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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/31331-h.zip b/31331-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..e487218 --- /dev/null +++ b/31331-h.zip diff --git a/31331-h/31331-h.htm b/31331-h/31331-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..162b4d0 --- /dev/null +++ b/31331-h/31331-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,1170 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Ballotless Victims of One-Party Governments, by Archibald H. Grimke. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> + + p {margin-top: .75em; text-align: justify; margin-bottom: .75em;} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 {text-align: center; clear: both;} + + hr {width: 33%; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 2em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; clear: both;} + + body {margin-left: 12%; margin-right: 12%;} + + .pagenum {position: absolute; left: 92%; font-size: smaller; text-align: right;} + + .poem {margin-left:15%; margin-right:15%;} + + .center {text-align: center;} + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + + .dropfig {float: left; clear: left; margin: 0 2px 0 0;} + + ins.correction {text-decoration:none; border-bottom: thin solid gray;} + + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Ballotless Victim of One-Party +Governments, by Archibald H. Grimke + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Ballotless Victim of One-Party Governments + The American Negro Academy, Occasional Papers No. 16 + +Author: Archibald H. Grimke + +Release Date: February 20, 2010 [EBook #31331] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BALLOTLESS VICTIM *** + + + + +Produced by Suzanne Shell, Stephanie Eason, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. + + + + + + +</pre> + + + + +<h3>OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 16.</h3> +<h3><span class="smcap">The American Negro Academy.</span></h3> +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h1>THE BALLOTLESS VICTIM OF<br />ONE-PARTY GOVERNMENTS.</h1> +<p> </p> +<h3>ANNUAL ADDRESS</h3> +<h3>BY ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKE</h3> +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h4>PRICE, 15 CENTS.</h4> +<p> </p> +<h4>WASHINGTON, D. C.:<br />PUBLISHED BY THE ACADEMY,<br />1913</h4> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE BALLOTLESS VICTIM OF ONE-PARTY GOVERNMENTS.</h2> + +<p><span class="dropfig"><img src="images/imgt.png" style="margin-top: -0.5em; margin-bottom: -1em;" alt="T" /></span>he legal status +of the Negro in the United States is difficult to define +or describe, because on paper he is an American citizen, entitled to the +rights of an American citizen, but in practice he does not get what he is +entitled to or anything like it in certain parts of the Republic. His life +is safe-guarded by written law, and so is his liberty and his activities +in pursuit of happiness and to better his condition. Moreover in order +that he may protect himself against the predatory aggression and greed of +other citizens he is invested by the supreme law of the land with the +right to vote, with a voice in the Government, to enable him to defend +himself against the enactment of bad and unequal laws and against their +bad and unequal administration. Certainly the Negro seems to be the equal +in rights of any other American. That he is on paper there is not a doubt, +but that he is not in reality there is not a doubt either. What he is +entitled to does not anywhere in the South and in some states of the North +square itself with what he actually enjoys. There is an enormous +discrepancy in his case between National promise or guarantees and +National performance or possessions. He is an American citizen under the +National Constitution. To be sure he is, but with a big qualification. He +has the right to reach up and out and to grow in every direction like +other American citizens whose race and color are different from his own. +Not a doubt of it in legal theory but when he puts his theoretical rights +to the test of fact he finds that he is different, that he may not do many +of the things which white men all about him are doing all the time. He +finds that even the Chinese who are denied citizenship in the Republic, +receive better treatment, are accorded larger liberties as men than are +allowed him in the South.</p> + +<p>Why is this? Why does the Negro occupy this very anomalous position in his +country? Is it because he is an alien? It cannot really be that, because +he is not an alien. But perhaps it is because the whites choose to make +believe that he is an alien, which comes nearer the real reason. +Nevertheless no alien is he any more than are the whites themselves, if +duration of occupancy of the soil has anything to do with making a race +native and to the manner born. Is it because the Negro has proved himself +an undesirable citizen? Certainly not if past services to the country of +the greatest value are any proof to the contrary. In the Revolutionary War +he was no insignificant factor in achieving American independence; and in +the War of 1812 which defended this independence against British +aggression; and in the Civil War which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> saved the Union and abolished +slavery; and in the Spanish-American War which removed a chronic peril to +the National peace and added immensely to the National domain. Nor has he +failed as a laborer, for he does annually his share of the work of the +Nation, and in the production of its wealth. Without Negro labor how much +less cotton would the South produce annually, or sugar or rice or tobacco, +think you? His labor besides is very much in evidence in southern mines +and mills and trades. Then, has he ever plotted against the Government, +state or national, was he ever as a class a menace to law and order, or an +enemy to property, or a breeder of industrial unrest and violence? On the +contrary has he not been patient and peaceful and cheerful under wrongs +which would have made any other class of Americans sullen and dangerous +and lawless? No, he is not an undesirable citizen for these sufficient +reasons, but there is yet another good answer on this head. Negro labor +could not in any considerable numbers leave the South voluntarily because +Southern capital and landed interests would not let it, would resist by +force if found necessary its migration to other parts.</p> + +<p>This sounds singular in this land of the free and it is singular, for of +no other class of American labor could it be said that its right to +migrate from one state to another is actually obstructed by law and would +be resisted by force. It is singular but it is nevertheless true. If a +thousand, or ten thousand, or a hundred thousand agricultural laborers in +the West were to make up their minds to move to the cotton belt of the +South, they would be free to do so, regardless of the injury which Western +farmers might suffer in consequence of their migration. But if one hundred +thousand, or ten thousand, or even one thousand Negro cotton pickers +desired to quit picking cotton and to seek their fortune in <ins class="correction" title="original reads 'othe'">other</ins> states, +does anyone imagine that they would be allowed to depart in peace, that +they would not find rather by violent experience that they are not at +liberty to make the change? The South does not regard the Negro laborer +then as undesirable but quite the contrary—only it wants to retain +possession of it on its own terms, not on those advantageous to that +labor.</p> + +<p>As an American citizen then the Negro has a paper right to move freely +from one place to another, but in the South were he to attempt to realize +on this right he would in all probability find himself realizing on a +totally different proposition—maybe the chain gang at the hands of a +prejudiced court on some trumped up charge of an employer, or death at the +hands of a mob. This sounds amazing and it is amazing because it fits the +Negro’s case so exactly, because it is an accurate description of his +condition as an agricultural laborer in many of the Southern states.</p> + +<p>On every hand over against his paper rights as a citizen, the Negro faces +facts which make his citizenship seem like a snare and a delusion. Let us +suppose that a member of the American<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> Negro Academy wishes with wife or +daughter to visit Florida for his health. He cannot make the journey there +like a white man, whether citizen or foreigner, or like any other +traveller to that section whatever his race since he be not a Negro. And +it makes no difference how refined or educated or wealthy or infirm or +aged a colored passenger may be, whether man, woman or child, he +encounters the same unjust and unequal treatment at the hands of the +railroads. What though he has paid for himself and wife or daughter the +same fare which passengers of the favored class pay, he finds that there +is a vast difference between what he gets and what they get for precisely +the same money. They get always the best accommodations for themselves and +families, while he gets the worst. There is not a restaurant along the +route where he may get a meal, and not a hotel which would give him a bed +over night. If he can afford it he may procure a seat in a Pullman, and +then again he may not be able to do so, and in this case as in the event +of his not being able to afford to buy a seat in a Pullman, he must make +the journey in a “Jim Crow” car, without separate toilet arrangements for +the sexes, deficient in soap and towels, in water and in general and +particular cleanliness, exposed constantly to the intrusions and the +fumes, alcoholic and tobacco, of white men passing to and from their +smoker, which is one-half of the “Jim Crow” coach and divided from it only +by an inadequate partition.</p> + +<p>The colored passenger is, to be sure, an American citizen on paper, but +what is it worth to him under the circumstances? Can it compel railroads +to furnish him decent accommodations, which federal law provides shall be +equal to those furnished to white passengers, and for which the colored +passenger pays the same fare as the white one? It is notorious that the +accommodations furnished by the railroads in interstate commerce to their +colored passengers are inferior to those which they furnish white +passengers for the same fare. The Interstate Commerce Commission knows +this and knows it well, yet it makes no determined and persistent attempt +to compel railroads to give to their colored passengers accommodations +equal to those which they furnish their white ones. It is too busy +attending to the more important business relating to the property rights +and interests of shippers and capitalists to spare the time to break up an +evil which makes the existence of colored interstate passengers an +unbroken experience of bitter hardships and humiliations. Surely there are +American citizens and American citizens—citizens whom Government protects +and enables to make good their claim to equality before the law, and other +citizens whom Government does not protect or enable to make good their +claim to equality before the law. And to this latter class belongs the +Negro nearly every time and almost everywhere.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span>The Negro is the great American anomaly. Judged by his rights on paper his +citizenship is indisputable, but judged by his rights in fact it is full +of mutilations and amputations which disfigure it almost beyond +recognition. One-half of it appears in the light clothed with fragments of +his rights, and the other half is in eclipse, exposed naked to biting cold +and bitter wrong. He appeals to good men and true in the South and in the +North and in the Government too, to give him what he is entitled to. He +does not get it or anything like it. There does not appear to be common +honesty and decency enough in the railroads to give him what he pays for +as an interstate traveller, human compassion to say nothing of common +justice enough in the Interstate Commerce Commission to enforce against +the railroads the law made by the Government to conciliate the race +prejudice of the South. The separate car feature of the Railroad Rate Bill +was inserted in deference to the demand of the South, and the equal +accommodation feature as an act of plain commercial justice to the Negro. +The South has never failed to get its separate cars, while the Negro has +never failed either to receive the most unequal accommodations in open +violation of the provisions of that bill.