the Signal Corps at the outset "because of the expense of the
+apparatus, and because nothing of that kind was at that time
+manufactured in this country."[19]
+
+But almost immediately after 1870 the Signal Corps undertook an
+evidently well-financed program for the introduction of
+self-registration. "Complete outfits" were purchased, representing
+Wild's system, the Kew system as made by Beckley, Hipp's system (fig.
+8), Secci's meteorograph (figs. 9, 10), Draper's system, and Hough's
+printing barograph and thermograph. Of these only the Kew system, the
+photographic system already mentioned, could have been obtained before
+1867.
+
+[Illustration:
+
+ Scale about 1-16th.
+
+ BAROGRAPH, OR
+ SELF-RECORDING MERCURIAL BAROMETER, £68.
+
+Figure 6.--Photographic registering mercurial barometer, typical
+commercial version. (From J. J. Hicks, _Catalogue of ... Meteorological
+Instruments_, London, n.d., about 1870.)]
+
+Like Kew, Daniel Draper's observatory in Central Park, New York City,
+was established primarily for meteorological observation.[20] Draper was
+one of the sons of the prominent scientist J. W. Draper. Hipp was an
+instrument-maker of Neuchâtel who specialized in precision clocks.[21]
+The others after whom these "systems" were named were directors of
+astronomical observatories, which were, at this time, the most active
+centers of meteorological observation. Wild was at the Bern
+Observatory,[22] Secci at the Papal Observatory, Rome,[23] and George
+Hough at the Dudley Observatory, Albany, New York.[24] While the Signal
+Corps seems to have acquired all of the principal "systems," some
+interesting instruments were developed at still other observatories,
+notably by Kreil at the astronomical observatory in Prague.[25] The
+principal impetus for this full-scale mechanization of observation
+undoubtedly came from the directors of astronomical observatories.
+
+Thus within little more than the decade of the 1860's were developed
+five new systems of meteorological self-registry that were sufficiently
+well thought of to be adopted or copied by observatories outside their
+places of origin. Wild and Draper tell us that it was decided when their
+respective observatories were established--in 1860 and 1868--that all
+instruments should be self-registering. Each was obliged to design his
+own, being dissatisfied with the photographic registers commercially
+available. The development of these systems would therefore appear to
+have been due, in part, to the general spread of a conviction that
+satisfactory instruments were attainable.
+
+[Illustration:
+
+A, is the Vane.
+
+B, is the Perpendicular Shaft.
+
+C, is a Horizontal Circular Plate of light material attached to the
+shaft.
+
+E and F, two Rollers communicating motion to the Apron E F from left to
+right.
+
+1, 2, 3, &c., are minute Cards, placed upon the Apron.
+
+G, is a Clock that regulates the motion of the Roller E, and
+consequently that of the apron and cards.
+
+D, is a small weight to relieve the Clock.
+
+N, NE, E, &c., are paper boxes placed upon the circular plate, to
+receive the cards, as they fall from the apron at E.
+
+Figure 7.--In 1838 the pioneer American meteorologist James H. Coffin
+(1806-1873) devised a self-registering wind direction indicator; in 1849
+he improved it as shown here. The band, moved by clockwork, carries
+cards marked with the day and hour. In Coffin's earlier instrument, a
+part of which is now in the Smithsonian Institution, the vane carried a
+funnel for sand, which ran into a circular row of bottles. (From
+_Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of
+Science_, 1849, vol. 2, p. 388.)]
+
+This confidence was warranted, for the decade of the 1850's had seen the
+appearance of major innovations in the basic instruments--thermometer,
+barometer, and wind velocity indicator--that made available instruments
+more adaptable to self-registration. It also saw the development of a
+new method of electrical registration derived from the telegraph. Sir
+Charles Wheatstone initiated this small revolution in 1843 when he
+reported to the British Association that he had constructed an
+electromagnetic meteorological register which "records the indications
+of the barometer, thermometer and the psychrometer [meaning wet-bulb
+thermometer] every half hour ... and prints the results on a sheet of
+paper in figures," running a week unattended. The working of this
+register involved the insertion of a conductor in the tubes to make a
+circuit, the thermometers having open tops.[26] This was ten years after
+the development of the electromagnetic relay and six years after
+Wheatstone's introduction of his own telegraph.
