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diff --git a/31316-h/31316-h.htm b/31316-h/31316-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a6db09e --- /dev/null +++ b/31316-h/31316-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,6436 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> +<head> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1" /> +<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Coming of Evolution, by John W. (John Wesley) Judd</title> + <style type="text/css"> + +body { + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + + h1,h2,h3 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; +} + +p { + margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; +} + +hr { + width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; +} + +table { + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; +} + +.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: small; + font-weight:normal; + font-style:normal; + text-align: right; + padding:0em; + margin:0em; + text-indent:0em; +} /* page numbers */ + +.blockquot { + margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 10%; + font-size:small; +} + + +.bbox {border: solid 2px;} + +.center {text-align: center;} + +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + +.u {text-decoration: underline;} + +.caption {font-weight: bold;} + +/* Images */ +.figcenter { + margin: auto; + text-align: center; +} + +/* Footnotes */ +.footnotes {border: dashed 1px;} + +.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + +.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + +.fnanchor { + vertical-align: super; + font-size: .8em; + text-decoration: + none; +} + +/* Poetry */ +.poem { + margin-left:50%; + margin-right:10%; + text-align: left; +} + +.poem br {display: none;} + +.poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em -10em;} + +.poem span.i0 { + display: block; + margin-left: 0em; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em; +} + +.poem span.i2 { + display: block; + margin-left: 2em; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em; +} + +.poem span.i4 { + display: block; + margin-left: 4em; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em; +} + +.gap2 {margin-top:2em;} +.gap4 {margin-top:4em;} +.gap0b {margin-bottom:0em;} +.gap0 {margin-top:0em;margin-bottom:0em;} +.small {font-size:small;} +.hangindent {padding-left:2em;text-indent:-2em;} +.ralign {text-align:right;} +.vtop {vertical-align:top;} +.vbottom {vertical-align:bottom;} +.indfirst {padding-left:2em;text-indent:-2em;margin-top:2em;margin-bottom:0em;} +.indmain {padding-left:2em;text-indent:-2em;margin-top:1em;margin-bottom:0em;} +.indsub {padding-left:2em;text-indent:-2em;margin-top:0em;margin-bottom:0em; + margin-left:2em;} +.indsub2 {padding-left:2em;text-indent:-2em;margin-top:0em;margin-bottom:0em; + margin-left:4em;} + + hr.full { width: 100%; + margin-top: 3em; + margin-bottom: 0em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + height: 4px; + border-width: 4px 0 0 0; /* remove all borders except the top one */ + border-style: solid; + border-color: #000000; + clear: both; } + pre {font-size: 85%;} + </style> +</head> +<body> +<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Coming of Evolution, by John W. (John +Wesley) Judd</h1> +<pre> +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at <a href = "http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre> +<p>Title: The Coming of Evolution</p> +<p> The Story of a Great Revolution in Science</p> +<p>Author: John W. (John Wesley) Judd</p> +<p>Release Date: February 18, 2010 [eBook #31316]</p> +<p>Language: English</p> +<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p> +<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMING OF EVOLUTION***</p> +<p> </p> +<h3>E-text prepared by Brownfox<br /> + and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> + (http://www.pgdp.net)</h3> +<p> </p> +<hr class="full" /> +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<p> </p> + +<h3>The Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature</h3> + +<h1 class="gap4">THE COMING OF EVOLUTION</h1> + +<p class="center gap4">CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS</p> +<p class="center"><b>London</b>: FETTER LANE, E.C.</p> +<p class="center">C. F. CLAY, <span class="smcap">Manager</span></p> + +<div class="figcenter gap2" style="width: 114px;"> +<img src="images/ill_002.png" width="114" height="124" alt="Decoration" title="" /> +</div> + + +<p class="center gap2 gap0b"><b>Edinburgh</b>: 100, PRINCES STREET</p> +<p class="center gap0"><b>London</b>: H. K. LEWIS, 136, GOWER STREET, W.C.</p> +<p class="center gap0"><b>Berlin</b>: A. ASHER AND CO.</p> +<p class="center gap0"><b>Leipzig</b>: F. A. BROCKHAUS</p> +<p class="center gap0"><b>New York</b>: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS</p> +<p class="center gap0"><b>Bombay and Calcutta</b>: MACMILLAN AND CO., <span class="smcap">Ltd.</span></p> + +<p class="center gap4"><i>All rights reserved</i></p> + +<div class="figcenter gap2" style="width: 399px;"><a id="Frontispiece" name="Frontispiece"></a> +<img src="images/ill_004.jpg" width="399" height="591" alt="Charles Darwin" title="" /> +</div> + + +<div class="gap4" style="background-image: url(images/ill_005.png);width:473px;height:745px; +margin-left:auto;margin-right:auto;font-size:10pt;"> +<div style="padding-top:150px; padding-right:120px; padding-bottom: 150px;padding-left: 120px;"> +<h2>THE COMING +OF EVOLUTION</h2> + +<h3>THE STORY OF A GREAT +REVOLUTION IN SCIENCE</h3> + +<h3>by</h3> + +<h2>JOHN W. JUDD</h2> +<p class="center">C.B., LL.D., F.R.S.</p> + +<p class="center">Formerly Professor of Geology And +Dean of the Royal College of Science</p> + + +<p class="center">Cambridge:</p> +<p class="center">at the University Press</p> +<p class="center">1910</p> + +</div></div> + +<p class="center">Cambridge:</p> + +<p class="center">PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.</p> + +<p class="center">AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS</p> + +<p class="center"><i>With the exception of the coat of arms at +the foot, the design on the title page is a +reproduction of one used by the earliest known +Cambridge printer, John Siberch, 1521</i></p> + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2> + + + +<table summary="TOC" style="width:80%;"> +<tr> +<td style="width:10%;" class="center small">CHAP.</td> +<td class="hangindent"> </td> +<td class="ralign small">PAGE</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center vtop">I.</td> +<td class="hangindent">Introductory</td> +<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center vtop">II.</td> +<td class="hangindent">Origin of the Idea of Evolution</td> +<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center vtop">III.</td> +<td class="hangindent">The Development of the Idea of Evolution to the Inorganic World</td> +<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center vtop">IV.</td> +<td class="hangindent">The Triumph of Catastrophism over Evolution</td> +<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_20">20</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center vtop">V.</td> +<td class="hangindent">The Revolt of Scrope and Lyell against Catastrophism</td> +<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_33">33</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center vtop">VI.</td> +<td class="hangindent"><i>The Principles of Geology</i></td> +<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center vtop">VII.</td> +<td class="hangindent">The Influence of Lyell's Works</td> +<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_68">68</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center vtop">VIII.</td> +<td class="hangindent">Early Attempts to establish the Doctrine of Evolution for the Organic World</td> +<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_82">82</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center vtop">IX.</td> +<td class="hangindent">Darwin and Wallace: The Theory of Natural Selection</td> +<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_95">95</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center vtop">X.</td> +<td class="hangindent"><i>The Origin of Species</i></td> +<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_115">115</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center vtop">XI.</td> +<td class="hangindent">The Influence of Darwin's Works</td> +<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_136">136</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center vtop">XII.</td> +<td class="hangindent">The Place of Lyell and Darwin in History</td> +<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_149">149</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center"> </td> +<td class="hangindent">Notes</td> +<td class="ralign"><a href="#Page_160">160</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="center"> </td> +<td class="hangindent">Index</td> +<td class="ralign"><a href="#Page_165">165</a></td> +</tr> +</table> + +<h2>PLATES</h2> + +<table summary="Plates" style="width:80%; padding:0em; border-collapse:collapse;"> +<tr> +<td class="hangindent">Charles Darwin</td> +<td class="ralign" colspan="2"><a href="#Frontispiece"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="hangindent">G. Poulett Scrope</td> +<td class="ralign" colspan="2" style="width:10em;"><i>to face p.</i> <a href="#Page_35">35</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="hangindent">Charles Lyell</td> +<td class="ralign" style="width:9em;"> " " </td> +<td class="ralign" style="width:1em;"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="hangindent">Alfred R. Wallace</td> +<td class="ralign"> " " </td> +<td class="ralign"><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td> +</tr> +</table> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> + + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I</h2> + +<h3>INTRODUCTORY</h3> + + +<p>When the history of the Nineteenth Century—'the +Wonderful Century,' as it has, not inaptly, been +called—comes to be written, a foremost place must +be assigned to that great movement by which evolution +has become the dominant factor in scientific +progress, while its influence has been felt in every +sphere of human speculation and effort. At the +beginning of the Century, the few who ventured +to entertain evolutionary ideas were regarded by +their scientific contemporaries, as wild visionaries +or harmless 'cranks'—by the world at large, as +ignorant 'quacks' or 'designing atheists.' At the +end of the Century, evolution had not only become +the guiding principle of naturalists, but had profoundly +influenced every branch of physical science; +at the same time, suggesting new trains of thought +and permeating the language of philologists, historians, +sociologists, politicians—and even of theologians.</p> + +<p>How has this revolution in thought—the greatest +which has occurred in modern times—been brought<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span> +about? What manner of men were they who were +the leaders in this great movement? What the +influences that led them to discard the old views and +adopt new ones? And, under what circumstances +were they able to produce the works which so +profoundly affected the opinions of the day? These +are the questions with which I propose to deal in the +following pages.</p> + +<p>It has been my own rare good fortune to have +enjoyed the friendship of all the great leaders in this +important movement—of Huxley, Hooker, Scrope, +Wallace, Lyell and Darwin—and, with some of them, +I was long on terms of affectionate intimacy. From +their own lips I have learned of incidents, and +listened to anecdotes, bearing on the events of +a memorable past. Would that I could hope to +bring before my readers, in all their nobility, a vivid +picture of the characteristics of the men to whom +science and the world owe so much!</p> + +<p>For it is not only by their intellectual greatness +that we are impressed. Every man of science is +proud, and justly proud, of the grandeur of character, +the unexampled generosity, the modesty and simplicity +which distinguished these pioneers in a great +cause. It is unfortunately true, that the votaries of +science—like the cultivators of art and literature—have +sometimes so far forgotten their high vocation, +as to have been more careful about the priority<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> +of their personal claims than of the purity of their +own motives—they have sometimes, it must be sadly +admitted, allowed self-interest to obscure the interests +of science. But in the story we have to relate there +are no 'regrettable incidents' to be deplored; never +has there occurred any event that marred the harmony +in this band of fellow-workers, striving towards a +great ideal. So noble, indeed, was the great central +figure—Charles Darwin—that his senior Lyell and +all his juniors were bound to him by the strongest +ties of admiration, respect and affection; while he, +in his graceful modesty, thought more of them than +of himself, of the results of their labours rather than +of his own great achievement.</p> + +<p>It is not, as sometimes suggested, the striking out +of new ideas which is of the greatest importance in +the history of science, but rather the accumulation +of observations and experiments, the reasonings +based upon these, and the writings in which facts +and reasonings are presented to the world—by which +a merely suggestive hypothesis becomes a vivifying +theory—that really count in making history.</p> + +<p>Talking with Matthew Arnold in 1871, he laughingly +remarked to me 'I cannot understand why you +scientific people make such a fuss about Darwin. +Why it's all in Lucretius!' On my replying, 'Yes! +Lucretius guessed what Darwin proved,' he mischievously +rejoined 'Ah! that only shows how much<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> +greater Lucretius really was,—for he divined a truth, +which Darwin spent a life of labour in groping for.'</p> + +<p>Mr Alfred Russel Wallace has so well and clearly +set forth the essential difference between the points +of view of the cultivators of literature and science +in this matter, that I cannot do better than to quote +his words. They are as follows:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'I have long since come to see that no one deserves either +praise or blame for the <i>ideas</i> that come to him, but only for the +<i>actions</i> resulting therefrom. Ideas and beliefs are certainly not +voluntary acts. They come to us—we hardly know <i>how</i> or +<i>whence</i>, and once they have got possession of us we cannot reject +them or change them at will. It is for the common good that the +promulgation of ideas should be free—uninfluenced by either +praise or blame, reward or punishment.'</p> + +<p>'But the <i>actions</i> which result from our ideas may properly be so +treated, because it is only by patient thought and work that new +ideas, if good and true, become adopted and utilized; while, +if untrue or if not adequately presented to the world, they are +rejected or forgotten<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id="FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>.'<a name="FNanchor_A_1" id="FNanchor_A_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_A_1" class="fnanchor">[A]</a></p></div> + +<p><i>Ideas</i> of Evolution, both in the Organic and the +Inorganic world, existed but remained barren for +thousands of years. Yet by the labours of a band +of workers in last century, these ideas, which were +but the dreams of poets and the guesses of philosophers, +came to be the accepted creed of working +naturalists, while they have profoundly affected +thought and language in every branch of human +enterprise.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A_1" id="Footnote_A_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A_1"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> For <a href="#NOTES">References</a> see the end of the volume.</p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span></p> + + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II</h2> + +<h3>ORIGIN OF THE IDEA OF EVOLUTION</h3> + + +<p>In all ages, and in all parts of the world, we find +that primitive man has delighted in speculating on +the birth of the world in which he lives, on the origin +of the living things that surround him, and especially +on the beginnings of the race of beings to which he +himself belongs. In a recent very interesting essay<a name="FNanchor_2_3" id="FNanchor_2_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_3" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>, +the author of <i>The Golden Bough</i> has collected, from +the records of tradition, history and travel, a valuable +mass of evidence concerning the legends which have +grown out of these speculations. Myths of this kind +would appear to fall into two categories, each of +which may not improbably be associated with the +different pursuits followed by the uncivilised races +of mankind.</p> + +<p>Tillers of the soil, impressed as they must have +been by the great annual miracle of the outburst of +vegetable life as spring returns, naturally adopted +one of these lines of speculation. From the dead,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> +bare ground they witnessed the upspringing of all +the wondrous beauty of the plant-world, and, in their +ignorance of the chemistry of vegetable life, they +imagined that the herbs, shrubs and trees are all +alike built up out of the materials contained in the +soil from which they grow. The recognition of the +fact that animals feed on plants, or on one another, +led to the obvious conclusion that the <i>ultimate</i> +materials of animal, as well as of vegetable, structures +were to be sought for in the soil. And this view was +confirmed by the fact that, when life ceases in plants +or animals, all alike are reduced to 'dust' and again +become a part of the soil—returning 'earth to earth.' +In groping therefore for an explanation of the origin +of living things, what could be more natural than the +supposition that the first plants and animals—like +those now surrounding us—were made and fashioned +from the soil, dust or earth—all had been 'clay in +the hands of a potter.' The widely diffused notion +that man himself must have been moulded out of <i>red</i> +clay is probably accounted for by the colour of our +internal organs.</p> + +<p>Thus originated a large class of legendary stories, +many of them of a very grotesque character. Even +in many mediaeval sculptures, in this country and on +the continent, the Deity is represented as moulding +with his hands the semblance of a human figure out +of a shapeless lump of clay.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span></p> + +<p>But among the primitive hunters and herdsmen +a very different line of speculation appears to have +originated, for by their occupations they were continually +brought into contact with an entirely different +class of phenomena. They could not but notice that +the creatures which they hunted or tended, and slew, +presented marked resemblances to themselves—in +their structures, their functions, their diseases, their +dispositions, and their habits. When dogs and horses +became the servants and companions of men, and +when various beasts and birds came to be kept as +pets, the mental and even the moral processes +characterising the intelligence of these animals must +have been seen by their masters to be identical in +kind with those of their own minds. Do we not even +at the present day compare human characteristics +with those of animals, the courage of the lion, the +cunning of the fox, the fidelity of the dog, and the +parental affection of the bird? And the men, who +depended for their very existence on studying the +ways of various animals, could not have been less +impressed by these qualities than are we.</p> + +<p>Mr Frazer has shown how, from such considerations, +the legends concerning the relations of certain +tribes of men with particular species of animals have +arisen, and thus the cults of 'sacred animals' and of +'totemism' have been gradually developed. From +comparisons of human courage, sagacity, swiftness,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> +strength or perseverance, with similar qualities displayed +by certain animals, it was an easy transition +to the idea that such characteristics were derived by +inheritance.</p> + +<p>In the absence of any exact knowledge of anatomy +and physiology, the resemblances of animals to +themselves would quite outbulk the differences in +the eyes of primitive men, and the idea of close +relationship in blood does not appear to have been +regarded with distaste. In their origin and in their +destiny, no distinction was drawn between man and +what we now designate as the 'lower' animals. +Primitive man not only feels no repugnance to such +kinship:—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">'But thinks, admitted to that equal sky,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">His faithful dog shall hear him company<a name="FNanchor_3_4" id="FNanchor_3_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_4" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>.'<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>It should perhaps be remembered, too, that, in +the breeding of domestic animals, the great facts of +heredity and variation could not fail to have been +noticed, and must have given rise to reflection and +speculation. The selection of the best animals for +breeding purposes, and the consequent improvement +of their stock, may well have suggested the transmutation +of one kind of animal into a different kind, +just as the crossing of different kinds of animals +seems to have suggested the possible existence of +centaurs, griffins and other monstrous forms.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span></p> + +<p>How early the principles of variation and heredity, +and even the possibility of improving breeds by +selection, must have been appreciated by early men +is illustrated by the old story of the way in which the +wily Jacob made an attempt—however futile were the +means he adopted—to cheat his employer Laban<a name="FNanchor_4_5" id="FNanchor_4_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_5" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>.</p> + +<p>Yet, in spite of observed tendencies to variation +among animals and plants, early man must have been +convinced of the existence of distinct kinds ('species') +in both the vegetable and animal worlds; he recognised +that plants of definite kinds yielded particular +fruits, and that different kinds of animals did not +breed promiscuously with one another, but that, +pairing each with its own kind, all gave rise to like +offspring, and thus arose the idea of distinct 'species' +of plants and animals.</p> + +<p>It must be remembered, however, that for a long +time 'the world' was believed to be limited to a few +districts surrounding the Eastern Mediterranean, and +the kinds or 'species' of animals and plants were +supposed to number a few scores or at most hundreds. +This being the case, the sudden stocking of 'the +world' with its complement of animals and plants +would be thought a comparatively simple operation, +and the violent destruction of the whole a scarcely +serious result. Even the possibility of the preservation +of pairs of all the different species, in a ship of +moderate dimensions, was one that was easily enter<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span>tained +and was not calculated to awaken either surprise +or incredulity.</p> + +<p>But how different is the problem as it now presents +itself to us! In the year 1900 Professor S. H. Vines +of Oxford estimated that the number of 'species' of +plants that have been described could be little short +of 200,000, and that future studies, especially of the +lower microscopic forms, would probably bring that +number up to 300,000<a name="FNanchor_5_6" id="FNanchor_5_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_6" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>. Last year, Mr A. E. Shipley +of Cambridge, basing his estimate on the earlier one +of Dr Günther, came to the conclusion that the number +of described animals must also exceed 300,000<a name="FNanchor_6_7" id="FNanchor_6_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_7" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>. On +the lowest estimate then we must place the number +of known species of plants and animals, living on the +globe, as 600,000! And if we consider the numbers +of new forms of plants and animals that every year +are being described by naturalists—about 1500 plants +and 1200 animals—if we take into account the inaccessible +or as yet unvisited portions of the earth's +surface, the very imperfectly known depths of the sea, +and, in addition to these, the almost infinite varieties +of minute and microscopic forms, I think every competent +judge would consider <i>a million</i> as being +probably an estimate below, rather than above, the +number of 'species' now existing on the earth!</p> + +<p>While some of these species are very widely +distributed over the earth's surface, or in the waters +of the oceans, seas, lakes and rivers, there are others<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> +which are as strikingly limited in their range. Many +of the myriad forms of insect-life pass their whole +existence, and are dependent for food, on a particular +species of plant. Not a few animals and plants are +parasitical, and can only live in the interior or on the +outside of other plants and animals.</p> + +<p>It will be seen from these considerations that in +attempting to decide between the two hypotheses of +the <i>origin</i> of species—the only ones ever suggested—namely +the fashioning of them out of dead matter, or +their descent with modification from pre-existing +forms, we are dealing with a problem of much greater +complexity than could possibly have been imagined +by the early speculators on the subject.</p> + +<p>The two strongly contrasted hypotheses to which +we have referred are often spoken of as 'creation' +and 'evolution.' But this is an altogether illegitimate +use of these terms. By <i>whatever method</i> species of +plants or animals come into existence, they may be +rightly said to be 'created.' We speak of the +existing plants and animals as having been created, +although we well know them to have been 'evolved' +from seeds, eggs and other 'germs'—and indeed from +those excessively minute and simple structures known +as 'cells.' Lyell and Darwin, as we shall presently +see, though they were firmly convinced that species of +plants and animals were slowly developed and not +suddenly manufactured, wrote constantly and correctly +of the 'creation' of new forms of life.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span></p> + +<p>The idea of 'descent with modification,' derived +from the early speculations of hunters and herdsmen, +is really a much nobler and more beautiful conception +of 'creation' than that of the 'fashioning out of +clay,' which commended itself to the primitive agriculturalists.</p> + +<p>Lyell writing to his friend John Herschel, who +like himself believed in the derivation of new species +from pre-existing ones by the action of secondary +causes, wrote in 1836:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>When I first came to the notion, ... of a succession of +extinction of species, and creation of new ones, going on perpetually +now, and through an indefinite period of the past, and to +continue for ages to come, all in accommodation to the changes +which must continue in the inanimate and habitable earth, the +idea struck me as the grandest which I had ever conceived, so far +as regards the attributes of the Presiding Mind<a name="FNanchor_7_8" id="FNanchor_7_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_8" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>And Darwin concludes his presentment of the +doctrine of evolution in the <i>Origin of Species</i> in 1859 +with the following sentence:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'There is a grandeur in this view of life, with its several +powers, having been originally breathed by the Creator into a few +forms or into one; and that, whilst this planet has gone cycling on +according to the fixed law of gravity, from so simple a beginning +endless forms most beautiful and most wonderful have been, and +are being, evolved<a name="FNanchor_8_9" id="FNanchor_8_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_9" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>Compare with these suggestions the ideas embodied +in the following lines—ideas of which the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> +crudeness cannot be concealed by all the witchery of +Milton's immortal verse:—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">'The Earth obey'd, and straight,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Op'ning her fertile womb, teem'd at a birth<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Innumerous living creatures, perfect forms,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Limb'd and full grown. Out of the ground up rose<br /></span> +<span class="i0">As from his lair, the wild beast, where he wons<br /></span> +<span class="i0">In forest wild, in thicket, brake, or den;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Among the trees they rose, they walk'd;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The cattle in the fields and meadows green:<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Those rare and solitary, these in flocks<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Pasturing at once, and in broad herds upsprung.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The grassy clods now calv'd; now half appear'd<br /></span> +<span class="i0">The tawny lion, pawing to get free<br /></span> +<span class="i0">His hinder parts, then springs, as broke from bonds,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">And rampant shakes his brinded mane<a name="FNanchor_9_10" id="FNanchor_9_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_10" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>.'<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Can anyone doubt for a moment which is the +grander view of 'Creation'—that embodied in +Darwin's prose, or the one so strikingly pictured in +Milton's poetry?</p> + +<p>We see then that the two ideas of the method of +creation, dimly perceived by early man, have at last +found clear and definite expression from these two +authors—Milton and Darwin. It is a singular coincidence +that these two great exponents of the rival +hypotheses were both students in the same University +of Cambridge and indeed resided in the same foundation—and +that not one of the largest of that +University—namely Christ's College.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span></p> + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III</h2> + +<h3>THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEA OF EVOLUTION TO +THE INORGANIC WORLD</h3> + + +<p>We have seen in the preceding chapter that, with +respect to the origin of plants and animals—including +man himself—two very distinct lines of speculation +have arisen; these two lines of thought may be +expressed by the terms 'manufacture'—literally +making by hand, and 'development' or 'evolution,'—a +gradual unfolding from simpler to more complex +forms. Now with respect to the <i>inorganic</i> world two +parallel hypotheses of 'creation' have arisen, like +those relating to <i>organic</i> nature; but in the former +case the determining factor in the choice of ideas has +been, not the avocations of the primitive peoples, but +the nature of their surroundings.</p> + +<p>The dwellers in the valleys of the Euphrates and +Tigris could not but be impressed by the great and +destructive floods to which those regions were subject; +and the inhabitants of the shores and islands of the +Aegean Sea, and of the Italian peninsula, were equally<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> +conversant with the devastations wrought by volcanic +outbursts and earthquake shocks. As great districts +were seen to be depopulated by these catastrophies, +might not some even more violent cataclysm of the +same kind actually destroy all mankind, with the +animals and plants, in the comparatively small area +then known as 'the world'? The great flood, of +which all these nations appear to have retained traditions, +was regarded as only the last of such destructive +cataclysms; and, in this way, there originated +the myth of successive destructions of the face of the +earth, each followed by the creation of new stocks of +plants and animals. This is the doctrine now known +as 'Catastrophism,' which we find prevalent in the +earliest traditions and writings of India, Babylonia, +Syria and Greece.</p> + +<p>But in ancient Egypt quite another class of +phenomena was conspicuously presented to the early +philosophers of the country. Instead of sudden floods +and terrible displays of volcanic and earthquake +violence, they witnessed the annual gentle rise and +overflowings of their grand river, with its beneficent +heritage of new soil; and they soon learned to +recognise that Egypt itself—so far as the delta was +concerned—was 'the gift of the Nile.'</p> + +<p>From the contemplation of these phenomena, the +Egyptian sages were gradually led to entertain the +idea that all the features of the earth—as they knew<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> +it—might have been similarly produced through the +slow and constant action of the causes now seen in +operation around them. This idea was incorporated +in a myth, which was suggested by the slow and +gradual transformation of an egg into a perfect, +growing organism. The birth of the world was +pictured as an act of incubation, and male and female +deities were invented to play the part of parents to +the infant world. By Pythagoras, who resided for +more than twenty years in Egypt, these ideas were +introduced to the Greek philosophers, and from that +time 'Catastrophism' found a rival in the new +doctrine which we shall see has been designated under +the names of 'Continuity,' 'Uniformitarianism' or +'Evolution.' How, from the first crude notions of +evolution, successive thinkers developed more just and +noble conceptions on the subject, has been admirably +shown by Professor Osborn in his <i>From the Greeks to +Darwin</i> and by Mr Clodd in his <i>Pioneers of Evolution</i>.</p> + +<p>Poets, from Empedocles and Lucretius to Goethe +and Tennyson, have sought in their verses to illustrate +the beauty of evolutionary ideas; and philosophers, +from Aristotle and Strabo to Kant and Herbert +Spencer, have recognised the principle of evolution +as harmonising with, and growing out of, the highest +conceptions of science. Yet it was not till the Nineteenth +Century that any serious attempts were made +to establish the hypothesis of evolution as a definite<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> +theory, based on sound reasoning from careful observation.</p> + +<p>It is true that there were men, in advance of their +age, who in some cases anticipated to a certain extent +this work of establishing the doctrine of evolution on +a firm foundation. Thus in Italy, the earliest home +of so many sciences, a Carmelite friar, Generelli, +reasoning on observations made by his compatriots +Fracastoro and Leonardo da Vinci in the Sixteenth +Century, Steno and Scilla in the Seventeenth, and +Lazzaro Moro and Marsilli in the Eighteenth Century, +laid the foundations of a rational system of geology in +a work published in 1749 which was characterised +alike by courage and eloquence. In France, the +illustrious Nicolas Desmarest, from his study of the +classical region of the Auvergne, was able to show, in +1777, how the river valleys of that district had been +carved out by the rivers that flow in them. Nor were +there wanting geologists with similar previsions in +Germany and Switzerland.</p> + +<p>But none of these early exponents of geological +theory came so near to anticipating the work of the +Nineteenth Century as did the illustrious James +Hutton, whose 'Theory of the Earth,' a first sketch +of which was published in 1785, was a splendid exposition +of evolution as applied to the inorganic world. +Unfortunately, Hutton's theory was linked to the +extravagancies of what was known at that day as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> +'Vulcanism' or 'Plutonism,' in contradistinction to +the 'Neptunism' of Werner. Hutton, while rejecting +the Wernerian notion of "the aqueous precipitation +of basalt," maintained the equally fanciful idea that +the consolidation of all strata—clays, sandstones, +conglomerates, limestones and even rock-salt—must +be ascribed to the action of heat, and that even the +formation of chalk-flints and the silicification of fossil +wood were due to the injection of molten silica!</p> + +<p>What was still more unfortunate in Hutton's case +was that, in his enthusiasm, he used expressions which +led to his being charged with heresy and even with +being an enemy of religion. His writings were +further so obscure in style as often to lead to misconception +as to their true meaning, while his great work—so +far as the fragment which was published goes—contained +few records of original observations on +which his theory was based.</p> + +<p>Dr Fitton has pointed out very striking coincidences +between the writings of Generelli and those of +Hutton, and has suggested that the latter may have +derived his views from the eloquent Italian friar<a name="FNanchor_10_11" id="FNanchor_10_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_11" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>. +But for this suggestion, I think that there is no real +foundation. Darwin and Wallace, as we shall see +later, were quite unconscious of their having been +forestalled in the theory of Natural Selection by +Dr Wells and Patrick Matthew; and Hutton, like +his successor Lyell, in all probability arrived, quite<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> +independently, and by different lines of reasoning, +at conclusions identical with those of Generelli and +Desmarest.</p> + +<p>Although, as we shall see, Hutton failed to greatly +influence the scientific thought of his day, yet all will +now agree with Lyell that 'Hutton laboured to give +fixed principles to geology, as Newton had succeeded +in doing to astronomy<a name="FNanchor_11_12" id="FNanchor_11_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_12" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>'; and with Zittel that +'<i>Hutton's Theory of the Earth</i> is one of the masterpieces +in the history of geology<a name="FNanchor_12_13" id="FNanchor_12_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_13" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>.'</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span></p> + + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV</h2> + +<h3>THE TRIUMPH OF CATASTROPHISM OVER +EVOLUTION</h3> + + +<p>There is no fact in the history of science which is +more certain than that those great pioneers of Evolution +in the Inorganic world—Generelli, Desmarest +and Hutton—utterly failed to recommend their +doctrines to general acceptance; and that, at the +beginning of last century, everything in the nature of +evolutionary ideas was almost universally discredited—alike +by men of science and the world at large.</p> + +<p>The causes of the neglect and opprobrium which +befel all evolutionary teachings are not difficult to +discover. The old Greek philosophers saw no more +reason to doubt the possibility of creation by evolution, +than by direct mechanical means. But, on the +revival of learning in Europe, evolution was at once +confronted by the cosmogonies of Jewish and Arabian +writers, which were incorporated in sacred books; and +not only were the ideas of the sudden making and +destruction of the world and all things in it regarded<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> +as revealed truth, but the periods of time necessary for +evolution could not be admitted by those who believed +the beginning of the world to have been recent, and +its end to be imminent. Thus 'Catastrophic' ideas +came to be regarded as <i>orthodox</i>, and evolutionary +ones as utterly irreligious and damnable.</p> + +<p>There are few more curious facts in the history of +science than the contrast between the reception of +the teaching of the Saxon professor Werner, and +those of Hutton, the Scotch philosopher, his great +rival. While the enthusiastic disciples of the former +carried their master's ideas everywhere, acting with +missionary zeal and fervour, and teaching his doctrines +almost as though they were a divine revelation, the +latter, surrounded by a few devoted friends, saw his +teachings everywhere received with persistent misrepresentation, +theological vituperation or contemptuous +neglect. Even in Edinburgh itself, one of +Werner's pupils dominated the teaching of the +University for half a century, and established a society +for the propagation of the views which Hutton so +strongly opposed.</p> + +<p>When it is remembered that Hutton wrote at a +time when 'heresy-hunting' in this country had been +excited to such a dangerous extent, through the +excesses of the French Revolution, that his contemporary, +Priestley, had been hounded from his home +and country for proclaiming views which at that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> +time were regarded as unscriptural, it becomes less +difficult to understand the prejudice that was excited +against the gentle and modest philosopher of +Edinburgh.