</p> + +<p>But this is not all or anything like all that mars almost beyond +recognition the citizenship of the Negro. If one doubts this, let him go +into the South and let him venture to incite the Negroes there to an +assertion of their rights. Freedom of the press is theirs under the +Constitution. Does anyone suppose that they would be allowed to say +publicly what they think about the un-Christian and undemocratic way in +which they are treated? Let them try it and see what will happen to them, +that is, if they be wholly reckless of consequences. Freedom of the press +is another of their rights, one of the boasted bulwarks of the +Constitution. Does anyone suppose that they would be allowed to write as +freely or anything like as freely about white men and women, especially +the latter, as white men write about colored men and women? Let some +colored editor make the experiment and tell afterward what happened to him +hot on the heels of his article. He may not be able to enlighten the +public but the associated press dispatch will give the grim facts relating +to the end of that editor, who undertook to monkey with the buzz saw of +the freedom of the press in a Southern community.</p> + +<p>Another of the sacred rights which appertain to the Negro’s American +citizenship is the right of public assembly to consider his grievances and +discuss measures for their redress. Well, if any group of Negroes in +almost any part of the South are hunting for trouble, let them get up a +public meeting for such a purpose, and give vent to the righteous +indignation against oppressions which ought to stir the blood of any man +who is not a slave, and then watch results. A flaming spirit will +presently appear in the midst of that meeting, and it will not be the +flaming spirit of liberty, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> of a Southern mob on arson and murder +bent. Negro property will be burned and Negro <ins class="correction" title="original reads 'blocd'">blood</ins> will be shed, and that +without stint or mercy. The Negro’s Constitutional right to assemble to +consider his wrongs is in reality too weak to resist the murderous +violence of a Southern mob. The mob burns Negroes and their property +almost everywhere in the South with absolute impunity. Nothing is done by +the authorities to punish the mob or to protect their victims. And yet +both the mob and its victims are American citizens, entitled alike on +paper to the law’s protection and amenable alike to its penalties. The +white man enjoys a monopoly of the first and the Negro gets the lion’s +share of the second. The colored man who has the temerity to agitate for +his rights in the South may find himself agitating speedily at the end of +a rope, unless he more speedily finds some hole in the ground to give him +the protection which Government refuses him. He would in that event be +surer of the thing which he seeks if the hole in the ground were a hole in +some grave yard, for then the hole might be pulled in after him, when he +would find rest at last—surcease from all the cruel perplexities and +inequalities of his American citizenship.</p> + +<p>Again I ask why is all this thus? It is not because the Negro is an alien +or because he is an undesirable citizen. For he is not that at all, as we +have seen, but quite the contrary. But how explain this enormous +contradiction between the rights which he is legally entitled to and those +which he actually possesses? Here he is fifty years after emancipation, +forty-four years after his investiture with American citizenship, and +forty-two years after the adoption of the great Amendment to the +Constitution which gave him the right to vote, a voice in making the laws, +not more than half free, than half a citizen in many States of the Union. +Why is this so, I ask again? Is it not because he is the ballotless victim +in those states of one-party governments in which he is denied a voice? In +1866 Governor John A. Andrew foresaw clearly what would be the fate of the +Negro in the old slave states without the ballot. The condition which the +great War Governor foresaw then fits remarkably well the Negro’s actual +condition to-day in certain sections of the nation. “Meanwhile,” he said, +“the disfranchised freedmen, hated by some because he is black, contemned +by some because he has been a slave, feared by some because of the +antagonisms of society, is condemned to the condition of a hopeless pariah +of a merciless civilization. In the community he is not of it. He neither +belongs to a master nor to society.” The thing which John A. Andrew +foresaw in 1866 as likely to come to pass in case of disfranchisement of +the blacks, has been coming to pass ever since. And the cause which has +reduced the Negro to his present anomalous position in the Republic of +which he is a citizen, is his lack of the right to vote, which makes its +possessor a part of the community in which he lives, and enables him to +make that community respond to his needs as a vital part of its body +social and politic.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span>The Negro in the mass is a disfranchised man. His political influence in +Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina +and Virginia is practically at the zero point. The mass of the +disfranchised in those seven Southern States is so great that by the law +of gravitation its very weight and number affect more or less adversely +the status of the rest of the race in other states. The disfranchised +Negro operates in many ways to depreciate the rights of the enfranchised +Negro, and to draw him by the invisible threads of race kinship and of +race prejudice toward if not quite within the zone of his own limitations +and disabilities. A disfranchised class in an industrial republic like +ours is as much at the mercy of an enfranchised class as is a flock of +shepherdless sheep at the mercy of a pack of wolves. The wolves will +devour the sheep and the enfranchised class will prey on the disfranchised +class. To the wall the weak will be driven and harried and destroyed +whether they be sheep or men, and this the strong will do every time +whether they be men or wolves. The shepherd protects the sheep from the +depredations of the wolves, and the ballot protects poverty against +property, a weak race or class against the hate and aggressions of +stronger ones within the same country.</p> + +<p>A citizen without the ballot in America is in fact, whatever he may be in +law, a de-citizenized man—exposed in consequence to the enmities, the +jealousies, the insults and the violence of other citizens who are more +fortunate in this regard. He is, whatever may be his legal status on +paper, a proscribed man, subject to unmerited and unmeasured ignominies +and injustices at the hands of his country, its society, its passions and +prejudices. Governor Andrew was right, a disfranchised man, a +disfranchised class must become ultimately, “The hopeless pariah of a +merciless civilization.” This is the peril, the fate which hangs over the +colored race at the close of the first fifty years of its emancipation.</p> + +<p>Governor Andrew’s scheme for the reconstruction of the rebel states +included not only the extension of the suffrage to the blacks but the +re-admission to their full citizenship of the class of old slaveholders +who had carried those states out of the Union. They were needed as leaders +in the work of restoration and reconstruction, he shrewdly argued. And he +was right. They were indeed the natural leaders of the South, and had they +turned their backs upon the past and faced patriotically the new problems +and the new posture of their affairs they might have led both races into +the promised land of freedom and peace and Southern industrial expansion +and greatness. Had they seized their golden opportunity for progressive +and constructive statesmanship, the sceptre of their ascendency in the +governments of their section could not have been wrested from them by +another class of whites, risen since the war, who distrust and hate them, +but they might instead have transmitted their ascendency undiminished to +their descendants, who ought to be today the leaders of the new South.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span>The course laid down by Governor Andrew was not followed either by the +South or by the North. The Southern leaders taking advantage of the +opportunity given them by Andrew Johnson reconstructed their section along +the lines of their old social system, reducing its changes to a minimum. +They emerged out of their reconstruction operation with a Negro serf +system to take the place of their old slave system. The Negro as a serf +was just about as valuable as an industrial asset to the great landlords +and to the small ones too for that matter, as had been the Negro as a +slave. Just about as much unpaid and involuntary labor could be got out of +the first as out of the last. Thus did the old master class perform their +task without changing materially their old social system. But they +likewise issued from their labors not less fortunate in another respect. +Their old political power would not suffer any radical change in +consequence of the abolition of slavery either. For whereas five slaves +had counted for them in the ante bellum apportionment of representatives +as three freemen, five serfs would count in the post-bellum apportionment +as five free men—a pretty large gain for the new power over the old one +in federal numbers. But in achieving this double success the old master +class overreached itself. The return of the South into the newly restored +Union stronger as a serf power than it had been as a slave power aroused +the instant fear of the North and set Congress in motion to thwart such +reappearance of that section into the arena of national politics.</p> + +<p>Congress thereupon took upon itself the work of Southern reconstruction. +The extreme gravity of the situation as it affected the Negro lay in the +political solidity of that section with its one-party governments in which +he was denied a voice. His freedom could not long survive such a +combination of Southern race prejudice and passion and political power as +constituted at that time the solid South and its one-party governments. +They were then and they continue to be the greatest obstacle to the +freedom and advancement of the Negro as an American citizen. They +signalized their first entrance upon the stage of national affairs by an +attempt to create a serf class out of their former slaves. When I say that +they constitute the greatest obstacle to the freedom and advancement of +the Negro, I mean, of course, the greatest obstacle outside of the Negro +himself. For I take it that no race that possesses intelligence, industry +and character, coupled with unity of purpose and action can be kept +forever out of its rights and in a backward state even by the American +white people, accomplished as they are in this species of national +wickedness, unless they intend to reverse the wheel of their progress and +to retrograde in free institutions and civilization.