+
+Wheatstone's instrument left a very ephemeral record in the
+meteorological literature, and appears to have been defective or out of
+fashion with its time, which was concerned with the introduction of
+photographic instruments. Wheatstone's work was rediscovered, along with
+that of several other much earlier inventors, by the determined
+observatory directors of the 1860's.
+
+Of the five systems developed at that time, four used electromagnetic
+registration, only Draper adhering to a mechanical system (see fig. 11).
+For temperature measurement Secci and Hough used Wheatstone's electrical
+system with a mercurial thermometer (fig. 12), but the other four
+utilized a physical principle which had been proposed periodically for
+at least a century--the unequal thermal expansion of a bimetallic strip.
+This principle had been utilized by watchmakers for a quite different
+purpose--the temperature compensation of the watch pendulum--but its
+possibilities as a thermometer had been known long before the mid-19th
+century.[27]
+
+[Illustration: Figure 8.--Hipp's registering aneroid barometer, with a
+telegraphic printer. (_USNM 314544; Smithsonian photo 46740-D._)]
+
+For the measurement of pressure, Secci, Wild, and Draper adopted, or
+rediscovered, the balance barometer devised by Wren in the 17th century.
+In this type of instrument (see figs. 13, 15) either the tube or the
+reservoir of the barometer is attached to one arm of a balance, the
+equilibrium of which is disturbed by the movement of the mercury in the
+instrument.[28]
+
+[Illustration: Figure 9.--Front and rear views of Secci's meteorograph,
+1867. (From Lacroix, _op. cit._ footnote 22.)]
+
+Hough's barometer was an adaptation of the electrical contact
+thermometer. The movement of the mercury over a certain minute distance
+within the tube served as a switch to energize an electrical recording
+system. Hipp, who was perhaps the latest of this group, first applied
+the aneroid barometer (fig. 8) to self-registration. The idea of the
+aneroid--an air-tight bellows against which the atmospheric pressure
+would act--had been advanced by Leibniz in the 17th century and had been
+the subject of a few abortive experiments in the 18th century. Not until
+1848 was an instrument produced that was acceptable to users of the
+barometer.[29]
+
+As a wind velocity instrument all six systems used the cup-anemometer
+developed by Robinson in 1846, an instrument whose chief virtue was the
+care which its inventor had taken to work out the relationship between
+its movement and the actual velocity of the wind.[30] Beckley and Draper
+caused it to move a pencil through gearing; the others used with it
+electromagnetic counters actuated by rotating contacts.
+
+[Illustration: Figure 10.--Chart from Secci's meteorograph. (From
+Lacroix, _op. cit._ footnote 22.)]
+
+As has been indicated, the Signal Corps used all six systems, a panoply
+of gadgetry which must have been wondrous to behold. Its Secci
+meteorograph, which had attracted much attention at Paris, was estimated
+to have cost 15,000 francs. Abbe reported in 1894 that the instruments
+were long kept in the apparatus room "as a fascinating show to visitors
+and a stimulation to the staff in the invention of other
+instruments."[31]
+
+[Illustration: Figure 11.--Draper's mechanical registering barometer,
+as used in the Lick Observatory. (Photo courtesy Lick Observatory.)]
+
+[Illustration: Figure 12.--Hough's electromechanical registering
+barometer, about 1871.]
+
+[Illustration: Figure 13.--Fuess' "balance barometer after Samuel
+Morland," 1880. Wren probably was the originator of this type of
+instrument. (From Loewenherz, _op. cit._ footnote 28.)]
+
+[Illustration: Figure 14.--Marvin's mechanical registering barometer,
+1905. This instrument was formerly in the U.S. Weather Bureau. (_USNM
+316500_; _Smithsonian photo 46740-E_.)]
+
+[Illustration: Figure 15.--"Steelyard barometer" as shown in Charles
+Hutton's _Mathematical and Philosophical Dictionary_ (London, 1796, vol.
+1, p. 188). Hutton makes no reference to the originator of this
+instrument; he attributes the "Diagonal" (or inclined) barometer to
+Samuel Morland.]
