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+Project Gutenberg's Violence and the Labor Movement, by Robert Hunter
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
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+Title: Violence and the Labor Movement
+
+Author: Robert Hunter
+
+Release Date: January 28, 2010 [EBook #31108]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK VIOLENCE AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT ***
+
+
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+
+Produced by Fritz Ohrenschall, Martin Pettit and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
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+
+
+VIOLENCE AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT
+
+
+[Illustration: Logo]
+
+THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
+
+NEW YORK · BOSTON · CHICAGO · DALLAS
+ATLANTA · SAN FRANCISCO
+
+MACMILLAN & CO., LIMITED
+
+LONDON · BOMBAY · CALCUTTA
+MELBOURNE
+
+THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.
+
+TORONTO
+
+
+
+
+VIOLENCE AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT
+
+BY
+
+ROBERT HUNTER
+
+AUTHOR OF "POVERTY," "SOCIALISTS AT WORK," ETC.
+
+New York
+
+THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
+
+1922
+
+
+PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
+
+COPYRIGHT, 1914
+
+BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
+
+Set up and electrotyped. Published March, 1914.
+
+FERRIS
+PRINTING COMPANY
+NEW YORK CITY
+
+
+THIS VOLUME IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR TO
+
+EUGENE V. DEBS
+
+"ONE WHO NEVER TURNED HIS BACK BUT MARCHED BREAST FORWARD,
+NEVER DOUBTED CLOUDS WOULD BREAK,"
+
+AND
+
+D. DOUGLAS WILSON
+
+WHO, THOUGH PARALYZED AND BLIND, HAS SO LONG AND FAITHFULLY
+BLAZED THE TRAIL FOR LABOR
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+This volume is the result of some studies that I felt impelled to make
+when, about three years ago, certain sections of the labor movement in
+the United States were discussing vehemently political action _versus_
+direct action. A number of causes combined to produce a serious and
+critical controversy. The Industrial Workers of the World were carrying
+on a lively agitation that later culminated in a series of spectacular
+strikes. With ideas and methods that were not only in opposition to
+those of the trade unions, but also to those of the socialist party, the
+new organization sought to displace the older organizations by what it
+called the "one Big Union." There were many in the older organizations
+who firmly believed in industrial unionism, and the dissensions which
+arose were not so much over that question as over the antagonistic
+character of the new movement and its advocacy here of the violent
+methods employed by the revolutionary section of the French unions. The
+most forceful and active spokesman of these methods was Mr. William D.
+Haywood, and, largely as a result of his agitation, _la grève générale_
+and _le sabotage_ became the subjects of the hour in labor and socialist
+circles. In 1911 Mr. Haywood and Mr. Frank Bohn published a booklet,
+entitled _Industrial Socialism_, in which they urged that the worker
+should "use any weapon which will win his fight."[A] They declared that,
+as "the present laws of property are made by and for the capitalists,
+the workers should not hesitate to break them."[B]
+
+The advocacy of such doctrines alarmed the older socialists, who were
+familiar with the many disasters that had overtaken the labor movement
+in its earlier days, and nearly all of them assailed the direct
+actionists. Mr. Eugene V. Debs, Mr. Victor L. Berger, Mr. John Spargo,
+Mr. Morris Hillquit, and many others, less well known, combated "the new
+methods" in vigorous language. Mr. Hillquit dealt with the question in a
+manner that immediately awakened the attention of every active
+socialist. Condemning without reserve every resort to lawbreaking and
+violence, and insisting that both were "ethically unjustifiable and
+tactically suicidal," Mr. Hillquit pointed out that whenever any group
+or section of the labor movement "has embarked upon a policy of
+'breaking the law' or using 'any weapons which will win the fight,'
+whether such policy was styled 'terrorism,' 'propaganda of the deed,'
+'direct action,' 'sabotage,' or 'anarchism,' it has invariably served to
+demoralize and destroy the movement, by attracting to it professional
+criminals, infesting it with spies, leading the workers to needless and
+senseless slaughter, and ultimately engendering a spirit of disgust and
+reaction. It was this advocacy of 'lawbreaking' which Marx and Engels
+fought so severely in the International and which finally led to the
+disruption of the first great international parliament of labor, and the
+socialist party of every country in the civilized world has since
+uniformly and emphatically rejected that policy."[C]
+
+There could be no better introduction to the present volume than these
+words of Mr. Hillquit, and it will, I think, be clear to the reader that
+the history of the labor movement during the last half-century fully
+sustains Mr. Hillquit's position. The problem of methods has always been
+a vital matter to the labor movement, and, for a hundred years at least,
+the quarrels now dividing syndicalists and socialists have disturbed
+that movement. In the Chartist days the "physical forcists" opposed the
+"moral forcists," and later dissensions over the same question occurred
+between the Bakouninists and the Marxists. Since then anarchists and
+social democrats, direct actionists and political actionists,
+syndicalists and socialists have continued the battle. I have attempted
+here to present the arguments made by both sides of this controversy,
+and, while no doubt my bias is perfectly clear, I hope I have presented
+fairly the position of each of the contending elements. Fortunately, the
+direct actionists have exercised a determining influence only in a few
+places, and everywhere, in the end, the victory of those who were
+contending for the employment of peaceable means has been complete.
+Already in this country, as a result of the recent controversy, it is
+written in the constitution of the socialist party that "any member of
+the party who opposes political action or advocates crime, sabotage, or
+other methods of violence as a weapon of the working class to aid in its
+emancipation shall be expelled from membership in the party."[D] Adopted
+by the national convention of the party in 1911, this clause was
+ratified at a general referendum of all the membership of the party. It
+is clear, therefore, that the immense majority of socialists are
+determined to employ peaceable and legal methods of action.
+
+It is, of course, perfectly obvious that the methods to be employed in
+the struggles between classes, as between nations, cannot be
+predetermined. And, while the socialists everywhere have condemned the
+use of violent measures and are now exercising every power at their
+command to keep the struggle between labor and capital on legal ground,
+events alone will determine whether the great social problems of our day
+can be settled peaceably. The entire matter is largely in the hands of
+the ruling classes. And, while the socialists in all countries are
+determined not to allow themselves to be provoked into acts of despair
+by temporary and fleeting methods of repression, conditions may of
+course arise where no organization, however powerful, could prevent the
+masses from breaking into an open and bloody conflict. On one memorable
+occasion (March 31, 1886), August Bebel uttered some impressive words on
+this subject in the German Reichstag. "Herr von Puttkamer," said Bebel,
+"calls to mind the speech which I delivered in 1881 in the debate on the
+Socialist Law a few days after the murder of the Czar. I did not then
+glorify regicide. I declared that a system like that prevailing in
+Russia necessarily gave birth to Nihilism and must necessarily lead to
+deeds of violence. Yes, I do not hesitate to say that if you should
+inaugurate such a system in Germany it would of necessity lead to deeds
+of violence with us as well. (A deputy called out: 'The German
+Monarchy?') The German Monarchy would then certainly be affected, and I
+do not hesitate to say that I should be one of the first to lend a hand
+in the work, for all measures are allowable against such a system."[E] I
+take it that Bebel was, in this instance, simply pointing out to the
+German bureaucracy the inevitable consequences of the Russian system. At
+that very moment he was restraining hundreds of thousands of his
+followers from acts of despair, yet he could not resist warning the
+German rulers that the time might come in that country when no
+considerations whatever could persuade men to forego the use of the most
+violent retaliative measures. This view is, of course, well established
+in our national history, and our Declaration of Independence, as well as
+many of our State constitutions, asserts that it is both the right and
+the duty of the people to overthrow by any means in their power an
+oppressive and tyrannical government. This was, of course, always the
+teaching of what Marx liked to call "the bourgeois democrats." It was,
+in fact, their only conception of revolution.
+
+The socialist idea of revolution is quite a different one. Insurrection
+plays no necessary part in it, and no one sees more clearly than the
+socialist that nothing could prove more disastrous to the democratic
+cause than to have the present class conflict break into a civil war. If
+such a war becomes necessary, it will be in spite of the organized
+socialists, who, in every country of the world, not only seek to avoid,
+but actually condemn, riotous, tempestuous, and violent measures. Such
+measures do not fit into their philosophy, which sees, as the cause of
+our present intolerable social wrongs, not the malevolence of
+individuals or of classes, but the workings of certain economic laws.
+One can cut off the head of an individual, but it is not possible to cut
+off the head of an economic law. From the beginning of the modern
+socialist movement, this has been perfectly clear to the socialist,
+whose philosophy has taught him that appeals to violence tend, as Engels
+has pointed out, to obscure the understanding of the real development of
+things.
+
+The dissensions over the use of force, that have been so continuous and
+passionate in the labor movement, arise from two diametrically opposed
+points of view. One is at bottom anarchistic, and looks upon all social
+evils as the result of individual wrong-doing. The other is at bottom
+socialistic, and looks upon all social evils as in the main the result
+of economic and social laws. To those who believe there are good trusts
+and bad trusts, good capitalists and bad capitalists, and that this is
+an adequate analysis of our economic ills, there is, of course, after
+all, nothing left but hatred of individuals and, in the extreme case,
+the desire to remove those individuals. To those, on the other hand, who
+see in certain underlying economic forces the source of nearly all of
+our distressing social evils, individual hatred and malice can make in
+reality no appeal. This volume, on its historical side, as well as in
+its survey of the psychology of the various elements in the labor
+movement, is a contribution to the study of the reactions that affect
+various minds and temperaments in the face of modern social wrongs. If
+one's point of view is that of the anarchist, he is led inevitably to
+make his war upon individuals. The more sensitive and sincere he is, the
+more bitter and implacable becomes that war. If one's point of view is
+based on what is now called the economic interpretation of history, one
+is emancipated, in so far as that is possible for emotional beings, from
+all hatred of individuals, and one sees before him only the necessity of
+readjusting the economic basis of our common life in order to achieve a
+more nearly perfect social order.
+
+In contrasting the temperaments, the points of view, the philosophy, and
+the methods of these two antagonistic minds, I have been forced to take
+two extremes, the Bakouninist anarchist and the Marxian socialist. In
+the case of the former, it has been necessary to present the views of a
+particular school of anarchism, more or less regardless of certain
+other schools. Proudhon, Stirner, Warren, and Tucker do not advocate
+violent measures, and Tolstoi, Ibsen, Spencer, Thoreau, and
+Emerson--although having the anarchist point of view--can hardly be
+conceived of as advocating violent measures. It will be obvious to the
+reader that I have not dealt with the philosophical anarchism, or
+whatever one may call it, of these last. I have confined myself to the
+anarchism of those who have endeavored to carry out their principles in
+the democratic movement of their time and to the deeds of those who
+threw themselves into the active life about them and endeavored to
+impress both their ideas and methods upon the awakening world of labor.
+It is the anarchism of these men that the world knows. By deeds and not
+by words have they written their definition of anarchism, and I am
+taking and using the term in this volume in the sense in which it is
+used most commonly by people in general. If this offends the anarchists
+of the non-resistant or passive-resistant type, it cannot be helped. It
+is the meaning that the most active of the anarchists have themselves
+given it.
+
+I have sought to take my statements from first-hand sources only,
+although in a few cases I have had to depend on secondary sources. I am
+deeply indebted to Mr. Herman Schlueter, editor of the _New Yorker
+Volkszeitung_, for lending me certain rare books and pamphlets, and also
+for reading carefully and critically the entire manuscript. With his
+help I have managed to get every document that has seemed to me
+essential. At the end of the volume will be found a complete list of the
+authorities which I have consulted. I have to regret that I could not
+read, before sending this manuscript to the publisher, the four volumes
+just published of the correspondence between Marx and Engels (_Der
+Briefwechsel zwischen Friedrich Engels und Karl Marx 1844 bis 1833,
+herausgegeben von A. Bebel und Ed. Bernstein_, J. H. W. Dietz,
+Stuttgart, 1913). I must also express here my gratitude to Mr. Morris
+Hillquit and to Miss Helen Phelps Stokes for making many valuable
+suggestions, as well as my indebtedness to Miss Helen Bernice Sweeney
+and Mr. Sidney S. Bobbé for their most capable secretarial assistance.
+Special appreciation is due my wife for her helpfulness and painstaking
+care at many difficult stages of the work.
+
+Highland Farm,
+Noroton Heights,
+Connecticut.
+November 1, 1913.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[A] P. 57.
+
+[B] P. 57.
+
+[C] The New York _Call_, November 20, 1911.
+
+[D] Article II, Section 6.
+
+[E] Quoted by Dawson, "German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle," p. 272.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+PREFACE                                         vii
+
+
+PART I
+
+TERRORISM IN WESTERN EUROPE
+
+CHAPTER
+   I. THE FATHER OF TERRORISM                     3
+  II. A SERIES OF INSURRECTIONS                  28
+ III. THE PROPAGANDA OF THE DEED                 49
+  IV. JOHANN MOST IN AMERICA                     62
+   V. A SERIES OF TRAGEDIES                      77
+  VI. SEEKING THE CAUSES                         90
+
+
+PART II
+
+STRUGGLES WITH VIOLENCE
+
+ VII.  THE BIRTH OF MODERN SOCIALISM            125
+VIII. THE BATTLE BETWEEN MARX AND BAKOUNIN      154
+  IX.   THE FIGHT FOR EXISTENCE                 194
+   X.    THE NEWEST ANARCHISM                   229
+  XI.   THE OLDEST ANARCHISM                    276
+ XII.  VISIONS OF VICTORY                       327
+AUTHORITIES                                     357
+INDEX                                           375
+
+
+
+
+PART I
+
+TERRORISM IN WESTERN EUROPE
+
+[Illustration: MICHAEL BAKOUNIN]
+
+Violence and the Labor Movement
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE FATHER OF TERRORISM
+
+
+"Dante tells us," writes Macaulay, "that he saw, in Malebolge, a strange
+encounter between a human form and a serpent. The enemies, after cruel
+wounds inflicted, stood for a time glaring on each other. A great cloud
+surrounded them, and then a wonderful metamorphosis began. Each creature
+was transfigured into the likeness of its antagonist. The serpent's tail
+divided into two legs; the man's legs intertwined themselves into a
+tail. The body of the serpent put forth arms; the arms of the man shrank
+into his body. At length the serpent stood up a man, and spake; the man
+sank down a serpent, and glided hissing away."[1] Something, I suppose,
+not unlike this appalling picture of Dante's occurs in the world
+whenever a man's soul becomes saturated with hatred. It will be
+remembered, for instance, that even Shelley's all-forgiving and sublime
+Prometheus was forced by the torture of the furies to cry out in
+anguish,
+
+
+     "Whilst I behold such execrable shapes,
+     Methinks I grow like what I contemplate."
+
+
+It would not be strange, then, if here and there a man's entire nature
+were transfigured when he sees a monster appear, cruel, pitiless, and
+unyielding, crushing to the earth the weak, the weary, and the
+heavy-laden. Nor is it strange that in Russia--the blackest Malebolge in
+the modern world--a litter of avengers is born every generation of the
+savage brutality, the murderous oppression, the satanic infamy of the
+Russian government. And who does not love those innumerable Russian
+youths and maidens, driven to acts of defiance--hopeless, futile, yet
+necessary--if for no other reason than to fulfill their duty to humanity
+and thus perhaps quiet a quivering conscience? There is something truly
+Promethean in the struggle of the Russian youth against their
+overpowering antagonist. They know that the price of one single act of
+protest is their lives. Yet, to the eternal credit of humanity,
+thousands of them have thrown themselves naked on the spears of their
+enemy, to become an example of sacrificial revolt. And can any of us
+wonder that when even this tragic seeding of the martyrs proved
+unfruitful, many of the Russian youth, brooding over the irremediable
+wrongs of their people, were driven to insanity and suicide? And, if all
+that was possible, would it be surprising if it also happened that at
+least one flaming rebel should have developed a philosophy of warfare no
+less terrible than that of the Russian bureaucracy itself? I do not
+know, nor would I allow myself to suggest, that Michael Bakounin, who
+brought into Western Europe and planted there the seeds of terrorism,
+came to be like what he contemplated, or that his philosophy and tactics
+of action were altogether a reflection of those he opposed. Yet, if that
+were the case, one could better understand that bitter and bewildering
+character.
+
+That there is some justification for speculation on these grounds is
+indicated by the heroes of Bakounin. He always meant to write the story
+of Prometheus, and he never spoke of Satan without an admiration that
+approached adoration. They were the two unconquerable enemies of
+absolutism. He was "the eternal rebel," Bakounin once said of Satan,
+"the first free-thinker and emancipator of the worlds."[2] In another
+place he speaks of Proudhon as having the instinct of a revolutionist,
+because "he adored Satan and proclaimed anarchy."[3] In still another
+place he refers to the proletariat of Paris as "the modern Satan, the
+great rebel, vanquished, but not pacified."[4] In the statutes of his
+secret organization, of which I shall speak again later, he insists that
+"principles, programs, and rules are not nearly as important as that the
+persons who put them into execution shall have the devil in them."[5]
+Although an avowed and militant atheist, Bakounin could not subdue his
+worship of the king of devils, and, had anyone during his life said that
+Bakounin was not only a modern Satan incarnate, but the eight other
+devils as well, nothing could have delighted him more. And no doubt he
+was inspired to this demon worship by his implacable hatred of
+absolutism--whether it be in religion, which he considered as tyranny
+over the mind, or in government, which he considered as tyranny over the
+body. To Bakounin the two eternal enemies of man were the Government and
+the Church, and no weapon was unworthy of use which promised in any
+measure to assist in their entire and complete obliteration.
+
+Absolutism was to Bakounin a universal destroyer of the best and the
+noblest qualities in man. And, as it stands as an effective barrier to
+the only social order that can lift man above the beast--that of perfect
+liberty--so must the sincere warrior against absolutism become the
+universal destroyer of any and everything associated with tyranny. How
+far such a crusade leads one may be gathered from Bakounin's own words:
+"The end of revolution can be no other," he declares, "than the
+destruction of all powers--religious, monarchical, aristocratic, and
+bourgeois--in Europe. Consequently, the destruction of all now existing
+States, with all their institutions--political, juridical, bureaucratic,
+and financial."[6] In another place he says: "It will be essential to
+destroy everything, and especially and before all else, all property and
+its inevitable corollary, the State."[7] "We want to destroy all
+States," he repeats in still another place, "and all Churches, with all
+their institutions and their laws of religion, politics, jurisprudence,
+finance, police, universities, economics, and society, in order that all
+these millions of poor, deceived, enslaved, tormented, exploited human
+beings, delivered from all their official and officious directors and
+benefactors, associations, and individuals, can at last breathe with
+complete freedom."[8] All through life Bakounin clung tenaciously to
+this immense idea of destruction, "terrible, total, inexorable, and
+universal," for only after such a period of destructive terror--in which
+every vestige of "the institutions of tyranny" shall be swept from the
+earth--can "anarchy, that is to say, the complete manifestation of
+unchained popular life,"[9] develop liberty, equality, and justice.
+These were the means, and this was the end that Bakounin had in mind all
+the days of his life from the time he convinced himself as a young man
+that "the desire for destruction is at the same time a creative
+desire."[10]
+
+Even so brief a glimpse into Bakounin's mind is likely to startle the
+reader. But there is no fiction here; he is what Carlyle would have
+called "a terrible God's Fact." He was a very real product of Russia's
+infamy, and we need not be surprised if one with Bakounin's great
+talents, worshiping Satan and preaching ideas of destruction that
+comprehended Cosmos itself, should have performed in the world a unique
+and never-to-be-forgotten rôle. It was inevitable that he should have
+stood out among the men of his time as a strange, bewildering figure. To
+his very matter-of-fact and much annoyed antagonist, Karl Marx, he was
+little more than a buffoon, the "amorphous pan-destroyer, who has
+succeeded in uniting in one person Rodolphe, Monte Cristo, Karl Moor,
+and Robert Macaire."[11] On the other hand, to his circle of worshipers
+he was a mental giant, a flaming titan, a Russian Siegfried, holding out
+to all the powers of heaven and earth a perpetual challenge to combat.
+And, in truth, Bakounin's ideas and imagination covered a field that is
+not exhausted by the range of mythology. He juggled with universal
+abstractions as an alchemist with the elements of the earth or an
+astrologist with the celestial spheres. His workshop was the universe,
+his peculiar task the refashioning of Cosmos, and he began by declaring
+war upon the Almighty himself and every institution among men fashioned
+after what he considered to be the absolutism of the Infinite.