</p> + +<p>Against Southern political solidity and its one-party governments Congress +directed its reconstruction measures. With the dissolution of this +solidity and the introduction of bi-party in place<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> of one-party +governments the Republican leaders looked for the passing of the danger to +Northern sectional supremacy and the freedom of the Negro. The freedmen +were utilized at this juncture to effect the necessary changes in the +Southern situation which the exigency demanded. He was first raised to +citizenship, and when that proved inadequate to meet the emergency, he was +invested with the right to vote on equal terms with the whites. This great +constitutional revolution in the status of the Negro laid the basis for a +political revolution in the old slave states also. The solid South was +dissolved for the nonce and two-party governments made their re-entrance +upon the stage of Southern affairs. There followed prompt repeal of the +reactionary legislation hostile to the Negro, which had signalized the +rise to power of the solid South and its one-party governments. The North +received its share likewise of the gains incident to this revolution in +the increase of its partisan strength in both branches of the National +Legislature, and which in turn confirmed its political domination in the +Union.</p> + +<p>The changes wrought in the South by the reconstruction measures did not +last. Those measures afforded temporary relief and that was all. They did +not go deep enough and besides the whites refused to cooperate with the +blacks to make them a success. They failed to moderate or abate Southern +opinions, race prejudice and passions and were therefore doomed to fail as +an experiment in social and political reconstruction. Social and political +reconstruction in those states it seems now must come from within and by +voluntary action not from without and by compulsory legislation. This is +true today whatever might have been possible in this regard immediately +after the overthrow of the Southern Confederacy. What was attempted then +and failed would certainly fail today if it were possible to repeat the +self same experiment. The repetition of such an attempt, however, being +wholly outside of the range of the probable in American politics makes all +speculation as to what might be its fate therefore nugatory.</p> + +<p>After the Presidential election of 1876, the North abandoned its attempt +to reconstruct the South and to keep it reconstructed according to its +standard of justice and political proportion. The stream of reaction +against the Negro set in strongly from that time and it has gathered +volume each succeeding year since. The failure of the old master class to +seize the opportunity which had come to them a second time, following the +collapse of the Rebellion, for progressive and constructive leadership of +their section on the race question was an egregious blunder. They set in +motion instead the forces and passions which have at length wrested the +ballot from the Negro. But they themselves have not escaped the +consequences of their egregious blunder, for a new class of whites have in +turn wrested from them their leadership in Southern affairs. The black +seeds of this blunder of the old master class to lead their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> section in +social justice and progress, the bitter years have ploughed deep into the +life of both races. From the black seeds of their blunder black crops of +race hatred and crime and misery have been reaped annually by the South +along with those other crops of cotton and rice and sugar and tobacco, and +sent like them to all parts of the Republic.</p> + +<p>The process of Southern political solidification, partially suspended for +a few years, resumed promptly after 1876 all of its natural functions and +its one party governments. Since that time legislation hostile to the +Negro has increased enormously in that section. Its old reconstructed +State Constitutions have been one by one revised most favorably to the +whites and most unfavorably and unjustly for the blacks. For what with +grandfather and understanding clauses, educational and property +qualifications, partisan registration boards and election supervisors and +white primaries, the great majority of the colored people have been +excluded from the electorate, from any voice in the Government, while the +vote of the small minority who are included in the electorate has been +reduced to a nullity by their exclusion from the white primaries. The +states which have thus revised their constitutions have thereby effected +the practical disfranchisement of their entire colored population. While +they have done this they have managed at the same time to leave the ballot +in the hands of every white man.</p> + +<p>Under such unequal conditions, the white man is immune from legislation +and administration unfriendly to his class, while the black man is exposed +to the aggressions of this favored class; either directly through mobs or +indirectly through hostile legislation and administration, which fix upon +him the brand of a caste whose members have no rights in Southern society +which white men are bound to respect. Such social injustice and political +inequality as exist between the races in the South are bad for the whites +as they are bad for the blacks—are very bad for their collective +interests and for the National interests of the great industrial democracy +of which they form a part. Is it astonishing then that under such +circumstances there have sprung up and flourish in the South the peonage +and convict lease systems, the plantation lease and credit systems, +contract labor and “Jim Crow” laws, lynching and the inequitable +distribution of the public school funds between the races? For the +Southern white man, and he is not different from any other white man or +black man either for that matter who possesses irresponsible power over +others, regulates his conduct toward the Negro in his midst by the law of +might, which allows him with a good conscience to do to the Negro whatever +he wants to do, and to take from him whatever he wants to take whether +life or liberty, while it forbids his victim to do what he wants to do; or +to retain what belongs to him as an American citizen whether it be his +life or his liberty—that is, to do so by identically<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> the same means +which white men use to retain what belongs to them under similar +circumstances.</p> + +<p>Things would undoubtedly be different for the colored people in those +states had they though slight, some positive and appreciable influence at +the polls. Their condition would not even then be ideal—far from it. But +their hard lot as men would improve, their worth as citizens, their social +and industrial value to their community, state and country would rise +correspondingly in the scale of being and character, with the increased +freedom, self-respect and security which in consequence would come to them +as a race. Legislatures and administrative officers would begin to make +some response to their claim for social justice and political rights, and +the courts would begin also to lend a more <ins class="correction" title="original reads 'atttentive'">attentive</ins> ear to their rights +of person and property. The end of all those terrible systems which +exploit and rob and oppress them and keep them poor and ignorant and weak, +the sad victims of race prejudice and greed and cruelty, would grow nearer +to the perfect day of the race’s final deliverance as American citizens. +They would begin to get for their children more and better schools and +longer school terms, and for their teachers more equal pay as compared +with that received by white teachers for similar service.</p> + +<p>Such is the deplorable situation of the Negro in the South at the close of +the first fifty years of his freedom. There will be no improvement in that +situation to any material extent until he gets the ballot, a voice in the +government of those states. He can not obtain a voice in those governments +of and by himself. He must get help from some power outside of himself. +But from whom and in what direction ought he to look for it? Not certainly +from the North, from the Republican Party. For they gave up long ago +trying to solve the problem how to make a vote in that section count as +much as a vote in the solid South. They will not again enact a Force Bill +or attempt to do so or anything like it. They have during recent years +made no movement to execute that clause of the Fourteenth Amendment which +provides for a reduction of Southern representation in the lower Branch of +Congress proportioned to the number of the disfranchised male population +of those states, and they have in fact no disposition to do so. On the +contrary non-interference is the ominous word which now gags the Northern +people and press, its pulpit and platform and hobbles the action of the +general government. Indeed, the outgoing occupant of the White House has +carried the policy of non-interference to extreme limits. For he it is who +laid down the rule at the beginning of his administration, and has +observed it strictly for four years, that it would be unwise to make +appointments of colored men to federal office in the South whenever the +South objects to such appointments. In consequence of the consistent +enforcement of this rule colored federal office-holders in the South are +like angels’ visits to that section, few and far between. The South, as +we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> have seen, has succeeded most thoroughly in depriving the Negro in its +midst of any voice in its governments and it has shut him out of state +offices, and now thanks to President Taft, has at last succeeded in +depriving him of holding federal office in its midst likewise.</p> + +<p>But there yet remains to the Southern colored man a tattered and +bedraggled remnant of his citizenship in that section, if indeed even that +shall be left to him four years hence. I refer to his quadrennial +appearance as a delegate in Republican National Conventions, where for a +brief hour he enjoys the spotlight importance of a political supernumerary +on the party stage. Since 1884, there has been an increasing inclination +among Republican leaders to reduce the representation of the party’s +Southern wing in National Conventions to a number proportioned to the size +of its vote on election day. But the leaders have not yet got their +courage to the sticking point to tackle this proposition, perhaps because +they have not been willing to tackle the prior one of a reduction of +Southern representation in Congress, and perhaps for other good and +sufficient considerations of an emergency character, they have allowed the +matter to drift and to let for the time being well enough alone.</p> + +<p>But whatever has been the motive of that party for its policy of +inactivity and indecision on this question heretofore, there are not +wanting signs of a change of that policy presently into one of activity +and decision. It seems probable that reduction of representation of its +Southern wing in its National Conventions will occupy a prominent place on +the program of Republican reorganization within the next four years. That +party in a half dozen Southern States has been called in derision by its +enemies a “ghost party” and a “phantom party.” And such it is in reality. +It is dead and I do not believe that its corpse can ever be galvanized +into life again. There are decomposing parts of it known as “Regulars” and +“Lily Whites,” stricken both with the microbes of death, obscenely alive +with the maggots of place-hunters. It is powerless to dissolve the solid +South and to restore to that section bi-party in place of one-party +governments. It is wholly incapable of attracting Southern whites in +sufficient numbers to raise it to the rank of a party of opposition, or to +give to it the barest chance of achieving success at the polls. Its very +name is a political bugaboo and makes it a party impossibility in those +states. Since 1876, rather than utilize it as a party of opposition, the +Southern whites have preserved their sectional solidity and one-party +governments, notwithstanding the fact that many of their more enlightened +and far seeing men have felt that such a course is bad for their section +as it would be bad for any group of states, North, East or West in the +Union.