</p> + +<p>We have employed the term 'Catastrophism' to +indicate the views which were prevalent at the +beginning of last century concerning the origin of the +rock-masses of the globe and their fossil contents. +These views were that at a number of successive +epochs—of which the age of Noah was the latest—great +revolutions had taken place on the earth's +surface; that during each of these cataclysms all +living things were destroyed; and that, after an +interval, the world was restocked with fresh assemblages +of plants and animals, to be destroyed in turn +and entombed in the strata at the next revolution.</p> + +<p>Whewell, in 1830, contrasted this teaching with +that of Hutton and Lyell in the following passage:—'These +two opinions will probably for some time +divide the geological world into two sects, which may +perhaps be designated the "Uniformitarians" and +the "Catastrophists." The latter has undoubtedly +been of late the prevalent doctrine.' It is interesting +to note, as showing the confidence felt in their tenets +by the 'Catastrophists' of that day, that Whewell +adds 'We conceive that Mr Lyell will find it a harder +task than he imagines to overturn the established +belief<a name="FNanchor_13_14" id="FNanchor_13_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_14" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>!'<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span></p> + +<p>Some authors have suggested that the doctrine +taught by Generelli, Desmarest and Hutton, and later +by Scrope and Lyell, for which Whewell proposed the +somewhat cumbrous term 'Uniformitarianism,' but +which was perhaps better designated by Grove in +1866 as 'Continuity<a name="FNanchor_14_15" id="FNanchor_14_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_15" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>,' was distinct from, and subsidiary +to, Evolution—and this view could claim for a +time the support of a very great authority.</p> + +<p>In 1869, Huxley delivered an address to the +Geological Society, in which he postulated the existence +of 'three more or less contradictory systems of +geological thought,' under the names of 'Catastrophism,' +'Uniformitarianism' and 'Evolution.' In +this essay, distinguished by all his wonderful lucidity +and forceful logic, Huxley sought to establish the +position that evolution is a doctrine, distinct from and +<i>in advance of</i> that of uniformitarianism, and that +Hutton and Playfair—'and to a less extent Lyell'—had +acted unwisely in deprecating the extension of +Geology into enquiries concerning 'the beginning of +things<a name="FNanchor_15_16" id="FNanchor_15_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_16" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>.'</p> + +<p>But there is no doubt that Huxley at a later +period was led to qualify, and indeed to largely modify, +the views maintained in that address. In a footnote +to an essay written in April 1887, he asserts +'What I mean by "evolutionism" is consistent and +thoroughgoing uniformitarianism'; and in the same +year he wrote in his <i>Reception of the Origin of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> +Species</i><a name="FNanchor_16_17" id="FNanchor_16_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_17" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>: 'Consistent uniformitarianism postulates +evolution, as much in the organic as in the inorganic +world<a name="FNanchor_17_18" id="FNanchor_17_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_18" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>.'</p> + +<p>It is not difficult to trace the causes of this change +in the attitude of mind with which Huxley regarded +the doctrine of 'uniformitarianism.' He assures us +'I owe more than I can tell to the careful study of +the <i>Principles of Geology</i><a name="FNanchor_18_19" id="FNanchor_18_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_19" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>,' and again 'Lyell was for +others as for me the chief agent in smoothing the road +for Darwin<a name="FNanchor_19_20" id="FNanchor_19_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_20" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>.' From the perusal of the letters of +Lyell, published in 1881, Huxley learned that the +author of the <i>Principles of Geology</i> had, at a very +early date, been convinced that evolution was true of +the organic as well as of the inorganic world—though +he had been unable to accept Lamarckism, or any +other hypothesis on the subject that had, up to that +time, been suggested. There can be little doubt, +however, that a chief influence in bringing about the +change in Huxley's views was his intercourse with +Darwin—who was, from first to last, an uncompromising +'uniformitarian.'</p> + +<p>We are fully justified, then, in regarding the +teaching of Hutton and Lyell (to which Whewell gave +the name of 'uniformitarianism') as being identical +with evolution. The cockpit in which the great battle +between catastrophism and evolution was fought out, +as we shall see in the sequel, was the Geological +Society of London, where doughty champions of each<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> +of the rival doctrines met in frequent combat and +long maintained the struggle for supremacy.</p> + +<p>Fitton has very truly said that 'the views proposed +by Hutton failed to produce general conviction at +the time; and several years elapsed before any one +showed himself publicly concerned about them, either +as an enemy or a friend<a name="FNanchor_20_21" id="FNanchor_20_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_21" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>.' Sad is it to relate that, +when notice was at last taken of the memoir on the +'Theory of the Earth,' it was by bitter opponents—such +'Philistines' (as Huxley calls them) as +Kirwan, De Luc and Williams, who declared the +author to be an enemy of religion. Not only did +Hutton, unlike the writers of other theories of the +earth, omit any statement that his views were based +on the Scriptures, but, carried away by the beauty of +the system of continuity which he advocated, he wrote +enthusiastically 'the result of this physical enquiry is +that we find no vestige of a beginning—no prospect +of an end<a name="FNanchor_21_22" id="FNanchor_21_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_22" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>.' This was unjustly asserted to be +equivalent to a declaration that the world had neither +beginning nor end; and thus it came about that +Wernerism, Neptunism and Catastrophism were long +regarded as synonymous with Orthodoxy, while +Plutonism and 'Uniformitarianism' were looked +upon with aversion and horror as subversive of +religion and morality.</p> + +<p>Almost simultaneously with the foundation of the +Wernerian Society of Edinburgh (in 1807) was the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> +establishment in London of the Geological Society. +Originating in a dining club of collectors of minerals, +the society consisted at first almost exclusively of +mineralogists and chemists, including Davy, Wollaston, +Sir James Hall, and later, Faraday and Turner. The +bitter but barren conflict between the Neptunists and +the Plutonists was then at its height, and it was, from +the first, agreed in the infant society to confine its +work almost entirely to the collection of facts, +eschewing theory. During the first decade of its +existence, it is true, the chief papers published by +the society were on mineralogical questions; but +gradually geology began to assert itself. The actual +founder and first president of the society, Greenough, +had been a pupil of Werner, and used all his great +influence to discourage the dissemination of any but +Wernerian doctrines—foreign geologists, like Dr +Berger, being subsidised to apply the Wernerian +classification and principles to the study of British +rocks. Thus, in early days, the Geological Society +became almost as completely devoted to the teaching +of Wernerian doctrines as was the contemporary +society in Edinburgh.</p> + +<p>Dr Buckland used to say that when he joined the +Geological Society in 1813, 'it had a very <i>landed</i> +manner, and only admitted the professors of geology +in Oxford and Cambridge on sufferance.'</p> + +<p>But, gradually, changes began to be felt in this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> +aristocratic body of exclusive amateurs and wealthy +collectors of minerals. William Smith, 'the Father +of English Geology'—though he published little and +never joined the society—exercised a most important +influence on its work. By his maps, and museum of +specimens, as well as by his communications, so freely +made known, concerning his method of 'identifying +strata by their organic remains,' many of the old geologists, +who were not aware at the time of the source +of their inspiration, were led to adopt entirely new +methods of studying the rocks. In this way, the +accurate mineralogical and geognostical methods of +Werner came to be supplemented by the fruitful +labours of the stratigraphical palaeontologist. The new +school of geologists included men like William Phillips, +Conybeare, Sedgwick, Buckland, De la Beche, Fitton, +Mantell, Webster, Lonsdale, Murchison, John Phillips +and others, who laid the foundations of British stratigraphical +geology.</p> + +<p>But these great geological pioneers, almost without +exception, maintained the Wernerian doctrines +and were firm adherents of Catastrophism. The three +great leaders—the enthusiastic Buckland, the eloquent +Sedgwick, and the indefatigable Conybeare—were +clergymen, as were also Whewell and Henslow, and +they were all honestly, if mistakenly, convinced that +the Huttonian teaching was opposed to the Scriptures<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> +and inimical to religion and morality. Buckland at +Oxford, and Sedgwick at Cambridge, made geology +popular by combining it with equestrian exercise; +and Whewell tells us how the eccentric Buckland used +to ride forth from the University, with a long cavalcade +of mounted students, holding forth with sarcasm +and ridicule concerning 'the inadequacy of existing +causes<a name="FNanchor_22_23" id="FNanchor_22_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_23" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>.'</p> + +<p>And Sedgwick at Cambridge was no less firmly +opposed to evolutionary doctrine, eloquently declaiming +at all times against the unscriptural tenets of the +Huttonians.</p> + +<p>I cannot better illustrate the complete neglect at +that time by leading geologists in this country of the +Huttonian teaching than by pointing to the Report +drawn up in 1833, by Conybeare, for the British +Association, on 'The Progress, Actual State and +Ulterior Prospects of Geological Science<a name="FNanchor_23_24" id="FNanchor_23_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_24" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>.' This +valuable memoir of 47 pages opens with a sketch of +the history of the science, in which the chief Italian, +French and German investigators are referred to, but +the name of Hutton is not even mentioned!</p> + +<p>And if positive evidence is required of the contempt +which the early geologists felt for Hutton and +his teachings, it will be found in the same author's +introduction to that classical work, the <i>Outlines of +Geology</i> (1822), in which he says of Hutton, after<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> +praising his views on granite veins and "trap +rocks":—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'The wildness of many of his theoretical views, however, went +far to counterbalance the utility of the additional facts which he +collected from observation. He who could perceive in geology +nothing but the <i>ordinary</i> operation of actual causes, carried +on in the same manner through infinite ages, without the +trace of a beginning or the prospect of an end, must have +surveyed them through the medium of a preconceived hypothesis +alone<a name="FNanchor_24_25" id="FNanchor_24_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_25" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>John Playfair, the brilliant author of the <i>Illustrations +of the Huttonian Theory</i>, died in 1819; under +happier conditions his able work might have done for +Inorganic Evolution what his great master failed to +accomplish; but the dead weight of prejudice and the +dread of anything that seemed to savour of infidelity +was, at the time of the great European struggle +against revolutionary France, too great to be removed +even by his lucid statements and eloquent advocacy. +James Hall and Leonard Horner, two faithful disciples +of Hutton, who had joined the infant Geological +Society, forsook it early, the former leaving it on +account of the quarrel with the Royal Society, the +latter retaining his fellowship and interest, but going +to live at Edinburgh. Greenough, 'The Objector +General,' as he was called, was left, fanatically +opposing any attempt to stem the current that had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> +set so strongly in favour of Wernerism and Neptunism, +and the Catastrophic doctrines which all thought to +be necessary conclusions from them. The great +heroic workers of that day—while they were laying +well and truly the foundations of historical geology—were, +one and all, indifferent to, or violently opposed +to, the Huttonian teaching. Neither Fitton nor John +Phillips, who at a later date showed sympathy with +evolutionary doctrines, were the men to fight the +battle of an unpopular cause.</p> + +<p>Attempts have been made by both Playfair and +Fitton to explain how it was that Hutton's teaching +failed to arrest the attention it deserved. The former +justly asserted that the world was tired of the performances +issued under the title of 'theories of the +earth'; and that the condensed nature of Hutton's +writings, with their 'embarrassment of reasoning and +obscurity of style<a name="FNanchor_25_26" id="FNanchor_25_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_26" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>' are largely responsible for the +neglect into which they fell.</p> + +<p>Fitton, in 1839, wrote in the <i>Edinburgh Review</i>, +'The original work of Hutton (in two volumes) is in +fact so scarce that no very great number of our +readers can have seen it. No copy exists at present +in the libraries of the Royal Society, the Linnean, +or even the Geological Society of London<a name="FNanchor_26_27" id="FNanchor_26_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_27" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>!' He +also points out that Hutton's work, and even the +more lucid <i>Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory</i>,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> +were almost unknown on the continent, owing to the +isolation of Great Britain during the war; and he +even suggests that the popularity of Playfair in this +country may have not improbably led to the neglect +of the original work of Hutton<a name="FNanchor_27_28" id="FNanchor_27_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_28" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>.</p> + +<p>On the continent, indeed, the authority of Cuvier +was supreme, and in his <i>Essay on the Theory of the +Earth</i>, prefixed to his <i>Opus magnum</i>—the <i>Ossemens +Fossiles</i>—the great naturalist threw the whole weight +of his influence into the scale of Catastrophism. He +maintained that a series of tremendous cataclysms +had affected the globe—the last being the Noachian +deluge—and that the floods of water that overspread +the earth, during each of these events, had buried +the various groups of animals, now extinct, that had +been successively created.</p> + +<p>If anything had been wanted in England to support +and confirm the views that were then supposed +to be the only ones in harmony with the Scriptures, +it was found in the great authority of Cuvier. As +Zittel justly says, Cuvier's theory of 'World-Catastrophies'—'which +afforded a certain scientific basis +for the Mosaic account of the "Flood," was received with +special cordiality in England, for there, more than in +any other country, theological doctrines had always +affected geological conceptions<a name="FNanchor_28_29" id="FNanchor_28_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_29" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>.' Britain, which had +produced the great philosopher, Hutton, had now<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> +become the centre of the bitterest opposition to his +teachings!</p> + +<p>But 'the darkest hour of night is that which +precedes the dawn,' and while the forces of reaction +in this country appeared to be triumphant over +Hutton's teaching, there was in preparation, to use the +words of Darwin, a 'grand work' ... 'which the future +historian will recognise as having produced a revolution +in natural science.'</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span></p> + + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V</h2> + +<h3>THE REVOLT OF SCROPE AND LYELL AGAINST +CATASTROPHISM</h3> + + +<p>The year 1797, in which the illustrious Hutton +died, leaving behind him the noble fragments of +a monumental work, was signalised by the birth +of two men, who were destined to bring about the +overthrow of Catastrophism, and to establish, upon +the firm foundation of reasoned observation, the +despised doctrine of Uniformitarianism or Evolution—as +outlined by Generelli, Desmarest and Hutton. +These two men were George Poulett Thomson (who +afterwards took the name of Scrope) and Charles +Lyell. Both of them were, from their youth upwards, +brought under the strongest influences of +the prevalent anti-evolutionary teachings; but both +emancipated themselves from the effects of these +teachings, being led gradually by their geological +travels and observations, not only to reject their +early faith, but to become the champions of Evolution.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span></p> + +<p>There was a singular parallel between the early +careers of these two men. Both were the sons of +parents of ample means, and were thus freed from +the distractions of a business or profession, while +throughout life they alike remained exempt from +family cares. Each of them received the ordinary +education of the English upper classes—Scrope at +Harrow, and Lyell at Salisbury, in a school conducted +by a Winchester master on public-school lines. In +due course, the two young men proceeded to the +University—Scrope to Cambridge, to come under the +influence of the sagacious and eloquent Sedgwick, +and Lyell to Oxford, to catch inspiration from the +enthusiastic but eccentric Buckland. On the opening +up of the continent, by the termination of the French +wars, each of the young men accompanied his family +in a carriage-tour (as was the fashion of the time) +through France, Switzerland and Italy; and both +utilised the opportunities thus afforded them, to +make long walking excursions for geological study. +They both returned again and again to the continent +for the purpose of geological research, and in the year +1825, at the age of 28, found themselves associated +as joint-secretaries of the Geological Society. By +this time they had arrived at similar convictions +concerning the causes of geological phenomena—convictions +which were in direct opposition to the +views of their early teachers, and equally obnoxious<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> +to all the leaders of geological thought in the infant +society which they had joined.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 402px;"> +<img src="images/ill_044.jpg" width="402" height="617" alt="G Poulett Scrope" title="" /> +</div> + +<p>It is interesting to note that each of these two +young geologists arrived independently, <i>as the result +of their own studies and observations</i>, at their +conclusions concerning the futility of the prevailing +catastrophic doctrines. This I am able to affirm, not +only from their published and unpublished letters, +but from frequent conversations I had with them in +their later years.</p> + +<p>Scrope, who was slightly the elder of the two +friends, spent a considerable time in that wonderful +district of France—the Auvergne—in the year 1821, +and though he had not seen the map and later +memoirs of Desmarest, he pourtrayed the structure +of the country in a series of very striking panoramic +views, and was led, independently of the great French +observer, to the same conclusions as his concerning +the volcanic origin of the basalts and the formation +of the valleys by river-action. Scrope was at that +time equally ignorant of the views propounded both +by Generelli and by Hutton.</p> + +<p>By April 6th, 1822, Scrope had completed his +masterly work <i>The Geology and Extinct Volcanoes +of Central France</i>, and had despatched it to England. +It would be idle to speculate now as to what might +have been the effect of that work—so full of the +results of accurate observation, and so suggestive in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> +its reasoning—had it been published at that time. +It is quite possible that much of the credit now +justly assigned to Lyell, would have belonged to his +friend. Unfortunately, however, Scrope, instead of +seeing his work through the press, determined first +to make another tour in Italy. He arrived at Naples +just in time to witness and describe the grandest +eruption of Vesuvius in modern times, that of October +1822. What he witnessed then—the blowing away +of the whole upper part of the mountain and the +formation of a vast crater 1000 feet deep—made a +profound impression on Scrope's mind. His interest +thus strongly aroused concerning igneous phenomena, +Scrope continued his travels and observations on the +volcanic rocks of the peninsula of Italy and its +islands, and was thus led to a number of important +conclusions in theoretical geology, which he embodied +in a work, published in 1825, entitled <i>Considerations +on Volcanos: the probable causes of their phenomena, +the laws which determine their march, the disposition +of their products, and their connexion with the present +state and past history of the globe; leading to the +establishment of a New Theory of the Earth</i>.</p> + +<p>It is only right to point out that, in calling this +book a <i>new</i> 'Theory of the Earth,' Scrope had no +intention of comparing it with Hutton's great +work, with which he was at that time altogether +unacquainted. Nevertheless, his conclusions, though<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> +independently arrived at, were almost identical with +those of the great Scotch philosopher. But Scrope +made the same mistake as Hutton had done before +him. He allowed his theoretical conclusions to +precede, instead of following upon an account of +the observations on which they were based. Scrope's +book is certainly one of the most original and +suggestive contributions ever made to geological +science; but the very speculative character of a +large portion of the work led to the neglect of the +really valuable hypotheses and acute observations +which it contained. In the preface, however, the +author gives a most striking and complete summary +of the doctrine of Evolution as opposed to Catastrophism, +in the inorganic world, as will be shown +by the following extracts:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Geology has for its business a knowledge of the processes +which are in continual or occasional operation within the limits +of our planet, and the application of these laws to explain the +appearances discovered by our Geognostical researches, so as from +these materials to deduce conclusions as to the past history of +the globe.</p> + +<p>The surface of the globe exposes to the eye of the Geognost +abundant evidence of a variety of changes which appear to have +succeeded one another during an incalculable lapse of time.</p> + +<p>These changes are chiefly,</p> + +<p>I. Variations of level between different constituent parts of +the solid surface of the globe.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span></p> + +<p>II. The destruction of former rocks, and their reproduction +under another form.</p> + +<p>III. The production of rocks <i>de novo</i> upon the earth's surface.</p> + +<p>Geologists have usually had recourse for the explanation of +these changes to the supposition of sundry violent and extraordinary +catastrophes, cataclysms, or general revolutions having +occurred in the physical state of the earth's surface.</p> + +<p>As the idea imparted by the term Cataclysm, Catastrophe, +or Revolution, is extremely vague, and may comprehend any thing +you choose to imagine, it answers for the time very well as an +explanation; that is, it stops further inquiry. But it has also the +disadvantage of effectually stopping the advance of science, by +involving it in obscurity and confusion.</p> + +<p>If, however, in lieu of forming guesses as to what may have +been the possible causes and nature of these changes, we pursue +that, which I conceive the only legitimate path of geological +inquiry, and begin by examining the laws of nature which are +actually in force, we cannot but perceive that numerous physical +phenomena are going on at this moment on the surface of the +globe, by which various changes are produced in its constitution +and external characters; changes extremely analogous to those +of earlier date, whose nature is the main object of geological +inquiry.</p> + +<p>These processes are principally,</p> + +<p>I. The Atmospheric phenomena.</p> + +<p>II. The laws of the circulation and residence of Water on +the exterior of the globe.</p> + +<p>III. The action of Volcanos and Earthquakes.</p> + +<p>The changes effected before our eyes, by the operation of these +causes, in the constitution of the crust of the earth are chiefly—</p> + +<p>I. The Destruction of Rocks.</p> + +<p>II. The Reproduction of others.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span></p> + +<p>III. Changes of Level.</p> + +<p>IV. The Production of New Rocks from the interior of the +globe upon its surface.</p> + +<p>Changes which in their general characters bear so strong an +analogy to those which are suspected to have occurred in the +earlier ages of the world's history, that, until the processes which +give rise to them have been maturely studied under every shape, +and then applied with strict impartiality to explain the appearances +in question; and until, after a long investigation, and with the +most liberal allowances for all possible variations, and an unlimited +series of ages, they have been found wholly inadequate to the +purpose, it would be the height of absurdity to have recourse +to any gratuitous and unexampled hypothesis for the solution +of these analogous facts<a name="FNanchor_29_30" id="FNanchor_29_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_30" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>.</p></div> + +<p>It was not till 1826, four years after the completion +of the work, that Scrope managed to publish his book +on the Auvergne, and to tear himself away from +the speculative questions by which he had become +obsessed. No one could be more candid than he +was in acknowledging the causes of his failure to +impress his views upon his contemporaries. Writing +in 1858, he said of his <i>Considerations on Volcanos</i>:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'In that work unfortunately were included some speculations +on theoretic cosmogony, which the public mind was not at that +time prepared to entertain. Nor was this my first attempt at +authorship, sufficiently well composed, arranged or even printed, +to secure a fair appreciation for the really sound and, I believe, +original views on many points of geological interest which it +contained. I ought, no doubt, to have begun with a description<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> +of the striking facts which I was prepared to produce from the +volcanic regions of Central France and Italy, in order to pave the +way for a favourable reception, or even a fair hearing, of the +theoretical views I had been led from these observations to +form<a name="FNanchor_30_31" id="FNanchor_30_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_31" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>He adds that 'this obvious error was pointed out +in a very friendly manner' in a notice of the memoir +on <i>The Geology of Central France</i>, which was +contributed by Lyell to the <i>Quarterly Review</i> in +1827<a name="FNanchor_31_32" id="FNanchor_31_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_32" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>.</p> + +<p>Scrope's geological career however—though one +of so much promise—was brought to a somewhat +abrupt termination. In 1821 he had married the +last representative and heiress of the Scropes, the +old Earls of Wiltshire, and soon afterwards he settled +down at the family seat of Castle Combe, eventually +devoting his attention almost exclusively to social +and political questions. From 1833 to 1868, when +he retired from Parliament, he was member for +Stroud; and though he seldom took part in the +debates, he became famous as a writer of political +tracts, thus acquiring the sobriquet of 'Pamphlet +Scrope.' He himself used to relate an amusing +incident at his own expense. His great friend Lord +Palmerston, on being greeted with the question, +'Have you read my last pamphlet?' replied mischievously, +'Well Scrope, I hope I have!'</p> + +<p>It is sad to relate that, owing to a carriage accident,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> +Scrope's wife became a confirmed invalid and he had +no child to succeed to the estate. Though cut off +by other duties from the geological world, Scrope +maintained his correspondence with his old friend +Lyell, and, as we shall see in the sequel, was able to +render him splendid service by the luminous though +discriminating reviews of the <i>Principles of Geology</i> +in the <i>Quarterly Review</i>. Throughout his life, +however, Scrope preserved a love of geology, and +occasionally contributed to the literature of the +science; and in his closing years, when unable to +travel himself, he gave to others the means of carrying +on the researches in which he had from the first +been so deeply interested.</p> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> + +<p>Fortunately for science, Lyell's devotion to +geological study was not, like Scrope's, interrupted +by the claims made upon him by social and political +questions. Feeling though he did, with his friend, +the deepest sympathy in all liberal movements, and +being especially interested in the reform of educational +methods, his geological work always had the +first claim on his time and attention, and nothing was +allowed to interfere with his scientific labours.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 401px;"> +<img src="images/ill_052.jpg" width="401" height="615" alt="Cha Lyell" title="" /> +</div> + +<p>Charles Lyell was the eldest son of a Scottish +laird, whose forbears, after making a fortune in India, +had purchased the estate of Kinnordy in Strathmore, +on the borders of the Highlands. Lyell's father was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> +a man of culture, a good classical scholar, a translator +and commentator on Dante, and a cryptogamic +botanist of some reputation.</p> + +<p>Lyell's mother, an Englishwoman from Yorkshire, +was a person of great force of character; this +she showed when, on coming to Kinnordy, she found +drunkenness so prevalent among the lairds of this +part of Scotland, as to cause a fear on her part, that +her husband might be drawn into the dangerous +society: she therefore induced him, when their son +Charles was only three months old, to abandon their +Scottish home, and settle in the New Forest of +Hampshire. Thus it came about that the future +geologist, though born in Scotland, became, by +education, habits and association, English.</p> + +<p>Charles Lyell's attention was first drawn to +geology by seeing the quartz-crystals and chalcedony +exposed in the broken chalk-flints, which he, as a boy +of ten, used to roll down, in company with his school-fellows, +from the walls of Old Sarum. Like Charles +Darwin, too, he became an ardent and enthusiastic +collector of insects, and grew to be a tall and active +young fellow, a keen sportsman, with only one drawback—a +weakness of the eyes which troubled him +through all his after life.</p> + +<p>It was when at the age of seventeen he went to +Oxford and came under the influence of Dr Buckland +that Lyell first became deeply engrossed in geology.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span></p> + +<p>Lyell used to tell many amusing stories of the +oddities of his old teacher and friend Buckland. In +his lectures, both in the University and on public +platforms, Buckland would keep his audience in roars +of laughter, as he imitated what he thought to be +the movements of the iguanodon or megatherium, +or, seizing the ends of his long clerical coat-tails, +would leap about to show how the pterodactyle flew. +Lyell became greatly attached to Buckland, who used +to take him privately on geological expeditions. On +one of these occasions, they were dining at an inn, +where a gentleman at another table became greatly +scandalised by Buckland's conversation and manners. +The professor, seeing this, became more outrageous +than ever, and on parting with Lyell for the night +took the candle and placed it between his teeth, so +as to illuminate the mouth-cavity exclaiming, 'There +Lyell, practise this long enough and you will be able +to do it as well as I do.' When Buckland had retired, +the stranger revealed himself to Lyell as an old friend +of his father's, adding 'I hope you will never be seen +in the company of that buffoon again.' 'Oh! Sir,' +said the startled undergraduate, 'that is my professor +at Oxford!' But Buckland did not always originate +the fun, for Lyell told me that, when the professor +visited Kinnordy in his company, he led him a long +tramp under promise of showing him 'diluvium +intersected by whin dykes,' and, in the end, pointed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> +to fields in a boulder-clay country separated by gorse +('whin') hedges ('dykes').</p> + +<p>Buckland, as shown by his <i>Vindiciae Geologicae</i> +(1820) and his <i>Bridgewater Treatise</i> (1836), was the +most uncompromising of the advocates for making all +geological teaching subordinate to the literal interpretation +of the early chapters of Genesis; and in +his <i>Reliquiae Diluvianae</i> (1823) he stoutly maintained +the view that all the superficial deposits of the globe +were the result of the Noachian deluge! He was +indeed the great leader of the Catastrophists, and it +is not surprising to find Lyell, while still under his +influence, scoffing at 'the Huttonians<a name="FNanchor_32_33" id="FNanchor_32_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_33" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>.'</p> + +<p>That Buckland greatly influenced Lyell in his +youth, especially by inoculating him with his splendid +enthusiasm for geology, there can be no doubt; and +Lyell, far as he departed in after life from the views +of his teacher, never forgot his indebtedness to the +Oxford professor. Even in 1832, in publishing the +second edition of the first volume of his <i>Principles</i>, he +dedicated it to Buckland, as one 'who first instructed +me in the elements of geology, and by whose energy +and talents the cultivation of science in the country +has been so eminently promoted<a name="FNanchor_33_34" id="FNanchor_33_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_34" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>.'</p> + +<p>On leaving Oxford in 1819, at the age of twenty-two, +Lyell joined the Geological Society. What were +the dominant opinions at that time on geological +theory among the distinguished men, who were there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> +laying the foundations of stratigraphical geology, we +have already seen. Lyell, in his frequent visits to the +continent, became a friend of the illustrious Cuvier, +whose strong bias for Catastrophism was so forcibly +shown in his writings and conversation.</p> + +<p>What then, we may ask, were the causes which led +Lyell to abandon the views in which he had been +instructed, and to become the great champion of +Evolutionism?</p> + +<p>It has often been assumed that Lyell was led by +the study of Hutton's works to adopt the Uniformitarian' +doctrines. But there is ample evidence that +such was not the case. As late as the year 1839, +Lyell wrote of Hutton, 'Though I tried, I doubt +whether I fairly read half his writings, and skimmed +the rest<a name="FNanchor_34_35" id="FNanchor_34_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_35" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>'; and he emphatically assured Scrope 'Von +Hoff has assisted me most<a name="FNanchor_35_36" id="FNanchor_35_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_36" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>.'</p> + +<p>The fact is certain that Lyell, quite independently, +arrived at the same conclusions as Hutton, <i>but by +totally different lines of reasoning</i>.</p> + +<p>As early as 1817, when Lyell was only twenty +years of age, he visited the Norfolk coast and was +greatly impressed by the evidence of the waste of the +cliffs about Cromer, Aldborough, and Dunwich; and +three years later we find him studying the opposite +kind of action of the sea in the formation of new +land at Dungeness and Romney Marsh. All through +his life there may be seen the results of these early<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> +studies in a tendency which he showed to <i>overrate +marine action</i>; the chief defect in his early views +consisting in not fully realising the importance +of that subaerial denudation—of which Hutton was +so great an exponent. But it was in his native +county of Forfarshire that Lyell found the most +complete antidote to the Catastrophic teachings. +Buckland had taught him that the 'till' of the +country had been thrown down, just 4170 years +before, by the Noachian deluge: while Cuvier had +asserted that the study of freshwater limestones +proved them to differ from any recent deposit by +their crystalline character, the absence of shells and +the presence of plant-remains, as well as by the +occasional occurrence in them of bands of flint. As +the result of this, Cuvier and Brongniart had declared +that <i>the freshwater of the ancient world possessed +properties which are not observed in that of modern +lakes</i><a name="FNanchor_36_37" id="FNanchor_36_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_37" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>. Lyell visited Kinnordy from time to time +between 1817 and 1824, and found on his father's +estate and other localities in Strathmore a number +of small lakes, lying in hollows of the boulder clay. +These were being drained and their deposits quarried +for the purpose of 'marling' the land; the excavations +thus made showed that, under peat containing +a boat hollowed out of the trunk of a tree, there were +calcareous deposits, sometimes 16 to 20 feet in thickness, +which passed into a rock, solid and crystalline<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> +in character as the materials of the older geological +formations and containing the stems and fruits of the +freshwater plant <i>Chara</i> (Stone wort).</p> + +<p>With the help of Robert Brown the botanist, and +of analyses made by Daubeny, with the advice of his +life-long friend, Faraday, Lyell was able to demonstrate +that from the waters of the Forfarshire lakes, +containing the most minute proportions of calcareous +salts, a limestone, identical in all respects with those +of the older rocks of the globe, had been deposited, +with excessive slowness, by the action of plant-life<a name="FNanchor_37_38" id="FNanchor_37_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_38" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>. +He was thus enabled to supply a complete refutation +of the views put forward by Buckland and Cuvier.</p> + +<p>Thus while Hutton had been led to his conclusion +concerning evolution in the inorganic world, by +studying the waste going on in the weathered crags +and the flooded rivers of his native land, Lyell's +conversion to the same views was mainly brought +about by the study of changes due to the action of +the sea along the English coasts, and by studying the +evidence of constant, though slow, deposition of limestone-rocks, +by the seemingly most insignificant of +agencies.</p> + +<p>Lyell however did not by any means neglect the +study of the action of rain and rivers. During his +visits to Forfarshire, he had his initials and the date +cut by a mason on many portions of the rocky river-beds +about his home. Fifty years afterwards (in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> +1874) I visited with him the several localities, to +ascertain what amount of waste had resulted from +the constant flow of water over these hard rocks. It +was in most cases singularly small, the inscriptions +being still visible, though deprived of their sharpness; +even the sandy detritus carried along by the streams, +being buoyed up by the water, had not been able in +half a century to wear away a thickness of half-an-inch +of the hard rock. The most singular result +we noticed was, that the leaden small shot fired by +sportsmen, in the Highland tracts, whence these +streams flowed, had collected in great numbers in +hollows formed by the young geologist's inscriptions.