+
+It is, then, with no ordinary human being that we must deal in treating
+of him who is known as the father of terrorism. Yet, as he lived in this
+world and fought with his faithful circle to lay down the principles of
+universal revolution, we find him very human indeed. Of contradictions,
+for instance, there seems to be no end. Although an atheist, he had an
+idol, Satan. Although an eternal enemy of absolutism, he pleaded with
+Alexander to become the Czar of the people. And, although he fought
+passionately and superbly to destroy what he called the "authoritarian
+hierarchy" in the organization of the International, he planned for his
+own purpose the most complete hierarchy that can well be imagined. His
+only tactic, that of _lex talionis_, also worked out a perfect
+reciprocity even in those common affairs to which this prodigy stooped
+in order to conquer, for he seemed to create infallibly every
+institution he combated and to use every weapon that he execrated when
+employed by others. The most fertile of law-givers himself, he could not
+tolerate another. Pope of Popes in his little inner circle, he could
+brook no rival. Machiavelli's Prince was no richer in intrigue than
+Bakounin; yet he always fancied himself, with the greatest
+self-compassion, as the naïve victim of the endless and malicious
+intrigues of others. However affectionate, generous, and open he seemed
+to be with those who followed him worshipfully, even they were not
+trusted with his secrets, and, if he was always cunning and crafty
+toward his enemies, he never had a friend that he did not use to his
+profit. Volatile in his fitful changes toward men and movements,
+rudderless as he often seemed to be in the incoherence of his ideas and
+of his policies, there nevertheless burned in his soul throughout life a
+great flaming, and perhaps redeeming, hatred of tyranny. At times he
+would lead his little bands into open warfare upon it, dreaming always
+that the world once in motion would follow him to the end in his great
+work of destruction. At other times he would go to it bearing gifts, in
+the hope, as we must charitably think, of destroying it by stealth.
+
+In general outline, this is the father of terrorism as I see him. How he
+developed his views is not entirely clear, as very little is known of
+his early life, and there are several broken threads at different
+periods both early and late in his career. The little known of his youth
+may be quickly told. He was born in Russia in 1814, of a family of good
+position, belonging to the old nobility. He was well educated and began
+his career in the army. Shortly after the Polish insurrection had been
+crushed, militarism and despotism became abhorrent to him, and the
+spectacle of that terrorized country made an everlasting impression upon
+him. In 1834 he renounced his military career and returned to Moscow,
+where he gave himself up entirely to the study of philosophy, and, as
+was natural at the period, he saturated himself with Hegel. From Moscow
+he went to St. Petersburg and later to Berlin, constantly pursuing his
+studies, and in 1842 he published under the title, "_La réaction en
+Allemagne, fragment, par un Français_," an article ending with the now
+famous line: "The desire for destruction is at the same time a creative
+desire."[12] This article appeared in the _Deutsche Jahrbücher_, in
+which publication he soon became a collaborator. The authorities,
+however, were hostile to the paper, and he went into Switzerland in
+1843, only to be driven later to Paris. There he made the acquaintance
+of Proudhon, "the father of anarchism," and spent days and nights with
+him discussing the problems of government, of society, and of religion.
+He also met Marx, "the father of socialism," and, although they were
+never sympathetic, yet they came frequently in friendly and unfriendly
+contact with each other. George Sand, George Herwegh, Arnold Ruge,
+Frederick Engels, William Weitling, Alexander Herzen, Richard Wagner,
+Adolf Reichel, and many other brilliant revolutionary spirits of the
+time, Bakounin knew intimately, and for him, as for many others, the
+period of the forties was one of great intellectual development.
+
+In the insurrectionary period that began in 1848 he became active, but
+he appears to have done little noteworthy before January, 1849, when he
+went secretly to Leipsic in the hope of aiding a group of young Czechs
+to launch an uprising in Bohemia. Shortly afterward an insurrection
+broke out in Dresden, and he rushed there to become one of the most
+active leaders of the revolt. It is said that he was "the veritable soul
+of the revolution," and that he advised the insurrectionists, in order
+to prevent the Prussians from firing upon the barricades, to place in
+front of them the masterpieces from the art museum.[13] When that
+insurrection was suppressed, he, Richard Wagner, and some others hurried
+to Chemnitz, where Bakounin was captured and condemned to death.
+Austria, however, demanded his extradition, and there, for the second
+time, he was condemned to be hanged. Eventually he was handed over to
+Russia, where he again escaped paying the death penalty by the pardon of
+the Czar, and, after six years in prison, he was banished to Siberia.
+Great efforts were made to secure a pardon for him, but without success.
+However, through his influential relatives, he was allowed such freedom
+of movement that in the end he succeeded in escaping, and, returning to
+Europe through Japan and America, he arrived in England in 1861.
+
+The next year is notable for the appearance of two of his brochures,
+"_Aux amis russes, polonais, et à tous les amis slaves_," and "_La Cause
+du Peuple, Romanoff, Pougatchoff, ou Pestel?_" One would have thought
+that twelve years in prison and in Siberia would have made him more
+bitter than ever against the State and the Czar; but, curiously, these
+writings mark a striking departure from his previous views. For almost
+the only time in his life he expressed a desire to see Russia develop
+into a magnificent "State," and he urged the Russians to drive the
+Tartars back to Asia, the Germans back to Germany, and to become a free
+people, exclusively Russian. By coöperative effort between the military
+powers of the Russian Government and the insurrectionary activities of
+the Slavs subjected to foreign governments, the Russian peoples could
+wage a war, he argued, that would create a great united empire. The
+second of the above-mentioned volumes was addressed particularly to
+Alexander II. In this Bakounin prophesies that Russia must soon undergo
+a revolution. It may come through terrible and bloody uprisings on the
+part of the masses, led by some fierce and sanguinary popular idol, or
+it will come through the Czar himself, if he should be wise enough to
+assume in person the leadership of the peasants. He declared that
+"Alexander II. could so easily become the popular idol, the first Czar
+of the peasants.... By leaning upon the people he could become the
+savior and master of the entire Slavic world."[14] He then pictures in
+glowing terms a united Russia, in which the Czar and the people will
+work harmoniously together to build up a great democratic State. But he
+threatens that, if the Czar does not become the "savior of the Slavic
+world," an avenger will arise to lead an outraged and avenging people.
+He again declares, "We prefer to follow Romanoff (the family name of the
+Czar), if Romanoff could and would transform himself from the
+_Petersbourgeois_ emperor into the Czar of the peasants."[15] Despite
+much flattery and ill-merited praise, the Czar refused to be converted,
+and Bakounin rushed off the next year to Stockholm, in the hope of
+organizing a band of Russians to enter Poland to assist in the
+insurrection which had broken out there.
+
+The next few years were spent mostly in Italy, and it was here that he
+conceived his plan of a secret international organization of
+revolutionists. Little is known of how extensive this secret
+organization actually became, but Bakounin said in 1864 that it included
+a number of Italian, French, Scandinavian, and Slavic revolutionists. As
+a scheme this secret organization is remarkable. It included three
+orders: I. The International Brothers; II. The National Brothers; III.
+The semi-secret, semi-public organization of the International Alliance
+of Social Democracy. Without Bakounin's intending it, doubtless, the
+International Brothers resembled the circle of gods in mythology; the
+National Brothers, the circle of heroes; while the third order resembled
+the mortals who were to bear the burden of the fighting. The
+International Brothers were not to exceed one hundred, and they were to
+be the guiding spirits of the great revolutionary storms that Bakounin
+thought were then imminent in Europe. They must possess above all things
+"revolutionary passion," and they were to be the supreme secret
+executive power of the two subordinate organizations. In their hands
+alone should be the making of the programs, the rules, and the
+principles of the revolution. The National Brothers were to be under the
+direction of the International Brothers, and were to be selected because
+of their revolutionary zeal and their ability to control the masses.
+They were "to have the devil in them." The semi-secret, semi-public
+organization was to include the multitude, and sections were to be
+formed in every country for the purpose of organizing the masses.
+However, the masses were not to know of the secret organization of the
+National Brothers, and the National Brothers were not to know of the
+secret organization of the International Brothers. In order to enable
+them to work separately but harmoniously, Bakounin, who had chosen
+himself as the supreme law-giver, wrote for each of the three orders a
+program of principles, a code of rules, and a plan of methods all its
+own. The ultimate ends of this movement were not to be communicated to
+either the National Brothers or to the Alliance, and the masses were to
+know only that which was good for them to know, and which would not be
+likely to frighten them. These are very briefly the outlines of the
+extraordinary hierarchy that was to form throughout all Europe and
+America an invisible network of "the real revolutionists."
+
+This organization was "to accelerate the universal revolution," and what
+was understood by the revolution was "the unchaining of what is to-day
+called the bad passions and the destruction of what in the same language
+is called 'public order.' We do not fear, we invoke anarchy, convinced
+that from this anarchy, that is to say, from the complete manifestation
+of unchained popular life, must come forth liberty, equality, justice
+..."[16] It was clearly foreseen by Bakounin that there would be
+opponents to anarchy among the revolutionists themselves, and he
+declared: "We are the natural enemies of these revolutionists ... who
+... dream already of the creation of new revolutionary States."[17] It
+was admitted that the Brothers could not of themselves create the
+revolution. All that a secret and well-organized society can do is "to
+organize, not the army of the revolution--the army must always be the
+people--but a sort of revolutionary staff composed of individuals who
+are devoted, energetic, intelligent, and especially sincere friends of
+the people, not ambitious nor self-conceited--capable of serving as
+intermediaries between the revolutionary idea and the popular instincts.
+The number of these individuals does not have to be immense. For the
+international organization of all Europe, one hundred revolutionists,
+strongly and seriously bound together, are sufficient. Two or three
+hundred revolutionists will be sufficient for the organization of the
+largest country."[18]
+
+The idea of a secret organization of revolutionary leaders proved to be
+wholly repugnant to many of even the most devoted friends of Bakounin,
+and by 1868 the organization is supposed to have been dissolved,
+because, it was said, secrets had leaked out and the whole affair had
+been subjected to much ridicule.[19] The idea of the third order,
+however, that of the International Alliance, was not abandoned, and it
+appears that Bakounin and a number of the faithful Brothers felt hopeful
+in 1867 of capturing a great "bourgeois" congress, called the "League of
+Peace and of Liberty," that had met that year in Geneva. Bakounin,
+Élisée Reclus, Aristide Rey, Victor Jaclard, and several others in the
+conspiracy undertook to persuade the league to pass some revolutionary
+resolutions. Bakounin was already a member of the central committee of
+the league, and, in preparation for the battle, he wrote the manuscript
+afterward published under the title, "_Fédéralisme, Socialisme, et
+Antithéologisme_." But the congress of 1868 dashed their hopes to the
+ground, and the revolutionists separated from the league and founded the
+same day, September 25th, a new association, called _L'Alliance
+Internationale de la Démocratie Socialiste_. The program now adopted by
+the Alliance, although written by Bakounin, expressed quite different
+views from those of the International Brothers. But it, too, began its
+revolutionary creed by declaring itself atheist. Its chief and most
+important work was "to abolish religion and to substitute science for
+faith; and human justice for divine justice." Second, it declared for
+"the political, economic, and social equality of the classes" (which, it
+was assumed, were to continue to exist), and it intended to attain this
+end by the destruction of government and by the abolition of the right
+of inheritance. Third, it assailed all forms of political action and
+proposed that, in place of the community, groups of producers should
+assume control of all industrial processes. Fourth, it opposed all
+centralized organization, believing that both groups and individuals
+should demand for themselves complete liberty to do in all cases
+whatever they desired.[20] The same revolutionists who a short time
+before had planned a complete hierarchy now appeared irreconcilably
+opposed to any form of authority. They now argued that they must abolish
+not only God and every political State, but also the right of the
+majority to rule. Then and then only would the people finally attain
+perfect liberty.
+
+These were the chief ideas that Bakounin wished to introduce into the
+International Working Men's Association. That organization, founded in
+1864 in London, had already become a great power in Europe, and Bakounin
+entered it in 1869, not only for the purpose of forwarding the ideas
+just mentioned, but also in the hope of obtaining the leadership of it.
+Failing in 1862 to convert the Czar, in 1864-1867 to organize into a
+hierarchy the revolutionary spirits of Europe, in 1868 to capture the
+bourgeoisie, he turned in 1869 to seek the aid of the working class. On
+each of these occasions his views underwent the most magical of
+transformations. With more bitterness than ever he now declared war upon
+the political and economic powers of Europe, but he was unable to
+prosecute this war until he had destroyed every committee or group in
+the International which possessed, or sought to possess, any power. He
+assailed Marx, Engels, and all those who he thought wished to dominate
+the International. The beam in his own eye he saw in theirs, and he now
+expressed an unspeakable loathing for all hierarchical tendencies and
+authoritarian methods. The story of the great battle between him and
+Marx must be left for a later chapter, and we must content ourselves for
+the present with following the history of Bakounin as he gradually
+developed in theory and in practice the principles and tactics of
+terrorism.
+
+While struggling to obtain the leadership of the working classes of
+Western Europe, Bakounin was also busy with Russian affairs. "I am
+excessively absorbed in what is going on in Russia," he writes to a
+friend, April 13, 1869. "Our youth, the most revolutionary in the world
+perhaps, in theory and in practice, are so stirred up that the
+Government has been forced to close the universities, academies, and
+several schools at St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Kazan. I have here now a
+specimen of these young fanatics, who hesitate at nothing and who fear
+nothing.... They are admirable, ... believers without God and heroes
+without phrase!"[21] He who called forth this eulogy was the young
+Russian revolutionist, Sergei Nechayeff. Whether admirable or not we
+shall leave the reader to judge. But, if Bakounin bewilders one,
+Nechayeff staggers one. And, if Bakounin was the father of terrorism,
+Nechayeff was its living embodiment. He was not complex, mystical, or
+sentimental. He was truly a revolutionist without phrase, and he can be
+described in the simplest words. He was a liar, a thief, and a
+murderer--the incarnation of Hatred, Malice, and Revenge, who stopped at
+no crime against friend or foe that promised to advance what he was
+pleased to call the revolution. Bakounin had for a long time sought his
+coöperation, and now in Switzerland they began that collaboration which
+resulted in the most extraordinary series of sanguinary revolutionary
+writings known to history.
+
+In the summer of 1869 there was printed at Geneva "Words Addressed to
+Students," signed by them both; the "Formula of the Revolutionary
+Question"; "The Principles of the Revolution"; and the "Publications of
+the People's Tribunal"--the three last appearing anonymously. All of
+them counsel the most infamous doctrines of criminal activity. In "Words
+Addressed to Students," the Russian youth are exhorted to leave the
+universities and go among the people. They are asked to follow the
+example of Stenka Razin, a robber chieftain who, in the time of Alexis,
+placed himself at the head of a popular insurrection.[F] "Robbery,"
+declare Bakounin and Nechayeff, "is one of the most honorable forms of
+Russian national life. The brigand is the hero, the defender, the
+popular avenger, the irreconcilable enemy of the State, and of all
+social and civil order established by the State. He is the wrestler in
+life and in death against all this civilization of officials, of nobles,
+of priests, and of the crown.... He who does not understand robbery can
+understand nothing in the history of the Russian masses. He who is not
+sympathetic with it, cannot sympathize with the popular life, and has no
+heart for the ancient, unbounded sufferings of the people; he belongs in
+the camp of the enemy, the partisans of the State.... It is through
+brigandage only that the vitality, passion, and force of the people are
+established undeniably.... The brigand in Russia is the veritable and
+unique revolutionist--revolutionist without phrase, without rhetoric
+borrowed from books, a revolutionist indefatigable, irreconcilable, and
+irresistible in action.... The brigands scattered in the forests, the
+cities, and villages of all Russia, and the brigands confined in the
+innumerable prisons of the empire, form a unique and indivisible world,
+strongly bound together, the world of the Russian revolution. In it, in
+it alone, has existed for a long time the veritable revolutionary
+conspiracy."[22]
+
+Once again the principles of the revolution appear to be complete and
+universal destruction. "There must 'not rest ... one stone upon a
+stone.' It is necessary to destroy everything, in order to produce
+'perfect amorphism,' for, if 'a single one of the old forms' were
+preserved, it would become 'the embryo' from which would spring all the
+other old social forms."[23] The same leaflet preaches systematic
+assassination and declares that for practical revolutionists all
+speculations about the future are "criminal, because they hinder _pure
+destruction_ and trammel the march of the revolution. We have confidence
+only in those who show by their acts their devotion to the revolution,
+without fear of torture or of imprisonment, and we disclaim all words
+unless action should follow immediately." ...[24] "Words have no value
+for us unless followed at once by action. But all is not action that
+goes under that name: for example, the modest and too-cautious
+organization of secret societies without some external manifestations is
+in our eyes merely ridiculous and intolerable child's play. By external
+manifestations we mean a series of actions that positively destroy
+something--a person, a cause, a condition that hinders the emancipation
+of the people. Without sparing our lives, without pausing before any
+threat, any obstacle, any danger, etc., we must break into the life of
+the people with a series of daring, even insolent, attempts, and inspire
+them with a belief in their own power, awake them, rally them, and drive
+them on to the triumph of their own cause."[25]
+
+The most remarkable of this series of writings is "The Revolutionary
+Catechism." This existed for several years in cipher, and was guarded
+most carefully by Nechayeff. Altogether it contained twenty-six
+articles, classified into four sections. Here it is declared that if the
+revolutionist continues to live in this world it is only in order to
+annihilate it all the more surely. "The object remains always the same:
+the quickest and surest way of destroying this filthy order." ... "For
+him exists only one single pleasure, one single consolation, one reward,
+one satisfaction: the success of the revolution. Night and day he must
+have but one thought, but one aim--implacable destruction." ... "For
+this end of implacable destruction a revolutionist can and often must
+live in the midst of society, feigning to be altogether different from
+what he really is. A revolutionist must penetrate everywhere: into high
+society as well as into the middle class, into the shops, into the
+church, into the palaces of the aristocracy, into the official,
+military, and literary worlds, _into the third section_ (the secret
+police), and even into the imperial palace."[26]
+
+"All this unclean society must be divided into several categories, the
+first composed of those who are condemned to death without delay." (Sec.
+15.) ... "In the first place must be destroyed the men most inimical to
+the revolutionary organization and whose violent and sudden death can
+frighten the Government the most and break its power in depriving it of
+energetic and intelligent agents." (Sec. 16.) "The second category must
+be composed of people to whom we concede life provisionally, in order
+that by a series of monstrous acts they may drive the people into
+inevitable revolt." (Sec. 17.) "To the third category belong a great
+number of animals in high position or of individuals who are remarkable
+neither for their mind nor for their energy, but who, by their position,
+have wealth, connections, influence, power. We must exploit them in
+every possible manner, overreach them, deceive them, and, _getting hold
+of their dirty secrets_, make them our slaves." (Sec. 18.) ... "The
+fourth class is composed of sundry ambitious persons in the service of
+the State and of liberals of various shades of opinion. With them we can
+conspire after their own program, pretending to follow them blindly. We
+must take them in our hands, _seize their secrets, compromise them
+completely_, in such a way that retreat becomes impossible for them, so
+as to make use of them in bringing about disturbances in the State."
+(Sec. 19.) "The fifth category is composed of doctrinaires,
+conspirators, revolutionists, and of those who babble at meetings and on
+paper. We must urge these on and draw them incessantly into practical
+and perilous manifestations, which will result in making the majority of
+them disappear, while making some of them genuine revolutionists." (Sec.