+
+From 1875 the question was no longer one of the introduction of
+self-registering instruments to major observatories but their complete
+mechanization and the extension of registration to substations. Having
+accepted self-registration, meteorologists turned their attention to the
+simplification of instruments. In 1904 Charles Marvin, of what is now
+the U.S. Weather Bureau, brought the self-registering barometer into
+something of a full circle by producing an instrument (fig. 14) that was
+nothing more than Hooke's wheel barometer directly adapted to
+recording.[32] But this process of simplification had been accomplished
+at a stroke, about 1880, with the introduction by the Parisian
+instrument-maker Jules Richard of a self-registering barometer and a
+thermometer combining the simplest form of instrument with the simplest
+form of registration (see fig. 16). This innovation, which fixed the
+form of the conventional registering instrument until the advent of the
+radiosonde, seems to have stemmed from a source quite outside
+meteorology--the technology of the steam gauge. Richard's thermometric
+element was the curved metal tube of elliptical cross-section that
+Bourdon had developed several decades earlier as a steam gauge. Pressure
+within such a tube causes it to straighten, and thus to move a pointer
+attached to one end. Bourdon had opened it to the steam source. Richard
+filled it with alcohol, closed it, and found that the expansion of the
+alcohol on heating caused a similar straightening. His barometric
+element was a type of aneroid, which Hipp had already used but which
+Richard may have also adopted from a type of steam gauge. For a
+recording mechanism, Richard was able to use a simple direct lever
+connection, as the forces involved in his instruments, being
+concentrated, were not greatly hampered by friction.[33] By 1900 these
+simple and inexpensive instruments had relegated to the scrap pile,
+unfortunately literally, the elegant products of the mass attack of
+observatory directors in the 1860's on the problem of the
+self-registering thermometer and barometer.[34]
+
+
+
+
+Conclusions
+
+
+In view of the rarity of special studies on the history of
+meteorological instruments, it is impossible to claim that this brief
+review has neglected no important instruments, and conclusions as to the
+lineage of the late 19th century instruments can only be tentatively
+drawn. The conclusion is inescapable, however, that the majority of the
+instruments upon which the self-registering systems of the late 19th
+century were based had been proposed and, in most cases, actually
+constructed in the 17th century. It is also evident that in the 17th
+century at least one attempt was made at a system as comprehensive as
+any accomplished in the 19th century.
+
+[Illustration: Figure 16.--Richard's registering aneroid barometer, an
+instrument used at the U.S. Weather Bureau about 1888. The Richard
+registering thermometer is similar, the aneroid being replaced by an
+alcohol-filled Bourdon tube. (_USNM 252981; Smithsonian photo
+46740-C_.)]
+
+To attribute the success of self-registering instruments in the late
+19th century to the unquestionable improvements in the techniques of the
+instrument-maker is to beg the question, for it is by no means clear
+that the techniques of the 17th-century instrument-maker were unequal to
+the task. It should also be noted that the photographic and
+electromagnetic systems of the 19th century seem to have been something
+of an interlude, for some of the latest and most durable (all of
+Draper's and Richard's instruments and Marvin's barograph) were purely
+mechanical instruments, as had been those of Hooke and Wren. If we
+conclude that the 19th-century instruments were more accurate, we should
+also recall Forbes' comments upon the question of instrumental accuracy.
+
+What, then, was the essential difference between the 17th and 19th
+centuries that made possible the development of the self-registering
+observatory? It would appear to have been a difference of degree--the
+maturation in the 19th century of certain features of the 17th. The
+most important of these features were the spread throughout the western
+world of the spirit that had animated the scientific societies of
+Florence and London, the continued popularity of the astronomical
+observatory as an object of the philanthropy of an affluent society, and
+the continued existence of the nonspecialized scientist. Under these
+circumstances such nonmeteorologists as Wheatstone, Henry, Hough, Wild,
+and Secci had the temerity to range over the whole of the not yet
+compartmented branches of science and technology, fully confident that
+they were capable of finding thereby a solution to any problem important
+enough to warrant their attention.
+
+
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+
+[1] On early meteorological instruments see A. Wolf, _A History of
+Science, Technology and Philosophy in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth
+Centuries_, New York, 1935, and E. Gerland and F. Traumüller,
+_Geschichte der physikalischen Experimentierkunst_, Leipzig, 1899. On
+the recognition of the meteorological significance of the barometer by
+Torricelli and its meteorological use in 1649 see K. Schneider-Carius,
+_Wetterkunde Wetterforschung_, Freiburg and Munich, 1955, pp. 62, 71.
+
+[2] Bacon's book emphasizes "direct" and "indirect" experiments, and
+calls for the systematization of observation, but it does not mention
+instruments. It is reprinted in Basil Montagu's _The Works of Francis
+Bacon, Lord Chancellor of England,_ London, 1825, vols. 10 and 14.