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span>Just at this point let me refer in passing to sundry causes which are +affecting adversely the Negro’s status as a citizen, and are contributing +by their collateral pressure to force him into a sort of political and +industrial blind alley of our American civilization. The Southern +propaganda against the Negro is advancing apace in the North by many dark +and devious ways and by many subtle and potent means. Northern capital and +enterprise, which are exploiting the South industrially, assimilate very +readily the Southern view of the Negro, who must be kept at the bottom of +the white man’s labor system and civilization. Intermarriage of Northern +men and women with Southern men and women helps tremendously the +propagation of the Southern view and solution of the race problem. The +annual meeting and mingling at the National Capital in social <ins class="correction" title="original reads 'intercoure'">intercourse</ins> +of the wealth and fashion and leadership of both sections exerts a +powerful influence in accenting points of agreement rather than points of +difference between them. The feeling has risen throughout the North that +the white people of the country can not afford either in terms of business +or of politics to quarrel among themselves over the rights and wrongs of +another race, which in consequence of the injustices and inequalities +suffered by it at their hands, is being pushed brutally to the wall. The +whites of both sections make themselves believe, as a sort of salve to +their conscience, I suppose, that the Negro in their midst is an alien +race, is a non-assimilable element in the body politic, whose ejectment or +isolation the health of that body and the race purity of the whites render +necessary. Since ejectment is impracticable as involving too huge a +displacement of or amputation from the productive labor of the South, +isolation remains the only alternative. The whites of course will do what +they can without injuring themselves or corrupting their race ideals, or +affronting their race prejudices to alleviate the inevitably hard lot of +this unfortunate people. But in what may be done for them there must be a +care not to mix with it any foolish sentiment of human liberty and +brotherhood lest it give offense to the South and so interrupt the flow of +that beautiful and brotherly affection which is increasingly making the +Southern whites and the Northern whites one people in the bonds of an +indissoluble friendship and union. Non-interference is the ominous word +which has cast its dark spell over the North and has turned its once warm +and active sympathy into cold indifference and cruel apathy.</p> + +<p>We had better look at the situation of the Negro in the United States +to-day without blinking the facts, see it clear and see it straight. The +present outlook for that race is gloomy and depressing, and this gloom and +depression are nation-wide. Until the Negro gets in the South some +measurable freedom in the use of the ballot, the present agencies at work +for his advancement, like industrial and the higher education and the +acquisition of property, and organized agitation in the North for his +rights can do little to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> rescue him from the deep pit into which American +race prejudice has pushed and penned him. The colored American child has a +poorer chance to rise in the scale of being to-day than had the colored +American child of a generation ago. He has a poorer chance in the South in +spite of his increased educational opportunities and accomplishments, and +he has a poorer chance in the North. For as the condition of the race +grows worse and its citizenship deteriorates politically and civilly in +the South, it will communicate to that part of it resident in the North +something of its own sad lot, legal and industrial limitations and +contracting prospects and opportunities. This is the inevitable fate of a +ballotless race or class in an industrial democracy like ours. Such is the +fate which awaits the American Negro unless he can manage to get the right +to vote in the South. And this fate he can not escape so long as he +remains a ballotless man—with no weapon of defense against the white +man’s race prejudice, which is regnant in his home and church and +government and press and mills and shops and trades and schools. It is as +impossible for the Negro to escape from his blind alley without the ballot +as it is for some foolish fly, imprisoned on a window pane, to find its +way to freedom through it. There is no escape for the fly until its +restless activities discover the right direction, and, to change the +figure, there is none for the Negro out of his slough of despond until he +can lay hold of the ballot. Wanting the ballot no amount of education and +wealth in the South and of agitation in the North will of themselves be +able to make Southern Governments responsive to the needs and the rights +of the Negro as laborer and citizen. But until they are made to respond to +his claim for social justice and civil rights he will continue in the +future as he is to-day the helpless <ins class="correction" title="original reads 'vlctim'">victim</ins> of the peonage and convict +lease systems, of the plantation lease and credit systems, of contract +labor and “Jim Crow” laws, of lynching and the inequitable distribution of +the public school funds between the races. I can not repeat too often that +such monstrous depression of a part of Southern labor is not less bad for +the whites than it is for the blacks. Nothing else can possibly come of it +in the future than has come of it in the past but evil to the South, +arrested development and a backward civilization. For the whites cannot +advance in law and order, in private and public morals, in wealth and in +industrial intelligence and efficiency with the speed commensurate with +their social and sectional opportunity if they persist in wasting so much +of their individual and collective energies in keeping the Negro down at +the bottom of their social and political fabric without regard to his +merits and abilities.</p> + +<p>Low water mark has been reached in the ebb tide of Negro citizenship in +the South. Once upon a time, the race was represented in Congress, but +today the tribe of the Negro Congressmen is extinct and has long been +extinct. A few years ago it had its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> representatives on the Republican +National Committee, but today the tribe of the Negro National Committeemen +is extinct. The year 1912 may be memorable among other things for +witnessing the last appearance as a power in Republican National +Conventions of the Southern Negro delegate. The place which once knew him +in those quadrennial gatherings of the Warwicks of the party will soon +know him there no more forever. For,</p> + +<p class="poem">“The old order changeth, yielding place to new,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And God fulfils Himself in many ways,</span><br /> +Lest one good custom should corrupt the world.”</p> + +<p>Although the situation is depressing, it is far from hopeless, I think, +since the rise of the new Progressive party. For that party will be able +to do in the South what the Republican Party has proved itself incapable +of doing, namely, of attracting to itself Southern white men in sufficient +numbers to make of it a formidable party of opposition in Southern +affairs. It will not encounter the ancient distrust, the inveterate hatred +and contempt which the Republican Party arouses in those states, and which +have paralyzed its usefulness and reduced it as a party of opposition to +the zero point in Southern politics.</p> + +<p>It is a notorious fact that the Southern whites as a class will not +affiliate with any political organization on terms of equality with the +blacks—that is, they may be educated to accept the Negro as a voter but +nothing can induce them to accept him as a leader. White and black party +following with white leadership is therefore the only feasible +proposition, which stands any show of success as a party of opposition in +that section under existing conditions. Such a proposition, the Republican +Party is incapable of making for reasons already pointed out, and the +Democratic Party for other and obvious reasons is precluded from offering. +And yet if relief is ever to come to the Negro in the South, it must come +to him by the way of an opposition party, which will put an end to the +political solidity of that section by introducing into it bi-party in +place of its one-party governments.</p> + +<p>This, I take it, is the meaning of Colonel Roosevelt’s action at Chicago +last August relative to the representation of Southern colored men in the +Bull Moose Convention, which launched the Progressive Party, and for which +he was widely commended and as widely censured by white and colored people +alike in all parts of the country. Some of the white people who commended +his action did so undoubtedly in the belief that the leader of the new +party gave thereby his approval to the Southern solution of the race +problem. This group is made up, speaking generally, of Southern Bourbons +and Northern Doughfaces. Their interpretation of the ex-President’s action +is a total misapprehension of his far seeing and statesmanlike purpose, +and of the tremendous consequences<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> for good which it holds for both races +at the South, and for the people of the whole nation likewise—tremendous +consequences for good which are as surely enfolded within the great man’s +purpose as the fertilizing principle is contained within the egg.</p> + +<p>Many of those on the other hand, who censured him did so because, obsessed +by their hate or dread of him, they failed to eliminate their imaginary +tyrant or dictator, their fixed idea of the man from consideration of the +immense value and far-seeing statesmanship of his act. To such men it was +but another example of the brutal and colossal selfishness of the +Third-Term Candidate. For did he not welcome to his Convention colored men +as delegates from states where the colored vote counts, and reject certain +other colored men as delegates from states where the colored vote does not +count? Now this view of Colonel Roosevelt’s action seems to me to miss the +mark quite as widely as did that of our Southern Bourbons and Northern +Doughfaces.</p> + +<p>That the founder of the new political party, as a practical man, should +discriminate between colored men with a vote and colored men without a +vote seems to me to be altogether natural, to grow, in fact, out of the +necessities of every Democracy which is governed first by one party and +then by another. That colored men with the ballot should be rated in terms +of the political game higher than other colored men who have it not, +violates no rule of business ethics. And politics is business, is the big +business is it not, or ought it not to be the big business of all self +governing peoples, who would maintain justice and freedom for <ins class="correction" title="original reads 'themselvas'">themselves</ins> +and transmit them unimpaired to their posterity? Colonel Roosevelt, as the +leader of the new party, recognized at his full political value the Negro +in states where his vote is counted, and perceived the very slight value, +potential and actual, as a party asset of the Negro in states where his +vote is not counted. He and the Progressive Party have not engaged in the +big business of American politics for their health or amusement, but for +the purpose of carrying forward to success great and far reaching measures +of reform, which exclude from their benefits no race or class on account +of color or sex but includes all American citizens, black and white alike. +But to do this, to realize on their party promises and pledges to the +people, they must have votes, not mere good will which can not translate +itself into effective support on election day.