</p> + +<p>By his father's request, Lyell after leaving Oxford +studied for the bar, but there is no doubt that his +main interest was in geological study. He had made +the acquaintance of Dr Mantell, and carried on +a number of researches in the south of England +either alone or with that geologist<a name="FNanchor_38_39" id="FNanchor_38_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_39" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>. Four years +after joining the Geological Society, in which he was +a constant worker, he became one of the secretaries. +This was in 1823 when he was only 26 years of age. +His frequent visits to Paris and to various parts of +the continent enabled him to exchange ideas with +many foreign naturalists, and it is clear from his +correspondence that at this early period he had +abandoned the Catastrophic doctrines of his teachers +and friends.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span></p> + +<p>Let us now consider the outside influences which +were at work on Lyell's mind in these early days. In +the year 1818, the eminent palaeontologist Blumenbach +induced the University of Göttingen to offer a prize +for an essay on '<i>The investigation of the changes +that have taken place in the earth's surface conformation +since historic times, and the applications +which can be made of such knowledge in investigating +earth revolutions beyond the domain of history.</i>' A +young German, Von Hoff, won the prize by a most +able book, displaying great erudition, entitled <i>The +History of those Natural Changes in the Earth's +Surface, which are proved by Tradition</i>. The +first volume of this work appeared in 1822, and +treated of the results produced on the land by the +action of the sea; the second volume, published in +1824, dealt with the effects of volcanoes and earthquakes. +Von Hoff's learned work was confined to +the collection of data from classical and other early +authors bearing on these subjects, and to reasonings +based on these records; for, unfortunately, he did +not possess the means necessary for travelling and +making observations in the districts described by him. +Lyell acknowledges the great assistance afforded to +him by these two volumes of Von Hoff's work, but, +unlike that author, he was able to visit the various +localities referred to, and to draw his own conclusions +as to the nature of the changes which must have taken<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> +place. It is pleasant to be able to relate that the debt +which he owed to Von Hoff was fully repaid by Lyell; +for the learned German's third volume appeared after +the issue of the <i>Principles of Geology</i>, and as Zittel +assures us 'its influence on Von Hoff is quite apparent +in the third volume of his work<a name="FNanchor_39_40" id="FNanchor_39_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_40" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>.'</p> + +<p>At this period, too, Lyell had the advantage of +travelling both on the continent and in various parts +of Great Britain with the eminent French geologist, +Constant Prevost, who had shown his courage by +opposing some of the catastrophic teachings of the +illustrious Cuvier himself.</p> + +<p>Still more important to Lyell were the opportunities +he enjoyed for comparing his conclusions +with those of Scrope, who had joined the Geological +Society in 1824, and became a joint secretary with +Lyell in the following year. From both of them, in +their old age, I heard many statements concerning the +closeness and warmth of their friendship, and the +constant interchange of ideas which took place +between them at this time.</p> + +<p>From Scrope, Lyell heard of the occurrence of +great beds of freshwater limestone in the Auvergne, +on a far grander scale than in Strathmore, with many +other facts concerning the geology of Central France, +which so greatly excited him as in the end to alter +all his plans concerning the publication of his own +book. As soon as Scrope's great work on Auvergne<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> +was published, Lyell undertook the preparation of +a review for the <i>Quarterly</i>—and this review was +a very able and discriminating production.</p> + +<p>Although Lyell did not derive his views concerning +terrestrial evolution directly from Hutton, +as is sometimes supposed, there were two respects +in which he greatly profited when he came to read +Hutton's work at a later date.</p> + +<p>In the first place, he was very deeply impressed +by the necessity of avoiding the <i>odium theologicum</i>, +which had been so strongly, if unintentionally, aroused +by Hutton, of whom he wrote, 'I think he ran unnecessarily +counter to the feelings and prejudices of +the age. This is not courage or manliness in the +cause of Truth, nor does it promote progress. It +is an unfeeling disregard for the weakness of human +nature, for it is our nature (for what reason heaven +knows), but as <i>it is</i> constitutional in our minds, to +feel a morbid sensibility on matters of religious faith, +I conceive that the same right feeling which guards +us from outraging too violently the sentiments of our +neighbours in the ordinary concerns of the world and +its customs, should direct us still more so in this<a name="FNanchor_40_41" id="FNanchor_40_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_41" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>.'</p> + +<p>In the second place, Lyell was warned by the fate +of Hutton's writings that it was hopeless to look +for success in combatting the prevailing geological +theories, unless he cultivated a literary style very +different from that of the <i>Theory of the Earth</i>.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> +Lyell's father had to a great extent guided his son's +classical studies, and at Oxford, where Lyell took +a good degree in classics, he practised diligently both +prose and poetic composition. Lyell once told me +that his tutor Dalby (afterwards a Dean) had put +Gibbon's <i>Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire</i> +into his hand with certain passages marked as 'not +to be read.' When he had studied the whole work +(of course including the marked passages) he said +he conceived a profound admiration for the author's +literary skill—and this feeling he retained throughout +his after life. It is not improbable, indeed, that +Lyell learned from Gibbon that a 'frontal attack' +on a fortress of error is much less likely to succeed +than one of 'sap and mine.' Lyell was always most +careful in the composition of his works, sparing no +pains to make his meaning clear, while he aimed at +elegance of expression and logical sequence in the +presentation of his ideas. The weakness of his eyes +was a great difficulty to him, throughout his life, +and, when not employing an amanuensis, he generally +wrote stretched out on the floor or on a sofa, with his +eyes close to the paper.</p> + +<p>The relation of Lyell's views to those of Hutton, +may best be described in the words of his contemporary, +Whewell, whose remarks written immediately +after the publication of the first volume of the +<i>Principles</i>, lose nothing in effectiveness from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> +evident, if gentle, note of sarcasm running through +them:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'Hutton for the purpose of getting his continents above water, +or manufacturing a chain of Alps or Andes, did not disdain to call +in something more than common volcanic eruptions which we read +of in newspapers from time to time. He was content to have +a period of paroxysmal action—an extraordinary convulsion in +the bowels of the earth—an epoch of general destruction and +violence, to usher in one of restoration and life. Mr Lyell throws +away all such crutches, he walks alone in the path of his speculations; +he requires no paroxysms, no extraordinary periods; he is +content to take burning mountains as he finds them; and, with +the assistance of the stock of volcanoes and earthquakes now on +hand, he undertakes to transform the earth from any one of its +geological conditions to any other. He requires time, no doubt; +he must not be hurried in his proceedings. But, if we will allow +him a free stage in the wide circuit of eternity, he will ask no +other favour; he will fight his undaunted way through formations, +transition and flötz—through oceanic and lacustrine +deposits; and does not despair of carrying us triumphantly +from the dark and venerable schist of Skiddaw, to the alternating +tertiaries of the Isle of Wight, or even to the more recent +shell-beds of the Sicilian coasts, whose antiquity is but, as it were, +of yester-myriad of years<a name="FNanchor_41_42" id="FNanchor_41_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_42" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>Never, surely, did words written in a tone of +banter constitute such real and effective praise!</p> + +<p>But though it is certain that Lyell did not <i>derive</i> +his evolutionary views from Hutton, yet when he +came to write his historical introduction to the +<i>Principles</i>, he was greatly impressed by the proofs<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> +of genius shown by the great Scotch philosopher, +and equally by the brilliant exposition of those views +by Playfair in his <i>Illustrations</i>. To the former he +gave unstinted praise for the breadth and originality +of his views, and to the latter for the eloquence of his +writings—adopting quotations chosen from these last, +indeed, as mottoes for his own work.</p> + +<p>It is only just to add that for the violent prejudices +excited by some of his contemporaries against +Hutton's writings—as being directed against the +theological tenets of the day and therefore subversive +of religion—there is really no foundation whatever; +and every candid reader of the <i>Theory of the Earth</i> +must acquit its author of any such design. The +passage quoted on page 51 could only have been +written by Lyell at a time when he was still unacquainted +with Hutton's works, and was misled by +common report concerning them. It is interesting +to note, however, that the passage occurs in a letter +written in December 1827, that is after the first draft +of the <i>Principles of Geology</i> had been 'delivered to +the publisher,' and before the preparation of the +historical introduction, which would appear to have +led to the first perusal of Hutton's great work, and +that of his brilliant illustrator, Playfair.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span></p> + + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI</h2> + +<h3>'THE PRINCIPLES OF GEOLOGY'</h3> + + +<p>We have seen that as early as the year 1817, +when he visited East Anglia, Lyell began to experience +vague doubts concerning the soundness of +the 'Catastrophist' doctrines, which had been so +strongly impressed upon him by Buckland. And +these doubts in the mind of the undergraduate of +twenty years of age gradually acquired strength and +definiteness during his frequent geological excursions, +at home and abroad, during the next ten years. At +what particular date the design was formed of writing +a book and attacking the predominant beliefs of his +fellow-geologists, we have no means of ascertaining +exactly; but from a letter written to his friend +Dr Mantell, we find that at one time Lyell contemplated +publishing a book in the form of 'Conversations +in Geology<a name="FNanchor_42_43" id="FNanchor_42_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_43" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>,' without putting his name to it. This +was probably suggested by the manner in which +Copernicus and Galileo sought to circumvent theological +opposition in the case of Astronomical Theory.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span></p> + +<p>But this plan appears to have been soon abandoned; +and by the end of the year 1827, when he +had reached the age of thirty, Lyell had sent to the +printer the first manuscript of the <i>Principles of +Geology</i>, proposing that it should appear in the +course of the following year in two octavo volumes<a name="FNanchor_43_44" id="FNanchor_43_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_44" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>.</p> + +<p>A great and sudden interruption to this plan +occurred however, for just at this time Lyell was +engaged in writing his review for the <i>Quarterly</i> of +Scrope's work on <i>The Geology of Central France</i>, and +while doing this his interest was so strongly aroused +by the accounts of the phenomena exhibited in the +Auvergne, that he was led for a time to abandon the +task of seeing his own book through the press; and, +having induced Murchison and his wife to accompany +him, set off on a visit to that wonderful district. He +also felt that, before completing the second part of his +book, he needed more information concerning the +Tertiary formations, especially in Italy.</p> + +<p>Lyell had been very early convinced of the +supreme importance of travel to the geologist. In +a letter to his friend Murchison he said:—'We must +preach up travelling, as Demosthenes did "delivery" +as the first, second and third requisites for a modern +geologist, in the present adolescent state of the +science<a name="FNanchor_44_45" id="FNanchor_44_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_45" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>.'</p> + +<p>And Professor Bonney has estimated that so far +did he himself practise what he preached, that no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> +less than one fourth of the period of his active life +was spent in travel<a name="FNanchor_45_46" id="FNanchor_45_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_46" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>.</p> + +<p>The joint excursion of Lyell and Murchison to +the Auvergne was destined to have great influence +on the minds of these pioneers in geological research; +both became satisfied from their studies that, with +respect to the excavation of the valleys of the +country, Scrope's conclusions were irresistible; and +in a joint memoir this position was stoutly maintained +by them.</p> + +<p>It is interesting to notice the impression made by +these two great geologists on one another during this +joint expedition.</p> + +<p>Murchison wrote that he had seen in Lyell 'the +most scrupulous and minute fidelity of observation +combined with close application in the closet and +ceaseless exertion in the field<a name="FNanchor_46_47" id="FNanchor_46_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_47" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>.'</p> + +<p>But I recollect that Lyell once told me how +difficult Murchison found it to restrain himself from +impatience, when his companion's attention was +drawn aside by his entomological ardour. In an +early letter, indeed, we find that Murchison often +expressed a wish that Lyell's sisters had been with +them to attend to the insect-collecting and thus leave +Lyell free for geological work<a name="FNanchor_47_48" id="FNanchor_47_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_48" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, Lyell informed me that +Murchison had rendered him a great service in +showing how much a geologist could accomplish by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> +taking advantage of riding on horseback, and he +declared in his letters that he 'never had a better +man to work with than Murchison'; nevertheless he +ridiculed his 'keep-moving-go-it-if-it-kills-you' system +as—quoting from the elder Matthews—he called it<a name="FNanchor_48_49" id="FNanchor_48_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_49" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>.</p> + +<p>On parting from Murchison and his wife, after the +Auvergne tour, Lyell proceeded to Italy and for more +than a year he was busy studying the Tertiary +deposits of Lombardy, the Roman states, Naples +and Sicily, and conferring with the Italian geologists +and conchologists. Thus it came about that he was +not free to resume the task of seeing the <i>Principles</i> +through the press till February 1829.</p> + +<p>Immediately after his return to England Lyell +was compelled, with the assistance of his companion +Murchison, to defend their conclusions concerning +the excavations of valleys by rivers from a determined +attack of Conybeare, who was backed up +by Buckland and Greenough; the old geologists +endeavoured to prove that the river Thames had +never had any part in the work of forming its +valley<a name="FNanchor_49_50" id="FNanchor_49_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_50" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>. It is interesting to find that, on this +occasion, Sedgwick, who was in the chair, was so +far influenced by the arguments brought forward +by the young men, as to lend some aid to those who +had come to be called the 'Fluvialists,' in contradistinction +to the 'Diluvialists'; he went so far as to +suggest that, with regard to the floods which the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> +Catastrophist invoked, it would be wiser at present to +'doubt and not dogmatise<a name="FNanchor_50_51" id="FNanchor_50_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_51" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>.'</p> + +<p>To what extent the MS. of the <i>Principles</i>, sent +to the publisher in 1827, was added to and altered +two years later, we have no means of knowing; but +that the work was to a great extent rewritten would +appear from a letter sent to Murchison by Lyell, just +before his return to England. In it, he says:—</p> + +<p>'My work is in part written, and all planned. It +will not pretend to give even an abstract of all that +is known in geology, but it will endeavour to establish +<i>the principle of reasoning</i> in the science; and all my +geology will come in as illustration of my views of +those principles, and as evidence strengthening the +system necessarily arising out of the admission of +such principles, which, as you know, are neither more +nor less than that <i>no causes whatever</i> have from the +earliest time to which we can look back to the present, +ever acted, but those that are <i>now acting</i>, and that +they never acted with different degrees of energy +from that which they now exert'; but in 1833, in +dedicating his third volume to Murchison, he refers +to the MS., completed in 1827, as a 'first sketch +only of my <i>Principles of Geology</i><a name="FNanchor_51_52" id="FNanchor_51_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_52" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>.'</p> + +<p>At one period, Lyell contemplated again delaying +publication till he had visited Iceland. In the end, +however, after declining to act as professor of geology +in the new 'University of London' (University College),<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> +he set himself down steadily to the task of seeing the +book through the press. It was at this time that +Lyell experienced a singular piece of good fortune, +comparable with that which befel Darwin thirty years +afterwards, by his book falling into the hands of a +very sympathetic reviewer. John Murray, who had +undertaken the publication of the <i>Principles</i>, was +also the publisher of the <i>Quarterly Review</i>, and +Lockhart, the editor of that publication, undertook +that an early notice of the book should appear, if the +proof-sheets were sent to the reviewer. Buckland +and Sedgwick were successively approached on the +subject of reviewing Lyell's book, but both declined +on the ground of 'want of time'; though I strongly +suspect that their real motive in refusing the task +was a disinclination to attack—as they would doubtless +have felt themselves compelled to do—a valued +personal friend. Conybeare was, fortunately, thought +to be out of the question, as Lockhart said he +'promises and does not perform in the reviewing line.'</p> + +<p>Very fortunately at this juncture, Lockhart, who +was in the habit of attending the Geological Society +and listening to the debates (for as he used to say +to his friends whom he took with him from the +Athenaeum, 'though I don't care for geology, yet I +<i>do</i> like to see the fellows fight') thought of Scrope. +Although he had practically retired from the active +work of the Geological Society at this time, Scrope<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> +was known as an effective writer, and, happily for +the progress of science, he undertook the review of +Lyell's book.</p> + +<p>Although, of course, Lyell had no voice in the +choice of a reviewer for the <i>Principles</i>, yet he could +not fail to rejoice in the fact that it had fallen to his +friend, who so strongly sympathised with his views, +to introduce it to the public. While the book was +being printed and the review of it was in preparation, +a number of letters passed between Lyell and Scrope, +and the latter, before his death, gave me the carefully +treasured epistles of his friend, with the drafts of +some of his replies. These letters, some of which +have been published, throw much light on the difficulties +with which Lyell had to contend, and the +manner in which he strove to meet them.</p> + +<p>As we have already seen, many of the leaders in +the Geological Society at that day besides being +strongly inclined to Wernerian and Cataclysmal views, +had an honest, however mistaken, dread lest geological +research should lead to results, apparently +not in harmony with the accounts given in Genesis +of the Creation and the Flood. Lyell, as this correspondence +shows, was most anxious to avoid exciting +either scientific or theological prejudice. He wrote, +'I conceived the idea five or six years ago' (that is +in 1824 or 5) that 'if ever the Mosaic geology could +be set down without giving offence, it would be in an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> +historical sketch<a name="FNanchor_52_53" id="FNanchor_52_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_53" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>,' and 'I was afraid to point the +moral ... about Moses. Perhaps I should have been +tenderer about the Koran<a name="FNanchor_53_54" id="FNanchor_53_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_54" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>.' He further says 'full +<i>half</i> of my history and comments was cut out, and +even many facts, because either I, or Stokes, or +Broderip, felt that it was anticipating twenty or +thirty years of the march of honest feeling to declare +it undisguisedly<a name="FNanchor_54_55" id="FNanchor_54_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_55" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>.'</p> + +<p>Under these circumstances the publication by +Scrope of his two long notices of the <i>Principles</i> +in the <i>Review</i> which was regarded as the champion +of orthodoxy, was most opportune. A very clear +sketch was given in these reviews of the leading +facts and the general line of argument; and at the +same time the allowing of prejudice or prepossession +to influence the judgment on such questions was very +gently deprecated<a name="FNanchor_55_56" id="FNanchor_55_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_56" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>.</p> + +<p>But Scrope's reviews did not by any means +consist of an indiscriminate advocacy of Lyell's +views. In one respect—that of the great importance +of subaerial action as contrasted with marine action—Scrope's +views were at this time in advance of +those of Lyell, and he called especial attention to the +direct effects produced by rain in the earth-pillars +of Botzen. These Lyell had not at the time seen, +but took an early opportunity of visiting. Scrope, +too, was naturally much more speculative in his modes +of thought than Lyell, and argued for the probably<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> +greater intensity in past times of the agencies causing +geological change, and for the legitimacy of discussing +the mode of origin of the earth. Lyell, like Hutton, +argued that he saw '<i>no signs</i> of a beginning,' but his +characteristic candour is shown when he wrote:—</p> + +<p>'All I ask is, that at any given period of the past, +don't stop enquiry, when puzzled, by a reference to +a "beginning," which is all one with "another state of +nature," as it appears to me. But there is no harm +in your attacking me, provided you point out that +it is the <i>proof</i> I deny, not the <i>probability</i> of a +beginning<a name="FNanchor_56_57" id="FNanchor_56_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_57" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>.'</p> + +<p>Lyell clearly foresaw the opposition with which +his book would be met and wisely resolved not to be +drawn into controversy. He wrote:—</p> + +<p>'I daresay I shall not keep my resolution, but +I will try to do it firmly, that when my book is +attacked ... I will not go to the expense of time in +pamphleteering. I shall work steadily on Vol. II, +and afterwards, if the work succeeds, at edition 2, +and I have sworn to myself that I will not go to the +expense of giving time to combat in controversy. It +is interminable work<a name="FNanchor_57_58" id="FNanchor_57_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_58" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>.'</p> + +<p>In order to maintain this resolve, Lyell, the +moment the last sheet of the volume was corrected, +set off for a four months' tour in France and Spain. +While absent from England, he heard little of what +was going on in the scientific world; but, on his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> +return, Lyell was told by Murray that in the three +months before the <i>Quarterly Review</i> article appeared, +650 copies of the volume, out of the 1500 printed, +had been sold, and he anticipated the disposal of +many more, when the review came out. This expectation +was realised and led to the issue of a +second edition of the first volume, of larger size +and in better type.</p> + +<p>Lyell, from the first, had seen that it would be +impossible to avoid the conclusion that the principles +which he was advancing with respect to the inorganic +world must be equally applicable to the organic world. +At first he only designed to touch lightly on this +subject, in the concluding chapters of his first volume, +and to devote the second volume to the application +of his principles to the interpretation of the geological +record. He, however, found it impossible to include +the chapters on changes in the organic world in the +first volume and then decided to make them the +opening portion of the second volume.</p> + +<p>It is evident, however, that as the work progressed, +the interest of the various questions bearing on the +origin of species grew in his mind. While Lyell found +it impossible to accept the explanation of origin suggested +by Lamarck, he was greatly influenced by the +arguments in favour of evolution advanced by that +naturalist; and as he wrote chapter after chapter on +the questions of the modification and variability of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> +species, on hybridity, on the modes of distribution of +plants and animals, and their consequent geographical +relations, and discussed the struggle of existence +going on everywhere in the organic world, in its +bearings on the question of 'centres of creation,' he +found the second volume growing altogether beyond +reasonable limits. His intense interest in this part +of his work is shown by his remark, 'If I have succeeded +so well with inanimate matter, surely I shall +make a lively thing when I have chiefly to talk of +living beings<a name="FNanchor_58_59" id="FNanchor_58_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_59" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>?'</p> + +<p>By December 1831, Lyell had come to the resolution +to publish the chapters of his work which dealt +with the changes going on in the organic world as +a volume by itself. This second volume of the +<i>Principles</i> he gracefully dedicated to his friend +Broderip, who had rendered him such valuable assistance +in all questions connected with Natural History.</p> + +<p>This volume appeared in January 1832, at the +same time that a second edition of the first volume +was also issued. The reception of the second volume +by the public appears to have been not less favourable +than that of the first.</p> + +<p>In March 1831, Lyell had accepted the Professorship +of Geology in King's College, London. +In addition to his desire to aid in the work of +scientific education, in which he had always taken so +great an interest, Lyell seems to have felt that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> +task of presenting his views in a popular form would +be aided by his having to expound them to a miscellaneous +audience. For two years, these lectures +were delivered, and attracted much attention; the +favourable impressions produced by them on a man of +the world have been recorded by Abraham Hayward, +and on more scientific thinkers by Harriet Martineau.</p> + +<p>The third volume of the <i>Principles</i> was not +completed till a second edition of the second volume +had been issued. This third volume, appearing in +May 1833, dealt with the classification of the Tertiary +strata, to which Lyell had devoted so much labour, +studying conchology under Deshayes, and visiting all +the chief Tertiary deposits of Europe for the collection +of materials. The application of the principles +enunciated in the two earlier volumes to the unravelling +of the past history of the globe, constituted +the chief task undertaken in this part of the great +work. But not a few controversial questions were +dealt with, and the famous 'metamorphic theory' +was advanced in opposition to the Wernerian hypothesis +of 'primitive formations.' The volume was +appropriately dedicated to Murchison, who had been +Lyell's companion in the famous Auvergne excursion, +which had produced such an effect on his mind.</p> + +<p>Within a twelvemonth, a third edition of the +whole work in four small volumes was issued, and in +the end no less than twelve editions of the <i>Principles<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> +of Geology</i> were issued, in addition to portions +separately published under the titles of <i>Manual</i>, +<i>Elements</i>, and <i>Student's Elements of Geology</i>, of all +of which a number of editions have appeared. Lyell +was always the most painstaking and conscientious +of authors. He declared 'I must write what will be +read<a name="FNanchor_59_60" id="FNanchor_59_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_60" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>,' and he spared no labour in securing accuracy +of statement combined with elegance of diction. His +father, a good classical and Italian scholar, had done +much towards assisting him to attain literary excellence, +and at Oxford, where he took a good degree +in classics, he was greatly impressed by the style of +Gibbon's writings, and practised both prose and +poetic compositions with great diligence.</p> + +<p>Both Darwin and Huxley always maintained that +the real charm and power of Lyell's work are only to +be found in the <i>first edition</i><a name="FNanchor_60_61" id="FNanchor_60_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_61" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>. As new discoveries +were made or more effective illustrations of his views +presented themselves to his mind, passage after +passage in the work was modified by the author +or replaced by others; and the effects of these +constant changes—however necessary and desirable +in themselves—could not fail to be detrimental to +the book as a work of art. He who would form a +just idea of the greatness of Lyell's masterpiece, +must read the first edition, of course bearing in +mind, all the while, the state of science at the time +it was written.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span></p> + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII</h2> + +<h3>THE INFLUENCE OF LYELL'S WORKS</h3> + + +<p>Although the <i>Principles of Geology</i> was received +by the public with something like enthusiasm—due +to the cogency of its reasoning and the charm of its +literary style—there were not wanting critics who +attacked the author on the ground of his heterodox +views. It had come to be so generally understood, +that every expression of geological opinion should, +by way of apology, be accompanied by an attempt +to 'harmonise' it with the early chapters of Genesis, +that the absence of any references of this kind was +asserted to be a proof of 'infidelity' on the part of +the author.</p> + +<p>But Lyell's sincere and earnest efforts to avoid +exciting theological prejudice, and the striking +illustrations, which he gave in his historical introduction, +of the absurdities that had resulted from +these prejudices in the past, were not without effect. +This was shown in a somewhat remarkable manner<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> +in 1831, when, in response to an invitation given to +him, he consented to become a candidate for the +Chair of Geology at King's College, London, then +recently founded.</p> + +<p>The election was in the hands of an Archbishop, +two Bishops and two Doctors of Divinity, and Lyell +relates their decision, as communicated to him, in +the following words:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'They considered some of my doctrines startling enough, but +could not find that they were come by otherwise than in a straightforward +manner, and (as <i>I</i> appeared to think) logically deducible +from the facts, so that whether the facts were true or not, or my +conclusions logical or otherwise, there was no reason to infer that +I had made my theory from any hostile feeling towards revelation<a name="FNanchor_61_62" id="FNanchor_61_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_62" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>The appointment was, in the end, made with only +one dissentient, and it is pleasing to find that Conybeare, +the most determined opponent of Lyell's evolutionary +views, was extremely active in his efforts in +his support. The result was equally honourable to all +parties, and affords a pleasing proof of the fact that +in the half century which had elapsed since the +persecution of Priestley and Hutton, theological +rancour must have greatly declined. But while +the reception of the <i>Principles of Geology</i> by the +general public was of such a generally satisfactory +character, Lyell had to acknowledge that his reasoning +had but little effect in modifying the views of his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> +distinguished contemporaries in the Geological +Society.</p> + +<p>The admiration felt for the author's industry and +skill, in the collection and marshalling of facts and +of the observations made by him in his repeated +travels, were eloquently expressed by the generous +Sedgwick, as follows:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'Were I to tell "the author" of the instruction I received from +every chapter of his work, and of the delight with which I rose +from the perusal of the whole, I might seem to flatter rather than +to speak the language of sober criticism; but I should only give +utterance to my honest sentiments. His work has already taken, +and will long maintain a distinguished place in the philosophic +literature of this country<a name="FNanchor_62_63" id="FNanchor_62_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_63" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>Nevertheless, in the same address to the Geological +Society, in which these words were spoken, +Sedgwick goes on to argue forcibly against the +doctrine of continuity, and to assert his firm belief +in the occurrence of frequent interruptions of the +geological record by great convulsions.</p> + +<p>Whewell was equally enthusiastic with Sedgwick, +concerning the value of the body of facts collected +by Lyell, declaring that he had established a new +branch of science, 'Geological Dynamics'; but he +also believed with Sedgwick, that the evolutionary +doctrine was as obnoxious to true science as he +thought it was to Scripture.</p> + +<p>These were the views of all the great leaders of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> +geological science at that day, and in 1834, after the +completion of the <i>Principles</i>, when a great discussion +took place in the Geological Society on the subject +of the effects ascribed by him to existing causes, +Lyell says that 'Buckland, De la Beche, Sedgwick, +Whewell, and some others treated them with as +much ridicule as was consistent with politeness in +my presence<a name="FNanchor_63_64" id="FNanchor_63_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_64" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>.'</p> + +<p>It is interesting to be able to infer from Lyell's +accounts of these days, that the sagacious De la +Beche was beginning to weaken in his opposition to +evolutionary views, and that Fitton and John Phillips +were inclined to support him, but neither of them +was ready to come forward boldly as the champions +of unpopular opinions. John Herschel, who sympathised +with Lyell in all his opinions, was absent +at the Cape, Scrope was absorbed in the stormy +politics of that day, and it was not till Darwin +returned from his South American voyage in 1838, +that Lyell found any staunch supporter in the frequent +lively debates at the Geological Society.</p> + +<p>It is pleasing, however, to relate that this strong +opposition to his theoretical teachings, did not lessen +the esteem, or interfere with the friendship, felt for +Lyell by his contemporaries. During all this time +he held the office of Foreign Secretary to the Society, +and in 1835 was elected President, retaining the office +for two years.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span></p> + +<p>The general feeling of the old geologists with +respect to Lyell's opinions was very exactly expressed +by Professor Henslow, when in parting from +young Darwin on his setting out on his voyage, he +referred to the recently published first volume of the +<i>Principles</i> in the following terms:—</p> + +<p>'Take Lyell's new book with you and read it by +all means, for it is very interesting, but do not pay +any attention to it, except in regard to facts, for it is +altogether wild as far as theory goes.'</p> + +<p>(I quote the words as repeated to me by Darwin, +in a conversation I had with him on August 7th, 1880, +of which I made a note at the time. Darwin has +himself referred to this conversation with Henslow +in his autobiography<a name="FNanchor_64_65" id="FNanchor_64_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_65" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>.)</p> + +<p>Except in a few cases, this was the attitude +maintained by all the old geologists who were Lyell's +contemporaries. Even as late as 1895 we find the +amiable Prestwich protesting strongly against 'the +<i>Fetish</i> of uniformity<a name="FNanchor_65_66" id="FNanchor_65_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_66" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>,' and I well remember about +the same time being solemnly warned by a geologist +of the old school against 'poor old Lyell's fads.'</p> + +<p>It was not, indeed, till a new generation of geologists +had arisen, including Godwin-Austen, Edward +Forbes, Ramsay, Jukes, Darwin, Hooker and Huxley, +that the real value and importance of Lyell's teaching +came to be recognised and acknowledged.</p> + +<p>The most important influence of Lyell's great<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> +work is seen, however, in the undoubted fact that it +inspired the men, who became the leaders in the +revolution of thought which took place a quarter of +a century later in respect to the organic world. +Were I to assert that if the <i>Principles of Geology</i> +had not been written, we should never have had the +<i>Origin of Species</i>, I think I should not be going too +far: at all events, I can safely assert, from several +conversations I had with Darwin, that he would have +most unhesitatingly agreed in that opinion.</p> + +<p>Darwin's devotion to his 'dear master' as he +used to call Lyell, was of the most touching character, +and it was prominently manifested in all his geological +conversations. In his books and in his letters he +never failed to express his deep indebtedness to his +'own true love' as he called the <i>Principles of +Geology</i>. In what was Darwin's own most favourite +work, the <i>Narrative of the Voyage of the Beagle</i>, he +wrote 'To Charles Lyell, Esq., F.R.S., this second +edition is dedicated with grateful pleasure, as an +acknowledgment that the chief part of whatever +scientific merit this Journal and the other works of +the author may possess, has been derived from studying +the well-known, admirable <i>Principles of Geology</i>.'