+20.) "The sixth category is very important. They are the women, who must
+be divided into three classes: the first, frivolous women, without mind
+or heart, which we must use in the same manner as the third and fourth
+categories of men; the second, the ardent, devoted, and capable women,
+but who are not ours because they have not reached a practical
+revolutionary understanding, without phrase--we must make use of these
+like the men of the fifth category; finally, the women who are entirely
+with us, that is to say, completely initiated and having accepted our
+program in its entirety. We ought to consider them as the most precious
+of our treasures, without whose help we can do nothing." (Sec. 21.)[27]
+
+The last section of the "Catechism" treats of the duty of the
+association toward the people. "The Society has no other end than the
+complete emancipation and happiness of the people, namely, of the
+laborers. But, convinced that this emancipation and this happiness can
+only be reached by means of an all-destroying popular revolution, _the
+Society will use every means and every effort to increase and intensify
+the evils and sorrows_, which must at last exhaust the patience of the
+people and excite them to insurrection _en masse_. By a popular
+revolution the Society does not mean a movement regulated according to
+the classic patterns of the West, which, always restrained in the face
+of property and of the traditional social order of so-called
+civilization and morality, has hitherto been limited merely to
+exchanging one form of political organization for another, and to the
+creating of a so-called revolutionary State. The only revolution that
+can do any good to the people is that which utterly annihilates every
+idea of the State and overthrows all traditions, orders, and classes in
+Russia. With this end in view, the Society has no intention of imposing
+on the people any organization whatever coming from above. The future
+organization will, without doubt, proceed from the movement and life of
+the people; but that is the business of future generations. Our task is
+terrible, total, inexorable, and universal destruction."[28] These are
+in brief the tactics and principles of terrorism, as understood by
+Bakounin and Nechayeff. As only the criminal world shared these views in
+any degree, the "Catechism" ends: "We have got to unite ourselves with
+the adventurer's world of the brigands, who are the veritable and unique
+revolutionists of Russia."[29]
+
+It is customary now to credit most of these writings to Nechayeff,
+although Bakounin himself, I believe, never denied that they were his,
+and no one can read them without noting the ear-marks of both Bakounin's
+thought and style. In any case, Nechayeff was constantly with Bakounin
+in the spring and summer of 1869, and the most important of these
+brochures were published in Geneva in the summer of that year. And,
+while it may be said for Bakounin that he nowhere else advocates all the
+varied criminal methods advised in these publications, there is hardly
+an argument for their use that is not based upon his well-known views.
+Furthermore, Nechayeff was primarily a man of action, and in a letter,
+which is printed hereafter, it appears that he urgently requested
+Bakounin to develop some of his theories in a Russian journal.
+Evidently, then, Nechayeff had little confidence in his own power of
+expression. We must, however, leave the question of paternity undecided
+and follow the latter to Russia, where he went late in the summer,
+loaded down with his arsenal of revolutionary literature and burning to
+put into practice the principles of the "Catechism."
+
+Without following in detail his devious and criminal work, one brief
+tale will explain how his revolutionary activities were brought quickly
+to an end. There was in Moscow, so the story runs, a gentle, kindly, and
+influential member of Nechayeff's society. Of ascetic disposition, this
+Iwanof spent much of his time in freely educating the peasants and in
+assisting the poorer students. He starved himself to establish cheap
+eating houses, which became the centers of the revolutionary groups.
+The police finally closed his establishments, because Nechayeff had
+placarded them with revolutionary appeals. Iwanof, quite unhappy at this
+ending of his usefulness, begged Nechayeff to permit him to retire from
+the secret society. Nechayeff was, however, in fear that Iwanof might
+betray the secrets of the society, and he went one night with two fellow
+conspirators and shot Iwanof and threw the corpse into a pond. The
+police, in following up the murder, sought out Nechayeff, who had
+already fled from Russia and was hurrying back to Bakounin in
+Switzerland.
+
+From January until July, 1870, he was constantly with Bakounin, but
+quarrels began to arise between them in June, and Bakounin writes in a
+letter to Ogaref: "Our _boy_ (Nechayeff) is very stubborn, and I, when
+once I make a decision, am not accustomed to change it. Therefore, the
+break with him, on my side at least seems inevitable."[30] In the middle
+of July it was discovered that Nechayeff was once more carrying out the
+ethics they had jointly evolved, and, in order to make Bakounin his
+slave, had recourse to all sorts of "Jesuitical maneuvers, of lies and
+of thefts." Suddenly he disappeared from Geneva, and Bakounin and other
+Russians discovered that they had been robbed of all their papers and
+confidential letters. Soon it was learned that Nechayeff had presented
+himself to Talandier in London, and Bakounin hastened to write to his
+friend an explanation of their relations. "It may appear strange to you
+that we advise you to repulse a man to whom we gave letters of
+recommendation, written in the most cordial terms. But these letters
+date from the month of May, and there have happened since some events so
+serious that they have forced us to break all connections with
+Nechayeff." ... "It is perfectly true that Nechayeff is more persecuted
+by the Russian Government than any other man.... It is also true that
+Nechayeff is one of the most active and most energetic men that I have
+ever met. When it is a question of serving what he calls _the_ cause, he
+does not hesitate, he stops at nothing, and is as pitiless toward
+himself as toward all others. That is the principal quality which
+attracted me to him and which made me for a long time seek his
+coöperation. There are those who pretend that he is nothing but a
+sharper, but that is a lie. He is a devoted fanatic, but at the same
+time a dangerous fanatic, with whom an alliance could only prove very
+disastrous for everyone concerned. This is the reason: He first belonged
+to a secret society which, in reality, existed in Russia. This society
+exists no more; all its members have been arrested. Nechayeff alone
+remains, and alone he constitutes to-day what he calls the 'Committee.'
+The Russian organization in Russia having been destroyed, he is forced
+to create a new one in a foreign country. All that was perfectly
+natural, legitimate, very useful--but the means by which he undertakes
+it are detestable.... He will spy on you and will try to get possession
+of all your secrets, and to do that, in your absence, left alone in your
+room, he will open all your drawers, will read all your correspondence,
+and whenever a letter appears interesting to him, that is to say,
+compromising you or one of your friends from one point of view or
+another, he will steal it, and will guard it carefully as a document
+against you or your friend.... If you have presented him to a friend,
+his first care will be to sow between you seeds of discord, scandal,
+intrigue--in a word, to set you two at variance. If your friend has a
+wife or a daughter, he will try to seduce her, to lead her astray, and
+to force her away from the conventional morality and throw her into a
+revolutionary protest against society.... Do not cry out that this is
+exaggeration. It has all been fully developed and proved. Seeing himself
+unmasked, this poor Nechayeff is indeed so childlike, so simple, in
+spite of his systematic perversity, that he believed it possible to
+convert me. He has even gone so far as to beg me to consent to develop
+this theory in a Russian journal which he proposed to me to establish.
+He has betrayed the confidence of us all, he has stolen our letters, he
+has horribly compromised us--in a word, he has acted like a villain. His
+only excuse is his fanaticism. He is a terribly ambitious man without
+knowing it, because he has at last completely identified the
+revolutionary cause with his own person. But he is not an egoist in the
+worst sense of that word, because he risks his own person terribly and
+leads the life of a martyr, of privations, and of unheard-of work. He is
+a fanatic, and fanaticism draws him on, even to the point of becoming an
+accomplished Jesuit. At moments he becomes simply stupid. Most of his
+lies are sewn with white thread.... In spite of this relative naïveté,
+he is very dangerous, because he daily commits acts, abuses of
+confidence, and treachery, against which it is all the more difficult to
+safeguard oneself because one hardly suspects the possibility. With all
+that, Nechayeff is a force, because he is an immense energy. It is with
+great pain that I have separated from him, because the service of our
+cause demands much energy, and one rarely finds it developed to such a
+point."[31]
+
+The irony of fate rarely executes itself quite so humorously. Although
+perfectly familiar with Nechayeff's philosophy of action for over a
+year, the viciousness of it appeared to Bakounin only when he himself
+became a victim. When Nechayeff arrived in London he began the
+publication of a Russian journal, the _Commune_, where he bitterly
+attacked Bakounin and his views. Early in the seventies, he was arrested
+and taken back to Russia, where he and over eighty others, mostly young
+men and women students, were tried for belonging to secret societies.
+For the first time in Russian history the court proceeding took place
+before a jury and in public. Most of those arrested were condemned for
+long periods to the mines of Siberia at forced labor, while Nechayeff
+was kept in solitary imprisonment until his death, some years later.
+
+Bakounin, on the other hand, remained in Switzerland and became the very
+soul of that element in Italy, Spain, and Switzerland which fought the
+policies of Marx in the International. At the same time he was training
+a group of youngsters to carry out in Western Europe the principles of
+revolution as laid down in his Russian publications. Over young
+middle-class youths, especially, Bakounin's magnetic power was
+extraordinary, and his followers were the faithful of the faithful. A
+very striking picture of Bakounin's hypnotic influence over this circle
+is to be found in the memoirs of Madame A. Bauler. She tells us of some
+Sundays she spent with Bakounin and his friends.
+
+"At the beginning," she says, "being unfamiliar with the Italian
+language, I did not even understand the general drift of the
+conversation, but, observing the faces of those present, I had the
+impression that something extraordinarily grave and solemn was taking
+place. The atmosphere of these conferences imbued me; it created in me a
+state of mind which I shall call, for want of a better term, an '_état
+de grâce_.' Faith increased; doubts vanished. The value of Bakounin
+became clear to me. His personality enlarged. I saw that his strength
+was in the power of taking possession of human souls. Beyond a doubt,
+all these men who were listening to him were ready to undertake
+anything, at the slightest word from him. I could picture to myself
+another gathering, less intimate, that of a great crowd, and I realized
+that there the influence of Bakounin would be the same. Only the
+enthusiasm, here gentle and intimate, would become incomparably more
+intense and the atmosphere more agitated by the mutual contagion of the
+human beings in a crowd.
+
+"At bottom, in what did the charm of Bakounin consist? I believe that it
+is impossible to define it exactly. It was not by the force of
+persuasion that he agitated. It was not his thought which awakened the
+thought of others. But he aroused every rebellious heart and awoke there
+an 'elemental' anger. And this anger, transplendent with beauty, became
+creative and showed to the exalted thirst for justice and happiness an
+issue and a possibility of accomplishment. 'The desire for destruction
+is at the same time a creative desire,' Bakounin has repeated to the end
+of his life."[32]
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[F] This formidable peasant insurrection occurred in 1669-1671. When
+Pougatchoff, a century later, in 1773-1775, urged the Cossacks and serfs
+to insurrection against Catherine II, the Russian people saw in him a
+new Stenka Razin; and they expected in Russia, in 1869 and the following
+years, a third centennial apparition of the legendary brigand who, in
+the minds of the oppressed people, personified revolt.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+A SERIES OF INSURRECTIONS
+
+
+At the beginning of the seventies Bakounin and his friends found opening
+before them a field of practical activity. On the whole, the sixties
+were spent in theorizing, in organizing, and in planning, but with the
+seventies the moment arrived "to unchain the hydra of revolution." On
+the 4th of September, 1870, the Third Republic was proclaimed in Paris,
+and a few days afterward there were many uprisings in the other cities
+of France. It was, however, only in Lyons that the Bakouninists played
+an important part. Bakounin had a fixed idea that, wherever there was an
+uprising of the people, there he must go, and he wrote to Adolphe Vogt
+on September 6: "My friends, the revolutionary socialists of Lyons, are
+calling me there. I am resolved to take my old bones thither and to play
+there what will probably be my last game. But, as usual, I have not a
+sou. Can you, I do not say lend me, but give me 500 or 400, or 300 or
+200, or even 100 francs, for my voyage?"[1] Guillaume does not state
+where the money finally came from, but Bakounin evidently raised it
+somehow, for he left Locarno on September 9. The night of the 11th he
+spent in Neuchâtel, where he conferred with Guillaume regarding the
+publication of a manuscript. On the 12th he arrived in Geneva, and two
+days later set out for Lyons, accompanied by two revolutionary
+enthusiasts, Ozerof and the young Pole, Valence Lankiewicz.
+
+Since the 4th of September a Committee of Public Safety had been
+installed at the Hôtel de Ville composed of republicans, radicals, and
+some militants of the International. Gaspard Blanc and Albert Richard,
+two intimate friends of Bakounin, were not members of this committee,
+and in a public meeting, September 8, Richard made a motion, which was
+carried, to name a standing commission of ten to act as the
+"intermediaries between the people of Lyons and the Committee of Public
+Safety." Three of these commissioners, Richard, Andrieux, and Jaclard,
+were then appointed to go as delegates to Paris in order to come to some
+understanding with the Government. Andrieux, in the days of the Empire,
+had acquired fame as a revolutionist by proposing at a meeting to burn
+the ledger of the public debt. It seems, however, that these close and
+trusted friends of Bakounin began immediately upon their arrival in
+Paris to solicit various public positions remunerative to themselves,[2]
+and, although they succeeded in having General Cluseret sent to take
+command of the voluntary corps then forming in the department of the
+Rhone, that proved, as we shall see, most disastrous of all.
+
+This is about all that had happened previous to Bakounin's arrival in
+Lyons, and, when he came, there was confusion everywhere. Even the
+members of the Alliance had no clear idea of what ought to be done.
+Bakounin, however, was an old hand at insurrections, and in a little
+lodging house where he and his friends were staying a new uprising was
+planned. He lost no time in getting hold of all the men of action. Under
+his energetic leadership "public meetings were multiplied and assumed a
+character of unheard-of violence. The most sanguinary motions were
+introduced and welcomed with enthusiasm. They openly provoked revolt in
+order to overthrow the laws and the established order of things."[3] On
+September 19 Bakounin wrote to Ogaref: "There is so much work to do that
+it turns my head. The real revolution has not yet burst forth here, but
+it will come. Everything possible is being done to prepare for it. I am
+playing a great game. I hope to see the approaching triumph."[4]
+
+A great public meeting was held on the 24th, presided over by Eugène
+Saignes, a plasterer and painter, and a man of energy and influence
+among the Lyons workmen, at which various questions relative to proposed
+political changes were voted upon. But it was the following day, the
+25th, that probably the most notable event of the insurrection took
+place. "The next day, Sunday, was employed," Guillaume says, "in the
+drawing up and printing of a great red placard, containing the program
+of the revolution which the Central Committee of Safety of France
+proposed to the people...."[5] The first article of the program
+declares: "The administrative and governmental machinery of the State,
+having become powerless, is abolished. The people of France once again
+enter into full possession of themselves." The second article suspends
+"all civil and criminal courts," and replaces them "by the justice of
+the people." The third suspends "the payment of taxes and of mortgages."
+The fourth declares that "the State, having decayed, can no longer
+intervene in the payment of private debts." The fifth states that "all
+existing municipal organizations are broken up and replaced in all the
+federated communes by Committees of Safety of France, which will
+exercise all powers under the immediate control of the people." The
+revolution was at last launched, and the placard ends, "_Aux
+Armes!!!_"[6]
+
+While the Bakouninists were decreeing the revolution by posters and
+vainly calling the people to arms, an event occurred in Lyons which
+brought to them a very useful contingent of fighters. The Lyons
+municipality had just reduced the pay of the workers in the national
+dock yards from three to two and a half francs a day, and, on this
+account, these laborers joined the ranks of the insurgents. On the
+evening of September 27 a meeting of the Central Committee of Safety of
+France took place, and there a definite plan of action for the next day
+was decided upon. Velay, a tulle maker and municipal councillor,
+Bakounin, and others advised an armed manifestation, but the majority
+expressed itself in favor of a peaceful one. An executive committee
+composed of eight members signed the following proclamation, drawn up by
+Gaspard Blanc, which was printed during the night and posted early the
+next morning: "The people of Lyons ... are summoned, through the organ
+of their assembled popular committees, to a popular manifestation to be
+held to-day, September 28, at noon, on the _Place des Terreaux_, in
+order to force the authority to take immediately the most energetic and
+efficacious measures for the national defense."[7]
+
+Turning again to Guillaume, we find "At noon many thousands of men
+pressed together on the _Place des Terreaux_. A delegation of sixteen of
+the national dock-yard workmen entered the Hôtel de Ville to demand of
+the Municipal Council the reëstablishment of their wage to three francs
+a day, but the Council was not in session. Very soon a movement began in
+the crowd, and a hundred resolute men, Saignes at their head, forcing
+the door of the Hôtel de Ville, penetrated the municipal building. Some
+members of the Central Committee of Safety of France, Bakounin,
+Parraton, Bastelica, and others, went in with them. From the balcony,
+Saignes announced that the Municipal Council was to be compelled to
+accept the program of the red proclamation of September 26 or to resign,
+and he proposed to name Cluseret general of the revolutionary army.
+Cluseret, cheered by the crowd, appeared in the balcony, thanked them,
+and announced that he was going to Croix-Rousse" (the working-class
+district).[8] He went there, it is true, but not to call to arms the
+national guards of that quarter. Indeed, his aim appears to have been to
+avoid a conflict, and he simply asked the workers "to come down _en
+masse_ and without arms."[9] In the meantime the national guards of the
+wealthier quarters of the city hastened to the Hôtel de Ville and
+penetrated the interior court, while the Committee of Safety of France
+installed itself inside the building. There they passed two or three
+hours in drawing up resolutions, while Bakounin and others in vain
+protested: "We must act. We are losing time. We are going to be invaded
+by the national bourgeois guard. It is necessary to arrest immediately
+the prefect, the mayor, and General Mazure."[10] But their words went
+unheeded. And all the while the bourgeois guards were massing themselves
+before the Hôtel de Ville, and Cluseret and his unarmed manifestants
+were yielding place to them. In fact, Cluseret even persuaded the
+members of the Committee of Safety to retire and those of the Municipal
+Council to return to their seats, which they consented to do.
+
+Bakounin made a last desperate effort to save the situation and to
+induce the insurgents to oppose force to force, but they would not. Even
+Albert Richard failed him. The Revolutionary committee, after parleying
+with the Municipal Councillors, then evacuated the Hôtel de Ville and
+contented itself with issuing a statement to the effect that "The
+delegates of the people have not believed it their duty to impose
+themselves on the Municipal Council by violence and have retired when it
+went into session, leaving it to the people to fully appreciate the
+situation."[11] "At the moment," says Guillaume, "when ... Mayor Hénon,
+with an escort of national bourgeois guards, reëntered the Hôtel de
+Ville, he met Bakounin in the hall of the _Pas-Perdus_. The mayor
+immediately ordered his companions to take him in custody and to confine
+him at once in an underground hiding-place."[12] The Municipal
+Councillors then opened their session and pledged that no pursuit should
+be instituted in view of the happenings of the day. They voted to
+reëstablish the former wage of the national dock-yard workers, but
+declared themselves unable to undertake the revolutionary measures
+proposed by the Committee of Safety of France, as these were outside
+their legal province.
+
+In the meantime Bakounin was undergoing an experience far from pleasant,
+if we are to judge from the account which he gives in a letter written
+the following day: "Some used me brutally in all sorts of ways, jostling
+me about, pushing me, pinching me, twisting my arms and hands. I must,
+however, admit that others cried: 'Do not harm him.' In truth the
+bourgeoisie showed itself what it is everywhere: brutal and cowardly.
+For you know that I was delivered by some sharpshooters who put to
+flight three or four times their number of these heroic shopkeepers
+armed with their rifles. I was delivered, but of all the objects which
+had been stolen from me by these gentlemen I was able to find only my
+revolver. My memorandum book and my purse, which contained 165 francs
+and some sous, without doubt stayed in the hands of these gentlemen....
+I beg you to reclaim them in my name. You will send them to me when you
+have recovered them."[13]
+
+As a matter of fact, it was at the instance of his follower, Ozerof,
+that Bakounin was finally delivered. When he came forth from the Hôtel
+de Ville, the Committee of Safety of France and its thousands of
+sympathizers had disappeared, and he found himself practically alone. He
+spent the night at the house of a friend, and departed for Marseilles
+the next day, after writing the following letter to Palix: "My dear
+friend, I do not wish to leave Lyons without having said a last word of
+farewell to you. Prudence keeps me from coming to shake hands with you
+for the last time. I have nothing more to do here. I came to Lyons to
+fight or to die with you. I came because I am profoundly convinced that
+the cause of France has become again, at this supreme hour, ... the
+cause of humanity. I have taken part in yesterday's movement, and I have
+signed my name to the resolutions of the Committee of Safety of France,
+because it is evident to me that, after the real and certain destruction
+of all the administrative and governmental machinery, there is nothing
+but the immediate and revolutionary action of the people which can save
+France.... The movement of yesterday, if it had been successful ...
+could have saved Lyons and France.... I leave Lyons, dear friend, with a
+heart full of sadness and somber forebodings. I begin to think now that
+it is finished with France.... She will become a viceroyalty of Germany.
+_In place of her living and real socialism,[G] we shall have the
+doctrinaire socialism of the Germans_, who will say no more than the
+Prussian bayonets will permit them to say. The bureaucratic and military
+intelligence of Prussia, combined with the knout of the Czar of St.