</p> + +<p>But the ex-President’s action at Chicago goes deeper than this primal need +of his party for votes. It reaches down to the springs of fundamental +social and political changes at the South in relation to its race +question, and sets in motion the healing waters of its pool of Bethesda, +which will in time heal it of its sickness and cleanse it of its sins +against law, justice and democracy. I do not mean<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> to belittle in any way +other agencies now at work on the solution of our terrible race problem, +such as education or wealth or agitation. Not at all, for they are most +important, but without the ballot they are impotent to give the relief so +much needed in the South. There must be added to them this something else, +this one thing needful to render them effective to save the blacks from +the evil consequences of their race ignorance, and the whites from the +evil consequences of their race prejudice. And this one thing needful, I +believe, the Progressive Party brings to the solution of the problem, and +that it formed the underlying motive and the statesmanlike purpose of the +action at Chicago last August of Theodore Roosevelt.</p> + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><small><span style="margin-left: 2em;">ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKE,</span></small><br /> +<small>1415 CORCORAN STREET N. W.,</small><br /> +<small><span style="margin-left: 3em;">WASHINGTON, D. C.</span></small></p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<p><b>Transcriber’s Note:</b> The words “today” and “to-day” both appear in the original text.</p> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Ballotless Victim of One-Party +Governments, by Archibald H. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Ballotless Victim of One-Party Governments + The American Negro Academy, Occasional Papers No. 16 + +Author: Archibald H. Grimke + +Release Date: February 20, 2010 [EBook #31331] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BALLOTLESS VICTIM *** + + + + +Produced by Suzanne Shell, Stephanie Eason, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. + + + + + + + + + + OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 16. + + THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. + + + THE BALLOTLESS VICTIM OF + ONE-PARTY GOVERNMENTS. + + ANNUAL ADDRESS + BY ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKE + + + PRICE, 15 CENTS. + + WASHINGTON, D. C.: + PUBLISHED BY THE ACADEMY, + 1913 + + + + +THE BALLOTLESS VICTIM OF ONE-PARTY GOVERNMENTS. + + +The legal status of the Negro in the United States is difficult to define +or describe, because on paper he is an American citizen, entitled to the +rights of an American citizen, but in practice he does not get what he is +entitled to or anything like it in certain parts of the Republic. His life +is safe-guarded by written law, and so is his liberty and his activities +in pursuit of happiness and to better his condition. Moreover in order +that he may protect himself against the predatory aggression and greed of +other citizens he is invested by the supreme law of the land with the +right to vote, with a voice in the Government, to enable him to defend +himself against the enactment of bad and unequal laws and against their +bad and unequal administration. Certainly the Negro seems to be the equal +in rights of any other American. That he is on paper there is not a doubt, +but that he is not in reality there is not a doubt either. What he is +entitled to does not anywhere in the South and in some states of the North +square itself with what he actually enjoys. There is an enormous +discrepancy in his case between National promise or guarantees and +National performance or possessions. He is an American citizen under the +National Constitution. To be sure he is, but with a big qualification. He +has the right to reach up and out and to grow in every direction like +other American citizens whose race and color are different from his own. +Not a doubt of it in legal theory but when he puts his theoretical rights +to the test of fact he finds that he is different, that he may not do many +of the things which white men all about him are doing all the time. He +finds that even the Chinese who are denied citizenship in the Republic, +receive better treatment, are accorded larger liberties as men than are +allowed him in the South. + +Why is this? Why does the Negro occupy this very anomalous position in his +country? Is it because he is an alien? It cannot really be that, because +he is not an alien. But perhaps it is because the whites choose to make +believe that he is an alien, which comes nearer the real reason. +Nevertheless no alien is he any more than are the whites themselves, if +duration of occupancy of the soil has anything to do with making a race +native and to the manner born. Is it because the Negro has proved himself +an undesirable citizen? Certainly not if past services to the country of +the greatest value are any proof to the contrary. In the Revolutionary War +he was no insignificant factor in achieving American independence; and in +the War of 1812 which defended this independence against British +aggression; and in the Civil War which saved the Union and abolished +slavery; and in the Spanish-American War which removed a chronic peril to +the National peace and added immensely to the National domain. Nor has he +failed as a laborer, for he does annually his share of the work of the +Nation, and in the production of its wealth. Without Negro labor how much +less cotton would the South produce annually, or sugar or rice or tobacco, +think you? His labor besides is very much in evidence in southern mines +and mills and trades. Then, has he ever plotted against the Government, +state or national, was he ever as a class a menace to law and order, or an +enemy to property, or a breeder of industrial unrest and violence? On the +contrary has he not been patient and peaceful and cheerful under wrongs +which would have made any other class of Americans sullen and dangerous +and lawless? No, he is not an undesirable citizen for these sufficient +reasons, but there is yet another good answer on this head. Negro labor +could not in any considerable numbers leave the South voluntarily because +Southern capital and landed interests would not let it, would resist by +force if found necessary its migration to other parts. + +This sounds singular in this land of the free and it is singular, for of +no other class of American labor could it be said that its right to +migrate from one state to another is actually obstructed by law and would +be resisted by force. It is singular but it is nevertheless true. If a +thousand, or ten thousand, or a hundred thousand agricultural laborers in +the West were to make up their minds to move to the cotton belt of the +South, they would be free to do so, regardless of the injury which Western +farmers might suffer in consequence of their migration. But if one hundred +thousand, or ten thousand, or even one thousand Negro cotton pickers +desired to quit picking cotton and to seek their fortune in other states, +does anyone imagine that they would be allowed to depart in peace, that +they would not find rather by violent experience that they are not at +liberty to make the change? The South does not regard the Negro laborer +then as undesirable but quite the contrary--only it wants to retain +possession of it on its own terms, not on those advantageous to that +labor. + +As an American citizen then the Negro has a paper right to move freely +from one place to another, but in the South were he to attempt to realize +on this right he would in all probability find himself realizing on a +totally different proposition--maybe the chain gang at the hands of a +prejudiced court on some trumped up charge of an employer, or death at the +hands of a mob. This sounds amazing and it is amazing because it fits the +Negro's case so exactly, because it is an accurate description of his +condition as an agricultural laborer in many of the Southern states. + +On every hand over against his paper rights as a citizen, the Negro faces +facts which make his citizenship seem like a snare and a delusion. Let us +suppose that a member of the American Negro Academy wishes with wife or +daughter to visit Florida for his health. He cannot make the journey there +like a white man, whether citizen or foreigner, or like any other +traveller to that section whatever his race since he be not a Negro. And +it makes no difference how refined or educated or wealthy or infirm or +aged a colored passenger may be, whether man, woman or child, he +encounters the same unjust and unequal treatment at the hands of the +railroads. What though he has paid for himself and wife or daughter the +same fare which passengers of the favored class pay, he finds that there +is a vast difference between what he gets and what they get for precisely +the same money. They get always the best accommodations for themselves and +families, while he gets the worst. There is not a restaurant along the +route where he may get a meal, and not a hotel which would give him a bed +over night. If he can afford it he may procure a seat in a Pullman, and +then again he may not be able to do so, and in this case as in the event +of his not being able to afford to buy a seat in a Pullman, he must make +the journey in a "Jim Crow" car, without separate toilet arrangements for +the sexes, deficient in soap and towels, in water and in general and +particular cleanliness, exposed constantly to the intrusions and the +fumes, alcoholic and tobacco, of white men passing to and from their +smoker, which is one-half of the "Jim Crow" coach and divided from it only +by an inadequate partition. + +The colored passenger is, to be sure, an American citizen on paper, but +what is it worth to him under the circumstances? Can it compel railroads +to furnish him decent accommodations, which federal law provides shall be +equal to those furnished to white passengers, and for which the colored +passenger pays the same fare as the white one? It is notorious that the +accommodations furnished by the railroads in interstate commerce to their +colored passengers are inferior to those which they furnish white +passengers for the same fare. The Interstate Commerce Commission knows +this and knows it well, yet it makes no determined and persistent attempt +to compel railroads to give to their colored passengers accommodations +equal to those which they furnish their white ones. It is too busy +attending to the more important business relating to the property rights +and interests of shippers and capitalists to spare the time to break up an +evil which makes the existence of colored interstate passengers an +unbroken experience of bitter hardships and humiliations. Surely there are +American citizens and American citizens--citizens whom Government protects +and enables to make good their claim to equality before the law, and other +citizens whom Government does not protect or enable to make good their +claim to equality before the law. And to this latter class belongs the +Negro nearly every time and almost everywhere. + +The Negro is the great American anomaly. Judged by his rights on paper his +citizenship is indisputable, but judged by his rights in fact it is full +of mutilations and amputations which disfigure it almost beyond +recognition. One-half of it appears in the light clothed with fragments of +his rights, and the other half is in eclipse, exposed naked to biting cold +and bitter wrong. He appeals to good men and true in the South and in the +North and in the Government too, to give him what he is entitled to. He +does not get it or anything like it. There does not appear to be common +honesty and decency enough in the railroads to give him what he pays for +as an interstate traveller, human compassion to say nothing of common +justice enough in the Interstate Commerce Commission to enforce against +the railroads the law made by the Government to conciliate the race +prejudice of the South. The separate car feature of the Railroad Rate Bill +was inserted in deference to the demand of the South, and the equal +accommodation feature as an act of plain commercial justice to the Negro. +The South has never failed to get its separate cars, while the Negro has +never failed either to receive the most unequal accommodations in open +violation of the provisions of that bill. + +But this is not all or anything like all that mars almost beyond +recognition the citizenship of the Negro. If one doubts this, let him go +into the South and let him venture to incite the Negroes there to an +assertion of their rights. Freedom of the press is theirs under the +Constitution. Does anyone suppose that they would be allowed to say +publicly what they think about the un-Christian and undemocratic way in +which they are treated? Let them try it and see what will happen to them, +that is, if they be wholly reckless of consequences. Freedom of the press +is another of their rights, one of the boasted bulwarks of the +Constitution. Does anyone suppose that they would be allowed to write as +freely or anything like as freely about white men and women, especially +the latter, as white men write about colored men and women? Let some +colored editor make the experiment and tell afterward what happened to him +hot on the heels of his article. He may not be able to enlighten the +public but the associated press dispatch will give the grim facts relating +to the end of that editor, who undertook to monkey with the buzz saw of +the freedom of the press in a Southern community. + +Another of the sacred rights which appertain to the Negro's American +citizenship is the right of public assembly to consider his grievances and +discuss measures for their redress. Well, if any group of Negroes in +almost any part of the South are hunting for trouble, let them get up a +public meeting for such a purpose, and give vent to the righteous +indignation against oppressions which ought to stir the blood of any man +who is not a slave, and then watch results. A flaming spirit will +presently appear in the midst of that meeting, and it will not be the +flaming spirit of liberty, but of a Southern mob on arson and murder +bent. Negro property will be burned and Negro blood will be shed, and that +without stint or mercy. The Negro's Constitutional right to assemble to +consider his wrongs is in reality too weak to resist the murderous +violence of a Southern mob. The mob burns Negroes and their property +almost everywhere in the South with absolute impunity. Nothing is done by +the authorities to punish the mob or to protect their victims. And yet +both the mob and its victims are American citizens, entitled alike on +paper to the law's protection and amenable alike to its penalties. The +white man enjoys a monopoly of the first and the Negro gets the lion's +share of the second. The colored man who has the temerity to agitate for +his rights in the South may find himself agitating speedily at the end of +a rope, unless he more speedily finds some hole in the ground to give him +the protection which Government refuses him. He would in that event be +surer of the thing which he seeks if the hole in the ground were a hole in +some grave yard, for then the hole might be pulled in after him, when he +would find rest at last--surcease from all the cruel perplexities and +inequalities of his American citizenship. + +Again I ask why is all this thus? It is not because the Negro is an alien +or because he is an undesirable citizen. For he is not that at all, as we +have seen, but quite the contrary. But how explain this enormous +contradiction between the rights which he is legally entitled to and those +which he actually possesses? Here he is fifty years after emancipation, +forty-four years after his investiture with American citizenship, and +forty-two years after the adoption of the great Amendment to the +Constitution which gave him the right to vote, a voice in making the laws, +not more than half free, than half a citizen in many States of the Union. +Why is this so, I ask again? Is it not because he is the ballotless victim +in those states of one-party governments in which he is denied a voice? In +1866 Governor John A. Andrew foresaw clearly what would be the fate of the +Negro in the old slave states without the ballot. The condition which the +great War Governor foresaw then fits remarkably well the Negro's actual +condition to-day in certain sections of the nation. "Meanwhile," he said, +"the disfranchised freedmen, hated by some because he is black, contemned +by some because he has been a slave, feared by some because of the +antagonisms of society, is condemned to the condition of a hopeless pariah +of a merciless civilization. In the community he is not of it. He neither +belongs to a master nor to society." The thing which John A. Andrew +foresaw in 1866 as likely to come to pass in case of disfranchisement of +the blacks, has been coming to pass ever since. And the cause which has +reduced the Negro to his present anomalous position in the Republic of +which he is a citizen, is his lack of the right to vote, which makes its +possessor a part of the community in which he lives, and enables him to +make that community respond to his needs as a vital part of its body +social and politic. + +The Negro in the mass is a disfranchised man. His political influence in +Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina +and Virginia is practically at the zero point. The mass of the +disfranchised in those seven Southern States is so great that by the law +of gravitation its very weight and number affect more or less adversely +the status of the rest of the race in other states. The disfranchised +Negro operates in many ways to depreciate the rights of the enfranchised +Negro, and to draw him by the invisible threads of race kinship and of +race prejudice toward if not quite within the zone of his own limitations +and disabilities. A disfranchised class in an industrial republic like +ours is as much at the mercy of an enfranchised class as is a flock of +shepherdless sheep at the mercy of a pack of wolves. The wolves will +devour the sheep and the enfranchised class will prey on the disfranchised +class. To the wall the weak will be driven and harried and destroyed +whether they be sheep or men, and this the strong will do every time +whether they be men or wolves. The shepherd protects the sheep from the +depredations of the wolves, and the ballot protects poverty against +property, a weak race or class against the hate and aggressions of +stronger ones within the same country. + +A citizen without the ballot in America is in fact, whatever he may be in +law, a de-citizenized man--exposed in consequence to the enmities, the +jealousies, the insults and the violence of other citizens who are more +fortunate in this regard. He is, whatever may be his legal status on +paper, a proscribed man, subject to unmerited and unmeasured ignominies +and injustices at the hands of his country, its society, its passions and +prejudices. Governor Andrew was right, a disfranchised man, a +disfranchised class must become ultimately, "The hopeless pariah of a +merciless civilization." This is the peril, the fate which hangs over the +colored race at the close of the first fifty years of its emancipation. + +Governor Andrew's scheme for the reconstruction of the rebel states +included not only the extension of the suffrage to the blacks but the +re-admission to their full citizenship of the class of old slaveholders +who had carried those states out of the Union. They were needed as leaders +in the work of restoration and reconstruction, he shrewdly argued. And he +was right. They were indeed the natural leaders of the South, and had they +turned their backs upon the past and faced patriotically the new problems +and the new posture of their affairs they might have led both races into +the promised land of freedom and peace and Southern industrial expansion +and greatness. Had they seized their golden opportunity for progressive +and constructive statesmanship, the sceptre of their ascendency in the +governments of their section could not have been wrested from them by +another class of whites, risen since the war, who distrust and hate them, +but they might instead have transmitted their ascendency undiminished to +their descendants, who ought to be today the leaders of the new South. + +The course laid down by Governor Andrew was not followed either by the +South or by the North. The Southern leaders taking advantage of the +opportunity given them by Andrew Johnson reconstructed their section along +the lines of their old social system, reducing its changes to a minimum. +They emerged out of their reconstruction operation with a Negro serf +system to take the place of their old slave system. The Negro as a serf +was just about as valuable as an industrial asset to the great landlords +and to the small ones too for that matter, as had been the Negro as a +slave. Just about as much unpaid and involuntary labor could be got out of +the first as out of the last. Thus did the old master class perform their +task without changing materially their old social system. But they +likewise issued from their labors not less fortunate in another respect. +Their old political power would not suffer any radical change in +consequence of the abolition of slavery either. For whereas five slaves +had counted for them in the ante bellum apportionment of representatives +as three freemen, five serfs would count in the post-bellum apportionment +as five free men--a pretty large gain for the new power over the old one +in federal numbers. But in achieving this double success the old master +class overreached itself. The return of the South into the newly restored +Union stronger as a serf power than it had been as a slave power aroused +the instant fear of the North and set Congress in motion to thwart such +reappearance of that section into the arena of national politics. + +Congress thereupon took upon itself the work of Southern reconstruction. +The extreme gravity of the situation as it affected the Negro lay in the +political solidity of that section with its one-party governments in which +he was denied a voice. His freedom could not long survive such a +combination of Southern race prejudice and passion and political power as +constituted at that time the solid South and its one-party governments. +They were then and they continue to be the greatest obstacle to the +freedom and advancement of the Negro as an American citizen. They +signalized their first entrance upon the stage of national affairs by an +attempt to create a serf class out of their former slaves. When I say that +they constitute the greatest obstacle to the freedom and advancement of +the Negro, I mean, of course, the greatest obstacle outside of the Negro +himself. For I take it that no race that possesses intelligence, industry +and character, coupled with unity of purpose and action can be kept +forever out of its rights and in a backward state even by the American +white people, accomplished as they are in this species of national +wickedness, unless they intend to reverse the wheel of their progress and +to retrograde in free institutions and civilization. + +Against Southern political solidity and its one-party governments Congress +directed its reconstruction measures. With the dissolution of this +solidity and the introduction of bi-party in place of one-party +governments the Republican leaders looked for the passing of the danger to +Northern sectional supremacy and the freedom of the Negro. The freedmen +were utilized at this juncture to effect the necessary changes in the +Southern situation which the exigency demanded. He was first raised to +citizenship, and when that proved inadequate to meet the emergency, he was +invested with the right to vote on equal terms with the whites. This great +constitutional revolution in the status of the Negro laid the basis for a +political revolution in the old slave states also. The solid South was +dissolved for the nonce and two-party governments made their re-entrance +upon the stage of Southern affairs. There followed prompt repeal of the +reactionary legislation hostile to the Negro, which had signalized the +rise to power of the solid South and its one-party governments. The North +received its share likewise of the gains incident to this revolution in +the increase of its partisan strength in both branches of the National +Legislature, and which in turn confirmed its