</p> + +<p>How Lyell's first volume inspired Darwin with his +passion for geological research, and how his second +volume was one of the determining causes in turning +his mind in the direction of Evolution, we shall<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> +see in the sequel. In 1844, Darwin wrote to Leonard +Horner how 'forcibly impressed I am with the +infinite superiority of the Lyellian School of Geology +over the continental,' he even says, 'I always feel as +if my books came half out of Lyell's brain'; adding +'I have always thought that the great merit of the +<i>Principles</i> was that it altered the whole tone of one's +mind, and therefore that, when seeing a thing never +seen by Lyell one yet saw it partially through his +eyes<a name="FNanchor_66_67" id="FNanchor_66_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_67" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>.' About the same time Darwin wrote, 'I am +much pleased to hear of the call for a new edition of +the <i>Principles</i>: what glorious good that work has +done<a name="FNanchor_67_68" id="FNanchor_67_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_68" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>!' And in the <i>Origin of Species</i> he gives his +deliberate verdict on the book, referring to it as +'Lyell's grand work on the <i>Principles of Geology</i>, +which the future historian will recognise as having +produced a revolution in Natural Science<a name="FNanchor_68_69" id="FNanchor_68_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_69" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>.'</p> + +<p>Darwin seemed always afraid, such was his +sensitive and generous nature, that he did not +sufficiently acknowledge his indebtedness to Lyell. +He wrote to his friend in 1845:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'I have long wished not so much for your sake as for my own +feelings of honesty, to acknowledge more plainly than by mere +reference, how much I geologically owe you. Those authors, +however, who like you educate people's minds as well as teach +them special facts, can never, I should think, have full justice +done them except by posterity, for the mind thus insensibly +improved can hardly perceive its own upward ascent.'</p></div><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span></p> + +<p>Very heartily, as I can bear witness from long +intercourse with him, was this deep affection of +Darwin reciprocated by the man who was addressed +by him in his letters as 'Your affectionate pupil.' +But a stranger who conversed with Lyell would have +thought that he was the junior and a disciple; so +profound was his reverence for the genius of Darwin.</p> + +<p>There can be no doubt that Lyell's extreme +caution in statement, and his candour in admitting +and replying to objections, had much to do with his +acquirement of that authority with general, no less +than with scientific, readers, which he so long enjoyed. +In his candour he resembled his friend Darwin; but +his caution was carried so far that, even after full +conviction had entered his mind on a subject, he +would still hesitate to avow that conviction. He was +always obsessed by a feeling that there still <i>might be</i> +objections, which he had not foreseen and met, and +therefore felt it unsafe to declare himself. No doubt +the peculiarly trying circumstances under which his +work was written—a seemingly hopeless protest +against ideas held unswervingly by teachers and +fellow-workers—led to the creation in him of this +habit of mind.</p> + +<p>Darwin, with all his candour, was of a far more +sanguine and optimistic temperament than Lyell, and +the difference between them, in this respect, often +comes out in their correspondence.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span></p> + +<p>Thus Darwin, from the horrors he had witnessed +in South America, had come to entertain a most +fanatical hatred of slavery—his abhorrence of which +he used to express in most unmeasured terms. Lyell, +in his travels in the Southern United States, was equally +convinced of the undesirability of the institution; +but he thought it just to state the grounds on which +it was defended, by those who had been his hosts in +the Slave-states. Even this, however, was too much +for Darwin, and he felt that he must 'explode' to +his friend 'How could you relate so placidly that +atrocious sentiment' (it was of course only quoted +by Lyell) 'about separating children from their +parents; and in the next page speak of being +distressed at the whites not having prospered: I +assure you the contrast made me exclaim out. But +I have broken my intention (that is not to write +about the matter), so no more of this odious deadly +subject<a name="FNanchor_69_70" id="FNanchor_69_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_70" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>.'</p> + +<p>It was just the same in their mode of viewing +scientific questions. Thus in 1838, while they were +in the midst of the fierce battle with the 'Old +Guard' at the Geological Society, Lyell wrote to his +brother-in-arms as follows:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'I really find, when bringing up my Preliminary Essays in +<i>Principles</i> to the science of the present day, so far as I know it, +that the great outline, and even most of the details, stand so +uninjured, and in many cases they are so much strengthened by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> +new discoveries, especially by yours, that we may begin to hope +that the great principles there insisted on will stand the test of +new discoveries<a name="FNanchor_70_71" id="FNanchor_70_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_71" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>To which the younger and more ardent Darwin +warmly replied:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'<i>Begin to hope</i>: why, the <i>possibility</i> of a doubt has never +crossed my mind for many a day. This may be very unphilosophical, +but my geological salvation is staked on it ... it makes +me quite indignant that you should talk of <i>hoping</i><a name="FNanchor_71_72" id="FNanchor_71_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_72" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>When talking with Lyell at this time about the +opposition of the old school of geologists to their +joint views, Darwin said, 'What a good thing it +would be if every scientific man was to die at sixty +years old, as afterwards he would be sure to oppose +all new doctrines<a name="FNanchor_72_73" id="FNanchor_72_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_73" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>.'</p> + +<p>In conversations that I had with him late in life, +Darwin several times remarked to me, that 'he had +seen so many of his friends make fools of themselves +by putting forward new theoretical views in their old +age, that he had resolved quite early in life, never to +publish any speculative opinions after he was sixty.' +But both in conversation and in his writings he always +maintained that Lyell was an exception to all such +rules, seeing that at last he adopted the theory of +Natural Selection in his old age, thus displaying the +most 'remarkable candour.'</p> + +<p>All who had the pleasure of discussing geological<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> +questions with Lyell will recognise the truth of the +portrait drawn of his old friend by Darwin, about a +year before his own death.</p> + +<p>He says:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'His mind was characterised, as it appeared to me, by +clearness, caution, sound judgment, and a good deal of originality. +When I made a remark to him on Geology, he never rested until +he saw the whole case clearly, and often made me see it more +clearly than I had done before.'</p></div> + +<p>And he sums up his admiration of the 'dear old +master' in the words</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'The science of Geology is enormously indebted to Lyell—more +so, as I believe, than to any other man who ever lived<a name="FNanchor_73_74" id="FNanchor_73_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_74" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>Alfred Russel Wallace is scarcely less emphatic +than Charles Darwin himself in his expression of +affection and admiration for Lyell, and his indebtedness +to the <i>Principles of Geology</i>.</p> + +<p>In his Autobiography, Wallace writes:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'With Sir Charles I soon felt at home, owing to his refined +and gentle manners, his fund of quiet humour, and his intense +love and extensive knowledge of natural science. His great +liberality of thought and wide general interests were also +attractive to me; and although when he had once arrived at a +definite conclusion, he held by it very tenaciously until a considerable +body of well-ascertained facts could be adduced against +it, yet he was always willing to listen to the arguments of his +opponents, and to give them careful and repeated consideration<a name="FNanchor_74_75" id="FNanchor_74_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_75" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>.'</p></div><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span></p> + +<p>Of the influence of the <i>Principles of Geology</i> in +leading him to evolution, he wrote:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'Along with Malthus I had read, and been even more deeply +impressed by, Sir Charles Lyell's immortal <i>Principles of Geology</i>; +which had taught me that the inorganic world—the whole surface +of the earth, its seas and lands, its mountains and valleys, its +rivers and lakes, and every detail of its climatic conditions—were +and always had been in a continual state of slow modification. +Hence it became obvious that the forms of life must have become +continually adjusted to these changed conditions in order to +survive. The succession of fossil remains throughout the whole +geological series of rocks is the record of the change; and it +became easy to see that the extreme slowness of these changes +was such as to allow ample opportunity for the continuous +automatic adjustment of the organic to the inorganic world, as +well as of each organism to every other organism in the same +area, by the simple processes of "variation and survival of the +fittest." Thus was the fundamental idea of the "origin of +species" logically formulated from the consideration of a series of +well ascertained facts<a name="FNanchor_75_76" id="FNanchor_75_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_76" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>Nor were the two men (who, like Aaron and Hur +so steadily sustained the hands of Darwin in his long +vigil), behind the two authors of Natural Selection +themselves in their devotion to Lyell. How touching +is Hooker's tribute of affection on the death of his +friend, 'My loved, my best friend, for well nigh forty +years of my life. To me the blank is fearful, for it +never will, never can be filled up. The most generous +sharer of my own and my family's hopes, joys, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> +sorrows, whose affection for me was truly that of a +father and brother combined<a name="FNanchor_76_77" id="FNanchor_76_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_77" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>.'</p> + +<p>And Huxley speaking of Lyell, the day after his +death said, 'Sir Charles Lyell would be known in +history as the greatest geologist of his time. Some +days ago I went to my venerable friend, and put +before him the results of the <i>Challenger</i> expedition. +Nothing could then have been more touching than +the conflict between the mind and the material body, +the brain clear and comprehending all; while the +lips could hardly express the views which the busy +mind formed<a name="FNanchor_77_78" id="FNanchor_77_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_78" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>.'</p> + +<p>How well do I recollect my last visit to Lyell a +day or two after this farewell interview with Huxley, +the glow of gratitude which lighted up the noble +features as with trembling lips he told me how +'Huxley had repeated his whole Royal Institution +lecture at his bedside.'</p> + +<p>Huxley was a most devoted student of Lyell. +Speaking to his fellow geologists in 1869 he said, +'Which of us has not thumbed every page of the +<i>Principles of Geology</i><a name="FNanchor_78_79" id="FNanchor_78_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_79" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>?' and writing in 1887 on the +reception of the <i>Origin of Species</i>, he said:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'I have recently read afresh the first edition of the <i>Principles +of Geology</i>; and when I consider that this remarkable book had +been nearly thirty years in everybody's hands, and that it brings +home to any reader of ordinary intelligence a great principle and a +great fact—the principle, that the past must be explained by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> +present, unless good cause be shown to the contrary; and the +fact, that, so far as our knowledge of the past history of life on +our globe goes, no such cause can be shown—I cannot but believe +that Lyell, for others, as for myself, was the chief agent in +smoothing the road for Darwin. For consistent uniformitarianism +postulates evolution as much in the organic as in the inorganic +world. The origin of a new species by other than ordinary +agencies would be a vastly greater 'catastrophe' than any of those +which Lyell successfully eliminated from sober geological speculation<a name="FNanchor_79_80" id="FNanchor_79_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_80" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>How strongly Lyell had become convinced, as +early as 1832, of the truth and importance of the +doctrine of Evolution—in the <i>organic</i> as well as in +the inorganic world—in spite of his emphatic rejection +of the theory of Lamarck, we shall show in the +next chapter. It was this conviction, as we shall see, +which led to his friendly encouragement of Darwin +in his persevering investigations and to his constant +solicitude that the results of his friend's labours +should not be lost through delay in their publication.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span></p> + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII</h2> + +<h3>EARLY ATTEMPTS TO ESTABLISH THE DOCTRINE +OF EVOLUTION FOR THE ORGANIC WORLD</h3> + + +<p>In studying the history of Evolutionary ideas, it +is necessary to keep in mind that there are two +perfectly distinct lines of thought, the origin and +development of which have to be considered.</p> + +<p><i>First.</i> The conviction that species are not immutable, +but that, by some means or other, new +forms of life are derived from pre-existing ones.</p> + +<p><i>Secondly.</i> The conception of some process or +processes, by which this change of old forms into +new ones may be explained.</p> + +<p>Buffon, Kant, Goethe, and many other philosophic +thinkers, have been more or less firmly persuaded of +the truth of the first of these propositions; and even +Linnaeus himself was ready to make admissions in +this direction. It was impossible for anyone who was +convinced of the truth of the doctrine of continuity +or evolution in the <i>inorganic</i> world, to avoid the +speculation that the same arguments by which the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> +truth of that doctrine was maintained must apply +also to the <i>organic</i> world.</p> + +<p>Hence we find that directly the <i>Principles of +Geology</i> was published, thinkers, like Sedgwick and +Whewell, at once taxed Lyell with holding that 'the +creation of new species is going on at the present +day,' and Lyell replied to the latter:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'It was impossible, I think, for anyone to read my work and +not to perceive that my notion of uniformity in the existing causes +of change always implied that they must for ever produce an +endless variety of effects, <i>both in the animate and inanimate +world</i><a name="FNanchor_80_81" id="FNanchor_80_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_81" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>And to Sedgwick, Lyell wrote:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'Now touching my opinion,' concerning the creation of new +species at the present day, 'I have no right to object, <i>as I really +entertain it</i>, to your controverting it; at the same time you will +see, on reading my chapter on the subject, that I have studiously +avoided laying down the doctrine dogmatically as capable of proof. +I have admitted that we have only data for <i>extinction</i>, and I have +left it to be inferred, instead of enunciating it even as my opinion, +that the place of lost species is filled up (as it was of old) from +time to time by new species. I have only ventured to say that +had new mammalia come in, we could hardly have hoped to verify +the fact<a name="FNanchor_81_82" id="FNanchor_81_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_82" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>That Lyell was convinced of the truth of the +doctrine of the evolution of species is shown by his +correspondence with friends and sympathisers like +Scrope and John Herschel. But he wrote:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'If I had stated ... the possibility of the introduction or +origination of fresh species being a natural, in contradistinction +to a miraculous process, I should have raised a host of prejudices +against me, which are unfortunately opposed at every step to +any philosopher who attempts to address the public on these +mysterious subjects<a name="FNanchor_82_83" id="FNanchor_82_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_83" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>That Lyell was justified in not increasing the +difficulties which would retard the reception of his +views, by introducing matter, which he still regarded +as of a more or less speculative character, I think +everyone will be prepared to admit. Darwin had +to contend with the same difficulty in writing the +<i>Origin of Species</i>. To have included the question +of the origin of mankind <i>prominently</i> in that work +would have raised an almost insurmountable barrier +to its reception. He says in his autobiography, +'I thought it best, in order that no honourable man +should accuse me of concealing my views, to add that +by the work "light would be thrown on the origin of +man and his history." It would have been useless +and injurious to the success of the book to have +paraded, without giving evidence, my conviction with +respect to his origin<a name="FNanchor_83_84" id="FNanchor_83_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_84" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>.'</p> + +<p>Huxley and Haeckel have both borne testimony +to the fact that Lyell, at the time he wrote the +<i>Principles</i>, was firmly convinced that new species +had originated by evolution from old ones. Indeed +in a letter to John Herschel in 1836 he goes very far<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> +in the direction of anticipating the lines in which +enquiries on the <i>method</i> of evolution must proceed, +having even a prevision of the doctrine of <i>mimicry</i>, +long afterwards established by Bates and others. +Lyell wrote:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'In regard to the origination of new species, I am very glad +to find that you think it probable that it may be carried on +through the intervention of intermediate causes. I left this rather +to be inferred, not thinking it worth while to offend a certain class +of persons by embodying in words what would only be a speculation.... +One can in imagination summon before us a small part +at least of the circumstances that must be contemplated and +foreknown, before it can be decided what powers and qualities a +new species must have in order to enable it to endure for a given +time, and to play its part in due relation to all other beings +destined to coexist with it, before it dies out.... It may be seen +that unless some slight additional precaution be taken, the species +about to be born would at a certain era be reduced to too low a +number. There may be a thousand modes of ensuring its +duration beyond that time; one, for example, may be the +rendering it more prolific, but this would perhaps make it press +too hard upon other species at other times. Now if it be an +insect it may be made in one of its transformations to resemble a +dead stick, or a leaf, or a lichen, or a stone, so as to be somewhat +less easily found by its enemies; or if this would make it too +strong, an occasional variety of the species may have this +advantage conferred on it; or if this would be still too much, +one sex of a certain variety. Probably there is scarcely a dash +of colour on the wing or body of which the choice would be quite +arbitrary, or which might not affect its duration for thousands of +years. I have been told that the leaf-like expansions of the +abdomen and thighs of a certain Brazilian Mantis turn from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> +green to yellow as autumn advances, together with the leaves of +plants among which it seeks its prey. Now if species come in +succession, such contrivances must sometimes be made, and such +relations predetermined between species, as the Mantis, for +example, and plants not then existing, but which it was foreseen +would exist together with some particular climate at a given +time. But I cannot do justice to this train of speculation in a +letter, and will only say that it seems to me to offer a more +beautiful subject for reasoning and reflecting on, than the notion +of great batches of new species all coming in and afterwards +going out at once<a name="FNanchor_84_85" id="FNanchor_84_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_85" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>We have cited this very remarkable passage, as it +affords striking evidence of how deeply Lyell had +thought on this great question at a very early period. +Nevertheless it is certain that when he wrote the +second volume of the <i>Principles</i>, he had not been +able to satisfy himself that any hypothesis of the +<i>mode</i> of evolution, that had up to that time been +suggested, could be regarded as satisfactory.</p> + +<p>The only serious attempt to <i>explain</i> the derivation +of new species from old ones that came before Lyell +was that of the illustrious Lamarck.</p> + +<p>Very noteworthy was the work of that old +wounded French soldier, afflicted in his later years +as he was by blindness. By his early labours, +Lamarck had attained a considerable reputation +as a botanist, and later in life he turned his attention +to zoology, and then to palaeontology and geology. +In zoology, he did for the study of invertebrate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> +animals what his great contemporary Cuvier was +accomplishing for the vertebrates; but, with regard +to the origin of species, he arrived at conclusions +directly at variance with those of his distinguished +rival.</p> + +<p>We are indebted to Professor Osborn<a name="FNanchor_85_86" id="FNanchor_85_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_86" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> for calling +attention to that remarkable, but little known work +of Lamarck's—<i>Hydrogéologie</i>—published in 1802, +seven years before his <i>Philosophie Zoologique</i> appeared. +This work is especially interesting as showing +to how great an extent—as in the case of Darwin, +Wallace and others—it was geological phenomena +which played an important part in leading Lamarck +to evolutionary convictions. "In Geology," Professor +Osborn writes,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'Lamarck was an ardent advocate of uniformity, as against +the Cataclysmal School. The main principles are laid down in +his <i>Hydrogéologie</i>, that all the revolutions of the earth are extremely +slow. "For Nature," he says, "time is nothing. It is never +a difficulty, she always has it at her disposal; and it is for her +the means by which she has accomplished the greatest as well as +the least results<a name="FNanchor_86_87" id="FNanchor_86_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_87" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>."'</p></div> + +<p>On the subject of subaerial denudation (the action +of rain and rivers in wearing down the earth's surface), +Lamarck's views were as clear and definite as those +of Hutton himself; though it is almost certain that +he could never have seen, or even heard of, the +writings of the great Scottish philosopher. On some<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> +other questions of geological dynamics, however, it +must be confessed that Lamarck's views and speculations +were rather crude and unsatisfactory.</p> + +<p>In his <i>Philosophie Zoologique</i>, published in the +same year that Charles Darwin was born (1809), +Lamarck brought forward a great body of evidence +in favour of evolution, derived from his extensive +knowledge of botany, zoology and geology. He +showed how complete was the gradation between +many forms ranked as species, and how difficult it +was to say what forms should be classed as 'varieties' +and what as 'species.'</p> + +<p>But when he came to indicate a possible method +by which one species might be derived from another, +he was less happy in his suggestions. He recognised +the value of the evidence derived from the study of +the races which have arisen among domestic animals, +and from the crossing of different forms. But his +main argument was derived from the acknowledged +fact that use or disuse may cause the development +or the partial atrophy of organs—the case of the +'blacksmith's arm.' Unfortunately some of the +suggestions made by Lamarck, in this connexion—like +that of the elongation of the giraffe's neck to +enable it to browse on high trees—were of a kind +that made them very susceptible to ridicule. His +theory was of course dependent on the admission that +acquired characters were transmitted from parents to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span> +children, and in the absence of any suggestion of +'selection,' it did not appeal strongly to thinkers on +this question.</p> + +<p>Lyell first became acquainted with the writings +of Lamarck in 1827. As he was returning from the +Oxford circuit for the last time—having now resolved +to give up law and devote himself to geological work +exclusively—he wrote to his friend Mantell as +follows:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'I devoured Lamarck <i>en voyage</i>.... His theories delighted me +more than any novel I ever read, and much in the same way, for +they address themselves to the imagination, at least of geologists +who know the mighty inferences which would be deducible were +they established by observations. But though I admire even his +flights, and feel none of the <i>odium theologicum</i> which some +modern writers in this country have visited him with, I confess I +read him rather as I hear an advocate on the wrong side, to know +what can be made of the case in good hands. I am glad he has +been courageous enough and logical enough to admit that his +argument, if pushed as far as it must go, if worth anything, would +prove that men may have come from the Ourang-Outang. But +after all, what changes species may really undergo! How +impossible will it be to distinguish and lay down a line, beyond +which some of the so-called extinct species have never passed +into recent ones. That the earth is quite as old as he supposes, +has long been my creed, and I will try before six months are over +to convert the readers of the <i>Quarterly</i> to that heterodox +opinion<a name="FNanchor_87_88" id="FNanchor_87_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_88" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>Lyell was at that time at work on his review for +the <i>Quarterly</i> of Scrope's <i>Central France</i>, and was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> +also completing the 'first sketch' of the <i>Principles</i>. +But it is evident that as the result of continued study +of Lamarck's book, Lyell found it, in spite of its +fascination, to embody a theory which he could not +but regard as unsound and not calculated to prove a +solution of the great mystery of evolution. Accordingly +when the second volume of the <i>Principles</i> was +issued in 1832, it was found to contain in its opening +chapters a very trenchant criticism of Lamarck's +theory.</p> + +<p>It is only fair to remember, however, that in +1863, after Lyell had accepted the theory of Natural +Selection he wrote to Darwin:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'When I came to the conclusion that after all Lamarck was +going to be shown to be right, and that we must "go the whole +orang" I re-read his book, and remembering when it was written, I +felt I had done him injustice<a name="FNanchor_88_89" id="FNanchor_88_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_89" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>It is interesting also to notice that Darwin, like +Lyell, gradually came to entertain a higher opinion +of the merit of Lamarck's works, than he did on his +first perusal of them. In 1844, Darwin wrote to +Hooker, 'Heaven forfend me from Lamarck nonsense!' +and in the same year he speaks of Lamarck's +book as 'veritable rubbish,' an 'absurd though +clever work<a name="FNanchor_89_90" id="FNanchor_89_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_90" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>.' When, after the publication of the +<i>Origin of Species</i>, Lyell referred to the <i>conclusions</i> +arrived at in that work as similar to those of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> +Lamarck, Darwin expressed something like indignation, +and he wrote to their 'mutual friend' +Hooker, 'I have grumbled a bit in my answer to +him' (Lyell) 'at his <i>always</i> classing my book as a +modification of Lamarck's, which it is no more than +any author who did not believe in the immutability +of species<a name="FNanchor_90_91" id="FNanchor_90_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_91" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>.' In this case, as is so frequently seen in +the writings of Darwin, it is evident that he attaches +infinitely less importance to the establishment of the +<i>fact</i> of the evolution of species, than to the demonstration +of a possible <i>mode of origin</i> of that evolution. +But that later in life Darwin came to take a more +indulgent view of the result of Lamarck's labours is +shown by a passage in his 'Historical Sketch' +prefixed to the <i>Origin</i>, in 1866. Lamarck, he says, +'first did the eminent service of arousing attention +to the probability of all change in the organic world, +as well as in the inorganic world, being the result of +law and not of miraculous interposition<a name="FNanchor_91_92" id="FNanchor_91_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_92" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>.'</p> + +<p>In the opinion of Dr Schwalbe and others there +are indications in Darwin's later writings that he had +come into much closer relation with the views of +Lamarck, than was the case when he wrote the +<i>Origin</i><a name="FNanchor_92_93" id="FNanchor_92_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_93" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>.</p> + +<p>It is interesting, however, to note that Erasmus +Darwin, the grandfather of Charles, published +independently and contemporaneously, views on the +nature and causes of evolution in striking agreement<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> +with those of Lamarck; but perhaps the poetical +form, in which he chose to embody his ideas, led to +their receiving less attention than they deserved.</p> + +<p>As is now well known a number of writers during +the earlier years of the nineteenth century published +statements in favour of evolutionary views, and in +several cases the theory of natural selection was +more or less distinctly outlined. In addition to +Geoffroy and Isidore Saint Hilaire and d'Omalius +d'Halloy on the continent, a number of writers +in this country, such as Dr Wells, Mr Patrick +Matthew, Dr Pritchard, Professor Grant, Dean +Herbert, all expressed views in favour of evolution, +even, in some cases, foreshadowing Natural Selection +as the method. But these authors attached so little +importance to their suggestions, that they did not +even take the trouble to place them on permanent +record, and it is certain that neither Lyell nor +Darwin was acquainted with their writings at the +time they were themselves working at the subject.</p> + +<p>There was indeed one work which, during the +time that the <i>Origin of Species</i> was in preparation, +attracted much popular attention. In 1844, Robert +Chambers, who was favourably known as the author +of some geological papers, wrote a book which +excited a great amount of attention—the well-known +<i>Vestiges of Creation</i>. This work was a very bold +pronouncement of evolutionary views. Beginning<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> +with a statement of the nebular hypothesis of Kant +and Laplace, it discussed the question of the origin +of life—when life became possible on a cooling +globe—and, arguing strongly in favour of the view +that all plants and animals, as the conditions under +which they existed change, had given rise to new +forms, better adapted to their environment, insisted +that the whole living creation had been gradually +developed from the simplest types.</p> + +<p>Chambers published his book anonymously, being +naturally afraid of the prejudices that would be +excited against him—especially in his own country—by +a work so outspoken, and it was not till after his +death that its authorship was definitely known.</p> + +<p>The <i>Vestiges of Creation</i> met with very different +receptions at the hands of the general public and +from the scientific world, at the time it was published. +The former were startled but captivated by its fearless +statements and suggestive lines of thought; +while the latter were repelled and incensed by the +want of judgment, too frequently shown, in accepting +as indisputable, facts and experiments which +really rested on a very slender basis or none at all. +So popular was the book, however, that it passed +through twelve editions, the last being published +after the appearance of the <i>Origin of Species</i>.</p> + +<p>It is interesting to read Darwin's judgment in +later life on this once famous book; he says:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span>—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'The work from its powerful and brilliant style, though +displaying in the earlier editions little accurate knowledge and a +great want of scientific caution, immediately had a very wide +circulation. In my opinion it has done excellent service in this +country in calling attention to the subject, in removing prejudice, +and in thus preparing the ground for the reception of analogous +views<a name="FNanchor_93_94" id="FNanchor_93_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_94" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>If we enquire what was the attitude of scientific +naturalists towards the doctrine of Evolution, immediately +before the occurrence of the events to be +recorded in the next chapter, we shall find some +diversity of opinion to exist. The late Professor +Newton, an eminent ornithologist, has asserted that, +at this period, many systematic zoologists and botanists +had begun to feel great 'searchings of heart' as to +the possibility of maintaining what were the generally +prevalent views concerning the reality and immutability +of species. Huxley, however, declared that he +and many contemporary biologists were ready to say +'to Mosaists and Evolutionists a plague to both your +houses!' and were disposed to turn aside from an +interminable and fruitless discussion, to labour in the +fields of ascertainable fact<a name="FNanchor_94_95" id="FNanchor_94_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_95" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span></p> + + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX</h2> + +<h3>DARWIN AND WALLACE: THE THEORY OF +NATURAL SELECTION</h3> + + +<p>Charles Darwin was the grandson of Erasmus +Darwin, who, as we have seen, arrived independently +at conclusions concerning the origin of species very +similar to those of Lamarck, and embodied his views +in poems, which, at the time of their publication, +achieved a considerable popularity. In the younger +philosopher, however, imagination was always kept in +subjection by a determination to '<i>prove</i> all things' +and 'to hold fast that which is good'; though, in +other respects, there were not wanting indications +of the existence of hereditary characteristics in the +grandson.</p> + +<p>Born at Shrewsbury and educated in the public +school of that town, Charles Darwin from the first +exhibited signs of individuality in his ideas and his +tastes. The rigid classical teaching of his school did +not touch him, but, with the aid of his elder brother, +he surreptitiously started a chemical laboratory in a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> +garden tool-house. From his earliest infancy he was +a collector, first of trifles, like seals and franks, but +later of stones, minerals and beetles.</p> + +<p>At the outset, only the desire to possess new +things animated him, then a wish to put names to +them, but, at a very early period, a passion arose for +learning all he could about them. Thus when only +9 or 10 years of age, he had 'a desire of being able +to know something about every pebble in front of +the hall-door,' and at 13 or 14, when he heard the +remark of a local naturalist, 'that the world would +come to an end before anyone would be able to +explain how' a boulder (the 'bell-stone' of local-fame) +came to be brought from distant hills—the lad had such +a deep impression made on his mind, that he says in +after life, 'I <i>meditated</i> over this wonderful stone<a name="FNanchor_95_96" id="FNanchor_95_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_96" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>.'</p> + +<p>At the age of 16, he was sent to Edinburgh +University to prepare himself for the work of a +doctor—the profession of his father and grandfather. +But here his independence of character again asserted +itself. He found most of the lectures 'intolerably +dull,' so he occupied himself with other pursuits, +making many friendships among the younger +naturalists and doing a little in the way of biological +research himself.</p> + +<p>That he was not altogether destitute of ambition +in the eyes of his companions, however, is, I think, +indicated by an amusing circumstance. In the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> +library of Charles Darwin, which is carefully preserved +at Cambridge, there is a copy of Jameson's +<i>Manual of Mineralogy</i>, published in 1821, which +was evidently used by the young student in his classwork +at Edinburgh. In this a quizzical fellow-student +has written 'Charles Darwin Esq., M.D., F.R.S.'—mischievously +adding 'A.S.S.'! Even for geology, +the science to which in all his after life he became so +deeply devoted, young Darwin conceived the most +violent aversion; and as he listened to Jameson's +Wernerian outpourings at Salisbury Crags, he +'determined never to attend to geology,' registering +the terrible vow 'never as long as I lived to read a +book on Geology, or in any way to study the science<a name="FNanchor_96_97" id="FNanchor_96_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_97" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>.'</p> + +<p>As it became evident that Charles Darwin would +never make a doctor, his father, after two years' trial, +sent him to Cambridge with the object of his +qualifying for a clergyman. But at Christ's College, +in that University, he again took his own line—which +was not that of divinity—riding, shooting and beetle-hunting +being his chief delights. Nevertheless, at +Cambridge as at Edinburgh, he seems to have shown +an appreciation for good and instructive society, and +in Henslow, the judicious and amiable Professor of +Botany, the young fellow found such sympathy and +kindly help that he came to be distinguished as 'the +man who walks with Henslow<a name="FNanchor_97_98" id="FNanchor_97_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_98" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>.'</p> + +<p>After achieving a 'pass degree,' Darwin went<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> +back to the University for an extra term, and by the +advice of Henslow began to 'think about' the +despised Science of Geology. He was introduced to +that inspiring teacher, Sedgwick, with whom he +made a geological excursion into Wales; but though +he said he 'worked like a tiger' at geology, yet he, +when he got the chance of shooting on his uncle's +estate, had to make the confession, 'I should have +thought myself mad to give up the first days of +partridge-shooting for geology or any other science<a name="FNanchor_98_99" id="FNanchor_98_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_99" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>.'