+Petersburg, are going to assure peace and public order for at least
+fifty years on the whole continent of Europe. Farewell, liberty!
+Farewell, socialism! Farewell, justice for the people and the triumph of
+humanity! All that could have grown out of the present disaster of
+France. All that would have grown out of it if the people of France, if
+the people of Lyons, had wished it."[14]
+
+The insurrection at Lyons and Bakounin's decree abolishing the State
+amounted to very little in the history of the French Republic. Writing
+afterward to Professor Edward Spencer Beesly, Karl Marx comments on the
+events that had taken place in Lyons: "At the beginning everything went
+well," he writes. "Under the pressure of the section of the
+International, the Republic had been proclaimed at Lyons before it had
+been at Paris. A revolutionary government was immediately established,
+namely the _Commune_, composed in part of workmen belonging to the
+International, in part of bourgeois radical republicans.... But those
+blunderers, Bakounin and Cluseret, arrived at Lyons and spoiled
+everything. Both being members of the International, they had
+unfortunately enough influence to lead our friends astray. The Hôtel de
+Ville was taken, for a moment only, and very ridiculous decrees on the
+_abolition of the State_ and other nonsense were issued. You understand
+that the fact alone of a Russian--whom the newspapers of the bourgeoisie
+represented as an agent of Bismarck--pretending to thrust himself at the
+head of a _Committee of Safety of France_ was quite sufficient to change
+completely public opinion. As to Cluseret, he behaved at once like an
+idiot and a coward. These two men left Lyons after their failure."[15]
+Bakounin's so-called abolition of the State appealed to the humor of
+Marx. He speaks of it in another place in these words: "Then arrived the
+critical moment, the moment longed for since many years, when Bakounin
+was able to accomplish the most revolutionary act the world has ever
+seen: he decreed the _abolition of the State_. But the State, in the
+form and aspect of two companies of national bourgeois guards, entered
+by a door which they had forgotten to guard, swept the hall, and caused
+Bakounin to hasten back along the road to Geneva."[16]
+
+Such indeed was the humiliating and vexatious ending of Bakounin's dream
+of an immediate social revolution. His sole reward was to be jostled,
+pinched, and robbed. This was perhaps most tragic of all, especially
+when added to this injury there was the further indignity of allowing
+the father of terrorism to keep his revolver. The incident is one that
+George Meredith should have immortalized in another of his "Tragic
+Comedians." However, although the insurrection at Lyons was a complete
+failure, the Commune of Paris was really a spontaneous and memorable
+working-class uprising. The details of that insurrection, the
+legislation of the Commune itself, and its violent suppression on May
+28, 1871, are not strictly germane to this chapter, because, in fact,
+the Bakouninists played no part in it. In the case of Lyons, the
+revolution maker was at work; in the case of Paris, "The working class,"
+says Marx, "did not expect miracles from the Commune. They have no
+ready-made utopias to introduce _par décret du peuple_. They know that
+in order to work out their own emancipation, and along with it that
+higher form to which present society is irresistibly tending, by its own
+economic agencies, they will have to pass through long struggles,
+through a series of historic processes, transforming circumstances and
+men."[H] But, while Marx wrote in this manner of the Paris Commune, he
+evidently had in mind men of the type of Bakounin when he declared: "In
+every revolution there intrude, at the side of its true agents, men of a
+different stamp; some of them survivors of and devotees to past
+revolutions, ... others mere bawlers, who by dint of repeating year
+after year the same set of stereotyped declamations against the
+Government of the day have sneaked into the reputation of revolutionists
+of the first water. After the 18th of March some such men turned up, and
+in some cases contrived to play preeminent parts. As far as their power
+went, they hampered the real action of the working class, exactly as men
+of that sort have hampered the full development of every previous
+revolution. They are an unavoidable evil; with time they are shaken off;
+but time was not allowed to the Commune."[17]
+
+The despair of Bakounin over the miserable ending of his great plans for
+the salvation of France had, of course, disappeared long before the
+revolution broke out in Spain, and he easily persuaded himself that his
+presence there was absolutely necessary to insure its success. "I have
+always felt and thought," he wrote in the _Mémoire justificatif_, "that
+the most desirable end for me would be to fall in the midst of a great
+revolutionary storm."[18] Consequently, in the summer of the year 1873,
+when the uprising gave promise of victory to the insurgents, Bakounin
+decided that he must go and, to do so, that he must have money. Bakounin
+then wrote to his wealthy young disciple, Cafiero, in a symbolic
+language which they had worked out between them, declaring his intention
+of going to Spain and asking him to furnish the necessary money for his
+expenses. As usual, Bakounin became melodramatic in his effort to work
+upon the impressionable Cafiero, and, as he put it afterward in the
+_Mémoire justificatif_, "I added a prayer that he would become the
+protector of my wife and my children, in case I should fall in
+Spain."[19] Cafiero, who at this time worshiped Bakounin, pleaded with
+him not to risk his precious life in Spain. He promised to do everything
+possible for his family in case he persisted in going, but he sent no
+money, whether because he did not have it or because he did not wish
+Bakounin to go is not clear. Bakounin now wrote to Guillaume that he was
+greatly disappointed not to be able to take part in the Spanish
+revolution, but that it was impossible for him to do so without money.
+Guillaume admits that he was not convinced of the absolute necessity of
+Bakounin's presence in Spain, but, nevertheless, since he desired to go
+there, Guillaume offered to secure for him fifteen hundred francs to
+make the journey. On the receipt of this news, Bakounin answered
+Guillaume that the sum would be wholly insufficient.
+
+If, however, the Spanish revolution was forced to proceed without
+Bakounin, his influence in that country was not wanting. In the year
+1873 the Spanish sections of the International were among the largest
+and most numerous in Europe. At the time of the congress of Cordova,
+which assembled at the close of the year 1872, three hundred and
+thirty-one sections with over twenty-five thousand members expressed
+themselves in favor of "anarchist and collectivist" principles. The
+trade unions were very active, and they formed the basis of the Spanish
+movement. They had numerous organs of propaganda, and the general
+unrest, both political and economic, led for a time to an extraordinary
+development in revolutionary ideas.
+
+On February 11, 1873, the king abdicated and a republic was proclaimed.
+Insurrections broke out in all parts of Spain. At Barcelona, Cartagena,
+Murcia, Cadiz, Seville, Granada, and Valencia there existed a state of
+civil war, while throughout the industrial districts strikes were both
+frequent and violent. Demands were made on all sides for shorter hours
+and increase of wages. At Alcoy ten thousand workingmen declared a
+general strike, and, when the municipal authorities opposed them, they
+took the town by storm. In some cases the strikers lent their support to
+the republicans; in other cases they followed the ideas of Bakounin, and
+openly declared they had no concern for the republic. The changes in the
+government were numerous. Indeed, for three years Spain, politically and
+industrially, was in a state of chaos. At times the revolt of the
+workers was suppressed with the utmost brutality. Their leaders were
+arrested, their papers suppressed, and their meetings dispersed with
+bloodshed. At other times they were allowed to riot for weeks if the
+turbulence promised to aid the intrigues of the politicians.
+
+A lively discussion took place as to the wisdom of the tactics employed
+by the anarchists in Spain. Frederick Engels severely criticised the
+position of the Bakouninists in two articles which he published in the
+_Volksstaat_. He reviewed the events that had taken place during the
+summer of 1873, and he condemned the folly of the anarchists, who had
+refused to coöperate with the other revolutionary forces in Spain. In
+his opinion, the workers were simply wasting their energy and lives in
+pursuit of a distant and unattainable end. "Spain is a country so
+backward industrially," he wrote, "that it cannot be a question there of
+the immediate complete emancipation of the workers. Before arriving at
+that stage, Spain will still have to pass through diverse phases of
+development and struggle against a whole series of obstacles. The
+republic furnished the means of passing through these phases most
+rapidly and of removing these obstacles most quickly. But, to accomplish
+that, the Spanish proletariat would have had to launch boldly into
+active _politics_. The mass of the working people realized this, and
+everywhere demanded that they should take part in what was happening,
+that they should profit by the opportunities to act, instead of leaving,
+as formerly, the field free to the action and intrigues of the
+possessing classes. The government ordered elections for the Cortès
+members. What position should the International take? The leaders of the
+Bakouninists were in the greatest dilemma. A continued political
+inactivity appeared more ridiculous and more impossible from day to day.
+The workers wanted to 'see deeds.' On the other hand, the _alliancistes_
+(Bakouninists) had preached for years that one ought not to take part in
+any revolution that had not for its end the immediate and entire
+emancipation of the workers, that participation in any political action
+constituted an acceptance of the principle of the State, that source of
+all evil, and that especially taking part in any election was a mortal
+sin."[20]
+
+The anarchists were of course very bitter over this attack on their
+policies, and they concluded that the socialists had become
+reactionaries who no longer sought the emancipation of the working
+class. They were more than incensed at the reference Engels had made to
+an act of the insurgents of Cartagena, who, in order to gain allies in
+their struggle, had armed the convicts of a prison, "eighteen hundred
+villains, the most dangerous robbers and murderers of Spain."[21]
+According to Engels' information, this infamous act had been undertaken
+upon the advice of Bakounin, but, whether or not that is true, it was a
+fatal mistake that brought utter disaster to the insurgents.
+
+Certainly of this fact there can be no question--the divisions among the
+revolutionary forces in Spain, which Engels deplored, resulted, after
+many months of fighting, in returning to power the most reactionary
+elements in Spain. And this was foreseen, as even before the end of the
+summer Bakounin had despaired of success. In his opinion, the Spanish
+revolution miscarried miserably, "for want," as he afterward wrote, "of
+energy and revolutionary spirit in the leaders as well as in the masses.
+And all the rest of the world was plunged," he lamented, "into the most
+dismal reaction."[22]
+
+France and Spain, having now failed to launch the universal revolution,
+Bakounin's hopes turned to Italy, where a series of artificial uprisings
+among the almost famished peasants was being stirred up by his
+followers. Their greatest activity was during the first two weeks in
+August of the next year, 1874, and the three main centers were Bologna,
+Romagna, and Apulia. In spite of the fact that the followers of Mazzini
+were opposed to the International, an attempt was made in the summer of
+1874 by some Italian socialists (Celso Cerretti among others), to effect
+a union in order that by common action they might work more
+advantageously against the monarchy. Garibaldi, to whom these socialists
+appealed, at first disapproved of any reconciliation with Bakounin and
+his friends, but later allowed himself to be persuaded. A meeting of the
+Mazzinian leaders to discuss the matter convened August 2 at the village
+of Ruffi. The older members were opposed to all common action, while the
+younger elements desired it. However, before an agreement was reached,
+twenty-eight Mazzinians were arrested, among them Saffi, Fortis, and
+Valzania. Three days later, the police succeeded in arresting Andrea
+Costa, for whom they had been searching for more than a year on account
+of his participation in the International congress at Geneva. Although
+these events were something of a setback, the revolutionists decided
+that they had gone too far to retreat. It was then that Bakounin wrote:
+"And now, my friends, there remains nothing more for me but to die.
+Farewell!"[23] On the way to Italy he wrote to his friend, Guillaume,
+saying good-by to him and announcing, without explanation, that he was
+journeying to Italy to take part in a struggle from which he would not
+return alive. On his arrival in that country, however, he carefully
+concealed himself in a small house where only the revolutionary
+"intimates" could see him.
+
+The nights of August 7 and 8 had been chosen for the insurrection which
+was to burst forth in Bologna and thence to extend, first to Romagna,
+and afterward to the Marches and Tuscany. A group of Bologna insurgents,
+reinforced by about three thousand others from Romagna, were to enter
+Bologna by the San Felice gate. Another group would enter the arsenal,
+the doors of which would be opened by two non-commissioned officers, and
+take possession of the arms and ammunition, carrying them to the Church
+of Santa Annunziata, where all the guns should be stored. At certain
+places in the city material was already gathered with which to improvise
+barricades. One hundred republicans had promised to take part in the
+movement, not as a group, but individually. On the 7th copies of the
+proclamation of the Italian Committee for the Social Revolution were
+distributed throughout the city, calling the masses to arms and urging
+the soldiers to make common cause with the people. During the nights of
+the 7th and 8th, groups from Bologna assembled at the appointed places
+of meeting outside the walls, but the Romagna comrades did not come, or
+at least came in very small numbers. Those from Imola were surrounded in
+their march, some being arrested and others being forced to retreat. At
+dawn the insurgents who had gathered under the walls of Bologna
+dispersed, some taking refuge in the mountains. Bakounin had been alone
+during the night, and became convinced that the insurrection had failed.
+He was trying to make up his mind to commit suicide, when his friend,
+Silvio, arrived and told him that all was not lost and that perhaps
+other attempts might yet be made. The following day Bakounin was removed
+to another retreat of greater safety, as numerous arrests had been made
+at Bologna, Imola, Romagna, the Marches, as well as in Florence, Rome,
+and other parts of Italy.
+
+About the same time a conspiracy similar to that undertaken at Bologna
+was launched by Enrico Malatesta and some friends in Apulia. A heavy
+chest of guns had been dispatched from Tarentum to a station in the
+province of Bari, from which it was carried on a cart to the old
+château of _Castel del Monte_, which had been chosen as the rendezvous.
+"Many hundreds of conspirators," Malatesta recounts, "had promised to
+meet at _Castel del Monte_. I arrived, but of all those who had sworn to
+be there we found ourselves six. No matter. We opened the box of arms
+and found it was filled with old percussion guns, but that made no
+difference. We armed ourselves and declared war on the Italian army. We
+roamed the country for some days, trying to gain over the peasants, but
+meeting with no response. The second day we met eight _carabinieri_, who
+opened fire on us and imagined that we were very numerous. Three days
+later we discovered that we were surrounded by soldiers. There remained
+only one thing to do. We buried the guns and decided to disperse. I hid
+myself in a load of hay, and thus succeeded in escaping from the
+dangerous region."[24] An attempt at insurrection also took place in
+Romagna, but it appears to have been limited to cutting the telegraph
+wires between Bologna and Imola.
+
+Back of all the Italian riots lay a serious economic condition. The
+peasants were in very deep distress, and it was not difficult for the
+Bakouninists to stir them to revolt. The _Bulletin_ of the Jura
+Federation of August 16 informs us: "During the last two years there
+have been about sixty riots produced by hunger; but the rioters, in
+their ignorance, only bore a grudge against the immediate monopolists,
+and did not know how to discern the fundamental causes of their
+misery."[25] This is all too plainly shown in the events of 1874. Beyond
+giving the Bakouninists a chance to play at revolution, there is little
+significance in the Italian uprisings of that year.
+
+The failure of the various insurrections in France, Spain, and Italy
+was, naturally enough, discouraging to Bakounin and his followers. The
+Commune of Paris was the one uprising that had made any serious
+impression upon the people, and it was the one wherein the Bakouninists
+had played no important part. The others had failed miserably, with no
+other result than that of increasing the power of reaction, while
+discouraging and disorganizing the workers. Even Bakounin had now
+reached the point where he was thoroughly disillusioned, and he wrote to
+his friends that he was exhausted, disheartened, and without hope. He
+desired, he said, to withdraw from the movement which made him the
+object of the persecutions of the police and the calumnies of the
+jealous. The whole world was in the evening of a black reaction, he
+thought, and he wrote to the truest and most devoted of all that loyal
+circle of Swiss workmen, James Guillaume, that the time for
+revolutionary struggles was past and that Europe had entered into a
+period of profound reaction, of which the present generation would
+probably not see the end. "He urged me," relates Guillaume, "to imitate
+himself and 'to make my peace with the bourgeoisie.'"[26] "It is
+useless," are Bakounin's words, "to wish obstinately to obtain the
+impossible. It is necessary to recognize reality and to realize that,
+for the moment, the popular masses do not wish socialism. And, if some
+tipplers of the mountains desire on this account to accuse you of
+treason, you will have for yourself the witness of your conscience and
+the esteem of your friends."[27]
+
+In July, 1873, Bakounin retired to an estate that had been bought for
+him through the generosity of Cafiero, on the route from Locarno to
+Bellinzona, and for the next few months lavish expenditures were made in
+the construction and reconstruction of an establishment where the
+"intimates" could be entertained. That fall Bakounin wrote to the Jura
+Federation, announcing his retreat from public life and requesting it to
+accept his resignation. "For acting in this way," he wrote, "I have many
+reasons. Do not believe that it is principally on account of the
+personal attacks of which I have been made the object these last years.
+I do not say that I am absolutely insensible to such. However, I would
+feel myself strong enough to resist them if I thought that my further
+participation in your work and in your struggles could aid in the
+triumph of the cause of the proletariat. But I do not think so.
+
+"By my birth and my personal position, and doubtless by my sympathies
+and my tendencies, I am only a bourgeois, and, as such, I could not do
+anything else among you but propaganda. Well, I have a conviction that
+the time for great theoretical discourses, whether printed or spoken, is
+past. In the last nine years there have been developed within the
+International more ideas than would be necessary to save the world, if
+ideas alone could save it, and I defy anybody to invent a new one."[28]
+
+This letter in reality marks the end of Bakounin's activity in the
+revolutionary movement. After squandering most of Cafiero's fortune,
+Bakounin sought a martyr's death in Italy, but in this, as in all his
+other exploits, he was unsuccessful. And from that time on to his death
+his life is a humiliating story as he sought here and there the
+necessary money for his livelihood. Nearly always he had been forced to
+live from hand to mouth. Money, money, money was the burden of hundreds
+of his letters. In order to obtain funds he had resorted to almost every
+possible plan. He had accepted money in advance from publishers for
+books which he had never had time to write. From time to time he would
+find an almoner to care for him, only in the end to lose him through
+his importunate and exacting demands. An account is given by Guillaume
+of what I believe is the last meeting between Bakounin and certain of
+his old friends in September, 1874. Ross, Cafiero, Spichiger, and
+Guillaume met Bakounin in a hotel at Neuchâtel. Guillaume, it appears,
+was cold and unfeeling; Cafiero and Ross said nothing, while Spichiger
+wept silently in a corner. "The explicit declaration made by me ..."
+says Guillaume, "took away from Bakounin at the very beginning all hope
+of a change in our estimation of him. It was also a question of money in
+this last interview. We offered to assure to our old friend a monthly
+pension of 300 francs, expressing the hope that he would continue to
+write, but he refused to accept anything. As a set-off, he asked Cafiero
+to loan him 3,000 francs (no longer 5,000), ... and Cafiero replied that
+he would do it. Then we separated sadly."[29]
+
+On the first of July, 1876, Bakounin, after a brief illness, died at
+Bern at the house of his old friend, Dr. Vogt. The press of Europe
+printed various comments upon his life and work. The anarchists wrote
+their eulogies, while the socialists generally deplored the ruinous and
+disrupting tactics that Bakounin had employed in the International
+Working Men's Association. This story will be told later, but it is well
+to mention here that since 1869 an unbridgeable chasm had opened itself
+between the anarchists and the socialists. When they first came together
+in the International there was no clear distinction between them, but,
+after Bakounin was expelled from that organization in 1872, at The
+Hague, his followers frankly called themselves anarchists, while the
+followers of Marx called themselves socialists. In principles and
+tactics they were poles apart, and the bitterness between them was at
+fever heat. The anarchists took the principles of Bakounin and still
+further elaborated them, while his methods were developed from
+conspiratory insurrections to individual acts of violence. While the
+idea of the Propaganda of the Deed is to be found in the writings of
+Bakounin and Nechayeff, it was left to others to put into practice that
+doctrine. For the next thirty years the principles and ideals of
+anarchism made no appreciable headway, but the deeds of the anarchists
+became the talk and, to a degree, the terror of the world.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[G] Previous to 1848, socialism was used by Robert Owen and his
+followers, as well as by many French idealists, to mean phalansteries,
+colonies, or other voluntary communal undertakings. Marx and Engels at
+first called themselves "communists," and were thus distinguished from
+these earlier socialists. During the period of the International all its
+members began more and more to call themselves "socialists." The word,
+anarchism, was rarely used. As a matter of fact, it was the struggle in
+the International which eventually clarified the views of both
+anarchists and socialists and made clear the distinctions now recognized
+between communism, anarchism, and socialism. See Chapter VIII, _infra_.