political domination in the +Union. + +The changes wrought in the South by the reconstruction measures did not +last. Those measures afforded temporary relief and that was all. They did +not go deep enough and besides the whites refused to cooperate with the +blacks to make them a success. They failed to moderate or abate Southern +opinions, race prejudice and passions and were therefore doomed to fail as +an experiment in social and political reconstruction. Social and political +reconstruction in those states it seems now must come from within and by +voluntary action not from without and by compulsory legislation. This is +true today whatever might have been possible in this regard immediately +after the overthrow of the Southern Confederacy. What was attempted then +and failed would certainly fail today if it were possible to repeat the +self same experiment. The repetition of such an attempt, however, being +wholly outside of the range of the probable in American politics makes all +speculation as to what might be its fate therefore nugatory. + +After the Presidential election of 1876, the North abandoned its attempt +to reconstruct the South and to keep it reconstructed according to its +standard of justice and political proportion. The stream of reaction +against the Negro set in strongly from that time and it has gathered +volume each succeeding year since. The failure of the old master class to +seize the opportunity which had come to them a second time, following the +collapse of the Rebellion, for progressive and constructive leadership of +their section on the race question was an egregious blunder. They set in +motion instead the forces and passions which have at length wrested the +ballot from the Negro. But they themselves have not escaped the +consequences of their egregious blunder, for a new class of whites have in +turn wrested from them their leadership in Southern affairs. The black +seeds of this blunder of the old master class to lead their section in +social justice and progress, the bitter years have ploughed deep into the +life of both races. From the black seeds of their blunder black crops of +race hatred and crime and misery have been reaped annually by the South +along with those other crops of cotton and rice and sugar and tobacco, and +sent like them to all parts of the Republic. + +The process of Southern political solidification, partially suspended for +a few years, resumed promptly after 1876 all of its natural functions and +its one party governments. Since that time legislation hostile to the +Negro has increased enormously in that section. Its old reconstructed +State Constitutions have been one by one revised most favorably to the +whites and most unfavorably and unjustly for the blacks. For what with +grandfather and understanding clauses, educational and property +qualifications, partisan registration boards and election supervisors and +white primaries, the great majority of the colored people have been +excluded from the electorate, from any voice in the Government, while the +vote of the small minority who are included in the electorate has been +reduced to a nullity by their exclusion from the white primaries. The +states which have thus revised their constitutions have thereby effected +the practical disfranchisement of their entire colored population. While +they have done this they have managed at the same time to leave the ballot +in the hands of every white man. + +Under such unequal conditions, the white man is immune from legislation +and administration unfriendly to his class, while the black man is exposed +to the aggressions of this favored class; either directly through mobs or +indirectly through hostile legislation and administration, which fix upon +him the brand of a caste whose members have no rights in Southern society +which white men are bound to respect. Such social injustice and political +inequality as exist between the races in the South are bad for the whites +as they are bad for the blacks--are very bad for their collective +interests and for the National interests of the great industrial democracy +of which they form a part. Is it astonishing then that under such +circumstances there have sprung up and flourish in the South the peonage +and convict lease systems, the plantation lease and credit systems, +contract labor and "Jim Crow" laws, lynching and the inequitable +distribution of the public school funds between the races? For the +Southern white man, and he is not different from any other white man or +black man either for that matter who possesses irresponsible power over +others, regulates his conduct toward the Negro in his midst by the law of +might, which allows him with a good conscience to do to the Negro whatever +he wants to do, and to take from him whatever he wants to take whether +life or liberty, while it forbids his victim to do what he wants to do; or +to retain what belongs to him as an American citizen whether it be his +life or his liberty--that is, to do so by identically the same means +which white men use to retain what belongs to them under similar +circumstances. + +Things would undoubtedly be different for the colored people in those +states had they though slight, some positive and appreciable influence at +the polls. Their condition would not even then be ideal--far from it. But +their hard lot as men would improve, their worth as citizens, their social +and industrial value to their community, state and country would rise +correspondingly in the scale of being and character, with the increased +freedom, self-respect and security which in consequence would come to them +as a race. Legislatures and administrative officers would begin to make +some response to their claim for social justice and political rights, and +the courts would begin also to lend a more attentive ear to their rights +of person and property. The end of all those terrible systems which +exploit and rob and oppress them and keep them poor and ignorant and weak, +the sad victims of race prejudice and greed and cruelty, would grow nearer +to the perfect day of the race's final deliverance as American citizens. +They would begin to get for their children more and better schools and +longer school terms, and for their teachers more equal pay as compared +with that received by white teachers for similar service. + +Such is the deplorable situation of the Negro in the South at the close of +the first fifty years of his freedom. There will be no improvement in that +situation to any material extent until he gets the ballot, a voice in the +government of those states. He can not obtain a voice in those governments +of and by himself. He must get help from some power outside of himself. +But from whom and in what direction ought he to look for it? Not certainly +from the North, from the Republican Party. For they gave up long ago +trying to solve the problem how to make a vote in that section count as +much as a vote in the solid South. They will not again enact a Force Bill +or attempt to do so or anything like it. They have during recent years +made no movement to execute that clause of the Fourteenth Amendment which +provides for a reduction of Southern representation in the lower Branch of +Congress proportioned to the number of the disfranchised male population +of those states, and they have in fact no disposition to do so. On the +contrary non-interference is the ominous word which now gags the Northern +people and press, its pulpit and platform and hobbles the action of the +general government. Indeed, the outgoing occupant of the White House has +carried the policy of non-interference to extreme limits. For he it is who +laid down the rule at the beginning of his administration, and has +observed it strictly for four years, that it would be unwise to make +appointments of colored men to federal office in the South whenever the +South objects to such appointments. In consequence of the consistent +enforcement of this rule colored federal office-holders in the South are +like angels' visits to that section, few and far between. The South, as +we have seen, has succeeded most thoroughly in depriving the Negro in its +midst of any voice in its governments and it has shut him out of state +offices, and now thanks to President Taft, has at last succeeded in +depriving him of holding federal office in its midst likewise. + +But there yet remains to the Southern colored man a tattered and +bedraggled remnant of his citizenship in that section, if indeed even that +shall be left to him four years hence. I refer to his quadrennial +appearance as a delegate in Republican National Conventions, where for a +brief hour he enjoys the spotlight importance of a political supernumerary +on the party stage. Since 1884, there has been an increasing inclination +among Republican leaders to reduce the representation of the party's +Southern wing in National Conventions to a number proportioned to the size +of its vote on election day. But the leaders have not yet got their +courage to the sticking point to tackle this proposition, perhaps because +they have not been willing to tackle the prior one of a reduction of +Southern representation in Congress, and perhaps for other good and +sufficient considerations of an emergency character, they have allowed the +matter to drift and to let for the time being well enough alone. + +But whatever has been the motive of that party for its policy of +inactivity and indecision on this question heretofore, there are not +wanting signs of a change of that policy presently into one of activity +and decision. It seems probable that reduction of representation of its +Southern wing in its National Conventions will occupy a prominent place on +the program of Republican reorganization within the next four years. That +party in a half dozen Southern States has been called in derision by its +enemies a "ghost party" and a "phantom party." And such it is in reality. +It is dead and I do not believe that its corpse can ever be galvanized +into life again. There are decomposing parts of it known as "Regulars" and +"Lily Whites," stricken both with the microbes of death, obscenely alive +with the maggots of place-hunters. It is powerless to dissolve the solid +South and to restore to that section bi-party in place of one-party +governments. It is wholly incapable of attracting Southern whites in +sufficient numbers to raise it to the rank of a party of opposition, or to +give to it the barest chance of achieving success at the polls. Its very +name is a political bugaboo and makes it a party impossibility in those +states. Since 1876, rather than utilize it as a party of opposition, the +Southern whites have preserved their sectional solidity and one-party +governments, notwithstanding the fact that many of their more enlightened +and far seeing men have felt that such a course is bad for their section +as it would be bad for any group of states, North, East or West in the +Union. + +Just at this point let me refer in passing to sundry causes which are +affecting adversely the Negro's status as a citizen, and are contributing +by their collateral pressure to force him into a sort of political and +industrial blind alley of our American civilization. The Southern +propaganda against the Negro is advancing apace in the North by many dark +and devious ways and by many subtle and potent means. Northern capital and +enterprise, which are exploiting the South industrially, assimilate very +readily the Southern view of the Negro, who must be kept at the bottom of +the white man's labor system and civilization. Intermarriage of Northern +men and women with Southern men and women helps tremendously the +propagation of the Southern view and solution of the race problem. The +annual meeting and mingling at the National Capital in social intercourse +of the wealth and fashion and leadership of both sections exerts a +powerful influence in accenting points of agreement rather than points of +difference between them. The feeling has risen throughout the North that +the white people of the country can not afford either in terms of business +or of politics to quarrel among themselves over the rights and wrongs of +another race, which