</p> + +<p>There is a sentence in one of the letters written +at this time which suggests that, even at this early +period in his geological career, Darwin had begun to +experience some misgivings concerning the catastrophic +doctrines of his teachers and contemporaries. +He says:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'As yet I have only indulged in hypotheses, but they are +such powerful ones that I suppose, if they were put into action +but for one day, the world would come to an end<a name="FNanchor_99_100" id="FNanchor_99_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_100" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>Was he not poking fun at other hypotheses +besides his own?</p> + +<p>Darwin's real scientific education began when, +after some hesitation on his father's part, he was +allowed to accept the invitation, made to him through +his friend Henslow, to accompany, at his own expense, +the surveying ship <i>Beagle</i> in a cruise to South +America and afterwards round the world. In the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> +narrow quarters of the little 'ten-gun brig,' he +learned methodical habits and how best to economise +space and time; during his long expeditions on +shore, rendered possible by the work of a surveying +vessel, he had ample opportunities for observing and +collecting; and, above all, the absence of the +distractions from quiet meditation, afforded by a +long sea-voyage, proved in his case invaluable. +Very diligently did he work, accumulating a vast +mass of notes, with catalogues of the specimens he +sent home from time to time to Henslow. He had +received no careful biological training, and Huxley +considered that the voluminous notes he made on +zoological subjects were almost useless<a name="FNanchor_100_101" id="FNanchor_100_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_101" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>. Very +different was the case, however, with his geological +notes. He had learned to use the blowpipe, and +simple microscope, as well as his hammer and +clinometer; and the notes which he made concerning +his specimens, before packing them up for Cambridge, +were at the same time full, accurate and suggestive.</p> + +<p>Darwin has recorded in his autobiography the +wonderful effect produced on his mind by the reading +of the first volume of Lyell's <i>Principles</i>—an effect +very different from that anticipated by Henslow<a name="FNanchor_101_102" id="FNanchor_101_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_102" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>. +From that moment he became the most enthusiastic +of geologists, and never fails in his letters to insist on +his preference for geology over all other branches of +science. Again and again we find him recording<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> +observations that he thinks will 'interest Mr Lyell' +and he says in another letter:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'I am become a zealous disciple of Mr Lyell's views, as +known in his admirable book. Geologising in South America, +I am tempted to carry parts to a greater extent even than he +does<a name="FNanchor_102_103" id="FNanchor_102_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_103" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>Before reaching home after his voyage, the +duration of which was fortunately extended from two +to five years, he had sent home letters asking to be +elected a fellow of the Geological Society; and, +immediately on his arrival, he gave up his zoological +specimens to others and devoted his main energies +for ten years to the working up of his geological +notes and specimens.</p> + +<p>It may seem strange that the grandson of Erasmus +Darwin should in early life have felt little or no +interest in the question of the 'Origin of Species,' but +such was certainly the case. He tells us in his +autobiography that he had read his grandfather's +<i>Zoonomia</i> in his youth, without its producing any +effect on him, and when at Edinburgh he says he +heard his friend Robert Grant (afterwards Professor +of Zoology in University College, London) as they +were walking together 'burst forth in high admiration +of Lamarck and his views on Evolution'—yet +Darwin adds 'I listened in silent astonishment, and +as far as I can judge without any effect on my +mind<a name="FNanchor_103_104" id="FNanchor_103_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_104" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>.'<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span></p> + +<p>The reason of this indifference towards his +grandfather's works is obvious. All through his life, +Darwin, like Lyell, showed a positive distaste for all +speculation or theorising that was not based on a +good foundation of facts or observations. In this +respect, the attitude of Darwin's mind was the very +opposite of that of Herbert Spencer—who, Huxley +jokingly said, would regard as a 'tragedy'—'the +killing of a beautiful theory by an ugly fact.' +Darwin tells us himself that, while on his first +reading of <i>Zoonomia</i> he 'greatly admired' it—evidently +on literary grounds—yet 'on reading it a +second time after an interval of ten or fifteen years, +I was much disappointed; <i>the proportion of speculation +being so large to the facts given</i>.' Huxley who +knew Charles Darwin so well in later years said of +him that:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'He abhors mere speculation as nature abhors a vacuum. He +is as greedy of cases and precedents as any constitutional lawyer, +and all the principles he lays down are capable of being brought +to the test of observation and experiment<a name="FNanchor_104_105" id="FNanchor_104_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_105" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>What then, we may ask, were the facts and +observations which turned Darwin's mind towards +the great problem that came to be the work of his +after life? I think it is possible from the study of +his letters and other published writings to give an +answer to this very interesting question.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span></p> + +<p>In November 1832, Darwin returned to Monte +Video, from a long journey in the interior of the +South American Continent, bringing with him many +zoological specimens and a great quantity of fossil +bones, teeth and scales, dug out by him with infinite +toil from the red mud of the Pampas—these fossils +evidently belonging to the geological period that +immediately preceded that of the existing creation. +The living animals represented in his collection were +all obviously very distinct from those of Europe—consisting +of curious sloths, anteaters, and armadilloes—the +so-called 'Edentata' of naturalists. +And when young Darwin came to examine and +compare his <i>fossil</i> bones, teeth and scales he found +that they too must have belonged to animals +(megatherium, mylodon, glyptodon, etc.) quite distinct +from but of strikingly similar structure to those +now living in South America. What could be the +meaning of this wonderful analogy? If Cuvier and +his fellow Catastrophists were correct in their view +that, at each 'revolution' taking place on the earth's +surface, the whole batch of plants and animals was +swept out of existence, and the world was restocked +with a 'new creation,' why should the brand-new +forms, at any particular locality, have such a 'ghost-like' +resemblance to those that had gone before? It +is interesting to note that, just at the same time, +a similar discovery was made with respect to Australia.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> +In caves in that country, a number of bones were +found which, though evidently belonging to 'extinct' +animals, yet must have belonged to forms resembling +the kangaroos and other 'pouched animals' (marsupials) +now so distinctive of that continent. But of +this fact Darwin was not aware until after his return +to England in 1836.</p> + +<p>Among the objects sent from home, which awaited +Darwin on his return to Monte Video, was the second +volume of Lyell's <i>Principles</i>, then newly published; +this book, while rejecting Lamarckism, was crowded +with facts and observations concerning variation, +hybridism, the struggle for existence, and many other +questions bearing on the great problem of the origin +of species. I think there can be no doubt that from +this time Darwin came to regard the question of +species with an interest he had never felt before.</p> + +<p>It is of course not suggested that, at this early +date, Darwin had formed any definite ideas as to the +<i>mode</i> in which new species might possibly arise from +pre-existing ones or even that he had been converted +to a belief in evolution. Indeed in 1877 he wrote +'When I was on board the <i>Beagle</i> I believed in the +permanence of species' yet he adds 'but as far as +I can remember <i>vague doubts</i> occasionally flitted +across my mind.' Such 'vague doubts' could scarcely +have failed to have arisen when, as happened during +all his journeys from north to south of the South<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> +American Continent, he found the same curious +correspondence between existing and late fossil forms +of life again and again illustrated.</p> + +<p>But towards the end of the voyage, an even +stronger element of doubt as to the immutability of +species was awakened in his mind. When he came +to study the forms of life existing in the Galapagos +Islands, off the west coast of South America, he was +startled by the discovery of the following facts. +Each small island had its own 'fauna' or assemblage +of animals—this being very strikingly shown in the +case of the reptiles and birds. And yet, though the +<i>species</i> were different, there was obviously a very +wonderful 'family likeness' to one another between +the forms in the several islands and between them all +and the animals living in the adjoining portion of the +continent. Surely this could not be accidental, but +must indicate relationships due to descent from +common ancestors!</p> + +<p>Charles Darwin returned to England in 1836, and +at once made the acquaintance of Lyell. He says in +one place, 'I saw a great deal of Lyell' and in another +that 'I saw more of Lyell than of any other man, +both before and after my marriage.' In one of his +letters he writes, 'You cannot conceive anything +more thoroughly good natured than the heart-and-soul +manner in which he put himself in my place and +thought what would be best to do<a name="FNanchor_105_106" id="FNanchor_105_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_106" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>.' For two<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> +years Darwin was comparatively free from the +distressing malady which clouded so much of his +after life. And, during that time, he engaged very +heartily with Lyell in those combats at the Geological +Society (of which he had become one of the Secretaries) +in which their joint views concerning the truth +of continuity or evolution in the inorganic world +were defended against the attacks of the militant +catastrophists. Darwin, however, did not act on the +defensive alone, but brought forward a number of +papers strongly supporting his new friend's views.</p> + +<p>There can be little doubt that, while thus engaged, +and in constant friendly intercourse with +Lyell, Darwin must have felt—like other earnest +thinkers on geology at that day—that the principles +they were advocating of 'continuity' in the inorganic +world must be equally applicable to the organic +world—and thus that the question of evolution +would acquire a new interest for him.</p> + +<p>But it was undoubtedly the revision of the notes +made on board the <i>Beagle</i>, and the study of the +specimens which had been sent home by him from +time to time, that produced the great determining +influence on Darwin's career. All through the +voyage he had endeavoured, with as much literary +skill as he could command, to record with accuracy +the observations he made, and the conclusions to +which, on careful reflection, they seemed to point.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> +And on his return to England, these patiently written +journals were revised and prepared for publication +forming that charming work <i>A Naturalist's Voyage. +Journal of Researches into the Natural History and +Geology of the Countries visited during the Voyage +of H.M.S. 'Beagle' round the world.</i></p> + +<p>As Darwin, with the specimens before him, revised +his notes, and reconsidered the impressions made on +his mind, the 'vague doubts' he had entertained, +from time to time, concerning the immutability of +species, would come back to him with new force and +cumulative effect. 'I then saw,' he says, 'how many facts +indicated the common descent of species,' and further, +'It occurred to me in 1837, that something might +perhaps be made out on this question by patiently +accumulating and reflecting on all sorts of facts +which could possibly have any bearing on it.' In +July of that year, he opened his first note-book on +the subject<a name="FNanchor_106_107" id="FNanchor_106_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_107" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>—the note-books being soon replaced by +a series of portfolios, in which extracts from the +various works he read, facts obtained by correspondence, +the records of experiments and observation, +and ideas suggested by constant meditation were +slowly accumulated for twenty years. Mr Francis +Darwin has published a series of extracts from the +note-book of 1837, which amply prove that by this +time Charles Darwin had become 'a convinced +evolutionist<a name="FNanchor_107_108" id="FNanchor_107_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_108" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>.'<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span></p> + +<p>Fifteen months after this 'systematic enquiry' +began, Darwin happened to read the celebrated work +of Malthus <i>On Population</i>, for amusement, and this +served as a spark falling on a long prepared train +of thought. The idea that as animals and plants +multiply in geometrical progression, while the +supplies of food and space to be occupied remain +nearly constant, and that this must lead to a 'struggle +for existence' of the most desperate kind, was by no +means new to Darwin, for the elder De Candolle, +Lyell and others had enlarged upon it; yet the facts +with regard to the human race, so strikingly presented +by Malthus, brought the whole question with +such vividness before him that the idea of 'Natural +Selection' flashed upon Darwin's mind. This hypothesis +cannot be better or more succinctly stated +than in Huxley's words.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'All <i>species</i> have been produced by the development of +<i>varieties</i> from common stocks: by the conversion of these, first +into <i>permanent races</i> and then into <i>new species</i>, by the process +of <i>natural selection</i>, which process is essentially identical with +that artificial selection by which man has originated the races of +domestic animals—the <i>struggle for existence</i> taking the place of +man, and exerting, in the case of natural selection, that selective +action which he performs in artificial selection<a name="FNanchor_108_109" id="FNanchor_108_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_109" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>With characteristic caution, Darwin determined +not to write down 'even the briefest sketch' of this +hypothesis, that had so suddenly presented itself to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> +his mind. His habit of thought was always to give +the fullest consideration and weight to any possible +objection that presented itself to his own mind or +could be suggested to him by others. Though he was +satisfied as to the truth and importance of the principle +of natural selection, there is evidence that for some +years he was oppressed by difficulties, which I think +would have seemed greater to him than to anyone +else. In my conversations with Darwin, in after +years, it always struck me that he attached an +exaggerated importance to the merest suggestion of +a view opposed to that he was himself inclined to +adopt; indeed I sometimes almost feared to indicate +a <i>possible</i> different point of view to his own, for fear +of receiving such an answer as 'What a very striking +objection, how stupid of me not to see it before, I +must really reconsider the whole subject.'</p> + +<p>While a divinity student at Cambridge, Darwin +had been much struck with the logical form of the +works both of Euclid and of Paley. The rooms of +the latter he seems to have actually occupied at +Christ's College and the works of the great divine +were so diligently studied that their deep influence +remained with him in after life<a name="FNanchor_109_110" id="FNanchor_109_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_110" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>.</p> + +<p>I think it must have been the remembrance of +the arguments of Paley on the 'proofs of design' in +Nature, that seem in after life to have haunted +Darwin so that for long he failed to recognise fully<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> +that the principle of natural selection accounted not +only for the <i>adaptation</i> of an organism to its environment, +but at the same time explains that <i>divergence</i>, +which must have taken place in species in order to +give rise to their wonderfully varied characters.</p> + +<p>It was not till long after he came to Down in +1842, he tells us in his autobiography, that his mind +freed itself from this objection. He says:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'I can remember the very spot in the road, whilst in my +carriage, when to my joy the solution occurred to me,'</p></div> + +<p>and he compares the relief to his mind as resembling +the effect produced by 'Columbus and his egg<a name="FNanchor_110_111" id="FNanchor_110_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_111" class="fnanchor">[110]</a>.' +Some may think the 'solution' of Columbus was +itself not a very satisfactory one; and I am inclined +to regard the difficulties of which Darwin records so +sudden and dramatic a removal as more imaginary +than real!</p> + +<p>There can be no doubt that, as pointed out by the +late Professor Alfred Newton<a name="FNanchor_111_112" id="FNanchor_111_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_112" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>, there was among +naturalists during the second quarter of the nineteenth +century a feeling of dissatisfaction with +respect to current ideas concerning the origin of +species, accompanied in many cases with one of +expectation that a solution might soon be found. +Others, however, despairingly regarded it as 'the +mystery of mysteries' for which it was hopeless to +attempt to find a key. There was, however, one +man, who simultaneously with Darwin was meditating<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> +earnestly on the problem and who eventually reached +the same goal.</p> + +<p>Alfred Russel Wallace was born thirteen years +after Darwin, and a quarter of a century after Lyell. +He did not possess the moderate income that permits +of entire devotion to scientific research—an advantage, +the importance of which in their own cases, +both Lyell and Darwin were always so ready to +acknowledge. Wallace, after working for a time as a +land-surveyor and then as a teacher, at the age of 26 +set off with another naturalist, H. W. Bates, on a +collecting tour in South America—hoping by the sale +of specimens to cover the expenses of travel. Like +Lyell and Darwin, he was an enthusiastic entomologist, +and had conceived the same passion for travel. He +had, as we have already seen, been deeply impressed +by reading the <i>Principles of Geology</i>, and after +spending four years in South America undertook a +second collecting tour, which lasted twice that time, +in the Malay Archipelago.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 391px;"> +<img src="images/ill_123.jpg" width="391" height="590" alt="Alfred R. Wallace" title="" /> +</div> + +<p>Before leaving England in 1848, Wallace had +read and been impressed by reading the <i>Vestiges of +Creation</i>, and there can be no doubt that from that +period the question of evolution was always more or +less distinctly present in his mind. While in Sarawak +in the wet season, he tells us, 'I was quite alone with +one Malay boy as cook, and during the evenings and +wet days I had nothing to do but to look over my +books and ponder over the problem which was rarely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> +absent from my thoughts.' He goes on to say that +by 'combining the ideas he had derived from his +books that treated of the distribution of plants and +animals with those he obtained from the great work +of Lyell' he thought 'some valuable conclusions +might be reached<a name="FNanchor_112_113" id="FNanchor_112_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_113" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>.' Thus originated the very +remarkable paper, <i>On the Law which has regulated +the Introduction of New Species</i>, the main conclusion +of which was as follows: 'Every species has come into +existence coincident both in space and time with a +pre-existing closely allied species.' As Wallace has +himself said, 'This clearly pointed to some kind of +evolution ... but the <i>how</i> was still a secret.'</p> + +<p>This essay was published in the <i>Annals and +Magazine of Natural History</i> in September 1855. It +attracted much attention from Lyell and Darwin and +later from Huxley. One important result of it was +that Darwin and Wallace entered into friendly +correspondence. But although Darwin in his letters +to Wallace informed him that he had been engaged +for a long time in collecting facts which bore on the +question of the origin of species, he gave no hint of +the theory of natural selection he had conceived +seventeen years before—indeed his friends Lyell and +Hooker appear at that time to have been the only +persons, outside his family circle, whom he had taken +into his confidence.</p> + +<p>In the spring of 1858, Wallace was at Ternate in +the island of Celebes, where he lay sick with fever,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> +and as his thoughts wandered to the ever-present +problem of species, there suddenly recurred to his +memory the writings of Malthus, which he had read +twelve years before. Then and there, 'in a sudden +flash of insight' the idea of natural selection presented +itself to his mind, and after a few hours' +thought the chief points were written down, and +within a week the matter was 'copied on thin letter-paper' +and sent to Darwin by the next post, with a +letter to the following effect<a name="FNanchor_113_114" id="FNanchor_113_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_114" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>. Wallace stated that +the idea seemed new to himself and he asked Darwin, +if he also thought it new, to show it to Lyell, who +had taken so much interest in his former paper. +Little did Wallace think, in the absence of all +knowledge on his part of Darwin's own conclusions, +what stir would be made by his paper when it arrived +in England!</p> + +<p>Wallace's essay was entitled <i>On the Tendency of +Varieties to depart indefinitely from the Original +Type</i>, and it is a singularly lucid and striking +presentment, in small compass, of the theory of +Natural Selection.</p> + +<p>Had these two men been of less noble and +generous nature, the history of science might have +been dishonoured by a painful discussion on a +question of priority. Fortunately we are not called +upon for anything like a judicial investigation of +rival claims; for Darwin as soon as he read the essay +saw that—as Lyell had often warned him might be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> +the case—he was completely forestalled in the +publication of his theory. The letter and paper +arrived at a sad time for Darwin—he was at the +moment very ill, there was 'scarlet fever raging in +his family, to which an infant son had succumbed +on the previous day, and a daughter was ill with +diphtheria<a name="FNanchor_114_115" id="FNanchor_114_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_115" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>.' Darwin at once wrote hurriedly to +Lyell enclosing the essay and saying:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'I never saw a more striking coincidence; if Wallace had my +MS. sketch written out in 1842, he could not have made a better +short abstract! Even his terms now stand as heads of my +chapters. Please return me the MS., which he does not say he +wishes me to publish, but I shall, of course, at once write and +offer to send to any journal. So all my originality, whatever it +may amount to, will be smashed, though my book, if it ever have +any value, will not be deteriorated, as all the labour consists in +the application of the theory. I hope you will approve of +Wallace's sketch, that I may tell him what to say<a name="FNanchor_115_116" id="FNanchor_115_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_116" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>And Wallace—what was the line taken by him in +the unfortunate complication that had thus arisen? +From the very first his action was all that is generous +and noble. Not only did he, from the first, entirely +acquiesce in the course taken by Lyell and Hooker, +but, writing in 1870, when the fame of Darwin's work +had reached its full height, he said:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'I have felt all my life and I still feel, the most sincere +satisfaction that Mr Darwin had been at work long before me, +and that it was not left for me to attempt to write <i>The Origin of +Species</i>. I have long since measured my own strength and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> +know well that it would be quite unequal to that task. For +abler men than myself may confess, that they have not that +untiring patience in accumulating, and that wonderful skill in +using, large masses of facts of the most varied kind,—that wide +and accurate physiological knowledge,—that acuteness in devising +and skill in carrying out experiments,—and that admirable style +of composition, at once clear, persuasive and judicial,—qualities +which in their harmonious combination mark out Mr Darwin as +the man, perhaps of all men now living, best fitted for the great +work he has undertaken and accomplished<a name="FNanchor_116_117" id="FNanchor_116_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_117" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>And fifty years after the joint publication of the +theory of Natural Selection to the Linnean Society +he said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'<i>I</i> was then (as often since) the "young man in a hurry," <i>he</i>' +(Darwin) 'the painstaking and patient student, seeking ever the +full demonstration of the truth he had discovered, rather than to +achieve immediate personal fame<a name="FNanchor_117_118" id="FNanchor_117_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_118" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>And when he referred to the respective shares of +Darwin and himself to the credit of having brought +forward the theory of natural selection, he actually +suggests as a fair proportion '<i>twenty years to one +week</i>'—those being the periods each had devoted to +the subject<a name="FNanchor_118_119" id="FNanchor_118_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_119" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>!</p> + +<p>Never surely was such a noble example of +personal abnegation! We admire the generosity, +though we cannot accept the estimate, for do we not +know that, for at least half the period of Darwin's +patient quest, Wallace had spent in deeply pondering +upon the same great question?</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span></p> + + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X</h2> + +<h3>THE ORIGIN OF SPECIES</h3> + + +<p>In the preceding chapter I have endeavoured to +show how the hypothesis of Natural Selection +originated in the minds of its authors, and must +now invite attention to the way in which it was +introduced to the world. What has been said earlier +with respect to the labours and writings of Hutton, +Scrope and Lyell may serve to indicate the great +importance of the <i>manner</i> of presentment of new +ideas—the logical force and literary skill with which +they are brought to the notice of scientific contemporaries +and the world at large.</p> + +<p>There are some striking passages in Darwin's +naive 'autobiography and letters' which indicate the +beginnings of his ambition for literary distinction. +It must always be borne in mind in reading this +autobiography, however, that it was not intended by +Darwin for publication, but only for the amusement +of the members of his own family. But the charming +and unsophisticated self-revelations in it will always +be a source of delight to the world.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span></p> + +<p>When making his first original observations among +the volcanic cones and craters of St Jago in the +Cape-de-Verde Islands, he says 'It then first dawned +on me that I might perhaps write a book on the +geology of the different countries visited, and this +made me thrill with delight<a name="FNanchor_119_120" id="FNanchor_119_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_120" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>.' He tells us concerning +his regular occupations on board the <i>Beagle</i>, that +'during some part of the day, I wrote my Journal +and took much pains in describing carefully and +vividly all that I had seen: and this was good +practice<a name="FNanchor_120_121" id="FNanchor_120_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_121" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>.'</p> + +<p>'Later in the voyage' he says 'FitzRoy' (the +Captain of the <i>Beagle</i>) 'asked me to read some of my +Journal and declared it would be worth publishing, +so here was a second book in prospect<a name="FNanchor_121_122" id="FNanchor_121_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_122" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>!'</p> + +<p>Darwin's first published writings were the extracts +from his letters which Henslow read to the Philosophical +Society of Cambridge, and those which +Sedgwick submitted to the Geological Society. At +Ascension, on the voyage home, a letter from +Darwin's sisters had informed him of the commendation +with which Sedgwick had spoken to his +father of these papers, and he wrote fifty years +afterwards: 'After reading this letter, I clambered +over the mountains of Ascension with a bounding +step, and made the volcanic rocks ring under my +geological hammer.' When in 1839 his charming +<i>Journal of Researches</i> was published he records that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> +'The success of this my first literary child always +tickles my vanity more than that of any of my other +books<a name="FNanchor_122_123" id="FNanchor_122_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_123" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>.'</p> + +<p>As a matter of fact, no one could possibly be +more diffident and modest about his actual literary +performances than was Charles Darwin. I have heard +him again and again express a wish that he possessed +'dear old Lyell's literary skill'; and he often spoke +with the greatest enthusiasm of the 'clearness and +force of Huxley's style.' On one occasion he mentioned +to me, with something like sadness in his +voice, that it had been asserted 'there was a want of +connection and continuity in the written arguments,' +and he told me that, while engaged on the <i>Origin</i>, +he had seldom been able to write, without interruption +from pain, for more than twenty minutes at +a time!</p> + +<p>Charles Darwin never spoke definitely to me +about the nature of the sufferings that he so +patiently endured. On the occasion of my first visit +to him at Down he wrote me a letter (dated +August 25th, 1880) in which, after giving the most +minute and kindly directions concerning the journey, +he arranged that his dog-cart should bring me to the +house in time for a 1 o'clock lunch, telling me that to +catch a certain train for return, it would be necessary +to leave his house a little before 4 o'clock. But he +added significantly:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span>—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'But I am bound to tell you that I shall not be able to talk +with you or anyone else for this length of time, however much I +should like to do so—but you can read newspaper or take a stroll +during part of the time.'</p></div> + +<p>His constant practice, whenever I visited him, +either at Down or at his brother's or daughter's house +in London, was to retire with me, after lunch, to a +room where we could 'talk geology' for about three +quarters of an hour. At the end of that time, +Mrs Darwin would come in smilingly, and though no +word was spoken by her, Darwin would at once rise +and beg me to read the newspaper for a time, or, if I +preferred it, to take a stroll in the garden; and after +urging me to stay 'if I could possibly spare the time,' +would go away, as I understood to lie down. On his +return, about half an hour later, the discussion would +be resumed where it had been left off, without further +remark.</p> + +<p>Mr Francis Darwin has told us that the nature +and extent of his father's sufferings—so patiently +and uncomplainingly borne—were never fully known, +even to his own children, but only to the faithful +wife who devoted her whole life to the care +of his health. As is well known, Darwin seldom +visited at other houses, besides those of immediate +relatives, or the hydropathic establishment at which +he sought relief from his illness. But he was in the +habit of sometimes, when in London, calling upon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> +David Forbes the mineralogist (a younger brother of +Edward Forbes) then living in York Street, Portman +Square. The bonds of union between Charles Darwin +and David Forbes were, first, that they had both +travelled extensively in South America, and secondly, +that both were greatly interested in methods of +preserving and making available for future reference +all notes and memoranda collected from various +sources. David Forbes devoted to the purpose a +large room with the most elaborate system of pigeon-holes, +about which he told me that Darwin was +greatly excited. He also mentioned to me that, on +one or more occasions, while Darwin was in his +house, pains of such a violent character had seized +him that he had been compelled to lie down for a time +and had occasioned his host the greatest alarm.</p> + +<p>It must always therefore be remembered, in +reading Darwin's works, what were the sad conditions +under which they were produced. It seems to be +doubtful to what extent his ill-health may be +regarded as the result of an almost fatal malady, +from which he suffered in South America, or as the +effect of the constant and prolonged sea-sickness of +which he was the victim during the five years' voyage. +But certain it is that his work was carried on under +no ordinary difficulties, and that it was only by the +exercise of the sternest resolution, in devoting every +moment of time that he was free from pain to his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> +tasks, that he was able to accomplish his great +undertakings.</p> + +<p>I do not think, however, that any unprejudiced +reader will regard Darwin's literary work as standing +in need of anything like an apology. He always +aims—and I think succeeds—at conveying his meaning +in simple and direct language; and in all his works +there is manifest that undercurrent of quiet enthusiasm, +which was so strikingly displayed in his +conversation. It was delightful to witness the keen +enjoyment with which he heard of any new fact or +observation bearing on the pursuits in which he was +engaged, and his generous nature always led him to +attach an exaggerated value to any discovery or +suggestion which might be brought to his knowledge—and +to appraise the work of others above his own.</p> + +<p>The most striking proof of the excellence and +value of Darwin's literary work is the fact that his +numerous books have attained a circulation, in their +original form, probably surpassing that of any other +scientific writings ever produced—and that, in translations, +they have appealed to a wider circle of +readers than any previous naturalist has ever +addressed!</p> + +<p>We have seen that the idea of Natural Selection +'flashed on' Darwin's mind in October 1838, and +although he was himself inclined to think that his +<i>complete</i> satisfaction with it, as a solution of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> +problem of the origin of species, was delayed to a +considerably later date, yet I believe that this was +only the result of his over-cautious temperament, +and we must accept the date named as being that of +the real birth of the hypothesis.</p> + +<p>At this early date, too, it is evident that Darwin +conceived the idea that he might accomplish for the +principle of evolution in the organic world, what +Lyell had done, in the <i>Principles</i>, for the inorganic +world. To cite his own words, 'after my return to +England it appeared to me that by following the +example of Lyell in Geology, and by collecting all +facts which bore in any way on the variation of +animals and plants under domestication and nature, +some light might perhaps be thrown on the whole +subject<a name="FNanchor_123_124" id="FNanchor_123_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_124" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>.' 'In June 1842,' he says, 'I first <i>allowed</i> +myself' (how significant is the phrase!) 'the satisfaction +of writing a brief abstract of my theory in +pencil in 35 pages<a name="FNanchor_124_125" id="FNanchor_124_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_125" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>.'</p> + +<p>For many years it was thought that this first +sketch of Darwin's great work had been lost. But +after the death of Mrs Darwin in 1896, when the +house at Down was vacated, the interesting MS. was +found 'hidden in a cupboard under the stairs which +was not used for papers of any value but rather as +an overflow of matters he did not wish to destroy<a name="FNanchor_125_126" id="FNanchor_125_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_126" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>.' +By the pious care of his son, this interesting MS.—hurriedly +written and sometimes almost illegible<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span>—has +been given to the world, and it proves how +completely Darwin had, at that early date, thought +out the main lines of his future <i>opus magnum</i>.</p> + +<p>Darwin, however, had no idea of publishing his +theory to the world until he was able to support it +by a great mass of facts and observations. Lyell, +again and again, warned him of the danger which +he incurred of being forestalled by other workers; +while his brother Erasmus constantly said to him, +'You will find that some one will have been before +you<a name="FNanchor_126_127" id="FNanchor_126_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_127" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>!'</p> + +<p>The utmost that Darwin could be persuaded to +do, however, was to enlarge his sketch of 1842 into +one of 230 pages. This he did in the summer of +1844. His manner of procedure seems to have been +that, keeping to the same general arrangement of +the matter as he had adopted in his original sketch, +he elaborated the arguments and added illustrations. +Each of the 35 pages of the pencilled sketch, as it +was dealt with, had a vertical line drawn across it +and was thrown aside. While the 'pencilled sketch' +of 1842 was little better than a collection of memoranda, +which, though intelligible to the writer at the +time, are sometimes difficult either to decipher or +to understand the meaning of, the expanded work +of 1844 was a much more connected and readable +document, which Darwin caused to be carefully +copied out. The work was done in the summer<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> +months, while he was absent from home, and unable +therefore to refer to his abundant notes—Darwin +speaks of it, therefore, as 'done from memory.'