+
+[H] This is from "The Commune of Paris," which was read by Marx to the
+General Council of the International on May 30, two days after the last
+of the combatants of the Commune were crushed by superior numbers on the
+heights of Belleville.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE PROPAGANDA OF THE DEED
+
+
+The insurrections in France and Spain were on the whole spontaneous
+uprisings, but those disturbances in Italy in which the anarchists
+played a part were largely the result of agitation. Of course, adverse
+political and economic conditions were the chief causes of that general
+spirit of unrest which was prevalent in the early seventies in all the
+Latin countries, but after 1874 the numerous riots in which the
+anarchists were active were almost entirely the work of enthusiasts who
+believed they could make revolutions. The results of the previous
+uprisings had a terribly depressing effect upon nearly all the older
+men, but there were four youths attached to Bakounin's insurrectionary
+ideas whose spirits were not bowed down by what had occurred. Carlo
+Cafiero, Enrico Malatesta, Paul Brousse, and Prince Kropotkin were at
+the period of life when action was a joyous thing, and they undertook to
+make history. Cafiero we know as a young Italian of very wealthy
+parents. Malatesta "had left the medical profession and also his fortune
+for the sake of the revolution."[1] Paul Brousse was of French
+parentage, and had already distinguished himself in medicine, but he
+cast it aside in his early devotion to anarchism. He had rushed to Spain
+when the revolution broke out there, and he was always ready to go
+where-ever an opportunity offered itself for revolutionary activity. The
+Russian prince, Kropotkin, the fourth member of the group, was a
+descendant of the Ruriks, and it was said sometimes, in jest, that he
+had more right to the Russian throne than Czar Alexander II. The
+fascinating story of his life is told in the "Memoirs of a
+Revolutionist," but modesty forbade him to say that no one since
+Bakounin has exercised so great an influence as himself over the
+principles and tactics of anarchism. Kropotkin first visited Switzerland
+in 1872, when he came in close contact with the men of the Jura
+Federation. A week's stay with the Bakouninists converted him, he says,
+to anarchism.[2] He then returned to St. Petersburg, and shortly after
+entered the famous circle of Tchaykovsky, and, as a result of his
+revolutionary activity, he was arrested and imprisoned in the Fortress
+of St. Peter and St. Paul. After his thrilling escape from prison, in
+1876, Kropotkin returned to Switzerland, and for several years gave
+himself up entirely to the cause of anarchism. These four young men, all
+far removed by training and position from the working class, after the
+death of Bakounin, devised the Propaganda of the Deed, a method of
+agitation that was destined to become famous throughout the world.
+
+Hitherto the Bakouninists had all been firmly convinced that the masses
+were ready to rise at a moment's notice in order to tear down the
+existing governments. They were obsessed with the idea that only a spark
+was needed to set the whole world into a general conflagration. But
+repeated failures taught them that the masses were inclined to make very
+little sacrifice for the sake of communism and that stupendous efforts
+were needed to create a revolution. It appeared to them, therefore, that
+the propaganda of words and of theories was of little avail.
+Consequently, these four youths, with their friends, set out to spread
+knowledge by acts of violence. Of course, they had not entirely given
+up the hope that a minority could, by a series of well-planned assaults,
+gradually sweep in after them the masses. But even should they fail in
+that, they felt that they must strike at the enemy, though they stood
+alone. Whatever happened, they argued, the acts themselves would prove
+of great propaganda value. Even the trials would enable them to use the
+courts as a tribune, and the bourgeois press itself would print their
+words and spread throughout the world their doctrines.
+
+In the _Bulletin_ of the Jura Federation, December 3, 1876, Cafiero and
+Malatesta wrote: "The great majority of Italian socialists are grouped
+about the program of the Italian Federation--a program which is
+anarchist, collectivist, and revolutionary. And the small number who, up
+to the present, have remained on the outside--the dupes of intrigues and
+lies--are all beginning to enter our organization. We do not refer to a
+small group who, influenced by personal considerations and reactionary
+ends, are trying to establish a propaganda which they call 'gradual and
+peaceful.' These have already been judged in the opinion of the Italian
+socialists and represent nothing but themselves.
+
+"The Italian Federation believes that the _insurrectionary deed_,
+destined to affirm socialist principles by acts, is the most efficacious
+means of propaganda."[3] The next year Paul Brousse originated the
+famous phrase, the Propaganda of the Deed. He reviews in the _Bulletin_
+the various methods of propaganda which had previously been employed.
+"Propaganda from individual to individual, propaganda by mass meeting or
+conference, propaganda by newspaper, pamphlet, or book--these means," he
+declares, "are adapted only to theoretical propaganda. Besides, they
+become more and more difficult to employ in any efficacious fashion in
+the presence of those means possessed by the bourgeoisie, with its
+orators, trained at the bar and knowing how to wheedle the popular
+assemblies, and with its venal press which calumniates and disguises
+everything."[4] In the opinion of Brousse, the workers, "laboring most
+of the time eleven and twelve hours a day ... return home so exhausted
+by fatigue that they have little desire to read socialist books and
+newspapers."[5] Rejecting thus all other methods of propaganda, Brousse
+concludes that "the Propaganda of the Deed is a powerful means of
+awakening the popular conscience."[6]
+
+Kropotkin was even more enthusiastic over this new method of education.
+"A single deed," he declared, "makes more propaganda in a few days than
+a thousand pamphlets. The government defends itself, it rages
+pitilessly; but by this it only causes further deeds to be committed by
+one or more persons, and drives the insurgents to heroism. One deed
+brings forth another; opponents join the mutiny; the government splits
+into factions; harshness intensifies the conflict; concessions come too
+late; the revolution breaks out."[7] Here at last is the famous
+Propaganda of the Deed, destined to such tragic ends. It owes its
+inspiration, of course, to the teachings of Bakounin, and we find among
+these youths the same contempt for words and theories that Bakounin
+himself had, and they proposed, in the words of Bakounin, "to destroy
+something--a person, a cause, a condition that hinders the emancipation
+of the people."[8] Consequently, they undertook immediately to carry
+into effect these new theories of propaganda, and during the year 1877
+they organized two important demonstrations, the avowed purpose of which
+was to show anarchism in action.
+
+The first event, which occurred at Bern, March 18, under the leadership
+of Paul Brousse, was a manifestation to celebrate the anniversary of the
+proclamation of the Commune. All the members of the Jura Federation were
+invited to take part, and the red flag was to be unfurled. Among the
+most conspicuous in this demonstration were Brousse, Werner, Chopard,
+Schwitzguébel, Kropotkin, Pindy, Jeallot, Ferré, Spichiger, Guillaume,
+and George Plechanoff, recently arrived from St. Petersburg. The
+participants became mixed up in a violent affray in the streets, blows
+were exchanged between them and the police, but in the effort to tear
+away the red flags many of the gendarmes were wounded. The climax came
+on August 16 of the same year, when twenty-five of the _manifestants_
+appeared before the correctional tribunal of Bern, accused "(1) of
+participation in a brawl with deadly instruments, (2) of resisting, by
+means of force, the employees of the police." Most of the prisoners were
+condemned to imprisonment, the terms varying from ten days to two
+months. James Guillaume was condemned to forty days, Brousse to a month.
+The latter and five other convicted foreigners were also banished for
+three years from the canton of Bern.[9]
+
+The second of these demonstrations took place in April in the form of an
+insurrectionary movement of the Internationalists of Italy. They chose
+the massive group of mountains which border on the Province of Bénévent
+for the scene of their operations, and made Naples their headquarters.
+During the whole of the preceding winter they were occupied in making
+their preparations, and endeavoring to gain the support of the peasants
+of the near-by villages. They instructed all those who joined their
+cause from Emilia, Romagna, and Tuscany to be ready for action the
+beginning of April, as soon as the snow disappeared from the summits of
+the Apennines. According to information furnished by Malatesta to
+Guillaume, on April 6 and 7 they journeyed from San Lupo (Province of
+Bénévent) into the region at the south of the Malta Mountains (Province
+of Caserte). On the 8th they attacked the communes of Letino and Gallo,
+burned the archives of the first named, pillaged the treasury of the
+preceptor, and burned the parish house of the second. On the 9th and
+10th they tried to penetrate the other communes, but in vain, for they
+found them all occupied by troops sent directly by the government to
+oppose them. Their provisions were exhausted, and they would have bought
+a fresh supply in the village of Venafro, only the soldiers gave the
+alarm and pursued the band as far as a wood, in which they hid
+themselves. All of the 11th was spent in a long march through rain and
+snow. The jaded band was finally surprised and captured in a sheepfold,
+where they had sought shelter for that night. Two of the revolutionists
+escaped, but were recaptured a short time afterward. They were confined
+in the prison of Santa-Maria Capua Visere, to the number of
+thirty-seven, among them being Cafiero, Malatesta, Ceccarelli, Lazzari,
+Fortini (curé of Letino), Tomburri Vincenzo (curé of Gallo), Starnari,
+and others. On December 30 the Chamber of Arraignment of Naples rendered
+its decision. The two priests and a man who had served as guide to the
+insurgents were exempted from punishment, but the thirty-four others
+were sent before the court of assizes on the charge of conspiracy
+against the security of the State. As these were political crimes, which
+were covered by a recent amnesty, there remained only the murder of a
+carabineer, of which the court of assizes of Bénévent finally acquitted
+Cafiero, Malatesta, and their friends in August, 1878.[10]
+
+By the above series of events the Propaganda of the Deed was launched,
+and from this day on it became a recognized method of propaganda.
+Neither money, nor organization, nor literature was any longer
+absolutely necessary. One human being in revolt with torch or dynamite
+was able to instruct the world. Bakounin and Nechayeff had written their
+principles, and had, in fact, in some measure, endeavored to carry them
+into effect. But the Propaganda of the Deed was no more evolved as a
+principle of action than these four daring youths put it into practice.
+In the next few years it became the chief expression of anarchism, and
+little by little it made the very name of anarchism synonymous with
+violence and crime. Surely these four zealous youths could hardly have
+devised a method of propaganda that could have served more completely to
+defeat their purpose.
+
+The year 1878 witnessed a series of violent acts which brought in their
+train serious consequences. In that year an attempt was made upon the
+life of King Humbert of Italy; and, while driving in Berlin with his
+daughter, the Grand Duchess of Baden, Emperor William was shot at by a
+half-witted youth named Hödel. Three weeks later Dr. Karl Nobiling fired
+at the Emperor from an upper window overlooking the _Unter den Linden_.
+These assaults were made to serve as the pretext for a series of
+brutally repressive measures against the German socialists, although the
+authorities were unable to connect either Hödel or Nobiling with the
+anarchists or with the socialists. An excellent opportunity, however,
+had arrived to deal a crushing blow to socialism, and "Bismarck used his
+powerful influence with the press," August Bebel says, "in order to lash
+the public into a fanatical hatred of the social-democratic party.
+Others who had an interest in the defeat of the party joined in,
+especially a majority of the employers. Henceforth our opponents spoke
+of us exclusively as the party of assassins, or the 'Ruin all' party--a
+party that wished to rob the masses of their faith in God, the monarchy,
+the family, marriage, and property."[11] The attempt to destroy the
+German socialist organization was only one of the many repressive
+measures that were taken by the governments of Europe in the midst of
+the panic. To the terrorism of the anarchists the governments responded
+by a terrorism of repression, and this in itself helped to establish
+murderous assaults as a method of propaganda.
+
+Up to this time Germany had been comparatively free from anarchist
+teachings. A number of the Lassalleans had advocated violent methods.
+Hasselmann had several years before launched the _Red Flag_, which
+advocated much that was not in harmony with socialism, and eventually
+the German socialist congress requested him to cease the publication of
+his paper. A few individuals without great influence had endeavored at
+various times to import Bakounin's philosophy and methods into Germany,
+but their propaganda bore no fruit whatever. It was only when the German
+Government began to imitate the terrorism of the Russian bureaucracy
+that a momentary passion for retaliation arose among the socialists. In
+fact, a few notable socialists went over to anarchism, frankly declaring
+their belief in terrorist tactics. And one of the most striking
+characters in the history of terrorism, Johann Most, was a product of
+Bismarck's man-hunting policies and legal tyranny. Nevertheless, those
+policies failed utterly to provoke the extensive retaliation which
+Bismarck expected, although it was a German who, after five attempts had
+been made on the life of Czar Alexander II. of Russia--the last being
+successful--proposed at an anarchist congress in Paris, in 1881, the
+forcible removal of all the potentates of the earth. This was rejected
+by the Paris conference as "at present not yet suitable,"[12] although
+the idea proved attractive to some anarchists who even believed that a
+few daring assaults could so terrify the royal families of Europe that
+they would be forced to abdicate their power.
+
+During the same period the anarchist movement was developing in
+Austria-Hungary. A number of anarchist newspapers were launched, and a
+ceaseless agitation was in progress under the guidance of Peukert,
+Stellmacher, and Kammerer. Most's _Freiheit_ was smuggled into the
+country in large quantities and was read greedily. At the trial of
+Merstallinger it was shown that the money for anarchist agitation was
+obtained by robbery. This discovery added to the bitterness of the fight
+going on between the socialists and the anarchists. The anarchists,
+however, overpowered their opponents, and everywhere secret printing
+presses were busily producing incendiary literature which advocated the
+murder of police officials and otherwise developed the tactics of
+terrorism. "At a secret conference at Lang Enzersdorf," says Zenker, "a
+new plan of action was discussed and adopted, namely, to proceed with
+all means in their power to take action against 'exploiters and agents
+of authority,' to keep people in a state of continual excitement by such
+acts of terrorism, and to bring about the revolution in every possible
+way. This program was immediately acted upon in the murder of several
+police agents. On December 15, 1883, at Floridsdorf, a police official
+named Hlubek was murdered, and the condemnation of Rouget, who was
+convicted of the crime, on June 23, 1884, was immediately answered the
+next day by the murder of the police agent Blöct. The Government now
+took energetic measures. By order of the Ministry, a state of siege was
+proclaimed in Vienna and district from January 30, 1884, by which the
+usual tribunals for certain crimes and offences were temporarily
+suspended, and the severest repressive measures were exercised against
+the anarchists, so that anarchism in Austria rapidly declined, and at
+the same time it soon lost its leaders. Stellmacher and Kammerer were
+executed, Peukert escaped to England, most of the other agitators were
+fast in prison, the journals were suppressed and the groups broken
+up."[13]
+
+While these events were taking place in Austria, anarchist agitation was
+manifesting itself in several great strikes that broke out in the
+industrial centers of Southern France. At Lyons, Fournier, who shot his
+employer in the open street, was honored in a public meeting by the
+presentation of a revolver. A great demonstration was planned for Paris,
+but, as there happened to be a review of troops on the day set, the
+anarchists decided to abandon the demonstration. In the autumn of the
+same year (1882), troubles arose in Monceau-les-Mines and at Blanzy,
+where the workers were bent under a terrible capitalist and clerical
+domination. Under the circumstances, the anarchist propaganda was very
+welcome, and it was only a short time until it produced an
+anti-religious demonstration. Three or four hundred men, armed with
+pitchforks and revolvers, spread over the country, breaking the crosses
+and the statues of the Virgin which were placed at the junctions of the
+roads. They called the working classes to arms and took as hostages
+landlords, curés, and functionaries. These riots were the childlike
+manifestations of exasperated and miserable men, destined in advance to
+failure. Numerous arrests followed, and in the mines the workers
+suffered increased oppression.
+
+In 1882 the great silk industry of Lyons was undergoing a serious
+crisis, and the misery among the weavers was intense. The anarchists
+were carrying on a big agitation led by Kropotkin, Gautier, Bordas,
+Bernard, and others. In the center of this city reduced almost to
+starvation there was, says Kropotkin, an "underground café at the
+Théâtre Bellecour, which remained open all night, and where, in the
+small hours of the morning, one could see newspaper men and politicians
+feasting and drinking in company with gay women. Not a meeting was held
+but some menacing allusion was made to that café, and one night a
+dynamite cartridge was exploded in it by an unknown hand. A worker who
+was occasionally there, a socialist, jumped to blow out the lighted fuse
+of the cartridge, and was killed, while a few of the feasting
+politicians were slightly wounded. Next day a dynamite cartridge was
+exploded at the doors of a recruiting bureau, and it was said that the
+anarchists intended to blow up the huge statue of the Virgin which
+stands on one of the hills of Lyons."[14] A panic seized the wealthier
+classes of the city, and some sixty anarchists were arrested, including
+Kropotkin. A great trial, known as the _Procès des Anarchistes de
+Lyons_, ensued, which lasted many weeks. At the conclusion only three
+out of the entire number were acquitted. Although nearly all the
+anarchists were condemned, the police of Lyons were still searching for
+the author of the explosion. At last, Cyvoct, a militant anarchist of
+Lyons, was identified as the one who had thrown the bomb. Cyvoct had
+first gone to Switzerland, then to Brussels, in the suburbs of which
+city he was finally arrested. He was given over to the French police,
+appeared before the court of assizes of the Rhone, and was condemned to
+death. His sentence was afterward commuted to that of enforced labor,
+and in 1897 he was pardoned.
+
+On March 29, 1883, the carpenters' union of Paris called the unemployed
+to a meeting to be held on the _Esplanade des Invalides_. Two groups of
+anarchists formed. One started toward the _Élysée_ and was scattered on
+its way by the police. The second went toward the suburb of
+Saint-Antoine. On the march many bakeries were robbed by the
+manifestants. Arrived at _Place Maubert_, they clashed with a large
+force of police. As a result, many arrests were made. Accused of
+inciting to pillage, Louise Michel and Émile Pouget were condemned to
+several years' imprisonment. The same month, at Monceau-les-Mines and in
+Paris, great demonstrations of the "unemployed" took place in the
+streets, combined with robbery and dynamite outrages, while in July
+there were sanguinary encounters with the armed forces in Roubaix and
+elsewhere. Again and again the populace was incited to rise against the
+bourgeoisie, "who (it was said) were indulging in festivities while they
+had condemned Louise Michel, the champion of the proletariat, to a cruel
+imprisonment."[15]
+
+These are but a few instances of the activity of the anarchists at the
+end of the seventies and at the beginning of the eighties. They are
+perhaps sufficient to show that the Propaganda of the Deed was making
+headway in Western Europe. Certainly in Germany and Austria its course
+was soon run, but in France, Italy, Spain, and even in Belgium every
+strike was attended with violence. Insurrections, dynamite outrages,
+assassinations--all played their part. At the same time the governments
+carried on a ferocious persecution, and the chief anarchists were driven
+from place to place and hunted as wild animals. Police spies and _agents
+provocateurs_ swarmed over the labor, socialist, and anarchist
+movements, and at the slightest sign of an uprising the soldiers were
+brought out to shoot down the people. Hardly a month went by without
+some "anarchist trouble," and many harmless strikes resulted in dreadful
+massacres. It was a tragic period, that reminds one again of the picture
+in Dante in which the two bitter enemies inflict upon each other cruel
+wounds in a fight that on both sides was inspired by the deepest hatred.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+JOHANN MOST IN AMERICA
+
+
+While the above events were transpiring in the Latin countries, the
+Bakouninists were keeping a sharp eye on America as a land of hopeful
+possibilities. As early as 1874 Bakounin himself considered the matter
+of coming here, while Kropotkin and Guillaume followed with interest the
+labor disturbances that were at that time so numerous and so violent in
+this country. The panic of 1873 had caused widespread suffering among
+the working classes. For several years afterward hordes of unemployed
+tramped the country. The masses were driven to desperation and, in their
+hunger, to frequent outbreaks of violence. When later a measure of
+prosperity returned, both the trade-union and the socialist movements
+began to attract multitudes of the discontented. The news of two
+important events in the labor world of America reached the anarchists of
+the Jura and filled them, Guillaume says, "with a lively emotion." In
+June, 1877, Kropotkin called attention to the act of the Supreme Court
+of the United States in declaring unconstitutional the eight-hour law on
+Government work. He was especially pleased with an article in the _Labor
+Standard_ of New York, which declared: "This will teach the workers not
+to put their confidence in Congress and to trust only in their own
+efforts. No law of Congress could be of any use to the worker if he is
+not so organized that he can enforce it. And, if the workers are strong
+enough to do that, if they succeed in solidly forming the federation of
+their trade organizations, then they will be able, not only to force the
+legislators to make efficacious laws on the hours of work, on
+inspection, etc., but they will also be able to make the law themselves,
+deciding that henceforth no worker in the country shall work more than
+eight hours a day." "It is the good, practical sense of an American
+which says that,"[1] comments Kropotkin. This act of the Supreme Court
+and this statement of the _Labor Standard_ were very welcome news to the
+anarchists. They were convinced that the Americans had abandoned
+political action and were turning to what they had already begun to call
+"direct action."