in consequence of the injustices and inequalities +suffered by it at their hands, is being pushed brutally to the wall. The +whites of both sections make themselves believe, as a sort of salve to +their conscience, I suppose, that the Negro in their midst is an alien +race, is a non-assimilable element in the body politic, whose ejectment or +isolation the health of that body and the race purity of the whites render +necessary. Since ejectment is impracticable as involving too huge a +displacement of or amputation from the productive labor of the South, +isolation remains the only alternative. The whites of course will do what +they can without injuring themselves or corrupting their race ideals, or +affronting their race prejudices to alleviate the inevitably hard lot of +this unfortunate people. But in what may be done for them there must be a +care not to mix with it any foolish sentiment of human liberty and +brotherhood lest it give offense to the South and so interrupt the flow of +that beautiful and brotherly affection which is increasingly making the +Southern whites and the Northern whites one people in the bonds of an +indissoluble friendship and union. Non-interference is the ominous word +which has cast its dark spell over the North and has turned its once warm +and active sympathy into cold indifference and cruel apathy. + +We had better look at the situation of the Negro in the United States +to-day without blinking the facts, see it clear and see it straight. The +present outlook for that race is gloomy and depressing, and this gloom and +depression are nation-wide. Until the Negro gets in the South some +measurable freedom in the use of the ballot, the present agencies at work +for his advancement, like industrial and the higher education and the +acquisition of property, and organized agitation in the North for his +rights can do little to rescue him from the deep pit into which American +race prejudice has pushed and penned him. The colored American child has a +poorer chance to rise in the scale of being to-day than had the colored +American child of a generation ago. He has a poorer chance in the South in +spite of his increased educational opportunities and accomplishments, and +he has a poorer chance in the North. For as the condition of the race +grows worse and its citizenship deteriorates politically and civilly in +the South, it will communicate to that part of it resident in the North +something of its own sad lot, legal and industrial limitations and +contracting prospects and opportunities. This is the inevitable fate of a +ballotless race or class in an industrial democracy like ours. Such is the +fate which awaits the American Negro unless he can manage to get the right +to vote in the South. And this fate he can not escape so long as he +remains a ballotless man--with no weapon of defense against the white +man's race prejudice, which is regnant in his home and church and +government and press and mills and shops and trades and schools. It is as +impossible for the Negro to escape from his blind alley without the ballot +as it is for some foolish fly, imprisoned on a window pane, to find its +way to freedom through it. There is no escape for the fly until its +restless activities discover the right direction, and, to change the +figure, there is none for the Negro out of his slough of despond until he +can lay hold of the ballot. Wanting the ballot no amount of education and +wealth in the South and of agitation in the North will of themselves be +able to make Southern Governments responsive to the needs and the rights +of the Negro as laborer and citizen. But until they are made to respond to +his claim for social justice and civil rights he will continue in the +future as he is to-day the helpless victim of the peonage and convict +lease systems, of the plantation lease and credit systems, of contract +labor and "Jim Crow" laws, of lynching and the inequitable distribution of +the public school funds between the races. I can not repeat too often that +such monstrous depression of a part of Southern labor is not less bad for +the whites than it is for the blacks. Nothing else can possibly come of it +in the future than has come of it in the past but evil to the South, +arrested development and a backward civilization. For the whites cannot +advance in law and order, in private and public morals, in wealth and in +industrial intelligence and efficiency with the speed commensurate with +their social and sectional opportunity if they persist in wasting so much +of their individual and collective energies in keeping the Negro down at +the bottom of their social and political fabric without regard to his +merits and abilities. + +Low water mark has been reached in the ebb tide of Negro citizenship in +the South. Once upon a time, the race was represented in Congress, but +today the tribe of the Negro Congressmen is extinct and has long been +extinct. A few years ago it had its representatives on the Republican +National Committee, but today the tribe of the Negro National Committeemen +is extinct. The year 1912 may be memorable among other things for +witnessing the last appearance as a power in Republican National +Conventions of the Southern Negro delegate. The place which once knew him +in those quadrennial gatherings of the Warwicks of the party will soon +know him there no more forever. For, + + "The old order changeth, yielding place to new, + And God fulfils Himself in many ways, + Lest one good custom should corrupt the world." + +Although the situation is depressing, it is far from hopeless, I think, +since the rise of the new Progressive party. For that party will be able +to do in the South what the Republican Party has proved itself incapable +of doing, namely, of attracting to itself Southern white men in sufficient +numbers to make of it a formidable party of opposition in Southern +affairs. It will not encounter the ancient distrust, the inveterate hatred +and contempt which the Republican Party arouses in those states, and which +have paralyzed its usefulness and reduced it as a party of opposition to +the zero point in Southern politics. + +It is a notorious fact that the Southern whites as a class will not +affiliate with any political organization on terms of equality with the +blacks--that is, they may be educated to accept the Negro as a voter but +nothing can induce them to accept him as a leader. White and black party +following with white leadership is therefore the only feasible +proposition, which stands any show of success as a party of opposition in +that section under existing conditions. Such a proposition, the Republican +Party is incapable of making for reasons already pointed out, and the +Democratic Party for other and obvious reasons is precluded from offering. +And yet if relief is ever to come to the Negro in the South, it must come +to him by the way of an opposition party, which will put an end to the +political solidity of that section by introducing into it bi-party in +place of its one-party governments. + +This, I take it, is the meaning of Colonel Roosevelt's action at Chicago +last August relative to the representation of Southern colored men in the +Bull Moose Convention, which launched the Progressive Party, and for which +he was widely commended and as widely censured by white and colored people +alike in all parts of the country. Some of the white people who commended +his action did so undoubtedly in the belief that the leader of the new +party gave thereby his approval to the Southern solution of the race +problem. This group is made up, speaking generally, of Southern Bourbons +and Northern Doughfaces. Their interpretation of the ex-President's action +is a total misapprehension of his far seeing and statesmanlike purpose, +and of the tremendous consequences for good which it holds for both races +at the South, and for the people of the whole nation likewise--tremendous +consequences for good which are as surely enfolded within the great man's +purpose as the fertilizing principle is contained within the egg. + +Many of those on the other hand, who censured him did so because, obsessed +by their hate or dread of him, they failed to eliminate their imaginary +tyrant or dictator, their fixed idea of the man from consideration of the +immense value and far-seeing statesmanship of his act. To such men it was +but another example of the brutal and colossal selfishness of the +Third-Term Candidate. For did he not welcome to his Convention colored men +as delegates from states where the colored vote counts, and reject certain +other colored men as delegates from states where the colored vote does not +count? Now this view of Colonel Roosevelt's action seems to me to miss the +mark quite as widely as did that of our Southern Bourbons and Northern +Doughfaces. + +That the founder of the new political party, as a practical man, should +discriminate between colored men with a vote and colored men without a +vote seems to me to be altogether natural, to grow, in fact, out of the +necessities of every Democracy which is governed first by one party and +then by another. That colored men with the ballot should be rated in terms +of the political game higher than other colored men who have it not, +violates no rule of business ethics. And politics is business, is the big +business is it not, or ought it not to be the big business of all self +governing peoples, who would maintain justice and freedom for themselves +and transmit them unimpaired to their posterity? Colonel Roosevelt, as the +leader of the new party, recognized at his full political value the Negro +in states where his vote is counted, and perceived the very slight value, +potential and actual, as a party asset of the Negro in states where his +vote is not counted. He and the Progressive Party have not engaged in the +big business of American politics for their health or amusement, but for +the purpose of carrying forward to success great and far reaching measures +of reform, which exclude from their benefits no race or class on account +of color or sex but includes all American citizens, black and white alike. +But to do this, to realize on their party promises and pledges to the +people, they must have votes, not mere good will which can not translate +itself into effective support on election day. + +But the ex-President's action at Chicago goes deeper than this primal need +of his party for votes. It reaches down to the springs of fundamental +social and political changes at the South in relation to its race +question, and sets in motion the healing waters of its pool of Bethesda, +which will in time heal it of its sickness and cleanse it of its sins +against law, justice and democracy. I do not mean to belittle in any way +other agencies now at work on the solution of our terrible race problem, +such as education or wealth or agitation. Not at all, for they are most +important, but without the ballot they are impotent to give the relief so +much needed in the South. There must be added to them this something else, +this one thing needful to render them effective to save the blacks from +the evil consequences of their race ignorance, and the whites from the +evil consequences of their race prejudice. And this one thing needful, I +believe, the Progressive Party brings to the solution of the problem, and +that it formed the underlying motive and the statesmanlike purpose of the +action at Chicago last August of Theodore Roosevelt. + + + ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKE, + 1415 CORCORAN STREET N. W., + WASHINGTON, D. C. + + + + +Transcriber's Notes: + +The words "today" and "to-day" both appear in the original text. + +The following misprints have been corrected: + "othe" corrected to "other" (page 4) + "blocd" corrected to "blood" (page 7) + "oguht" corrected to "ought" (page 8) + "atttentive" corrected to "attentive" (page 12) + "intercoure" corrected to "intercourse" (page 14) + "vlctim" corrected to "victim" (page 15) + "themselvas" corrected to "themselves" (page 17) + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Ballotless Victim of One-Party +Governments, by Archibald H. 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