</p> + +<p>The two sketches, as Mr Francis Darwin points +out, were each divided into two distinct parts, though +this arrangement is not adopted in the <i>Origin of +Species</i>, as finally published. Charles Darwin on many +occasions spoke of having adopted the <i>Principles of +Geology</i> as his model. That work as we have seen +consisted of a first portion (eventually expanded from +one to two volumes), in which the general principles +were enunciated and illustrated, and a second portion +(forming the third volume), in which those principles +were applied to deciphering the history of the globe +in the past. I think that Darwin's original intention +was to follow a similar plan; the first part of his +work dealing with the evidences derived from the +study of variation, crossing, the struggle for existence, +etc., and the second to the proofs that natural +selection had really operated as illustrated by the +geological record, by the facts of geographical distribution, +and by many curious phenomena exhibited +by plants and animals. Although this plan was +eventually abandoned—no doubt wisely—when the +<i>Origin</i> came to be written, we cannot but recognise +in it another illustration of the great influence +exercised by Lyell and his works on Darwin—an influence +the latter was always so ready to acknowledge.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span></p> + +<p>On the 5th July 1844, Darwin wrote a letter to +his wife in which he said, 'I have just finished my +sketch of my species theory. If, as I believe, my +theory in time be accepted, even by one competent +judge, it will be a considerable step in science.' He +goes on to request his wife, 'in case of my sudden +death' to devote £400 (or if found necessary £500) +to securing an editor and publishing the work. As +editor he says 'Lyell would be the best, if he would +undertake it,' and later, 'Lyell, especially with the aid +of Hooker (and if any good zoological aid), would be +best of all.' He then suggests other names from +which a choice might be made, but adds 'the editor +must be a geologist as well as naturalist.' Fortunately +for the world Mrs Darwin was never called upon to +take action in accordance with the terms of this +affecting document<a name="FNanchor_127_128" id="FNanchor_127_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_128" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>.</p> + +<p>It must be remembered that, at this time, Darwin +was hard at work on the three volumes of the +<i>Geology of the Beagle</i>, and on the second and revised +edition of his <i>Journal of Researches</i>. This which he +considered his 'proper work' he stuck to closely, +whenever his health permitted. He had hoped to +complete these books in three or four years, but +they actually occupied him for <i>ten</i>, owing to constant +interruptions from illness. His occasional neglect of +this task, and indulgence in his 'species work,' as he +called it, was always spoken of at this time by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> +Darwin as 'idleness.' And when the geological and +narrative books were finished, Darwin took up the +systematic study of the Barnacles (<i>Cirripedia</i>), both +recent and fossil, and wrote two monumental works +on the subject. These occupied eight years, two out +of which he estimated were lost by interruptions +from illness. So absorbed was he in this work, that +his children regarded it as the <i>necessary occupation</i> +of a man,—and when a visitor in the house was seen +not to be so employed one of them enquired of their +mother, 'When does Mr —— do <i>his</i> Barnacles?' +Huxley has left on record his view that in devoting +so long a time to the study of the Barnacles Darwin +'never did a wiser thing,' for it brought him into +direct contact with the principles on which naturalists +found 'species<a name="FNanchor_128_129" id="FNanchor_128_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_129" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>.' And Hooker has expressed the +same opinion.</p> + +<p>Daring these years of labour in geology and +zoology—interrupted only by the 'hours of idleness'—devoted +to 'the species question,' Darwin, though +leading at Down almost the life of a hermit, was +nevertheless in frequent communication with two or +three faithful friends who followed his labours with +the deepest interest. Cautious as was Darwin himself, +he found in his life-long friend Lyell, a still more +doubting and critical spirit, and it is clear from what +Darwin says that he derived much help by laying +new ideas and suggestions before him. The year<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> +before Darwin's death he wrote of Lyell, 'When I +made a remark to him on Geology, he never rested +till he saw the whole case clearly, and often made me +see it more clearly than I had done before.'</p> + +<p>Lyell's father was a botanist of considerable +repute, the friend of Sir William Hooker and his +distinguished son Dr (now Sir Joseph) Hooker. +While Darwin was writing his <i>Journal of Researches</i>, +he handed the proof-sheets to Lyell with permission +to show them to his father, who was a man of great +literary judgment. The elder Lyell, in turn, showed +them to young Mr Hooker, who was then preparing +to join Sir James Ross, in his celebrated Antarctic +voyage with H.M. ships <i>Erebus</i> and <i>Terror</i>. Hooker +was then working hard to take his doctor's degree +before joining the expedition as surgeon, but he kept +Darwin's proof-sheets under his pillow, so as to get +opportunities of reading them 'between waking and +rising.' Before leaving England, however, Hooker in +1839 casually met and was introduced to Darwin, and +thus commenced a friendship which resulted in such +inestimable benefits to science. Before sailing with +the Antarctic expedition the young surgeon received +from Charles Lyell, as a parting gift, 'a copy of +Darwin's <i>Journal</i> complete'; and he tells us that +the perusal stimulated in him 'an enthusiasm in the +desire to travel and observe<a name="FNanchor_129_130" id="FNanchor_129_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_130" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>.'</p> + +<p>On Hooker's return from the voyage in 1843,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> +a friendly letter from Darwin commenced that remarkable +correspondence, which will always afford +the best means of judging of the development of +ideas in Darwin's mind. Hooker's wide knowledge +of plants—especially of all questions concerning +their distribution—was of invaluable assistance to +Darwin, at a time when his attention was more +particularly absorbed by geology and zoology, while +botany had not as yet received much attention from +him. Hooker's experience, gained in travel, his +sound judgment and balanced mind made him a +judicious adviser, while his caution and candour +fitted him to become a trenchant critic of new suggestions, +scarcely inferior in that respect to Lyell.</p> + +<p>Darwin does not appear to have made the +acquaintance of Huxley till a considerably later date; +but we find the great comparative anatomist had in +1851 already become so deeply impressed by Darwin, +that he said in writing to a friend he 'might be +anything if he had good health<a name="FNanchor_130_131" id="FNanchor_130_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_131" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>.' Huxley used to +visit Darwin at Down occasionally, and I have often +heard the latter speak of the instruction and pleasure +he enjoyed from their intercourse.</p> + +<p>For many years of his life, Darwin used to come +to London and stay with his brother or daughter for +about a week at a time, and on these occasions—which +usually occurred about twice in the year I +believe—he would meet Lyell to 'talk Geology,'<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> +Hooker for discussions on Botany, and Huxley for +Zoology.</p> + +<p>For twenty years Darwin had 'collected facts on +a wholesale scale, more especially with respect to +domesticated productions, by printed enquiries, by +conversations with skilful breeders and gardeners, +and by extensive reading.' 'When,' he added, 'I see +the list of books of all kinds which I read and +abstracted, including whole series of Journals and +Transactions, I am surprised at my industry<a name="FNanchor_131_132" id="FNanchor_131_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_132" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>.' In +September 1854 the Barnacle work was finished and +10,000 specimens sent out of the house and distributed, +and then he devoted himself to arranging his 'huge +pile of notes, to observing and experimenting in +relation to the transmutation of species.'</p> + +<p>It was early in 1856 when this work had been +completed, that, again urged by Lyell, he actually +commenced writing his book. It was planned as a +work on a considerable scale and, if finished, would +have reached dimensions three or four times as +great as did eventually the <i>Origin of Species</i>. +Working steadily and continuously he had got as far +as Chapter X, completing more than one half the +book, when as he says Wallace's letter and essay came +'like a bolt from the blue.'</p> + +<p>Oppressed by illness, anxiety and perplexity, as +we have seen that Darwin was at the time, he +fortunately consented to leave matters—though with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> +great reluctance—in the hands of his friends Lyell +and Hooker. They took the wise course of reading +Wallace's paper at the Linnean Society on July 1st, +1858, at the same time giving extracts from Darwin's +memoir written in 1844, and the abstract of a letter +written by Darwin in 1857 to the distinguished +American botanist, Asa Gray. This solution of the +difficulty happily met with the complete approval of +Wallace; and, as the result of the episode, Darwin +came to the conclusion that it would not be wise to +defer full publication of his views, until the extensive +work on which he was engaged could be finished, but +an 'abstract' of them must be prepared and issued +with as little delay as possible.</p> + +<p>For a time there was hesitation, as Darwin's +correspondence with Lyell and Hooker shows, between +the two plans of sending this 'abstract' to the +Linnean Society in a series of papers or of making +it an independent book. But Darwin entertained an +invincible dislike to submitting his various conclusions +to the judgment of the Council of a Society, and, in +the end, the preparation of the 'Abstract' in the +form of a book of moderate size, was decided on. +This was the origin of Darwin's great work.</p> + +<p>The sickness at Down had led to the abandonment +of the house for a time, and, three weeks after the +reading of the joint paper at the Linnean Society, +we find Darwin temporarily established at Sandown,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> +in the Isle of Wight, where the writing of the <i>Origin +of Species</i> was commenced. The work was resumed +in September when the family returned to Down, and +from that time was pressed forward with the greatest +diligence.</p> + +<p>For the first half of the book, the task before +Darwin was to condense, into less than one half their +dimensions, the chapters he had already written for +the large work as originally projected. But for the +second half of the book, he had to expand directly +from the essay of 1844.</p> + +<p>So closely did Darwin apply himself to the work, +that, by the end of March 28th, 1859, he was able to +write to Lyell telling him that he hoped to be ready +to go to press early in May, and asking advice about +publication: he says, 'My Abstract will be about five +hundred pages of the size of your first edition of the +<i>Elements of Geology</i>.' Lyell introduced Darwin to +John Murray, who had issued all his own works, and +the present representative of that publishing firm +has placed on record a very interesting account of +the ever thoughtful and considerate relations between +Darwin and his publishers, which were maintained to +the end<a name="FNanchor_132_133" id="FNanchor_132_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_133" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>.</p> + +<p>The MS. of the book seems to have been +practically finished early in May, and Darwin's +health then broke down for a time, so completely +that he had to retire to a hydropathic establishment.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> +By June 21st he was able to write to Lyell 'I am +working very hard, but get on slowly, for I find that +my corrections are terrifically heavy, and the work +most difficult to me. I have corrected 130 pages, +and the volume will be about 500. I have tried my +best to make it clear and striking, but very much +fear that I have failed; so many discussions are and +must be very perplexing. <i>I have done my best.</i> If +you had all my materials, I am sure you would have +made a splendid book. I long to finish, for I am +certainly worn out<a name="FNanchor_133_134" id="FNanchor_133_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_134" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>.' On September 10th the last +proof was corrected and the preparation of the +index commenced. At the meeting of the British +Association in Aberdeen, Lyell made the important +announcement of the approaching publication of the +great work. On November 24th the book was issued, +1250 copies having been printed, and Darwin wrote +to Murray, 'I am infinitely pleased and proud at the +appearance of my child.' The edition was sold out +in a day, and was followed early in the next year +by the issue of 3000 copies; and untold thousands +have since appeared.</p> + +<p>The writing of such a work as the <i>Origin of +Species</i>, in so short a time—especially taking into +consideration the condition of its author's health—was +a most remarkable feat. It would, of course, +not have been possible but for the fact that Darwin's +mind was completely saturated with the subject, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> +that he had command of such an enormous body +of methodically arranged notes. He showed the +greatest anxiety to convince his scientific contemporaries, +and at the same time to make his meaning +clear to the general reader. With the former object, +both MS. and printed proofs were submitted to the +criticism of Lyell and Hooker; and the latter end +was obtained by sending the MS. to a lady friend, +Miss G. Tollet—she, as Darwin says 'being an +excellent judge of style, is going to look out errors +for me.' Finally the proofs of the book were +carefully read by Mrs Darwin herself.</p> + +<p>The splendid success achieved by the work is +a matter of history. Its clearness of statement and +candour in reasoning pleased the general public; +critics without any profound knowledge of natural +history were beguiled into the opinion that they +<i>understood</i> the whole matter! and, according to +their varying tastes, indulged in shallow objection +or slightly offensive patronage. The fully-anticipated, +theological vituperation was of course not lacking, +but most of the 'replies' to Darwin's arguments +were 'lifted' from the book itself, in which objections +to his views were honestly stated and candidly considered +by the author.</p> + +<p>The best testimony to the profound and far-reaching +character of the scientific discussions of +the <i>Origin of Species</i> is found in the fact that both<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> +Hooker and Huxley, in spite of their wide knowledge +and long intercourse with Darwin, found the work, +so condensed were its reasonings, a 'very hard book' +to read, one on which it was difficult to pronounce +a judgment till after several perusals!</p> + +<p>It would be idle to speculate at the present day +whether the cause of Evolution would have been +better served by the publication, as Darwin at one +time proposed, of a 'Preliminary Essay,' like that of +1844, or by the great work, which had been commenced +and half completed in 1858, rather than by +the 'abstract,' in which the theory of Natural Selection +was in the end presented to the world. Probably +the more moderate dimensions of the <i>Origin of +Species</i> made it far better suited for the general +reader; while the condensation which was necessitated +did not in the end militate against its influence with +men of science. It will I think be now generally +conceded that the great success of this grand work +was fully deserved. A subject of such complexity as +that which it dealt with could only be adequately +discussed in a manner that would demand careful +attention and thought on the part of the reader; +and Darwin's well-weighed words, carefully balanced +sentences, and guarded reservations are admirably +adapted to the accomplishment of the difficult task +he had undertaken. The <i>Origin of Species</i> has been +read by the millions with pleasure, and, at the same<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> +time, by the deepest thinkers of the age with +conviction.</p> + +<p>It is scarcely possible to refer to the literary style +of Darwin's work without a reference to a misconception +arising from that very candid analysis of his +characteristics which he wrote for the satisfaction of +his family, but which has happily been given to the +world by his son. In his early life Darwin was +exceedingly fond of music, and took such delight in +good literature, especially poetry, that when on his +journeys in South America he found himself able to +carry only one book with him, the work chosen was +the poems of Milton—the former student of his own +Christ's College, Cambridge. But towards the end +of his life, Darwin had sadly to confess that he found +that he had quite lost the capacity of enjoying either +music or the noblest works of literature.</p> + +<p>Some have argued that Darwin's scientific labours +must have actually proved destructive to his artistic +and literary tastes, and have even gone so far as to +assert—in spite of numerous examples to the contrary—that +there is a natural antithesis between the +mental conditions that respectively favour scientific +and artistic excellence.</p> + +<p>But I think there is a very simple explanation of +the loss by Darwin of his powers of enjoyment of +music and poetry, a loss which he evidently greatly +deplored. His scientific undertaking was so gigantic,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> +and, at the same time, his health was so broken and +precarious, that he felt his only chance of success lay +in utilizing, for the tasks before him, every moment +that he was free from acute suffering and retained +any power of working. Consequently, when the self-imposed +task of each day was completed, he found +himself in a state of mental collapse. Now to +appreciate the beauties of fine music or the work of +a great writer certainly demands that the mind +should be fresh and unjaded, whereas, at the only +times Darwin had for relaxation, he was quite unfitted +for these higher delights. We are not surprised then +to learn that he sought and found relief in listening to +his wife's reading of some pleasant novel or in the +nightly game of backgammon, as the only means of +resting his wearied brain.</p> + +<p>No one who had the privilege of conversing with +Darwin in his later years can doubt of his having +retained to the end the full possession of his refined +tastes as well as his great mental powers. His love +for and sympathy with every movement tending to +progress—especially in the scientific and educational +world—his devotion to his friends, with no little +indulgence of indignation for what he thought false +or mean in others, these were his conspicuous +characteristics, and they were combined with a +gentle playfulness and sense of humour, which made +him the most delightful and loveable of companions.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span></p> + + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI</h2> + +<h3>THE INFLUENCE OF DARWIN'S WORKS</h3> + + +<p>In two essays 'On the Coming of Age of the Origin +of Species<a name="FNanchor_134_135" id="FNanchor_134_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_135" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>,' and 'On the Reception of the Origin of +Species<a name="FNanchor_135_136" id="FNanchor_135_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_136" class="fnanchor">[135]</a>,' published in 1880 and 1887 respectively, +Huxley has discussed the course of events following +the publication of Darwin's great work, he having +the advantage of being one of the chief actors in +those events. There is a striking parallelism between +the manner that the <i>Principles of Geology</i> had been +received thirty years earlier, and the way that the +<i>Origin of Species</i> was met, both by Darwin's scientific +contemporaries and the reading public.</p> + +<p>At the outset, as we have already intimated, +Lyell and Darwin were equally fortunate, in that +each found a critic, in one of the chief organs of +public opinion, who was at the same time both competent +and sympathetic. The story of the lucky +accident by which this came about in Darwin's case +has been told by Huxley himself<a name="FNanchor_136_137" id="FNanchor_136_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_137" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'The <i>Origin</i> was sent to Mr Lucas, one of the staff of the +<i>Times</i> writers at that time, in what was I suppose the ordinary<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> +course of business. Mr Lucas, though an excellent journalist, ... was +as innocent of any knowledge of science as a babe, and +bewailed himself to an acquaintance on having to deal with such +a book. Whereupon, he was recommended to ask me to get him +out of the difficulty, and he applied to me accordingly, explaining, +however, that it would be necessary for him formally to adopt +anything I might be disposed to write, by prefacing it with two +or three paragraphs of his own.'</p> + +<p>'I was too anxious to seize upon the opportunity thus +offered of giving the book a fair chance with the multitudinous +readers of the <i>Times</i>, to make any difficulty about conditions; +and being then very full of the subject, I wrote the article faster, +I think, than I ever wrote anything in my life, and sent it to +Mr Lucas who duly prefixed his opening sentences<a name="FNanchor_137_138" id="FNanchor_137_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_138" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>Many journalists, however, were less conscientious +than Mr Lucas, and most of the other early notices of +the book were pretty equally divided between undiscriminating +praise of it as a novelty and foolish +reprobations of its 'wickedness.'</p> + +<p>It was fortunate that Darwin followed the strong +advice given to him by Lyell, and did not attempt to +reply to the adverse criticisms; for the only effect of +these was to arouse curiosity and thus to increase the +circulation of the book.</p> + +<p>Although Darwin had wisely avoided the danger +of exciting prejudice against his work by definitely +applying the theory of Natural Selection to the case +of man—simply remarking, in order to avoid the +charge of concealing his views, that 'light would be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> +thrown on the origin of man and his history'—yet +friends and foes alike at once drew what was the +necessary corollary from the theory. It is as amusing, +as it is surprising at the present day, to recall +the storm of prejudice which was excited. At the +British Association Meeting at Oxford in 1860, after +an American professor had indignantly asked the +question, 'Are we a fortuitous concourse of atoms?' +as a comment on Darwin's views, Dr Samuel Wilberforce, +the Bishop of Oxford, ended a clever but +flippant attack on the <i>Origin</i> by enquiring of Huxley, +who was present as Darwin's champion, if it 'was +through his grandfather or his grandmother that he +claimed his descent from a monkey?'</p> + +<p>Huxley made the famous and well-deserved retort:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'I asserted—and I repeat—that a man has no reason to be +ashamed of having an ape for his grandfather. If there were an +ancestor whom I should feel ashamed in recalling, it would rather +be a <i>man</i>—a man of restless and versatile intellect—who not +content with success in his own sphere of activity, plunges into +scientific questions with which he has no real acquaintance, only +to obscure them by an aimless rhetoric, and distract the attention +of his hearers from the real point at issue by eloquent digressions +and skilled appeals to religious prejudice<a name="FNanchor_138_139" id="FNanchor_138_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_139" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>The violent attack on Darwin's views by the +once-famous Bishop of Oxford was outdone, a few +years later, by an even more absurd outburst on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> +part of Benjamin Disraeli, who—after stigmatising +Darwinism as the question 'Is man an ape or an +angel?'—declared magniloquently to the episcopal +chairman, 'My Lord, I am on the side of the angels!'</p> + +<p>But in spite of attacks like these and numerous +bitter pasquinades and comic cartoons—perhaps to +some extent in consequence of them—Darwin's views +became widely known and eagerly discussed, so that +the circulation of the <i>Origin of Species</i> went up by +leaps and bounds. Nevertheless, as Huxley said, +'years had to pass away before misrepresentation, +ridicule and denunciation, ceased to be the most +notable constituents of the multitudinous criticisms +of his work which poured from the press.'</p> + +<p>Among his contemporary men of science Darwin +could at first count few converts. Hooker, whose +candid and valuable criticisms of his friend's work +had been continued up to the very end during its +composition, did an eminent service to the cause +of Evolution by publishing, almost simultaneously +with the <i>Origin of Species</i>, his splendid memoir on +<i>The Flora of Australia, its Origin, Affinities, and +Distribution</i>, in which similar views were, not obscurely, +indicated. Of Lyell, Darwin's other friend +and counsellor, Huxley justly says:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'Lyell, up to that time a pillar of the antitransmutationists +(who regarded him, ever afterwards, as Pallas Athene may have +looked at Dian, after the Endymion affair), declared himself<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> +a Darwinian, though not without putting in a serious <i>caveat</i>. +Nevertheless, he was a tower of strength and his courageous stand +for truth as against consistency, did him infinite honour<a name="FNanchor_139_140" id="FNanchor_139_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_140" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>Huxley himself accepted the theory of Natural +Selection—but not without some important reservations—these, +however, did not prevent him from +becoming its most ardent and successful champion. +Darwin used to acknowledge Huxley's great service +to him in undertaking the defence of the theory—a +defence which his own hatred of controversy and +the state of his health made him unwilling to undertake—by +laughingly calling him 'my general agent!' +while Huxley himself in replying to the critics, +declared that he was 'Darwin's bulldog.'</p> + +<p>Although, at first, Darwin was able to enumerate +less than a dozen naturalists who were prepared to +accept his views, while influential leaders of thought +in science—like Richard Owen in this country and +Louis Agassiz in America—were bitterly opposed to +them, the theory gradually obtained supporters especially +among the younger cultivators of botany, +zoology and geology.</p> + +<p>It is evident that Darwin for some time regarded +his 'abstract,' as he called the <i>Origin of Species</i>, as +only a temporary expedient—one to be superseded +by the publication of the much more extended work, +designed and commenced long before. Although the +<i>Origin</i> was only published late in November 1859,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> +and he was called upon immediately to prepare a +second edition, we find that on January 1st, 1860, +Darwin began to arrange his materials for dealing with +the first great division of his subject, 'the variation +of animals and plants under domestication.' So +numerous and important were his notes and records +of experiments, however, that he soon found that to +expand the whole of the 'abstract,' on the same scale, +would be an impossible task for any one man, however +able and diligent. Unwilling that the results of +some of his special researches should be lost, he +wisely determined to issue them as separate books. +The first of these to appear was that on the <i>Fertilisation +of Orchids</i>, a beautiful illustration of the +relation of insects to flowers in producing crossing. +He had been more than twenty years working and +experimenting on this subject, his interest in it having +been quickened by having read an almost forgotten +book of the botanist Sprengel. Almost at the same +time, and in following years, he wrote papers for the +Linnean Society on dimorphic and trimorphic forms +of flowers, and their bearing on the question of cross-fertilisation. +These papers were the foundation of +his well-known work, <i>The Different Forms of Flowers +on Plants of the same Species</i>. In the same way, +a paper read in 1864 to the Linnean Society was +subsequently expanded into <i>The Movements and +Habits of Climbing Plants</i>.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span></p> + +<p>Owing to delays caused by the preparation and +publication of these books and frequent interruptions +from sickness, the work on variation did not appear +till 1868. It was a very extensive piece of work in +two volumes, and, at its end, Darwin tentatively +propounded a hypothesis to account for the facts +of Heredity and Variation to which he gave the +name of 'pangenesis.'</p> + +<p>Charles Darwin had reached the age of fifty, when +he wrote the <i>Origin of Species</i>. At a very early +period in his career, he had resolved that he would +never start a new theory or revise an old one after +he was sixty; as he used laughingly to say, 'I have +seen too many of my friends make fools of themselves +by doing that.' But as he approached this 'fatal age,' +one more subject of a theoretical and highly controversial +nature remained to be dealt with, namely, +the question of the application of the theory of +natural selection to man, both as regards his physical +structure and his intellectual and moral characteristics.</p> + +<p>Darwin tells us that in 1837 or '38, as soon as he +had become 'convinced that species were mutable +productions,' he 'could not avoid the belief that man +must come under the same law<a name="FNanchor_140_141" id="FNanchor_140_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_141" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>.' From that time, +he began collecting facts bearing on the question. +As each of his children was born, he examined closely +the signs of dawning intelligence, and made notes of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> +the manner in which new sensations and passions were +exhibited by them. His dog and other animals, for +whom he always showed the greatest fondness, were +closely watched with the object of noting correspondences +between their mental and moral processes and +their modes of exhibiting them and our own; while +visits were made by him to the Zoological Gardens +with the same object. By reading and correspondence +also, an enormous mass of notes was collected, and on +February 4th, 1868, having seen his great work on +Variation under Domestication published, Darwin +was able to make the entry in his diary, 'Began +work on Man.'</p> + +<p>As was usual with most of his works, Darwin +underestimated the time required to complete it. +Through all the years 1867—'68, '69 and '70 we find +the entries in his diary 'working at <i>Descent of Man</i>,' +and only early in the year 1871 was the book finished. +His original plan of compressing his notes on the +expression of the Emotions into a chapter at the end +of the book proved to be impracticable, and the +material was reserved for a new work. This work, +<i>The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals</i>, +was commenced directly the <i>Descent of Man</i> was out +of hand, a rough copy was finished by April 27th, +1871, but the last proofs were not corrected till August +23rd, 1873.</p> + +<p>In dealing with the question of the origin of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> +human race, Darwin was led to propound his views +concerning Sexual selection, the results of the preferences +shown by males and females, respectively, +not only among mankind, but in various other animals. +It was with respect to some of the conclusions contained +in this work that Wallace found himself unable +to follow Darwin. Wallace maintained that while +man's body could have been developed by Natural +Selection, his intellectual and moral nature must +have had a different origin. He also declined to +adopt the theory of sexual selection, so far as it +depends on preferences exhibited by females for +beauty in the males. Wallace, however, in some +respects has always been disposed to attach more +importance to Natural Selection, as the greatest, if +not the only factor in evolution, than Darwin himself.</p> + +<p>It will be seen that although Darwin had in all +probability thought out all his important theoretical +conclusions before 1869, when he reached the 'fatal +age,' yet, owing to various delays, the books, in +which he embodied his views, had not all appeared +till more than four years later.</p> + +<p>Lyell, who was a convinced evolutionist before the +publication of the <i>Principles of Geology</i>, as is shown +by his letters,—and the fact is strongly insisted on +both by Huxley and Haeckel<a name="FNanchor_141_142" id="FNanchor_141_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_142" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>,—was slow in coming +into <i>complete</i> agreement with Darwin concerning the +theory of Natural Selection. While he followed his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> +friend's investigations with the deepest interest, his +less sanguine nature led him often to despair of the +possibility of solving 'the mystery of mysteries.' As +Darwin wrote only a year before his own death, Lyell +'would advance all <i>possible</i> objections to my suggestions, +and <i>even after these were exhausted</i> would +long <i>remain dubious</i><a name="FNanchor_142_143" id="FNanchor_142_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_143" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>.' It is evident from the correspondence +that Darwin was at times tempted to +become impatient with the friend, for whose advocacy +of his views he so deeply longed. Fourteen years +after the publication of the <i>Origin of Species</i>, however, +Lyell, in his <i>Antiquity of Man</i>, gave in his +adhesion to Darwin's theory but, even then, not in +the unqualified manner that the latter desired. Yet +I have reason to know that some years before his +death, Lyell was able to assure his friend of his +<i>complete</i> agreement, and Darwin, six years after the +loss of his friend, wrote, 'His candour was highly +remarkable. He exhibited this by becoming a convert +to the Descent theory, though he had gained +much fame by opposing Lamarck's views, <i>and this +after he had grown old</i>.' Darwin adds that Lyell, +referring to the '<i>fatal</i> age' of sixty, said 'he hoped +that now he might be allowed to live<a name="FNanchor_143_144" id="FNanchor_143_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_144" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>!'</p> + +<p>When I first came into personal relations with +Darwin, after the death of Lyell in 1875, he was in +the habit of deprecating any idea of his writing on +theoretical questions. He used to talk of 'playing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> +with plants and such things,' and undoubtedly derived +the greatest pleasure from his ingenious experimental +researches. The result of this 'play' in which Darwin +took such delight is seen in his books on the <i>Power +of Movement in Plants</i> and <i>Insectivorous Plants</i>; +full of the records of ingenious experiments and +patient observation.</p> + +<p>It was a great relief to Darwin that his friend +Wallace was able in 1871 to undertake the preparation +of a work on <i>The Geographical Distribution of +Animals</i>, for, on many points, the views held by +Wallace on this subject were more in accordance +with Darwin's own, than were those of Lyell and +Hooker. Nevertheless, on all questions connected +with the geographical distribution of plants, and the +causes by which they were brought about, Darwin +always expressed the fullest confidence in Hooker's +judgment, and the greatest satisfaction with his +results.</p> + +<p>With regard to another great division of his work, +that dealing with the imperfection, but yet great +value, of the geological record, Darwin was always +anxious, when I met him, to learn of any new discoveries. +But he felt that he had done all that was +possible in his outline of the subject in the <i>Origin</i>, +and that he must leave to palaeontologists all over +the world the filling in of these outlines. So great +was the delight with which he used to hear of new<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> +discoveries in palaeontology, that I often recall our +conversations in these later days, when so many interesting +forms of extinct animal and vegetable life—veritable +'missing links'—are being discovered in all +parts of the globe, and wish that he could have known +of them. They are indeed 'Facts for Darwin.'</p> + +<p>Very happy indeed was Charles Darwin in the last +years of his useful life, in returning to his oldest 'love'—geology. +In studying the action of earthworms he +found a geological study in which his rare powers of +ingenious experimentation could be employed with +profit. His earliest published memoir had dealt with +the question, and for more than forty years with +dogged perseverance, he had laboured at it from time +to time. It was delightful to watch his pleasure as +he examined what was going on in the flower-pots +full of mould in his study, and when his book was +published and favourably received, he rejoiced in +it as 'the child of his old age<a name="FNanchor_144_145" id="FNanchor_144_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_145" class="fnanchor">[144]</a>.'</p> + +<p>Charles Darwin's death took place rather more +than twenty-two years after the publication of the +<i>Origin of Species</i>. Before he passed away, he had +the satisfaction of knowing that the doctrine of evolution +had come to be—mainly through his own great +efforts—the accepted creed of all naturalists and that +even for the world at large it had lost its imaginary +terrors. As Huxley wrote a few days after our sad +loss, 'None have fought better, and none have been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> +more fortunate, than Charles Darwin. He found a +great truth trodden underfoot, reviled by bigots, and +ridiculed by all the world; he lived long enough to +see it, chiefly by his own efforts, irrefragably established +in science, inseparably incorporated with the +common thoughts of men, and only hated and feared +by those who would revile, but dare not. What shall +a man desire more than this<a name="FNanchor_145_146" id="FNanchor_145_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_146" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>?'</p> + +<p>More than a quarter of a century has passed since +these words were written. How during that period +the influence of Darwin's writings on human thought +has grown, in an accelerated ratio, will be seen by +anyone who will turn the pages of the memorial +volume—<i>Darwin and Modern Science</i>—published +fifty years after the <i>Origin of Species</i>. Therein, not +only zoologists, botanists and geologists, but physicists, +chemists, anthropologists, psychologists, sociologists, +philologists, historians—and even politicians and theologians—are +found testifying to the important part +which Darwin's great work has played, in revolutionising +ideas and moulding thought in connexion with +all branches of knowledge and speculation.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span></p> + + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII</h2> + +<h3>THE PLACE OF LYELL AND DARWIN IN HISTORY</h3> + + +<p>From the account given in the foregoing pages, +it will be seen that—without detracting from the +merits of their predecessors or the value of the +labours of their contemporaries—we must ascribe +the work of establishing on a firm foundation of +observation and reasoning the doctrine of evolution—both +in the inorganic and the organic world—to +the investigations and writings of Lyell and Darwin.</p> + +<p>Lyell had to oppose the geologists of his day, who +led by Buckland in this country and by Cuvier +on the continent, were almost, without exception, +hopelessly wedded to the doctrines of 'Catastrophism,' +and bitterly antagonistic to all ideas savouring of continuity +or evolution. And, in the same way, Darwin, +at the outset, found himself face to face with a +similarly hostile attitude, on the part of biologists, +with respect to the mode of appearance of new +species of plants and animals.