+
+[3] Wolf, _op. cit._ (footnote 1), pp. 312, 316-320. The interest of the
+Royal Society in the barometer seems to have been initiated by
+Descartes' theory that the instrument's variation was caused by the
+pressure of the moon.
+
+[4] _On early meteorology in the United States see the report of Joseph
+Henry in Report of the Commissioner of Patents, Agriculture, for the
+Year 1855_, 1856, p. 357ff.; also, _Army Meteorological Register for
+Twelve Years, 1843-1854_, 1855, introduction.
+
+[5] J. D. Forbes, "Report upon the Recent Progress and Present State of
+Meteorology," _Report of the First and Second Meetings of the British
+Association for the Advancement of Science, 1831 and 1832_, 1833, pp.
+196-197.
+
+[6] On the instruments used at Mannheim see Gerland and Traumüller, _op.
+cit._ footnote 1, p. 349ff. The Princeton physicist Arnold Guyot
+prepared a set of instructions for observers that was published in
+_Tenth Annual Report ... of the Smithsonian Institution_, 1856, p.
+215ff. It appears from the _Annual Report of the British Association for
+the Advance of Science_ in the 1830's that the instruments used in
+England were nearly the same as those later adopted by the Smithsonian,
+although British observatories were beginning to experiment with the
+self-registering anemometer at that time. A typical set of the
+Smithsonian instruments is shown in figure 1.
+
+[7] H. Alan Lloyd, "Horology and Meteorology," _Journal Suisse
+d'Horlogerie_, November-December, 1953, nos. 11, 12, p. 372, fig. 1.
+
+[8] R. T. Gunther, _Early Science in Oxford_, vol. 6, _The Life and Work
+of Robert Hooke_, pt. 1, Oxford, 1930, p. 196. In 1670, Hooke's proposed
+clock was referred to as "such a one, as Dr. Wren had formerly
+contrived" (Gunther, p. 365).
+
+[9] William Derham, _Philosophical Experiments and Observations of ...
+Dr. Robert Hooke_, London, 1726, pp. 41-42 (reprinted in Gunther, _op.
+cit._ footnote 8, vol. 7, pp. 519-520). This description, dated December
+5, 1678, predates the Royal Society's request for a description
+(Gunther, _op. cit._ footnote 8, p. 656) by four months, but the Society
+no longer has any description of the clock. As to the actual completion
+of the clock, the president of the Society visited "Mr. Hooke's turret"
+to see it in January of 1678/79 but it was not reported "ready to be
+shown" until the following May (Gunther, pp. 506, 518).
+
+[10] Wren's clock and its wind vane and anemometer, thermometer,
+barometer, and rain gauge are described by T. Sprat, _The History of the
+Royal Society..._, London, 1667, pp. 312-313. On the balance-barometer,
+see also footnote 28, below, and figure 4.
+
+[11] Since the above was written, additional information on this clock
+has been published by H. E. Hoff and L. A. Geddes, "Graphic Recording
+before Carl Ludwig: An Historical Summary," _Archives Internationales
+d'Histoire des Sciences_, 1959, vol. 12, pp. 1-25. Hoff and Geddes call
+attention to a report on the clock by Monconys, who saw the instrument
+in 1663 and published a brief description and crude sketch (Balthasar
+Monconys, _Les Voyages de Balthasar de Monconys; Documents pour
+l'Histoire de la Science, avec une Introduction par M. Charles Henry_,
+Paris, 1887). Monconys says that the thermometer "causes a tablet to
+rise and fall while a pencil bears against it." The instrument shown in
+his sketch resembles a Galilean thermoscope.
+
+[12] Hooke's "oat-beard hygrometer" was described in 1667, but
+Torricelli seems to have invented the same thing in 1646, according to
+E. Gerland, "Historical Sketch of Instrumental Meteorology," in "Report
+of the International Meteorological Congress Held at Chicago, Ill.,
+August 21-24, 1893," O. L. Fassig, ed., _U.S. Weather Bureau Bulletin
+No. 11_, pt. 3, 1896, pp. 687-699.
+
+[13] But a Dutch patent was awarded to one William Douglas in 1627 for
+the determination of wind pressure (G. Doorman, _Patents for Inventions
+in the Netherlands during the 16th, 17th and 18th Centuries_, The Hague,
+1942, p. 127), and Leonardo da Vinci left a sketch of both a wind
+pressure meter and a hygrometer (_Codex Atlanticus_, 249 va and 8 vb).