+
+Another event, a month later, added to this conviction. In its issue of
+July 29 the _Bulletin_ published this article: "'Following a strike of
+the machinists of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, a popular insurrection
+has burst forth in the states of Maryland, West Virginia, Pennsylvania,
+and Ohio. If at Martinsburg (West Virginia) the workmen have been
+conquered by the militia, at Baltimore (Maryland), a city of 300,000
+inhabitants, they have been victorious. They have taken possession of
+the station and have burned it, together with all the wagons of
+petroleum which were there. At Pittsburgh (Pennsylvania), a city of
+100,000 inhabitants, the workers are at the present time masters of the
+city, after having seized guns and cannon.... The strike is extending to
+the near-by railroads and is gaining in the direction of the Pacific.
+Great agitation reigns in New York. It is announced that the troops will
+concentrate, that Sheridan has been named commander, and that the
+Western States have offered their help.' In the following number, a
+detailed article, written by Kropotkin, recounted the _dénouement_ of
+the crisis, the recovery of Pittsburgh, where two thousand wagons loaded
+with merchandise had been burned, the repression and the disarray of the
+strikers following the treachery of the miserable false brothers, and
+the final miscarriage of the movement. But if there had been, in this
+attempt of popular insurrection, weak sides that had brought about the
+failure, Kropotkin rightly praised the qualities of which the American
+working people had just given proof: 'This movement will have certainly
+impressed profoundly the proletariat of Europe and excited its
+admiration. Its spontaneity, its simultaneousness at so many distant
+points communicating only by telegraph, the aid given by the workers of
+different trades, the resolute character of the uprising from the
+beginning, call forth all our sympathies, excite our admiration, and
+awaken our hopes.... But the blood of our brothers of America shall not
+have flowed in vain. Their energy, their union in action, their courage
+will serve as an example to the proletariat of Europe. But would that
+this flowing of noble blood prove once again the blindness of those who
+amuse the people with the plaything of parliamentarism when the powder
+magazine is ready to take fire, unknown to them, at the fall of the
+least spark.'"[2]
+
+The news of industrial troubles, such as the above, convinced the
+anarchist elements of Europe that America was ripe for direct action and
+the revolution. And it was indeed this period of profound industrial
+unrest that gave a forward impulse to all radical movements in the late
+seventies. Socialist newspapers sprang up in all parts of the country,
+and both socialist and trade-union organizations took on an immense
+development. Riots, minor insurrections, and strikes were symptoms of an
+all-pervading discontent. Simultaneously with this, many
+revolutionists, upon being expelled from Germany, were injected into the
+ferment. With many other refugees, the Germans then began to form
+revolutionary clubs, and, in 1882, Johann Most appeared in the United
+States scattering broadcast the terrorist ideas of Bakounin and
+Nechayeff.
+
+Most was perhaps the most fiery personality that appeared in the ranks
+of the anarchists after the death of Bakounin. A cruel stepmother, a
+pitiless employer, a long sickness, and an operation which left his face
+deformed forever are some of the incidents of his unhappy childhood. He
+received a poor education, but read extensively, and as a bookbinder
+worked at his trade in Germany, Austria, Italy, and Switzerland. He
+became attached to the labor movement toward the end of the sixties, and
+was elected to the German Reichstag in 1874. Forced to leave Germany as
+a result of the anti-socialist law, he went to London, where he
+established _Die Freiheit_, at first a social-democratic paper, which
+was smuggled into Germany. He became, however, more and more violent,
+and in 1880, at a secret gathering of the German socialists at Wyden in
+Switzerland, he and his friend Hasselmann were expelled from the Germany
+party. After this he no longer attempted to conceal his anarchist
+sympathies, and in the _Freiheit_, on the platform, and on every
+possible occasion he preached principles almost identical with those of
+Nechayeff and Bakounin. In a pamphlet on the scientific art of
+revolutionary warfare and of dynamiters he prescribes in detail where
+bombs should be placed in churches, palaces, and ball-rooms.[I] He
+advises wholly individual action, in order that the groups may suffer as
+little harm as possible. His pamphlet also contains a dictionary of
+poisons which may be usefully employed against politicians, traitors,
+and spies. "Extirpate the miserable brood!" he writes in _Die Freiheit_;
+"extirpate the wretches! Thus runs the refrain of a revolutionary song
+of the working classes, and this will be the exclamation of the
+executive of a victorious proletariat army when the battle has been won.
+For at the critical moment the executioner's block must ever be before
+the eyes of the revolutionist. Either he is cutting off the heads of his
+enemies or his own is being cut off. Science gives us means which make
+it possible to accomplish the wholesale destruction of these beasts
+quietly and deliberately." Elsewhere he says, "Those of the reptile
+brood who are not put to the sword remain as a thorn in the flesh of the
+new society; hence it would be both foolish and criminal not to
+annihilate utterly this race of parasites."[3]
+
+It was this cheerful individual who, after being expelled from the
+German socialist party, made prodigious efforts to establish
+revolutionary organizations all over Europe. In London he captured the
+Communist Working Men's Educational Society, despite the protest of a
+considerable minority, and through it he undertook to launch other
+revolutionary clubs. The parliamentary socialists were bitterly
+assailed, and a congress was held in Paris and a later one in London for
+the purpose of uniting the revolutionists of all countries. According to
+Zenker, the headquarters of the association were at London, and
+sub-committees were formed to act in Paris, Geneva, and New York. Money
+was to be collected "for the purchase of poison and weapons, as well as
+to find places suitable for laying mines, and so on. To attain the
+proposed end, the annihilation of all rulers, ministers of State,
+nobility, the clergy, the most prominent capitalists, and other
+exploiters, any means are permissible, and therefore great attention
+should be given specially to the study of chemistry and the preparation
+of explosives, as being the most important weapons. Together with the
+chief committee in London there will also be established an executive
+bureau, whose duty is to carry out the decisions of the chief committee
+and to conduct correspondence."[4]
+
+After these attempts to establish an anarchist International, Most
+sailed for New York. Some of his ideas had preceded him, and when he
+arrived he was met and greeted by masses of German workingmen. Miss Emma
+Goldman, in "Anarchism and Other Essays," tells us of the impression he
+made upon her. "Some twenty-one years ago," she says, "I heard the first
+great anarchist speaker--the inimitable John Most. It seemed to me then,
+and for many years after, that the spoken word hurled forth among the
+masses with such wonderful eloquence, such enthusiasm and fire, could
+never be erased from the human mind and soul. How could any one of all
+the multitudes who flocked to Most's meetings escape his prophetic
+voice!"[5] At the time of Most's arrival the American socialist movement
+was hopelessly divided over questions of methods and tactics. Already
+there had been bitter quarrels between those in the movement who had
+formed secret drilling organizations which were preparing for a violent
+revolution, and those others who sought by education, organization, and
+political action to achieve their demands. In the year 1880 a number of
+New York members had left the socialist organization and formed a
+revolutionary group, and in October of the following year a convention
+was held to organize the various revolutionary groups into a national
+organization. Everything was favorable for Most, and when he arrived it
+was not long, with his magnetic personality and fiery agitation, until
+he had swept out of existence the older socialist organizations. In 1883
+representatives from twenty-six cities met in Pittsburgh to form the
+revolutionary socialist and anarchist groups into one body, called the
+"International Working People's Association." The same year a dismal
+socialist convention was held in Baltimore with only sixteen delegates
+attending. They attempted to stem the tide to terrorism by declaring:
+"We do not share the folly of the men who consider dynamite bombs as the
+best means of agitation. We know full well that a revolution must take
+place in the heads and in the industrial life of men before the working
+class can achieve lasting success."[6]
+
+The tide, however, was not stayed. The advocates of direct action
+continued headlong toward the bitter climax at the Haymarket in Chicago
+in 1886. Just previous to that fatal catastrophe, a series of great
+strikes had occurred in and about that city. At the McCormick Reaper
+Works a crowd of men was being addressed by Spies, an anarchist, when
+the "scabs" left the factory. A pitched battle ensued. The police were
+called, and, when they were assaulted with stones, they opened fire on
+the crowd, shooting indiscriminately men, women, and children, killing
+six and wounding many more. Spies, full of rage, hurried to the office
+of _Arbeiter Zeitung_, the anarchist paper, and composed the
+proclamation to the workingmen of Chicago which has since become famous
+as "the revenge circular." It called upon the workingmen to arm
+themselves and to avenge the brutal murder of their brothers. Five
+thousand copies of the circular, printed in English and German, were
+distributed in the streets. The next evening, May 4, 1886, a mass
+meeting was called at the Haymarket. About two thousand working people
+attended the meeting. The mayor of the city went in person to hear the
+addresses, and later testified that he had reported to Captain Bonfield,
+at the nearest police station, that "nothing had occurred nor was likely
+to occur to require interference." Nevertheless, after Mayor Harrison
+had gone, Captain Bonfield sent one hundred and seventy-six policemen to
+march upon the little crowd that remained. Captain Ward, the officer in
+charge, commanded the meeting to disperse, and, as Fielden, one of the
+speakers, retorted that the meeting was a peaceable one, a dynamite bomb
+was thrown from an adjoining alley that killed several policemen and
+wounded many more.
+
+In the agitation that led up to the Haymarket tragedy, dynamite had
+always been glorified as the poor man's weapon. It was the power that
+science had given to the weak to protect them from injustice and
+tyranny. As powder and the musket had destroyed feudalism, so dynamite
+would destroy capitalism. In the issue of the _Freiheit_, March 18,
+1883, Most printed an article called "Revolutionary Principles." Many of
+the phrases are evidently taken from the "Catechism" of Bakounin and
+Nechayeff, and the sentiments are identical. During all this period
+great meetings were organized to glorify some martyr who, by the
+Propaganda of the Deed, had committed some great crime. For instance,
+vast meetings were organized in honor of Stellmacher and others who had
+murdered officers of the Viennese police. At one of these meetings Most
+declared that such acts should not be called murder, because "murder is
+the killing of a human being, and I have never heard that a policeman
+was a human being."[7] When August Reinsdorf was executed for an attempt
+on the life of the German Emperor, Most's _Freiheit_ appeared with a
+heavy black border. "One of our noblest and best is no more," he
+laments. "In the prison yard at Halle under the murderous sword of the
+criminal Hohenzollern band, on the 7th of February, August Reinsdorf
+ended a life full of battle and of self-sacrificing courage, as a martyr
+to the great revolution."[8] It was inevitable that such views should
+lead sooner or later to a tragedy, and, while most of the Chicago
+anarchists were plain workingmen, simple and kindly, at least one
+fanatic in the group deserves to rank with Nechayeff and Most as an
+irreconcilable enemy of the existing order. This was Louis Lingg, whose
+last words as he was taken from the court were: "I repeat that I am the
+enemy of the 'order' of to-day, and I repeat that, with all my powers,
+so long as breath remains in me, I shall combat it. I declare again,
+frankly and openly, that I am in favor of using force. I have told
+Captain Schaack, and I stand by it, 'If you cannonade us, we shall
+dynamite you.' You laugh! Perhaps you think, 'You'll throw no more
+bombs'; but let me assure you that I die happy on the gallows, so
+confident am I that the hundreds and thousands to whom I have spoken
+will remember my words; and, when you shall have hanged us, then, mark
+my words, they will do the bomb-throwing! In this hope I say to you: I
+despise you. I despise your order, your laws, your force-propped
+authority. Hang me for it!"[9]
+
+There are many minor incidents now quite forgotten that played a part in
+this American terrorism. Benjamin R. Tucker, of New York, himself an
+anarchist, but not an advocate of terrorist tactics, had in the midst of
+this period to cry out in protest against the acts of those who called
+themselves anarchists. In his paper, _Liberty_, March 27, 1886, Tucker
+wrote on "The Beast of Communism."[10] He began by quoting Henri
+Rochefort, who was reported to have said: "Anarchists are merely
+criminals. They are robbers. They want no government whatever, so that,
+when they meet you on the street, they can knock you down and rob
+you."[11]
+
+"This infamous and libelous charge," says Tucker, "is a very sweeping
+one; I only wish that I could honestly meet it with as sweeping a
+denial. And I can, if I restrict the word anarchist as it always has
+been restricted in these columns, and as it ought to be restricted
+everywhere and always. Confining the word anarchist so as to include
+none but those who deny all external authority over the individual,
+whether that of the present State or that of some industrial
+collectivity or commune which the future may produce, I can look Henri
+Rochefort in the face and say: 'You lie!' For of all these men I do not
+recall even one who, in any ordinary sense of the term, can be justly
+styled a robber.
+
+"But unfortunately, in the minds of the people at large, this word
+anarchist is not yet thus restricted in meaning. This is due principally
+to the fact that within a few years the word has been usurped, in the
+face of all logic and consistency, by a party of communists who believe
+in a tyranny worse than any that now exists, who deny to the laborer the
+individual possession of his product, and who preach to their followers
+the following doctrine: 'Private property is your enemy; it is the beast
+that is devouring you; all wealth belongs to everybody; take it wherever
+you can find it; have no scruples about the means of taking it; use
+dynamite, the dagger, or the torch to take it; kill innocent people to
+take it; but, at all events, take it.' This is the doctrine which they
+call anarchy, and this policy they dignify with the name of
+'propagandism by deed.'
+
+"Well, it has borne fruit with most horrible fecundity. To be sure, it
+has gained a large mass of adherents, especially in the Western cities,
+who are well-meaning men and women, not yet become base enough to
+practice the theories which they profess to have adopted. But it has
+also developed, and among its immediate and foremost supporters, a gang
+of criminals whose deeds for the past two years rival in 'pure
+cussedness' any to be found in the history of crime. Were it not,
+therefore, that I have first, last, and always repudiated these
+pseudo-anarchists and their theories, I should hang my head in shame
+before Rochefort's charge at having to confess that too many of them are
+not only robbers, but incendiaries and murderers. But, knowing as I do
+that no _real_ anarchist has any part or lot in these infamies, I do not
+confess the facts with shame, but reiterate them with righteous wrath
+and indignation, in the interest of my cause, for the protection of its
+friends, and to save the lives and possessions of any more weak and
+innocent persons from being wantonly destroyed or stolen by cold-blooded
+villains parading in the mask of reform.
+
+"Yes, the time has come to speak. It is even well-nigh too late. Within
+the past fortnight a young mother and her baby boy have been burned to
+death under circumstances which suggest to me the possibility that, had
+I made this statement sooner, their lives would have been saved; and, as
+I now write these lines, I fairly shudder at the thought that they may
+not reach the public and the interested parties before some new
+holocaust has added to the number of those who have already fallen
+victims. Others who know the facts, well-meaning editors of leading
+journals of so-called communistic anarchism, may, from a sense of
+mistaken party fealty, bear longer the fearful responsibility of
+silence, if they will; for one I will not, cannot. I will take the other
+responsibility of exposure, which responsibility I personally and
+entirely assume, although the step is taken after conference upon its
+wisdom with some of the most trusted and active anarchists in America.
+
+"Now, then, the facts. And they _are_ facts, though I state them
+generally, without names, dates, or details.
+
+"The main fact is this: that for nearly two years a large number of the
+most active members of the German Group of the International Working
+People's Association in New York City, and of the Social Revolutionary
+Club, another German organization in that city, have been persistently
+engaged in getting money by insuring their property for amounts far in
+excess of the real value thereof, secretly removing everything that they
+could, setting fire to the premises, swearing to heavy losses, and
+exacting corresponding sums from the insurance companies. Explosion of
+kerosene lamps is usually the device which they employ. Some seven or
+eight fires, at least, of this sort were set in New York and Brooklyn in
+1884 by members of the gang, netting the beneficiaries an aggregate
+profit of thousands of dollars. In 1885 nearly twenty more were set,
+with equally profitable results. The record for 1886 has reached six
+already, if not more. The business has been carried on with the most
+astonishing audacity. One of these men had his premises insured, fired
+them, and presented his bill of loss to the company within twenty-four
+hours after getting his policy, and before the agent had reported the
+policy to the company. The bill was paid, and a few months later the
+same fellow, under another name, played the game over again, though not
+quite so speedily. In one of the fires set in 1885 a woman and two
+children were burned to death. The two guilty parties in this case were
+members of the Bohemian Group and are now serving life sentences in
+prison. Another of the fires was started in a six-story tenement house,
+endangering the lives of hundreds, but fortunately injuring no one but
+the incendiary. In one case in 1886 the firemen have saved two women
+whom they found clinging to their bed posts in a half-suffocated
+condition. In another a man, woman, and baby lost their lives. Three
+members of the gang are now in jail awaiting trial for murdering and
+robbing an old woman in Jersey City. Two others are in jail under heavy
+bail and awaiting trial for carrying concealed weapons and assaulting an
+officer. They were walking arsenals, and were found under circumstances
+which lead to the suspicion that they were about to perpetrate a
+robbery, if not a murder.
+
+"The profits accruing from this 'propagandism by deed' are not even used
+for the benefit of the movement to which the criminals belong, but go to
+fill their own empty pockets, and are often spent in reckless, riotous
+living. The guilty parties are growing bolder and bolder, and,
+anticipating detection ultimately, a dozen or so of them have agreed to
+commit perjury in order to involve the innocent as accomplices in their
+crimes. It is their boast that the active anarchists shall all go to the
+gallows together."
+
+The history of terrorist tactics in America largely centers about the
+career of Johann Most. In August Bebel's story of his life he speaks in
+high terms of the unselfish devotion and sterling character of Most in
+his early days. "If later on," says Bebel, "under the anti-socialist
+laws, he went astray and became an anarchist and an advocate of direct
+action, and finally, although he had been a model of abstinence, ended
+in the United States as a drunkard, it was all due to the anti-socialist
+laws, laws which drove him and many others from the country. Had he
+remained under the influence of the men who were able to guide him and
+restrain his passionate temper, the party would have possessed in him a
+most zealous, self-sacrificing, and indefatigable fighter."[12] Most,
+then, was one of the victims of Bismarck's savage policies, as were also
+nearly all the other Germans who took part in the sordid crimes related
+by Tucker. And the Haymarket--the greatest of all American
+tragedies--leads directly back to the Iron Chancellor and his ferocious
+inquisition.
+
+A few minor incidents of anarchist activity may be recorded for the
+following years, but the only acts of importance were the shooting of
+President McKinley by Czolgosz and the shooting of Henry C. Frick by
+Alexander Berkman. In the "Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist," Berkman has
+now told us that as a youth he became a disciple of Bakounin and a fiery
+member of the Nihilist group. It was after the Homestead strike that
+Berkman saw a chance to propagate his gospel by a deed. Leaving his home
+in New York, he went to Pittsburgh for the purpose of killing Henry C.
+Frick, then head of the Carnegie Steel Company. Berkman made his way
+into Frick's office, shot at and slightly wounded him. In explanation of
+this act he says: "In truth, murder and _attentat_ (that is, political
+assassination) are to me opposite terms. To remove a tyrant is an act of
+liberation, the giving of life and opportunity to an oppressed
+people."[13] For this attempt on the life of Frick, Berkman was
+condemned to a term of imprisonment of twenty-two years. Despite a few
+isolated outbreaks, it may be said, therefore, that the seeds of
+anarchism have never taken root in America, just as they have never
+taken root in Germany or in England. To-day there are no active American
+terrorists and only a handful of avowed anarchists. In the Latin
+countries, however, the deeds of terrorism still played a tragic part in
+the history of the next few years.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[I] See _Revolutionäre Kriegswissenschaft_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+A SERIES OF TRAGEDIES
+
+
+While Johann Most was sowing the seeds of terrorism in America, his
+comrades were actively at work in Europe. And, if the tactics of Most
+led eventually to petty thievery, somewhat the same degeneration was
+overtaking the Propaganda of the Deed in Europe. Up to 1886 robbery had
+not yet been adopted as a weapon of the Latin revolutionists. In
+America, in Austria, and in Russia, the doctrine had been preached and,
+to a certain extent, practiced, but _l'affaire Duval_ was responsible
+for its introduction into France. Unlike most of the preceding
+demonstrations, the act of Duval was essentially an individual one. On
+October 5, 1886, a large house situated at 31 rue de Monceau, Paris, and
+occupied by Mme. Herbelin and her daughter, Mme. Madeleine Lemaire, the
+well-known artist, was robbed and half burned. Some days later, Clément
+Duval and two accomplices, Didier and Houchard, were arrested as the
+perpetrators of this act. At first the matter was treated by the
+newspapers as an ordinary robbery. The _Cri du Peuple_ called it a
+simple burglary, followed by an incendiary attempt. But after some days,
+Duval announced himself an anarchist and declared that his act was in
+harmony with his faith.