</p> + +<p>While Darwin doubtless derived his inspiration,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> +and much valuable aid, from the <i>Principles of +Geology</i>, and its gifted author, yet Lyell, with all his +clearness of vision, logical faculty and literary skill, +did not possess the strong faith and resolute courage—to +say nothing of that wonderful tenacity of +purpose and power of research which were such +striking characteristics of Darwin—which would have +enabled him to do for the organic what he did for +the inorganic world. If it be true, as Darwin used +to suggest, that the <i>Origin of Species</i> might never +have been written had not Lyell first produced the +<i>Principles of Geology</i>, I believe it is no less certain +that the crowning of Lyell's great edifice, by the +full application of his principles to the world of living +beings, could only have been accomplished by a man +possessing, in unique combination, the powers of +observation, experiment, reasoning and criticism, +joined to unswerving determination, which distinguished +Darwin.</p> + +<p>Starting from Lyell's most advanced post, Darwin +boldly advanced into regions in which his friend was +unable to lead, and indeed long hesitated to follow. +Together, for nearly forty years, the two men—influencing +one another 'as iron sharpeneth iron'—thought +and communed and worked, aided at all +times by the wide knowledge and judicious criticism +of the sagacious Hooker; and together the fame of +these men will go down to posterity.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span></p> + +<p>There is a tendency, when a great man has passed +from our midst, to estimate his merits and labours +with undiscriminating, and often perhaps exaggerated, +admiration; and this excessive praise is too often +followed by a reaction, as the result of which the +idol of one generation becomes almost commonplace +to the next. A still further period is required before +the proper position of mental perspective is reached +by us, and a just judgment can be formed of the +man's real place in history. The reputations of both +Lyell and Darwin have, I think, passed through both +these two earlier phases of thought, and we may have +arrived at the third stage.</p> + +<p>There was one respect in which both Lyell and +Darwin failed to satisfy many both of their contemporaries +and successors. Lyell, like Hutton, +always deprecated attempts to go back to a 'beginning,' +while Darwin, who strongly supported Lyell in his +geological views, was equally averse to speculations +concerning the 'origin of life on the globe.' Scrope<a name="FNanchor_146_147" id="FNanchor_146_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_147" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>, +and also Huxley<a name="FNanchor_147_148" id="FNanchor_147_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_148" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> in his earlier days, held the +opinion that it was legitimate to assume or imagine a +beginning, from which, with ever diminishing energy, +the existing 'comparatively quiet conditions,' thought +to characterise the present order of the world, would +be reached. Both Lyell and Darwin insisted that +geology is a historical science, and must be treated +as such quite distinct from Cosmogony. And in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> +end, Huxley accepted the same view<a name="FNanchor_148_149" id="FNanchor_148_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_149" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>. 'Geology,' he +asserted, 'is as much a historical science as archaeology.'</p> + +<p>The sober historian has always had to contend +against the traditional belief that 'there were giants +on the earth in those days!' The love of the +marvellous has always led to the ascription of past +events to the work of demigods who were not of like +powers and passions with ourselves. Hence the +invention of those 'catastrophies'—in which the +reputations of deities as well as of men and women +have often suffered. It is the same tendency in the +human mind which makes it so difficult to conceive +of all the changes in the earth's surface-features and +its inhabitants being due to similar operations to +those still going on around us.</p> + +<p>Lyell's views have constantly been misrepresented +by the belief being ascribed to him that 'the forces +operating on the globe have never acted with greater +intensity than at the present day.' But his real +position in this matter was a frankly 'agnostic' one. +'Bring me evidence,' he would have said, 'that +changes have taken place on the globe, which cannot +be accounted for by agencies still at work <i>when +operating through sufficiently long periods of time</i>, +and I will abandon my position.' But such evidence +was not forthcoming in his day, and I do not think +has ever been discovered since. Professor Sollas has +very justly said, 'Geology has no need to return to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> +catastrophism of its youth; in becoming evolutional it +does not cease to remain essentially uniformitarian<a name="FNanchor_149_150" id="FNanchor_149_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_150" class="fnanchor">[149]</a>.'</p> + +<p>Alfred Russel Wallace, who has always been as +stout a defender of the views of Lyell as he has of +those of Darwin, has given me his permission to quote +from a letter he wrote me in 1888. After referring +to what he regards as the weak and mistaken attacks +on Lyell's teachings, 'which have of late years been +so general among geologists,' he says:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'I have always been surprised when men have advanced the +view that volcanic action <i>must</i> have been greater when the earth +was hotter, and entirely ignore the numerous indications that +both subterranean and meteorological forces, even in Palaeozoic +times, were of the same order of magnitude as they are now—and +this I have always believed is what Lyell's teaching implies.'</p></div> + +<p>I believe that Mr Wallace's expression, adopted +from the mathematicians, 'the same order of magnitude,' +would have met with Lyell's complete acquiescence. +He was not so unwise as to suppose +that, in the limited periods of human history, we +must necessarily have had experience—even at +Krakatoa or 'Skaptar Jokull'—of nature's greatest +possible convulsions, but he fought tenaciously +against any admission of 'cataclysms' that would +belong to a totally different category to those of the +present day.</p> + +<p>Apart from theological objections, the most formidable +obstacle to the reception of evolutionary<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> +ideas had always been the prejudice against the admission +of vast duration of past geological time. It was +unfortunate that, even when rational historical criticism +had to a great extent neutralised the effect of +Archbishop Usher's chronology, the mathematicians +and physicists, assuming certain sources of heat in +the earth and sun could have been the only possible +ones, tried to set a limit to the time at the disposal +of the geologist and biologist. Happily the discovery +of radio-activity and the new sources of heat opened +up by that discovery, have removed those objections, +which were like a nightmare to both Geology and +Biology.</p> + +<p>Lyell used to relate the story of a man, who, from +a condition of dire poverty, suddenly became the +possessor of vast wealth, and when remonstrated +with by friends on the inadequacy of a subscription +he had offered, the poor fellow exclaimed sadly, 'Ah! +you don't know how hard it is to get the chill of +poverty out of one's bones.'</p> + +<p>Geologists and biologists alike have long been the +victims of this 'chill of poverty,' with respect to past +time. So long as physicists insisted that one hundred +millions, or forty millions, or even ten millions of +years, must be the limit of geological time, it was not +possible to avoid the conclusion stated by Lord +Salisbury in 1894, 'Of course, if the mathematicians +are right the biologists cannot have what they de<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span>mand<a name="FNanchor_150_151" id="FNanchor_150_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_151" class="fnanchor">[150]</a>.' +But now geologists and biologists may +alike feel that the liberty with respect to <i>space</i>, +which is granted ungrudgingly to the astronomer, is +no longer withheld from them in regard to <i>time</i>. We +can say with old Lamarck:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>'For Nature, Time is nothing. It is never a difficulty, she +always has it at her disposal; and it is for her the means by which +she has accomplished the greatest as well as the least results. +For all the evolution of the earth and of living beings, Nature +needs but three elements—Space, Time and Matter<a name="FNanchor_151_152" id="FNanchor_151_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_152" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>.'</p></div> + +<p>Darwin, equally with Lyell, has suffered from a +reaction following on extravagant and uninformed +praise of his work. The fields in which he laboured +single-handed, have yielded to hundreds of workers +in many lands an abundant harvest. New doctrines +and improved methods of enquiry have arisen—Mutationism, +Mendelism, Weismannism, Neo-Lamarckism, +Biometrics, Eugenics and what not—are +being diligently exploited. But all of these vigorous +growths have their real roots in Darwinism. If we +study Darwin's correspondence, and the successive +essays in which he embodied his views at different +periods, we shall find, variation by mutation (or <i>per +saltum</i>), the influence of environment, the question of +the inheritance of acquired characters and similar +problems were constantly present to Darwin's ever +open mind, his views upon them changing from time +to time, as fresh facts were gathered.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span></p> + +<p>No one could sympathise more fully than would +Darwin, were he still with us, in these various departures. +He was compelled, from want of evidence, +to regard variations as spontaneous, but would have +heartily welcomed every attempt to discover the laws +which govern them; and equally would he have +delighted in researches directed to the investigation +of the determining factors, controlling conditions and +limits of inheritance. The man who so carefully +counted and weighed his seeds in botanical experiments, +could not but rejoice in the refined mathematical +methods now being applied to biological problems.</p> + +<p>Let us not 'in looking at the trees, lose sight of +the wood.' Underlying all the problems, some of +them very hotly discussed at the present day, there +is the great central principle of Natural Selection—which +if not the sole factor in evolution, is undoubtedly +a very important and potent one. It is +only necessary to compare the present position of +the Natural History sciences with that which existed +immediately before the publication of the <i>Origin of +Species</i>, to realise the greatness of Darwin's achievement.</p> + +<p>The fame of both Lyell and Darwin will endure, +and their names will remain as closely linked as were +the two men in their lives, the two devoted friends, +whose remains found a meet resting-place, almost +side by side, in the Abbey of Westminster. Very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> +touching indeed was it to witness the marks of +affection between these two great men; an affection +which remained undiminished to the end. Lyell was +twelve years senior to Darwin, and died seven years +before his friend. During the last year of Lyell's +life, I spent the summer with him at his home in +Forfarshire. How well do I recollect the keenness +with which—in spite of a near-sightedness that had +increased with age almost to blindness—he still +devoted himself to geological work. The 264 note-books, +all carefully indexed, were in constant use, +and visits were made to all the haunts of his youth, +with the frequent pathetic appeal to me, 'You must +lend me your eyes.' In spite of age and weakness, +he would insist on clambering up the steepest hills +to show me where he had found glacial markings, +and would eagerly listen to my report on them. But +the <i>great</i> delight of those days was the arrival of +a letter from Darwin! Lyell was the recipient of +many honours, and he declined many more, when he +feared that they might interfere with the work to +which he had devoted his life, but the distinction he +prized most of all was that conferred on him by his +life-long friend, who used to address him as 'My dear +old Master,' and subscribe himself 'Your affectionate +pupil.'</p> + +<p>During the seven years that elapsed after the +death of Lyell, I saw Darwin from time to time, for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> +he loved to hear 'what was doing' in his 'favourite +science.' On board the <i>Beagle</i>, before he had met +the man whose life and work were to be so closely +linked with his own, he was in the habit of specially +treasuring up any 'facts that would interest Mr Lyell'; +in middle life he declared that 'when seeing a thing +never seen by Lyell, one yet saw it partially through +his eyes<a name="FNanchor_152_153" id="FNanchor_152_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_153" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>'; and never, I think, did we meet after +the friend was gone, without the oft repeated query, +'What would Lyell have said to that?'</p> + +<p>These reminiscences of the past, in which I have +ventured to indulge, may not inappropriately conclude +with a reference to the last interview I was privileged +to have with him, who was 'the noblest Roman of +them all!' On the occasion of his last visit to +London, in December, 1881, Charles Darwin wrote +asking me to take lunch with him at his daughter's +house, and to have 'a little talk' on geology. Greatly +was I surprised at the vigour which he showed on +that afternoon, for, contrary to his usual practice, he +did not interrupt the conversation to retire and rest +for a time, though I suggested the desirability of his +doing so, and offered to stay. His brightness and +animation, which were perhaps a little forced, struck +me as so unusual that I laughingly suggested that he +was 'renewing his youth.' Then a slight shade passed +over his countenance—but only for a moment—as he +told me that he had 'received his warning.' The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> +attack, to which his son has alluded, as being the +prelude to the end<a name="FNanchor_153_154" id="FNanchor_153_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_154" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>, had occurred during this visit +to town; and he intimated to me that he knew his +heart was seriously affected. Never shall I forget +how, seeing my concern, he insisted on accompanying +me to the door, and how, with the ever kindly smile +on his countenance, he held my hand in a prolonged +grasp, that I sadly felt might perhaps be the last. +And so it proved.</p> + +<p>And now all the world is united in the conviction +which Darwin so modestly expressed concerning his +own career, 'I believe that I have acted rightly in +steadily following and devoting myself to science!'</p> + +<p>For has not that <i>devotion</i> resulted in a complete +reform of the Natural-History Sciences! The doctrine +of the 'immutability of species'—like that of 'Catastrophism' +in the inorganic world—has been eliminated +from the Biological sciences by Darwin, through his +<i>steadily following</i> the clues found by him during his +South American travels; and continuity is now as +much the accepted creed of botanists and zoologists +as it is of geologists. As a result of the labours of +Darwin, new lines of thought have been opened out, +fresh fields of investigation discovered, and the +infinite variety among living things has acquired +a grander aspect and a special significance. Very +justly, then, has Darwin been universally acclaimed +as 'the Newton of Natural History.'</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span></p> + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="NOTES" id="NOTES"></a>NOTES</h2> + + +<p>In the following references, L.L.L. indicates the "Life and Letters +of Sir Charles Lyell" by Mrs K. Lyell (1881), D.L.L. the "Life and +Letters of Charles Darwin" by F. Darwin (1887), M.L.D. "More +Letters of Charles Darwin" edited by F. Darwin and A. C. Seward +(1903), and H.C.E. Huxley's "Collected Essays."</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), p. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_3" id="Footnote_2_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_3"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Darwin and Modern Science (1909), pp. 152-170.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_4" id="Footnote_3_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_4"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pope, Essay on Man, Ep. <span class="smcap">I.</span> lines 111-2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_5" id="Footnote_4_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_5"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Genesis, Chap. <span class="smcap">XXX.</span> verses 31-43.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_6" id="Footnote_5_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_6"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1900 (Bradford), pp. 916-920.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_7" id="Footnote_6_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_7"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> 1909 (Winnipeg), pp. 491-493.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_8" id="Footnote_7_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_8"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 468.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_9" id="Footnote_8_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_9"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Origin of Species, Chap. <span class="smcap">XV.</span> end.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_10" id="Footnote_9_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_10"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Milton, Paradise Lost, Bk. <span class="smcap">VII.</span> lines 454-466.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_11" id="Footnote_10_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_11"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Edinb. Rev. <span class="smcap">LXIX.</span> (July 1839), pp. 446-465.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_12" id="Footnote_11_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_12"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Principles of Geology, Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> (1830), p. 61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_13" id="Footnote_12_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_13"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Zittel, Hist. of Geol. &c. Eng. transl. p. 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_14" id="Footnote_13_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_14"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Quart. Rev. Vol. <span class="smcap">XLVIII.</span> (March 1832), p. 126.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_15" id="Footnote_14_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_15"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1866 (Nottingham).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_16" id="Footnote_15_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_16"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">VIII.</span> p. 315.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_17" id="Footnote_16_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_17"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_18" id="Footnote_17_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_18"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 179-204.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_19" id="Footnote_18_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_19"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">V.</span> p. 101.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_20" id="Footnote_19_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_20"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_21" id="Footnote_20_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_21"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Edinb. Rev. Vol. <span class="smcap">LXIX.</span> (July 1839), p. 455 <i>note</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_22" id="Footnote_21_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_22"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> 'Theory of the Earth,' Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 67.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_23" id="Footnote_22_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_23"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 272.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_24" id="Footnote_23_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_24"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1833 (Cambridge), pp. 365-414.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_25" id="Footnote_24_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_25"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Outlines of the Geology of England and Wales, p. xliv.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_26" id="Footnote_25_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_26"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory, p. iii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_27" id="Footnote_26_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_27"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Edinb. Rev. <span class="smcap">LXIX.</span> (July 1839), p. 455 <i>note</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_28" id="Footnote_27_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_28"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_29" id="Footnote_28_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_29"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Zittel, Hist. of Geol. &c. Eng. transl. p. 141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_30" id="Footnote_29_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_30"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Considerations on Volcanoes, &c. (1825), pp. iv-vi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_31" id="Footnote_30_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_31"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Volcanoes of Central France, 2nd Ed. (1858), p. vii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_32" id="Footnote_31_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_32"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> See Quart. Rev. Vol. <span class="smcap">XXXVI.</span> (Oct. 1827), pp. 437-485.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_33" id="Footnote_32_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_33"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_34" id="Footnote_33_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_34"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Principles of Geology, Vol. II. 2nd Ed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_35" id="Footnote_34_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_35"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 47-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_36" id="Footnote_35_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_36"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 268.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_37" id="Footnote_36_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_37"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Environs de Paris (1811), p. 56.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_38" id="Footnote_37_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_38"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Trans. Geol. Soc. 2nd Ser. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 73-96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_39" id="Footnote_38_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_39"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> See Mantell's Geology of the Isle of Wight and L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> +pp. 114-122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_40" id="Footnote_39_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_40"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Hist. of Geol. &c. Eng. transl. p. 188.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_41" id="Footnote_40_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_41"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 173.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_42" id="Footnote_41_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_42"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> British Critic and Theological Review (1830), p. 7 of the review.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_43" id="Footnote_42_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_43"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 177.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_44" id="Footnote_43_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_44"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Preface to Vol. <span class="smcap">III</span>. of the 'Principles' (1833), p. vii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_45" id="Footnote_44_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_45"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 233-4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_46" id="Footnote_45_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_46"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Charles Lyell and Modern Geology (1898), p. 214.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_47" id="Footnote_46_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_47"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Proc. Geol. Soc. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 374.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_48" id="Footnote_47_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_48"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 196.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_49" id="Footnote_48_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_49"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 197.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_50" id="Footnote_49_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_50"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Proc. Geol. Soc. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 145-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_51" id="Footnote_50_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_51"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 253.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_52" id="Footnote_51_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_52"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 234.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_53" id="Footnote_52_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_53"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 271.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_54" id="Footnote_53_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_54"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 270.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_55" id="Footnote_54_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_55"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 271.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_56" id="Footnote_55_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_56"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Quart. Rev. Vol. <span class="smcap">XLIII.</span> (Oct. 1830), pp. 411-469 and Vol. <span class="smcap">LIII.</span> +(Sept. 1835), pp. 406-448. Both these reviews are by Scrope. +The Review of the 2nd Vol. of the 'Principles,' Q.R. +Vol. <span class="smcap">XLVII.</span> (March 1832), pp. 103-132 is by Whewell.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_57" id="Footnote_56_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_57"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 270.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_58" id="Footnote_57_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_58"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 260-1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_59" id="Footnote_58_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_59"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 314.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_60" id="Footnote_59_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_60"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 165.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_61" id="Footnote_60_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_61"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> M.L.D. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 232 and D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_62" id="Footnote_61_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_62"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 316-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_63" id="Footnote_62_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_63"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Proc. Geol. Soc. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 302-3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_64" id="Footnote_63_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_64"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_65" id="Footnote_64_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_65"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> See also D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 72-3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_66" id="Footnote_65_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_66"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Nineteenth Century, Oct. 1895, and Controverted Questions in +Geology (1895), pp. 1-18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_67" id="Footnote_66_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_67"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> M.L.D. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 117.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_68" id="Footnote_67_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_68"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 337-8 and p. 342.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_69" id="Footnote_68_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_69"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Origin of Species, Chap. <span class="smcap">X.</span> See also Darwin and Modern Science, +pp. 337-385.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_70" id="Footnote_69_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_70"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 341-2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_71" id="Footnote_70_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_71"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_72" id="Footnote_71_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_72"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 296.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_73" id="Footnote_72_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_73"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_74" id="Footnote_73_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_74"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_75" id="Footnote_74_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_75"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> A. R. Wallace, 'My Life, &c.' (1905), Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 433.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_76" id="Footnote_75_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_76"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> The Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), p. 118.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_77" id="Footnote_76_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_77"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 459.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_78" id="Footnote_77_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_78"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Report of lecture at Forrester's Hall.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_79" id="Footnote_78_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_79"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">VIII.</span> p. 312.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_80" id="Footnote_79_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_80"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_81" id="Footnote_80_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_81"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 2, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_82" id="Footnote_81_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_82"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_83" id="Footnote_82_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_83"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_84" id="Footnote_83_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_84"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_85" id="Footnote_84_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_85"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 417-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_86" id="Footnote_85_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_86"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> H. F. Osborn, 'From the Greeks to Darwin' (1894), p. 165.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_87" id="Footnote_86_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_87"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> <i>Loc. cit.</i> pp. 467-469.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_88" id="Footnote_87_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_88"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 168.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_89" id="Footnote_88_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_89"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 365.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_90" id="Footnote_89_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_90"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 23, 29, 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_91" id="Footnote_90_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_91"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">III.</span> p. 15 (see also pp. 11-14).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_92" id="Footnote_91_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_92"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> 'Origin of Species,' 6th Ed. (1875), p. xiv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_93" id="Footnote_92_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_93"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> 'Darwin and Modern Science,' p. 125.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_94" id="Footnote_93_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_94"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> 'Origin of Species,' 6th Ed. (1875), pp. xvi, xvii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_95" id="Footnote_94_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_95"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> M.L.D. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_96" id="Footnote_95_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_96"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_97" id="Footnote_96_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_97"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_98" id="Footnote_97_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_98"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_99" id="Footnote_98_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_99"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_100" id="Footnote_99_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_100"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_101" id="Footnote_100_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_101"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 271.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_102" id="Footnote_101_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_102"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_103" id="Footnote_102_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_103"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 263.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_104" id="Footnote_103_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_104"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_105" id="Footnote_104_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_105"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_106" id="Footnote_105_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_106"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 275.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_107" id="Footnote_106_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_107"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 83.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_108" id="Footnote_107_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_108"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 5-10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_109" id="Footnote_108_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_109"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_110" id="Footnote_109_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_110"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_111" id="Footnote_110_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_111"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 84.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_112" id="Footnote_111_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_112"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Macmillan's Magazine, Feb. 1888, p. 241.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_113" id="Footnote_112_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_113"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> My Life, &c. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 355.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_114" id="Footnote_113_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_114"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), pp. 6-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_115" id="Footnote_114_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_115"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> pp. 14-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_116" id="Footnote_115_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_116"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 116-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_117" id="Footnote_116_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_117"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> 'Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection' (1871), +Preface, pp. iv, v.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_118" id="Footnote_117_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_118"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), p. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_119" id="Footnote_118_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_119"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_120" id="Footnote_119_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_120"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_121" id="Footnote_120_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_121"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 62-3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_122" id="Footnote_121_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_122"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_123" id="Footnote_122_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_123"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 66.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_124" id="Footnote_123_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_124"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 83.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_125" id="Footnote_124_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_125"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 84.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_126" id="Footnote_125_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_126"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> 'The Foundations of the Origin of Species' (1909), p. xv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_127" id="Footnote_126_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_127"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Letter to A. R. Wallace, Christ's Coll. Mag. Vol. <span class="smcap">XXIII.