+
+[14] Gunther, _op. cit._ (footnote 8), pp. 433, 502.
+
+[15] Battista della Valle, _Vallo Libro Continente Appertiniente ad
+Capitanii, Retenere and Fortificare una Citta..._, Venetia, 1523
+(reported under the date 1524 in G. H. Baillie, _Clocks and Watches, an
+Historical Bibliography_, London, 1951).
+
+[16] Dolland's instrument, called an "atmospheric recorder," is
+described in the _Official, Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue to the
+Great Exhibition, 1851,_ London, 1851, pt. 2, pp. 414-415. As the George
+Dolland who joined the famous Dolland firm in 1804 would have been about
+80 years of age in 1850, the George Dolland who exhibited this
+instrument may have been a younger relative.
+
+[17] The Osler anemometer and most of the other self-registering
+instruments mentioned in this paper are described and illustrated in C.
+Abbe, "Treatise on Meteorological Apparatus and Methods," _Annual Report
+of the Chief Signal Officer for 1887_, Washington, 1888. The use of the
+Osler instrument at the British Association's observatory at Plymouth is
+mentioned in the Association's annual reports from 1838. There were a
+number of earlier self-registering anemometers, but no evidence of their
+extended use. See J. K. Laughton, "Historical Sketch of Anemometry and
+Anemometers," _Quarterly Journal of the Royal Meteorological Society_,
+1882, vol. 8, pp. 161-188.
+
+[18] On Ronalds' work see reports of the British Association for the
+Advancement of Science, from 1846 to 1850. On Brooke's work see
+_Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London_, 1847, vol.
+137, pp. 59-68.
+
+[19] C. Abbe, "The Meteorological Work of the U.S. Signal Service, 1870
+to 1871," in Fassig, _op. cit._ (footnote 12), pt. 2, 1895, p. 263.
+
+[20] _Annual Report of the Director of the Meteorological Observatory_,
+Central Park, New York, 1871, p. 1ff.
+
+[21] _Oesterreichische Gesellschaft für Meteorologie, Zeitschrift_,
+1871, vol. 6, pp. 104, 117.
+
+[22] P. H. Carl, _Repertorium für physikalische Technik_, Munich, 1867,
+p. 162ff.
+
+[23] E. Lacroix, _Études sur l'Exposition de 1867_, Paris, 1867, vol. 2,
+p. 313ff. See also, Reports of the U.S. Commissioners to the Paris
+Universal Exposition, 1867, vol. 3, Washington, 1870, p. 570ff.
+
+[24] _Annals of the Dudley Observatory_, 1871, vol. 2, p. vii ff.
+
+[25] Karl Kreil, _Entwurf eines meteorologischen Beobachtungs-Systems
+für die österreichische Monarchie_, Vienna, 1850.
+
+[26] _Report of the 13th Meeting of the British Association for the
+Advancement of Science_, 1843, 1844, p. xi ff. I have found no other
+reference to this instrument. Considerable attention was given to the
+thermometer, however, for Wheatstone proposed to send it aloft in a
+balloon for the measurement of temperatures at high altitudes. A small
+clock caused a vertical rack to ascend and descend once in six minutes.
+The rack carried a platinum wire which moved within the thermometer over
+28 degrees. From a galvanic battery and a galvanometer on the ground two
+insulated copper wires were to extend to the balloon, one connected to
+the mercury and the other to the clock frame. The deflection of the
+galvanometer was to be timed with a second clock on the ground.
+(Professor Wheatstone, "Report on the Electro-Magnetic Meteorological
+Register," _Mechanics' Magazine_, London, 1843, vol. 39, p. 204).
+
+[27] In 1662 Hooke had proposed the use of a bimetallic pendulum for the
+temperature compensation of clocks. Thermometers on this principle were
+described to the Royal Society in 1748 and in 1760 (_Philosophical
+Transactions of the Royal Society of London_, 1748, vol. 45, p. 128;
+1760, vol. 51, p. 823). Some systems used a bimetallic thermometer in
+the sun and a mercurial instrument in the shade.