+
+On January 11 and 12, 1887, the case came before the court. The
+discussions were very heated. After M. Fernand Labori, then a very
+young advocate, who had been appointed to defend Duval, had made his
+plea, Duval became anxious to defend himself. He threatened, in leaving
+the prison, to blow up with dynamite the jury and the court, and heaped
+upon them most abusive language. The president ordered that he should be
+removed from the court. An enormous tumult then ensued in that part of
+the hall where the anarchists were massed. "Help! Help! Comrades! Long
+live Anarchy!" cried Duval. "Long live Anarchy!" answered his comrades.
+Thirty guards led Duval away, and the verdict was read in the presence
+of an armed force with fixed bayonets. He was condemned to death and his
+two accomplices acquitted.
+
+Eight days afterward, on January 23, an indignation meeting against the
+condemnation of Duval was organized by the anarchists, at which nearly
+1,000 were present. Tennevin, Leboucher, and Louise Michel spoke in
+turn, glorifying Duval. The opposition was taken by a Blanquist, a
+Normandy citizen, who censured the act of Duval, because such acts, he
+said, throw discredit on the revolutionists and so retard the hour of
+the Social Revolution.
+
+Duval's case was appealed to the highest court in France, but the appeal
+was rejected. The President of the Republic, however, commuted his
+sentence of capital punishment to enforced labor. Then followed a long
+period of discussions and violent controversies between the anarchists
+and the socialists over the whole affair. The anarchists claimed the
+right of theft on the grounds that it was the beginning of capitalist
+expropriation and that stolen wealth could aid in propaganda and action.
+The socialists, on the other hand, protested against this theory with
+extreme vigor.
+
+After Duval, there is little noteworthy in the terrorist movement for a
+period of four years, but with May 1, 1891, there began what is known as
+_La Période Tragique_. Five notable figures, Decamps, Ravachol,
+Vaillant, Henry, and Caserio, within a period of three years, performed
+a series of terrorist acts that cannot be forgotten. Their utter
+desperation and abandon, the terrible solemnity of their lives, and the
+almost superhuman efforts they made to bring society to its knees mark
+the most tragic and heroic period in the history of anarchism. At
+Levallois-Perret a demonstration was organized by the anarchists for May
+1. They brought out their red and black flags, and, when the police
+attempted to interfere and to take away their banners, they opened fire
+upon them. Several fell injured, while others returned the fire. The
+fight continued for some time, until finally reinforcements arrived and
+the anarchists were subdued. Six of the police and three of the
+anarchists were severely injured, one of the latter being Decamps, who
+had received severe blows from a sword. The trial took place in August,
+and, when Decamps attempted to defend himself, the judge refused to hear
+him. Finally he and his friends were condemned to prison.
+
+The next year, 1892, the avenger of Decamps appeared. It was the famous
+Ravachol, who for a time kept all Paris in a state of terror. In the
+night of February 14 there was a theft of dynamite from the
+establishment of _Soisy-sous-Etioles_. On March 11 an explosion shook
+the house on Boulevard Saint-Germain, in which lived M. Benoît, the
+judge who had presided in August, 1891, at the trial of Decamps at
+Levallois. On March 15 a bomb was discovered on the window of the Lobau
+barracks. On March 27 a bomb was exploded on the first floor of a house
+on rue de Clichy, occupied by M. Bulot, who had held the office of
+Public Minister at the trial in Levallois. It was only by chance, on the
+accusation of a boy by the name of Lhérot, who was employed in a
+restaurant, that the police eventually captured Ravachol. He admitted
+having exploded the bombs in rue de Clichy and Boulevard Saint-Germain,
+"in order to avenge," he said, "the abominable violences committed
+against our friends, Decamps, Léveillé, and Dardare."[1] On April 26 a
+bomb was exploded in the restaurant where Lhérot, the informer, worked,
+killing the proprietor and severely wounding one of the patrons.
+
+The public was thrown into a state of dreadful alarm. The next day, when
+Ravachol was brought to trial, some awful foreboding seemed to possess
+those who were present. All Paris was guarded. In spite of the efforts
+of the Public Minister, the jury spared Ravachol on the ground of
+extenuating circumstances. It is difficult to say whether it was fear or
+pity that determined the decision of the jurors. In any case, Ravachol
+was acquitted, only to be condemned to death a few months later for
+strangling the hermit of Chambles, and he was then executed.
+
+"What shall one think of Ravachol?" says Prolo in _Les Anarchistes_. "He
+assassinated a mendicant, he broke into tombs in order to steal jewels,
+he manufactured counterfeit money, or, more exactly, substituting
+himself for the State, he cast five-franc pieces in silver, with the
+authentic standard, and put them in circulation. Lastly, he dynamited
+some property. He is of mystical origin. Profoundly religious in his
+early youth, he embraces with the same ardor, the same passion, and the
+same spirit of sacrifice the new political theory of equality. He throws
+himself deliberately outside the limits of the society which he
+abhors--kills, robs, and avenges his brothers. And let anyone question
+him, he replies: 'A begging hermit, he is a parasite and should be
+suppressed. One ought not to bury jewels when children are hungry, when
+mothers weep, and when men suffer from misery. The State makes money. Is
+it of good alloy? I make it as the State makes it and of the same alloy!
+As to dynamite, it is the arm of the weak who avenge themselves or
+avenge others for the humiliating oppression of the strong and their
+unconscious accomplices.'"[2]
+
+Although the anarchists accepted Duval and defended his acts, Ravachol
+was variously appreciated by them. Jean Grave, the French anarchist, and
+Merlino, the Italian anarchist, both condemned Ravachol. "He is not one
+of us," declared the latter, "and we repudiate him. His explosions lose
+their revolutionary character because of his personality, which is
+unworthy to serve the cause of humanity."[3] Élisée Reclus, on the
+contrary, wrote of Ravachol in the _Sempre Avanti_ as follows: "I admire
+his courage, his goodness of heart, his grandeur of soul, the generosity
+with which he has pardoned his enemies. I know few men who surpass him
+in generosity. I pass over the question of knowing up to what point it
+is always desirable to push one's own right to the extreme and whether
+other considerations, actuated by a sentiment of human solidarity, ought
+not to make it yield. But I am none the less of those who recognize in
+Ravachol a hero of a rare grandeur of soul."[4]
+
+In the _Entretiens politiques et littéraires_, under the title, _Eloge
+de Ravachol_, Paul Adam wrote: "Whatever may have been the invectives of
+the bourgeois press and the tenacity of the magistrates in dishonoring
+the act of the victim, they have not succeeded in persuading us of his
+error. After so many judicial debates, chronicles, and appeals to legal
+murder, Ravachol remains the propagandist of the grand idea of the
+ancient religions which extolled the quest of individual death for the
+good of the world, the abnegation of self, of one's life, and of one's
+fame for the exaltation of the poor and the humble. He is definitely the
+Renewer of the Essential Sacrifice."[5] Museux, in _l'Art social_, said:
+"Ravachol has remained what he at first showed himself, a rebel. He has
+made the sacrifice of his life for an idea and to cause that idea to
+pass from a dream into reality. He has recoiled before nothing, claiming
+the responsibility for his acts. He has been logical from one end to the
+other. He has given example of a fine character and indomitable energy,
+at the same time that he has summed up in himself the vague anger of the
+revolutionists."[6]
+
+Hardly had the people of Paris gotten over their terror of the deeds of
+Ravachol when August Vaillant endeavored to blow up with dynamite the
+French Chamber of Deputies. He was a socialist, almost unknown among the
+anarchists. He said afterward that political-financial scandals were
+arousing popular anger and that it was necessary to thrust the sword
+into the heart of public powers, since they could not be conquered
+peaceably. In order to carry out his plan, he went to _Palais-Bourbon_,
+and, when the session opened, Vaillant arose in the gallery to throw his
+bomb. A woman, perceiving the intentions of the thrower, grasped his
+arm, causing the bomb to strike a chandelier, with the result that only
+Abbé Lemire and some spectators were injured. In the midst of commotion,
+with men stupefied with terror, the president of the Chamber, M. Charles
+Dupuy, called out the memorable words, "The session continues."
+
+Arraigned before the court, Vaillant was condemned to death. He said in
+explanation of his act, "I carried this bomb to those who are primarily
+responsible for social misery."[7] "Gentlemen, in a few minutes you are
+to deal your blow, but in receiving your verdict I shall have at least
+the satisfaction of having wounded the existing society, that cursed
+society in which one may see a single man spending, uselessly, enough to
+feed thousands of families; an infamous society which permits a few
+individuals to monopolize all the social wealth, while there are
+hundreds of thousands of unfortunates who have not even the bread that
+is not refused to dogs, and while entire families are committing suicide
+for want of the necessities of life....[8]
+
+"I conclude, gentlemen, by saying that a society in which one sees such
+social inequalities as we see all about us, in which we see every day
+suicides caused by poverty, prostitution flaring at every street
+corner--a society whose principal monuments are barracks and
+prisons--such a society must be transformed as soon as possible, on pain
+of being eliminated, and that speedily, from the human race. Hail to him
+who labors, by no matter what means, for this transformation! It is this
+idea that has guided me in my duel with authority, but as in this duel I
+have only wounded my adversary, it is now its turn to strike me."[9]
+
+The Abbé Lemire, Deputy from the North, the only member of the Chamber
+who had been slightly wounded by the explosion of the bomb, urged the
+pardon of the condemned man. The socialist Deputies likewise decided to
+appeal to the pardoning power of the President of the Republic and
+signed the following petition: "The undersigned, members of the Chamber
+of Deputies which was made the object of the criminal attempt of
+December 9, have the honor to address to the President of the Republic
+a last appeal in favor of the condemned."[10] It has long been the
+custom in France not to punish an abortive crime with the death penalty,
+and it was generally believed that Vaillant's sentence would be changed
+to life imprisonment. President Carnot, however, refused to extend any
+mercy, and Vaillant was guillotined.
+
+A few days after the execution of Vaillant, a bomb was thrown among some
+guests who were quietly assembled, listening to the music, in the café
+of the Hotel Terminus. Several persons were severely wounded. After a
+fierce struggle with the police, Émile Henry was arrested. In the trial
+it was learned that he had been responsible for a number of other
+explosions that had taken place in the two or three years previous. He
+had attempted to avenge the miners who had been on strike at Carmaux by
+blowing up the manager of the company. He had deposited the bomb in the
+office of the company, where it was discovered by the porter. It was
+brought to the police, where it exploded, killing the secretary and
+three of his agents. Henry was a silent, lonely man, wholly unknown to
+the police. Mystical, sentimental, and brooding, he believed that the
+rich were individually responsible for misery and social wrong. "I had
+been told that life was easy and with abundant opportunity for all
+intellects and all energies," he declared at his trial, "but experience
+has shown me that only the cynics and the servile can make a place for
+themselves at the banquet. I had been told that social institutions were
+based on justice and equality, and I have seen about me only lies and
+deceit. Each day robbed me of an illusion. Everywhere I went I was
+witness of the same sorrows about us, of the same joys about others.
+Therefore I was not long in understanding that the words which I had
+been taught to reverence--honor, devotion, duty--were nothing but a
+veil concealing the most shameful baseness....
+
+"For an instant I was attracted by socialism; but I was not long in
+withdrawing myself from that party. I had too much love for liberty, too
+much respect for individual initiative, too much dislike for
+incorporation to take a number in the registered army of the Fourth
+Estate. I brought into the struggle a profound hatred, every day revived
+by the repugnant spectacle of this society in which everything is
+sordid, ... in which everything hinders the expansion of human passions,
+the generous impulses of the heart, the free flight of thought. I have,
+however, wished, as far as I was able, to strike forcibly and justly....
+In this pitiless war which we have declared on the bourgeoisie we ask no
+pity. We give death and know how to suffer it. That is why I await your
+verdict with indifference."[11]
+
+In the case of Henry appeals were also made to President Carnot for
+mercy, but they, too, were ignored, and Henry was guillotined a few days
+after Vaillant. A month or so later, June 25, President Carnot arrived
+at Lyons to open an exposition. That evening, while on his way to a
+theater, he was stabbed to death by the Italian anarchist, Caserio, on
+the handle of whose stiletto was engraved "Vaillant."
+
+This was the climax to the series of awful tragedies. It would be
+impossible to picture the utter consternation of the entire French
+nation. The characters that had figured in this terrible drama were not
+ordinary men. Their addresses before condemnation were so eloquent and
+impressive as to awaken lively emotions among the most thoughtful and
+brilliant men in France. They challenged society. The judge refused
+Decamps a hearing, and Ravachol undertook individually to destroy the
+judge. Vaillant, deciding that the lawmakers were responsible for social
+injustice, undertook with one bomb to destroy them. Henry, feeling that
+it was not the lawmakers who were responsible, but the rich, careless,
+and sensual, who in their mastery over labor caused poverty, misery, and
+all suffering, sought with his bomb to destroy them. Utterly blind to
+the sentiments which moved these men, the President of the Republic
+allowed them to be guillotined, and Caserio, stirred to his very depths
+by what he considered to be the sublime acts of his comrades, stabbed to
+death the President.
+
+It is hard to pass judgment on lives such as these. One stands
+bewildered and aghast before men capable of such deeds; and, if they
+defy frivolous judgment, even to explain them seems beyond the power of
+one who, in the presence of the same wrongs that so deeply moved them,
+can still remain inert. Yet is there any escape to the conclusion that
+all this was utter waste of life and devotion? Far from awakening in
+their opponents the slightest thought of social wrong, these men, at the
+expense of their lives, awakened only a spirit of revenge. "An eye for
+an eye" was now the sentiment of the militants on both sides. All reason
+and sympathy disappeared, and, instead, every brutal passion had play.
+Politically and socially, the reactionaries were put in the saddle.
+Every progressive in France was placed on the defensive. Anyone who
+hinted of social wrong was ostracized. Cæsarism ruled France, and,
+through _les lois scélérates_, every bush was beaten, every hiding-place
+uncovered, until every anarchist was driven out. The acts of Vaillant
+and Henry, like the acts of the Chicago anarchists, not only failed
+utterly as propaganda, they even closed the ear and the heart of the
+world to everything and anything that was associated, or that could in
+any manner be connected, with anarchism. They served only one
+purpose--every malign influence and reactionary element took the acts of
+these misguided prodigies as a pretext to fasten upon the people still
+more firmly both social and political injustice. To no one were they so
+useful as to their enemy.
+
+For three years after this tragic period little noteworthy occurred in
+the history of terrorism. In Barcelona, Spain, a bomb was thrown, and
+immediately three hundred men and women were arrested. They were all
+thrown into prison and subjected to torture. Some were killed, others
+driven insane, although after a time some were released upon appeals
+made by the press and by many notables of other countries of Europe. The
+Prime Minister of Spain, Canovas del Castillo, was chiefly responsible
+for the torture of the victims. And in 1897 a young Italian, Angiolillo,
+went to Spain, and, at an interview which he sought with the Prime
+Minister, shot him. The same year an attempt was made on the life of the
+king of Greece, and in 1898 the Empress of Austria was assassinated in
+Switzerland by an Italian named Luccheni. The latter had gone there
+intending to kill the Duke of York, but, not finding him, decided to
+destroy the Empress. In 1900 King Humbert of Italy was assassinated by
+Gaetano Bresci. The latter had been working as a weaver in America,
+where he had also edited an anarchist paper. He was deeply moved when
+the story reached him of some soldiers who had shot and killed some
+peasants, who through hunger had been driven to riot. He demanded money
+of his comrades in Paterson, New Jersey, and, when he obtained it,
+hurried back to his native land, where, at Monza, on the 29th of July he
+shot the King. The next year on September 5, President McKinley was
+shot in Buffalo by Leon Czolgosz.
+
+No other striking figure appears among the anarchists until 1912. In the
+early months of that year all Paris was terrified by a series of crimes
+unexampled, it is said, in Western history. The deeds of Bonnot and his
+confederates were so reckless, daring, and openly defiant, their escapes
+so miraculous, and the audacity of their assaults so incredible, that
+the people of Paris were put in a state bordering on frenzy. Just before
+the previous Christmas, in broad daylight, on a busy street, the band
+fell upon a bank messenger. They shot him and took from his wallet
+$25,000. They then jumped in an automobile and disappeared. A short time
+later a police agent called upon a chauffeur who was driving at excess
+speed to stop. It was in the very center of Paris, but instead of
+slackening his pace one of the occupants of the car drew a revolver,
+and, firing, killed the officer. A pursuit was organized, but the
+murderers escaped.
+
+Several other crimes were committed by the band in the next few days,
+but perhaps the most daring was that of March 25. In the forest of
+Senart, at eight o'clock in the morning, a band of five men stopped a
+chauffeur driving a powerful new motor car. They shot the chauffeur and
+injured his companion. The five men then took the car, and proceeded at
+great speed to the famous racing center of Chantilly. They went directly
+to a bank, descended from the car, and shot down the three men in charge
+of the bank. They then seized from the safe $10,000. A crowd which had
+gathered was kept back by one of the bandits with a rifle. The others
+came out, opened fire on the spectators, started the car at its utmost
+speed, and disappeared.
+
+Not long after, Monsieur Jouin, deputy chief of the Sûreté, and Chief
+Inspector Colmar were making a domiciliary search in a house near Paris.
+Instead of finding what they thought, a man crouching beneath a bed
+sprang upon them, and in the fight Jouin was killed and Colmar severely
+injured. Bonnot, although injured, escaped by almost miraculous means.
+
+At last, on April 29, the band, which had defied the police force of
+Paris for four months, was discovered concealed in a garage said to
+belong to a wealthy anarchist. A body of police besieged the place, and
+after two police officers were killed a dynamite cartridge was exploded
+that destroyed the garage. Bonnot was then captured, fighting to the
+last. The police reported the finding of Bonnot's will, in which he
+says: "I am a celebrated man.... Ought I to regret what I have done?
+Yes, perhaps; but I must live my life. So much the worse for idiotic and
+imbecile society.... I am not more guilty," he continues, "than the
+sweaters who exploit poor devils."[12] His final thought, it is said,
+was for his accomplices, both of whom were women, one his mistress, the
+other the manager of the _Journal Anarchie_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+SEEKING THE CAUSES
+
+
+Such is the tragic story of barely forty years of terrorism in Western
+Europe. It reads far more like lurid fiction than the cold facts of
+history. Yet these amazing irreconcilables actually lived--in our
+time--and fought, at the cost of their lives, the entire organization of
+society. Surely few other periods in history can show a series of
+characters so daring, so bitter, so bent on destruction and
+annihilation. Bakounin, Nechayeff, Most, Lingg, Duval, Decamps,
+Ravachol, Henry, Vaillant, Caserio, and Luccheni--these bewildering
+rebels--individually waged their deadly conflict with the world. With
+the weakness of their one single life in revolt against
+society--protected as it is by countless thousands of police, millions
+of armed men, and all its machinery for defense--these amazing creatures
+fought their fight and wrote their page of protest in the world's
+history. Think of it as we will, this we know, that the world cannot
+utterly ignore men who lay down their lives for any cause. Men may write
+and agitate, they may scream never so shrilly about the wrongs of the
+world, but when they go forth to fight single-handed and to die for what
+they preach they have at least earned the right to demand of society an
+inquiry.