</span> (1909), +p. 229.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_128" id="Footnote_127_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_128"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 16-18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_129" id="Footnote_128_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_129"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 347.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_130" id="Footnote_129_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_130"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 19-21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_131" id="Footnote_130_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_131"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Huxley's Life and Letters (1900), Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_132" id="Footnote_131_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_132"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 83.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_133" id="Footnote_132_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_133"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> Science Progress, Vol. <span class="smcap">III.</span> (1908), pp. 537-542.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_134" id="Footnote_133_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_134"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 160.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_135" id="Footnote_134_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_135"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 227-243.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_136" id="Footnote_135_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_136"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 179-204.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_137" id="Footnote_136_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_137"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 255.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_138" id="Footnote_137_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_138"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> The Review is republished in H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 1-21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_139" id="Footnote_138_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_139"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> Huxley's Life and Letters, Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 179-189.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_140" id="Footnote_139_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_140"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 185.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_141" id="Footnote_140_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_141"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 93.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_142" id="Footnote_141_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_142"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> See Haeckel's 'History of Creation.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_143" id="Footnote_142_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_143"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_144" id="Footnote_143_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_144"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_145" id="Footnote_144_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_145"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 98; Vol. <span class="smcap">III.</span> pp. 217-218.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_146" id="Footnote_145_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_146"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 247.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_147" id="Footnote_146_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_147"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Quart. Rev. <span class="smcap">XLIII.</span> pp. 464-467 and Vol. <span class="smcap">LIII.</span> pp. 446-448.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_148" id="Footnote_147_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_148"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">VIII.</span> p. 315.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_149" id="Footnote_148_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_149"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">V.</span> p. 99.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_150" id="Footnote_149_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_150"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> The Age of the Earth and other Geological Studies, p. 322.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_151" id="Footnote_150_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_151"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1894 (Oxford), p. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_152" id="Footnote_151_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_152"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> 'Hydrogéologie,' p. 67.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_153" id="Footnote_152_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_153"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> M.L.D. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 117.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_154" id="Footnote_153_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_154"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">III.</span> p. 356.</p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span></p> + + +<h2 class="gap4"><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX</h2> + + +<p class="indfirst">Adaptation, in relation to divergence of species, Darwin's recognition of, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Agriculturalists, ideas of creation, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Arnold, Matthew</span>, on Lucretius and Darwin, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Auvergne, N. Desmarest on, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Scrope on, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">visited by Lyell and Murchison, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">their memoir on, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst">'Beagle,' H.M.S., Darwin's voyage in, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">narrative of, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Bonney, T. G.</span>, estimate of amount of Lyell's travels by, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Botanical works of Darwin, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><i>British Critic</i>, Whewell's review of Lyell in, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Broderip, W. J.</span>, aid given to Lyell by, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> of <i>Principles</i> dedicated to, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Brown, Robert</span>, assistance to Lyell by, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Buckland</span>, Dr, on infant Geological Society, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">champion of 'Catastrophism' in England, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his eccentricity, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>-<a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">'Equestrian Geology' of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">influence on Lyell, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">2nd edition of Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> of <i>Principles</i> dedicated to, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his opposition to Lyell, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst">Cambridge, Darwin at, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Candolle, A. P. de</span>, on struggle for existence, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Catastrophism, origin of idea of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">defined, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">origin of term, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">connexion with orthodoxy, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">championed by Buckland, Sedgwick &c., <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">by Cuvier, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">opposition by Lyell and Darwin to, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Centres of Creation, Lyell's views on, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Chambers, Robert</span>, publishes <i>Vestiges of Creation</i>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his reasons for anonymity, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Chemists, part played in early days of Geological Society by, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Christ's College, Cambridge, the home of Milton and Darwin, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">of Paley, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Clodd, E.</span>, his <i>Pioneers of Evolution</i>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Continuity, term for Evolution suggested by Grove, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Conybeare, W. D.</span>, advocacy of Catastrophism, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">criticism of Hutton, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">misconception of Hutton, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on formation of Thames Valley, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">friendship with Lyell, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Creation, legends of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>-<a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span>use of term by Lyell and Darwin, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">contrast of their views with those of Milton, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Criticisms of the <i>Principles of Geology</i>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">of the <i>Origin of Species</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-<a href="#Page_139">139</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Cuvier</span>, his strong support of Catastrophism, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Darwin, Charles</span>, nobility of character, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his use of term 'Creation,' <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on grandeur of idea of Evolution, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his devotion to Lyell and the <i>Principles of Geology</i>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>-<a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his horror of slavery, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">opposition to Catastrophism, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">opinion of Lamarck's works, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>:</p> +<p class="indsub2">on the <i>Vestiges of Creation</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his dislike for speculation, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his optimism and courage, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his birth and education, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">life at Edinburgh, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">at Cambridge, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">voyage in the 'Beagle,' <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">first awakening to the idea of Evolution, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">work with Lyell at Geological Society, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">begins 'species work,' <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">influence of Malthus's work on, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">intercourse with Wallace, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">action in respect to theory, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his first literary ambitions, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">difficulties of work caused by ill-health, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his loss of appreciation for music and literature, and its cause, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">later writings on Evolution, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his declining years, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his death, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">present position of his theory of Natural Selection, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Darwin, Erasmus</span>, his independent conception of Lamarckism, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">absence of influence on his grandson, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Darwin, Erasmus</span> (the younger), advice given to Charles on publication, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Darwin, Francis</span>, edited <i>Life and Letters</i> &c., <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">extracts from C.D.'s note-books &c., and <i>Foundations of the Origin of Species</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on his father's health, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Darwin</span>, Mrs, her care of her husband's health, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">read proofs of <i>Origin of Species</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Daubeny, C. G. B.</span>, assists Lyell in his researches, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">De la Beche, H.</span>, his attitude with respect to evolution, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Deshayes, G. B.</span>, assists Lyell in conchological work, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Desmarest, N.</span>, work in Auvergne, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">evolutionary views of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst">Earthworms, Darwin's work on, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Edinburgh, Darwin's life at, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Wernerian Society at, founded by Jameson, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Egypt, idea of inorganic evolution originated in, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Entomology, influence of, on Lyell, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on Darwin, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on Wallace, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">'Equestrian Geology,' popularity of, at Oxford, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span>at Cambridge, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Evolution, in <i>organic</i> and <i>inorganic</i> world, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">how ideas originated, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>-<a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">revolution effected by, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">causes of opposition to, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">opposition of Sedgwick and Whewell, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">support of Herschel, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Euclid, influence on Darwin, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Faraday, M.</span>, assistance given to Lyell by, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Fitton</span>, Dr, on supposed indebtedness of Hutton to Generelli, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">and of Lyell to Hutton, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on causes of Hutton's failure to reform geology, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his attitude towards Lyell's views, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Fluvialists, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Forbes, David</span>, intercourse with Darwin, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Fossil bones, discovery of, in South America first suggests to Darwin mutability of species, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><i>Foundations of the Origin of Species</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Frazer, J. G.</span>, on legends of creation, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst">Galapagos Islands, influence of study of fauna on Darwin, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Generelli</span>, advocacy of Evolution, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Geographical distribution, Lyell on, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Wallace on, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Geological Society, foundation of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">early history, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">connexion of Lyell with, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>:</p> +<p class="indsub2">of Darwin, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>:</p> +<p class="indsub2">of Scrope, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">discussions on rival doctrines at, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Geology, Darwin's interest in, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Gibbon</span>, his influence on Lyell, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Greenough, G. B.</span>, founds Geological Society and first President, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his strong support of Wernerism, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Grove, R.</span>, suggests term 'Continuity,' <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Günther</span>, Dr, his estimate of number of species of animals, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Haeckel, E.</span>, credits Lyell with early conviction of Evolution, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Henslow, J. S.</span>, friendship for and help of Darwin, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">opposition to Evolution, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Heredity, early recognition of importance, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Herschel, J.</span>, belief in Evolution, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">correspondence with Lyell, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Hoff, C. von</span>, influence of his works on Lyell, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Hooker, J. D.</span>, friendship with Lyell's father, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">voyage to Antarctic with Ross, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">introduction to Darwin, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">correspondence with, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">assistance to Darwin, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">advice to, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on origin of Australian flora, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">friendship with Lyell, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Hutton</span>, his <i>Theory of the Earth</i>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">rarity of the book, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">small influence of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span>supposed infidelity and persecution of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Lyell's mistaken views on, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">difference of his theory from Lyell's, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Huxley, T. H.</span>, early views on distinction of Uniformitarianism and Evolution, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">later view of identity, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">influence of Darwin on, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on 1st edition of Principles, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">argues for Lyell's belief in Evolution, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">reviews <i>Origin of Species</i>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">reply to Bishop of Oxford, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">defence of Darwinism, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on Darwin's death, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on Lyell's death, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Hybridity, Lyell's discussion on, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Hypotheses of Creation, twofold character of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>-<a href="#Page_8">8</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst">Ideas <i>v.</i> Actions, Wallace on, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Independent discovery of Natural Selection by Wallace, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Darwin's letter on, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Italian geologists, their anticipation of evolutionary ideas, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Jacob</span>, his frauds based on ideas of heredity and variation, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Jameson, R.</span>, founds Wernerian Society 1807, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">influence on Darwin, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><i>Journal of Researches</i>, by Darwin, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">dedicated to Lyell, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst">King's College, London, Lyell professor at, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Kinnordy, Lyell at, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Kirwan, De Luc</span>, and <span class="smcap">Williams</span>, opposition to Hutton, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Lamarck</span>, his <i>Hydrogéologie</i>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub"><i>Philosophie Zoologique</i>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Lyell's admiration of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">criticism of theory, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">views of Darwin on, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on geological time, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Lectures by Lyell, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Linnean Society, papers of Darwin and Wallace at, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Literature, Lyell and, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Darwin and, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his loss of interest in, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Lockhart</span> and <i>Quarterly Review</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Lucretius</span>, belief in Evolution, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Lyell, Charles</span>, use of term 'Creation,' <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on grandeur of idea of Evolution, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">birth and ancestry, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">education, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">influence of Buckland on, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>-<a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on Cuvier, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">change of views not due to Hutton's works, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">but to travel and observation, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">in East Anglia, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">in Strathmore, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">abandons career as barrister for geology, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">work with Dr Mantell, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">visits to Continent, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">influence of von Hoff's works, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">of Scrope, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his remarks on Hutton's supposed heresies, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">influence of Gibbon on his literary style, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">praise of Hutton and Playfair at later date, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">review of Scrope's book on Auvergne, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">visit to Auvergne with Murchison, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">advocacy of travel for geologists, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span>journeys in Italy, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Lyell on Murchison, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Murchison on Lyell, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Lyell's avoidance of controversy, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">differences of opinion with Scrope, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">attention to literary style, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">professorship at King's College, London, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">lectures, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">controversies at Geological Society, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">aid of Darwin in discussions, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his friendship with Darwin, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his extreme caution, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>-<a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">candour in finally accepting Natural Selection, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">opposition to his views, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his belief in Evolution at an early date, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>-<a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his anticipation of 'Mimicry,' <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his action in Darwin-Wallace episode, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">induces Darwin to commence writing his work, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his attitude towards theory of Natural Selection, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">great influence of Lyell's works on Darwin and Evolution, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">misrepresentation of his views, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>-<a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his declining years, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">last hours, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Hooker's tribute to his memory, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Lyell, Charles</span> (the elder), botanist and student of Dante, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">intercourse with the Hookers, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></p> + +<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Malthus</span>, <i>On Population</i>, influence of work on Darwin, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on Wallace, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Man, descent of, Darwin's work on, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Wallace's views on, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Mantell</span>, Lyell's researches with, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">correspondence with, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Matthew, P.</span>, anticipation of theory of Natural Selection, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Milton</span>, description of creation, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Darwin's early love of his poetry, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">at Christ's College, Cambridge, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Mimicry, doctrine of, Lyell's early recognition of importance, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><i>Modern Science, Darwin and</i>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Murchison</span>, accompanies Lyell to Auvergne, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">opinion of Lyell, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Lyell's opinion of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">3rd Vol. of <i>Principles</i> dedicated to, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">correspondence with, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Murray, John</span>, and <i>Quarterly Review</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">publishes Lyell's works, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">publishes Darwin's works, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his reminiscences of Darwin, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Music, Darwin's loss of power to appreciate, and its cause, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst">Natural Selection, theory of, defined by Huxley, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">forestalled by Wells, Matthew &c., <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">first conception of by Darwin, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">by Wallace, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">'Neptunism' or 'Wernerism' and Catastrophism, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Newton</span>, Professor A., on vague hopes of solution of 'species question' before Darwin, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></p> + +<p class="indfirst"><i>Origin of Species</i>, first idea of, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span>plan proposed to follow <i>Principles</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">first sketch of 1842, enlarged draft of 1844, commencement of great treatise on Evolution in 1856, interruption by arrival of Wallace's papers, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">the 'Abstract' or <i>Origin of Species</i> commenced, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">finished, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">reception of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-<a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">influence of, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Osborn, H. F.</span>, his <i>From the Greeks to Darwin</i>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on Lamarck, <a href="#Page_87">87</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Paley</span>, his influence on Darwin, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Phillips, John</span>, his attitude towards Lyell's views, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Philosophers, on Evolution, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Playfair, John</span>, his <i>Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory</i>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">explains the causes of Hutton's failure, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">'Plutonism,' 'Vulcanism,' or 'Huttonism,' <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Poets and Evolution, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Prestwich</span>, Sir J., opposition to Lyell's views, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Prevost, Constant</span>, aid to Lyell, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">opposition to Cuvier, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Priestley</span>, persecution of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><i>Principles of Geology</i>, first idea of, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">early draft sent to publisher in 1827, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">withdrawn and rewritten in 1830, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">issue of first volume, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">success, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">review by Scrope, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>-<a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">decision to confine Vol. II. to Organic Evolution, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">3rd volume, classification of Tertiaries and Metamorphic theory, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">later editions, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub"><i>Elements, Manual and Student's elements</i>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">success of work, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Darwin's opinion on, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">of Huxley, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Wallace on, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">criticisms of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Pythagoras</span>, his evolutionary ideas, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst"><i>Quarterly Review</i>, articles by Lyell, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">by Scrope, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst">Reviews, of the <i>Principles</i> by Scrope, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">by Whewell, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">of the <i>Origin</i> by Huxley, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Scrope, G. Poulett</span>, education, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">travels, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">work in Auvergne, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">in Italy, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">delay in publishing, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">work on volcanoes, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his just views on Evolution, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>-<a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">cause of want of recognition of his work, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">devotion to politics, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">reviews of <i>Principles</i>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">correspondence with and influence on Lyell, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his differences of opinion from Lyell, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">effects of his review, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Sedgwick, A.</span>, advocates Catastrophism, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">opposition to Hutton, influence on Scrope, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on Darwin, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">opposition to Lyell, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">weakening of opposition to, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on <i>Principles</i>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span>dislike to Evolution, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Shipley, A. E.</span>, estimate of number of species of animals, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Slavery, views of Lyell and Darwin, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Smith, W.</span>, influence of his teaching on Geological Society, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Sollas, W. J.</span>, on Evolution and Uniformitarianism, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Species, origin of idea of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">number of species of animals, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">of plants, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Struggle for existence, Lyell on, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">de Candolle on, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst"><i>Theory of the Earth</i>, Hutton's, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Scrope's, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Thompson, G. P.</span>, <i>see</i> Scrope, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Time geological, Lyell on, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Lamarck on, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Tollet</span>, Miss G., aids Darwin in revising <i>Origin of Species</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst">Uniformitarianism, origin of the term, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Uniformity (or Continuity), Lyell's real views on, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">misconceptions of his views on, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">University of London, Lyell's connexion with, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst">Variation, early recognition of its importance, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Lyell's discussion of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Darwin's work on, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><i>Vestiges of Creation</i>, influence of, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Darwin on, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">Wallace on, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Vines, S. H.</span>, estimate of number of species of plants, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Volcanoes, Scrope on, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Vulcanism, <i>see</i> Plutonism &c., <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Wallace, Alfred Russel</span>, on ideas and actions, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his early life, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">in South America, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">in Malay Archipelago, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">influence of <i>Principles</i> on, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">speculations at Sarawak, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">influence of Malthus on, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">conception of idea of Natural Selection, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">ignorance of Darwin's views, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">statement on his relation to Darwin, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his magnanimity, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on geographical distribution of animals, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his defence of Lyell's principle of Uniformity, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Wells</span>, Dr, his anticipation of theory of Natural Selection, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Werner</span>, success of his teachings, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">his influence on early geologists, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Wernerian Society, founded, 1807, by Jameson, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Wernerism, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Whewell</span>, Dr, contrast of doctrines of Hutton and Lyell, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">originates terms 'Catastrophism,' 'Uniformitarianism,' <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">and 'Geological Dynamics,' <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">reviews <i>Principles</i>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">opposition to Evolution, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">World, small part known to ancients, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></p> + +<p class="indmain">Worms, Darwin's work on, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></p> + + +<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Zittel, K. von</span>, on Hutton's work, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</p> +<p class="indsub">on von Hoff and Lyell, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></p> + +<p class="indmain"><i>Zoonomia</i> of Erasmus Darwin, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span></p> + + + + +<p class="center gap4"><b>Cambridge</b>:</p> + +<p class="center">PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. +AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS +</p> + +<div class="gap4 bbox" style="padding:1em;"> +<h3>TRANSCRIBERS' NOTES</h3> + +<p class="hangindent">General: Inconsistent capitalisation of Von in Von Hoff as in original</p> +<p class="hangindent">General: No period (full stop) after Mr, Mrs, Dr as in original</p> +<p class="hangindent">Page 24: ) added after 'uniformitarianism' to create matching pair</p> +<p class="hangindent">Pages 33, 171: Inconsistent spelling of Thomson/Thompson as in original.</p> +<p class="hangindent">Page 59: Missing anchor [50] added after dogmatise as this seemed the + most likely place</p> +<p class="hangindent">Page 80: " changed to ' after [76] to create matching pair</p> +<p class="hangindent">Page 89: his changed to His in his theories delighted me</p> +<p class="hangindent">Page 94: eniment corrected to eminent</p> +<p class="hangindent">Page 102: re-stocked standardised to restocked</p> +<p class="hangindent">Page 111: . added after September 1855</p> +<p class="hangindent">Page 149: . added after plants and animals</p> +<p class="hangindent">Page 157: lifelong standardised to life-long</p> +<p class="hangindent">Page 167: Wernerianism standardised to Wernerism; 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