+
+[28] This instrument has been persistently associated with Sir Samuel
+Morland (1625-1695). For example, A. Sprung of the Deutsche Seewarte
+described his own balance-barometer as a "Wagebarograph nach Samuel
+Morland" (in L. Loewenherz, _Bericht über die wissenschaftlichen
+Instrumente auf der Berliner Gewerbeausstellung im Jahre 1879_, Berlin,
+1880, p. 230ff). Sprat (_op. cit._ footnote 10, p. 313) reported that
+Wren had proposed "balances to shew the weight of the air by their
+spontaneous inclination." This must, therefore, be Wren's invention,
+unless he got it from Morland, who does not seem to have published
+anything about the barometer but only to have described some ideas to a
+friend. But Morland's was probably the _inclined_ and not the _balance_
+barometer. (See under "barometer" in Charles Hutton, _Mathematical and
+Philosophical Dictionary_, London, 1796, vol. 1; also J. K. Fischer,
+_Physikalisches Wörterbuch, Göttingen_, 1798).
+
+[29] Leibniz, in several letters--beginning with one to Denys Papin on
+June 21, 1697--proposed the making of a barometer on the model of a
+bellows. Of subsequent versions of such a barometer, that of Vidi
+(described by Poggendorff, _Annalen der Physik und Chemie_, 1848, Band
+73, p. 620) is generally regarded as the first practical aneroid (see
+also Gerland and Traumüller, _op. cit._ footnote 1, pp. 239, 323).
+
+[30] T. R. Robinson, "Modification of Dr. Whewell's Anemometer for
+Measuring the Velocity of the Wind," _Report of the 16th Meeting of the
+British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1846_, 1847, pt. 2,
+p. 111.
+
+[31] Abbe, _op. cit._ (footnote 19), pp. 263-264.
+
+[32] Because of its superior accuracy to the aneroid barograph, Marvin's
+barometer was in use through the 1940's. See R. N. Covert,
+"Meteorological Instruments and Apparatus Employed by the United States
+Weather Bureau," _Journal of the Optical Society of America_, 1925, vol.
+10, p. 322.
+
+[33] Both of Richard's instruments (described in _Bulletin Mensuel de la
+Société d'Encouragement pour l'Industrie Nationale_, November 1882, ser.
+3, vol. 9, pp. 531-543) were in use at Kew by 1885 and at the U.S.
+Weather Bureau by 1888. The firm of Richard Freres claimed in 1889 to
+have made 7,000 registering instruments, of which the majority were
+probably thermographs and barographs. At that time, certainly no other
+maker had made more than a small fraction of this number of
+self-registering instruments. The origin of Richard's thermograph seems
+to have been the "elastic manometer" described by E. Bourdon in 1851
+(_Bulletin de la Société d'Encouragement pour l'Industrie Nationale_,
+1851, no. 562, p. 197). While attempting to restore a flattened
+still-pipe, Bourdon had discovered the property of tubes to change shape
+under fluid pressure. The instrument he developed in consequence became
+the standard steam pressure gauge.
+
+[34] A few of these instruments, such as the Marvin barograph, survived
+for some time because of their superior accuracy. Even as museum pieces,
+only a few exist today.
+
+
+
+
+U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE, 1961.
+
+For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing
+Office, Washington 25, D.C. - Price 25 cents
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Note:
+
+
+Minor errors in punctuation have been corrected without note. The
+following typographical errors in the original have been corrected:
+
+P. 110: 'a panopoly of gadgetry': corrected to panoply
+P. 113, caption to Figure 13: 'Feuss': corrected to Fuess
+Footnote 28: 'Gewerbeaustellung': corrected to Gewerbeausstellung
+Footnote 28: 'Physikalisches Worterbuch': corrected to Wörterbuch
+Footnote 29: 'see also Gerland and Traümuller': corrected to Traumüller
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Introduction of Self-Registering
+Meteorological Instruments, by Robert P. Multhauf
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SELF-REG. METEOROLOGICAL INSTRUMENTS ***
+
+***** This file should be named 32482-8.txt or 32482-8.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+ https://www.gutenberg.org/3/2/4/8/32482/
+
+Produced by Colin Bell, Louise Pattison and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+https://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
+paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works. See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+ the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+ you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
+ owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+ has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+ Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
+ must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+ prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+ returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+ sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+ address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+ the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+ you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+ does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+ License. You must require such a user to return or
+ destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+ and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+ Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+ money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+ electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+ of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+ distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at https://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+ Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+ Chief Executive and Director
+ gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit https://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
+donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+ https://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.