+
+What was it that drove these men to violence? Was it the teachings of
+Bakounin, of Nechayeff, and of Most? Their writings have been read and
+pondered over by thousands of yearning and impressionable minds. They
+have been drink to the thirsty and food to the hungry. Yet one anarchist
+at least denies that the writings of these terrorists have moved men to
+violence. "My contention is," says Emma Goldman, "that they were
+impelled, not by the teachings of anarchism, but by the tremendous
+pressure of conditions, making life unbearable to their sensitive
+natures."[1] Returning again to the same thought, she exclaims, "How
+utterly fallacious the stereotyped notion that the teachings of
+anarchism, or certain exponents of these teachings, are responsible for
+the acts of political violence."[2] To this indefatigable propagandist
+of anarchist doctrine, those who have been led into homicidal violence
+are "high strung, like a violin string." "They weep and moan for life,
+so relentless, so cruel, so terribly inhuman. In a desperate moment the
+string breaks."[3]
+
+Yet, if it be true that doctrines have naught to do with the spread of
+terrorism, why is it that among many million socialists there are almost
+no terrorists, while among a few thousand anarchists there are many
+terrorists? The pressure of adverse social conditions is felt as keenly
+by the socialists as by the anarchists. The one quite as much as the
+other is a rebel against social ills. The indictment made by the
+socialists against political and economic injustice is as far-reaching
+as that of the anarchists. Why then does not the socialist movement
+produce terrorists? Is it not that the teachings of Marx and of all his
+disciples dwell upon the folly of violence, the futility of riots, the
+madness of assassination, while, on the other hand, the teachings of
+Bakounin, of Nechayeff, of Kropotkin, and of Most advocate destructive
+violence as a creative force? "Extirpate the wretches!" cries Most.
+"Make robbers our allies!" says Nechayeff. "Propagate the gospel by a
+deed!" urges Kropotkin, and throughout Bakounin's writings there appears
+again and again the plea for "terrible, total, inexorable, and universal
+destruction." Both socialists and anarchists preach their gospel to the
+weary and heavy-laden, to the despondent and the outraged, who may
+readily be led to commit acts of despair. They have, after all, little
+to lose, and their life, at present unbearable, can be made little worse
+by punishment. Yet millions of the miserable have come into the
+socialist movement to hear the fiercest of indictments against
+capitalism, and it is but rare that one becomes a terrorist. What else
+than the teachings of anarchism and of socialism can explain this
+difference?
+
+Unquestionably, socialism and anarchism attract distinctly different
+types, who are in many ways alien to each other. Their mental processes
+differ. Their nervous systems jar upon each other. Even physically they
+have been known to repel each other. Born of much the same conditions,
+they fought each other in the cradle. From the very beginning they have
+been irreconcilable, and with perfect frankness they have shown their
+contempt for each other. About the kindest criticism that the socialist
+makes of the anarchist is that he is a child, while the anarchist is
+convinced that the socialist is a Philistine and an inbred conservative
+who, should he ever get power, would immediately hang the anarchists.[J]
+They are traditional enemies, who seem utterly incapable of
+understanding each other. Intellectually, they fail to grasp the meaning
+of each other's philosophy. It is but rare that a socialist, no matter
+how conscientious a student, will confess he fully understands
+anarchism. On the other hand, no one understands the doctrines of
+socialism so little as the anarchist. It is possible, therefore, that
+the same conditions which drive the anarchist to terrorist acts lead the
+socialist to altogether different methods, but the reasonable and
+obvious conclusion would be that teachings and doctrines determine the
+methods that each employ.
+
+The anarchist is, as Emma Goldman says, "high strung." His ear is tuned
+to hear unintermittently the agonized cry. To follow the imagery of
+Shelley, he seems to be living in a "mind's hell,"[4] wherein hate,
+scorn, pity, remorse, and despair seem to be tearing out the nerves by
+their bleeding roots. Björnstjerne Björnson, François Coppée, Émile
+Zola, and many other great writers have sought to depict the psychology
+of the anarchist, but I think no one has approached the poet Shelley,
+who had in himself the heart of the anarchist. He was a son-in-law and a
+disciple of William Godwin, one of the fathers of anarchism. "Prometheus
+Unbound," "The Revolt of Islam," and "The Mask of Anarchy," are
+expressions of the very soul of Godwin's philosophy. Shelley was
+"cradled into poetry by wrong," as a multitude of other unhappy men are
+cradled into terrorism by wrong. He was "as a nerve o'er which do creep
+the else unfelt oppressions of this earth," and he "could moan for woes
+which others hear not." He, too, "could ... with the poor and trampled
+sit and weep."[5] There is in nearly all anarchists this
+supersensitiveness, this hyperæsthesia that leads to ecstasy, to
+hysteria, and to fanaticism. It is a neuropathy that has led certain
+scientists, like Lombroso and Krafft-Ebbing, to suggest that some
+anarchist crimes can only be looked upon as a means to indirect suicide.
+They are outbursts that lead to a spectacular martyr-like ending to
+brains that "too much thought expands," to hearts overladen, and to
+nerves all unstrung. Life is a burden to them, though they lack the
+courage to commit suicide directly. Such is the view of these students
+of criminal pathology, and they cite a long list of political criminals
+who can only be explained as those who have sought indirectly
+self-destruction. It is a type of insanity that leads to acts which seem
+sublime to others in a state of like torture both of mind and of nerves.
+
+This explains no doubt the acts of some terrorists, and at the same time
+it condemns the present attitude of society toward the terrorist. Think
+of hanging the tormented soul who could say as he was taken to the
+gallows: "I went away from my native place because I was frequently
+moved to tears at seeing little girls of eight or ten years obliged to
+work fifteen hours a day for the paltry pay of twenty centimes. Young
+women of eighteen or twenty also work fifteen hours daily for a mockery
+of remuneration....
+
+"I have observed that there are a great many people who are hungry, and
+many children who suffer, while bread and clothes abound in the towns. I
+saw many and large shops full of clothing and woolen stuffs, and I also
+saw warehouses full of wheat and Indian corn, suitable for those who are
+in want."[6] When such a tortured spirit is driven to homicide, how is
+it possible for society to demand and take that life? Shall we admit
+that there is a duel between society and these souls deranged by the
+wrongs of society? "In this duel," said Vaillant, "I have only wounded
+my adversary, it is now his turn to strike me."[7] It is tragic enough
+that a poor and desperate soul, like Vaillant, should have felt himself
+in deadly combat with society, but how much more tragic it is for
+society to admit that fact, accept the challenge, and take that life!
+"If you cannonade us, we shall dynamite you," said Louis Lingg.[8] And
+we answer, "If you dynamite us, we shall cannonade you." And in so far
+as this is our sole attitude toward these rebels, wherein are we
+superior? For Lingg to say that was at least heroic. For us so to answer
+is not even heroic. Our paid men see to it. It is done as a matter of
+course and forgotten.
+
+These men say that justice exists only for the powerful, that the poor
+are robbed, and that "the lamp of their soul" is put out. They beg us to
+listen, and we will not. They ask us to read, and we will not. "It takes
+a loud voice to make the deaf hear," said Vaillant. They then give all
+they have to execute one dreadful deed of propaganda in order to awaken
+us. Must even this fail? We can hang them, but can we forget them? After
+every deed of the anarchists the press, the police, and the pulpit carry
+on for weeks a frenzied discussion over their atrocities. The lives of
+these Propagandists of the Deed are then crushed out, and in a few
+months even their names are forgotten. There seems to be an innate dread
+among us to seek the causes that lie at the bottom of these distressing
+symptoms of our present social régime. We prefer, it seems, to become
+like that we contemplate. We seek to terrorize them, as they seek to
+terrorize us. As the anarchist believes that oppression may be ended by
+the murder of the oppressor, so society cherishes the thought that
+anarchism may be ended by the murder of the anarchist. Are not our
+methods in truth the same, and can any man doubt that both are equally
+futile and senseless? Both the anarchy of the powerful and the anarchy
+of the weak are stupid and abortive, in that they lead to results
+diametrically opposed to the ends sought. Tennyson was never nearer a
+great social truth than when he wrote:
+
+
+     "He that roars for liberty
+     Faster binds a tyrant's power;
+     And the tyrant's cruel glee
+     Forces on the freer hour."[9]
+
+
+No one perhaps is better qualified than Lombroso to speak on the present
+punitive methods of society as a direct cause of terrorism.
+"Punishment," he says, "far from being a palliative to the fanaticism
+and the nervous diseases of others, exalts them, on the contrary, by
+exciting their altruistic aberration and their thirst for martyrdom. In
+order to heal these anarchist wounds there is, according to some
+statesmen, nothing but hanging on the gallows and prison. For my part, I
+consider it just indeed to take energetic measures against the
+anarchists. However, it is not necessary to go so far as to take
+measures which are merely the result of momentary reactions, measures
+which thus become as impulsive as the causes which have produced them
+and in their turn a source of new violence.
+
+"For example, I am not an unconditional adversary of capital punishment,
+at least when it is a question of the criminal born, whose existence is
+a constant danger to worthy people. Consequently, I should not have
+hesitated to condemn Pini[K] and Ravachol. On the other hand, I believe
+that capital punishment or severe or merely ignominious penalties are
+not suited to the crimes and the offenses of the anarchists in general.
+First, many of them are mentally deranged, and for these it is the
+asylum, and not death or the gallows, that is fitting. It is necessary
+also to take account, in the case of some of these criminals, of their
+noble altruism which renders them worthy of certain regard. Many of
+these people are souls that have gone astray and are hysterical, like
+Vaillant and Henry, who, had they been engaged in some other cause, far
+from being a danger, would have been able to be of use in this society
+which they wished to destroy....
+
+"As to indirect suicides, is it not to encourage them and to make them
+attain the end that they desire when we inflict on all those so disposed
+a spectacular death?... For many criminals by passion, unbalanced by an
+inadequate education, and whose feeling is aroused by either their own
+misery or at the sight of the misery of others, we would no more award
+the death penalty if the motive has been exclusively political, because
+they are much less dangerous than the criminal born. On the other hand,
+commitment to the asylum of the epileptic and the hysteric would be a
+practical measure, especially in France, where ridicule kills them.
+Martyrs are venerated and fools are derided."[10]
+
+Of course, Lombroso is endeavoring to prescribe a method of treatment
+for the terrorist that will not breed more terrorists. He sees in the
+present punitive methods an active cause of violence. However, it is
+perhaps impossible to hope that society will adopt any different
+attitude than that which it has taken in the past toward these
+unbalanced souls. In fact, it seems that a savage _lex talionis_ is
+wholly satisfying to the feudists on both sides. Neither the one nor the
+other seeks to understand the forces driving them both. They are bent on
+destroying each other, and they will probably continue in that struggle
+for a long time to come. However, if we learn little from those actually
+engaged in the conflict, there are those outside who have labored
+earnestly to understand and explain the causes of terrorism. Ethics,
+religion, psychology, criminal pathology, sociology, economics,
+jurisprudence--all contribute to the explanation. And, while it is not
+possible to go into the entire matter as exhaustively as one could wish,
+there are several points which seem to make clear the cause of this
+almost individual struggle between the anarchists above and the
+anarchists below.
+
+Some of those who have written of the causes of terrorism have a
+partisan bias. There are those among the Catholic clergy, for instance,
+who have sought to place the entire onus on the doctrines of modern
+socialism. This has, in turn, led August Bebel to point out that the
+teachings of certain famous men in the Church have condoned
+assassination. He reminds us of Mariana, the Jesuit, who taught under
+what circumstances each individual has a right to take the life of a
+tyrant. His work, _De Rege et Rege Constitutione_, was famous in its
+time. Lombroso tells us that "the Jesuits ... who even to-day sustain
+the divine right of kings, when the kings themselves believe in it no
+longer, revolted at one time against the princes who were not willing to
+follow them in their _misonéique_ and retrograde fanaticism and hurled
+themselves into regicide. Thus three Jesuits were executed in England in
+1551 for complicity in a conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth, and
+two others in 1605 in connection with the powder plot. In France, Père
+Guignard was beheaded for high treason against Henry IV. (1595). Some
+Jesuits were beheaded in Holland for the conspiracies against Maurice de
+Nassau (1598); and, later in Portugal, after the attempt to assassinate
+King Joseph (1757), three of the Jesuits were implicated; and in Spain
+(1766) still others were condemned for their conspiracy against
+Ferdinand IV.
+
+"During the same period two Jesuits were hanged in Paris as accomplices
+in the attempt against Louis XV. When they did not take an active part
+in political crimes, they exercised indirectly their influence by means
+of a whole series of works approving regicide or tyrannicide, as they
+were pleased to distinguish it in their books. Mariana, in his book, _De
+Rege et Rege Constitutione_, praises Clément and apologizes for
+regicide; and that, in spite of the fact that the Council of Constance
+had condemned the maxim according to which it was permitted to kill a
+tyrant."[L][11]
+
+That the views of Mariana were very similar to those of the terrorists
+will be seen by the following quotation from his famous book: "It is a
+question," he writes, in discussing the best means of killing a king,
+"whether it is more expedient to use poison or the dagger. The use of
+poison in the food has a great advantage in that it produces its effect
+without exposing the life of the one who has recourse to this method.
+But such a death would be a suicide, and one is not permitted to become
+an accomplice to a suicide. Happily, there is another method available,
+that of poisoning the clothing, the chairs, the bed. This is the method
+that it is necessary to put into execution in imitation of the
+Mauritanian kings, who, under the pretext of honoring their rivals with
+gifts, sent them clothes that had been sprinkled with an invisible
+substance, with which contact alone has a fatal effect."[12]
+
+It has also been pointed out that, although Catholics have rarely been
+given to revolutionary political and economic theories, the Mafia and
+the Camorra in Italy, the Fenians in Ireland, and the Molly Maguires in
+America were all organizations of Catholics which pursued the same
+terrorist tactics that we find in the anarchist movement. These are
+unquestionable facts, yet they explain nothing. Certainly Zenker is
+justified in saying, "The deeds of people like Jacques Clément,
+Ravaillac, Corday, Sand, and Caserio, are all of the same kind; hardly
+anyone will be found to-day to maintain that Sand's action followed from
+the views of the _Burschenschaft_, or Clément's from Catholicism, even
+when we learn that Sand was regarded by his fellows as a saint, as was
+Charlotte Corday and Clément, or even when learned Jesuits like Sa,
+Mariana, and others, _cum licentia et approbatione superiorum_, in
+connection with Clément's outrage, discussed the question of regicide in
+a manner not unworthy of Nechayeff or Most."[13] It therefore ill
+becomes the Catholic clergy to attack socialism on the ground of
+regicide, as not one socialist book or one socialist leader has ever yet
+been known to advocate even tyrannicide. On the other hand, while
+terrorism has been extraordinarily prevalent in Catholic countries, such
+as France, Italy, and Spain, no socialist will seriously seek to lay the
+blame on the Catholic Church. The truth is that the forces which produce
+terrorism affect the Catholic mind as they affect the Protestant mind.
+In every struggle for liberty and justice against religious, political,
+or industrial oppression, some men are moved to take desperate measures
+regardless of whether they are Catholics, Protestants, or pagans.
+
+Still other seekers after the causes of terrorism have pointed out that
+the ethics of our time appear to justify the terrorist and his tactics.
+History glorifies the deeds of numberless heroes who have destroyed
+tyrants. The story of William Tell is in every primer, and every
+schoolboy is thrilled with the tale of the hero who shot from ambush
+Gessler, the tyrant.[M] From the Old Testament down to even recent
+history, we find story after story which make immortal patriots of men
+who have committed assassination in the belief that they were serving
+their country. And can anyone doubt that Booth when he shot President
+Lincoln[N] or that Czolgosz when he murdered President McKinley was
+actuated by any other motive than the belief that he was serving a
+cause? It was the idea of removing an industrial tyrant that actuated
+young Alexander Berkman when he shot Henry C. Frick, of the Carnegie
+Company. These latter acts are not recorded in history as heroic, simply
+and solely because the popular view was not in sympathy with those
+acts. Yet had they been committed at another time, under different
+conditions, the story of these men might have been told for centuries to
+admiring groups of children.
+
+In Carlyle's "Hero Worship" and in his philosophy of history, the
+progress of the world is summarized under the stories of great men.
+Certain individuals are responsible for social wrongs, while other
+individuals are responsible for the great revolutions that have righted
+those wrongs. In the building up, as well as in the destruction of
+empires, the individual plays stupendous rôles. This egocentric
+interpretation of history has not only been the dominant one in
+explaining the great political changes of the past, it is now the
+reasoning of the common mind, of the yellow press, of the demagogue, in
+dealing with the causes of the evils of the present day. The Republican
+Party declared that President McKinley was responsible for prosperity;
+by equally sound reasoning Czolgosz may have argued that he was
+responsible for social misery. According to this theory, Rockefeller is
+the giant mind that invented the trusts; political bosses such as Croker
+and Murphy are the infamous creatures who fasten upon a helpless
+populace of millions of souls a Tammany Hall; Bismarck created modern
+Germany; Lloyd George created social reform in England; while Tom Mann
+in England and Samuel Gompers in America are responsible for strikes;
+and Keir Hardie and Eugene Debs responsible for socialism. The
+individual who with great force of ability becomes the foremost figure
+in social, political, or industrial development is immediately assailed
+or glorified. He becomes the personification of an evil thing that must
+be destroyed or of a good thing that must be protected. It is a result
+of such reasoning that men ignorant of underlying social, political, or
+industrial forces seek to obstruct the processes of evolution by
+removing the individual. On this ground the anarchists have been led to
+remove hundreds of police officials, capitalists, royalties, and others.
+They have been poisoned, shot, and dynamited, in the belief that their
+removal would benefit humanity. Yet nothing would seem to be quite so
+obvious as the fact that their removal has hardly caused a ripple in the
+swiftly moving current of evolution. Others, often more forceful and
+capable, have immediately stepped into their places, and the course of
+events has remained unchanged.
+
+Speaking on this subject, August Bebel refers to the hero-worship of
+Bismarck in Germany: "There is no other person whom the social democracy
+had so much reason to hate as him, and the social democracy was not more
+hated by anybody than by just that Bismarck. Our love and our hatred
+were, as you see, mutual. But one would search in vain the entire social
+democratic press and literature for an expression of the thought that it
+would be a lucky thing if that man were removed.... But how often did
+the capitalist press express the idea that, were it not for Bismarck, we
+would not, to this day, have a united Germany? There cannot be a more
+mistaken idea than this. The unity of Germany would have come without
+Bismarck. The idea of unity and liberty was in the sixties so powerful
+among all the German people that it would have been realized, with or
+without the assistance of the Hohenzollerns. The unity of Germany was
+not only a political but an _economic necessity_, primarily in the
+interests of the capitalist class and its development. The idea of unity
+would have ultimately broken through with elementary force. At this
+juncture Bismarck made use of the tendency, in _his own fashion, in the
+interest of the Hohenzollern dynasty_, and at the same time _in the
+interest of the capitalist class and of the Junkers_, the landed
+nobility. The offspring of this compromise is the Constitution of the
+German Empire, the provisions of which strive to reconcile the interests
+of these three factors. Finally, even a man like Bismarck had to leave
+his post. 'What a misfortune for Germany!' cried the press devoted to
+him. Well, what has happened to Germany since then? Even Bismarck
+himself could not have ruled it much differently than it has been ruled
+since his days."[14]
+
+This egoistic conception of history is carried to its most violent
+extreme by the anarchists. The principles of Nechayeff are a series of
+prescriptions by which fearless and reckless individuals may destroy
+other individuals. Ravachol, Vaillant, and Henry seemed obsessed with
+the idea that upon their individual acts rested the burden of
+deliverance. Bonnot's last words were, "I am a celebrated man." From the
+gallows in Chicago Fischer declared, "This is the happiest moment of my
+life."[15] "Call your hangman!" exclaimed August Spies. "Truth crucified
+in Socrates, in Christ, in Giordano Bruno, in Huss, in Galileo, still
+lives--they and others whose name is legion have preceded us on this
+path. We are ready to follow!"[16] Fielden said: "I have loved my
+fellowmen as I have loved myself. I have hated trickery, dishonesty, and
+injustice. The nineteenth century commits the crime of killing its best
+friend."[17] It is singularly impressive, in reading the literature of
+anarchism, to weigh the last words of men who felt upon their souls the
+individual responsibility of saving humanity. They have uttered
+memorable words because of their inherent sincerity, their devout belief
+in the individual, in his power for evil, and in his power to remove
+that evil.
+
+In many anarchists, however, this deification of the individual induces
+a morbid and diseased egotism which drives them to the most amazing
+excesses; among others, the yearning to commit some memorable act of
+revolt in order to be remembered. In fact, the ego in its worst, as well
+as in its best aspect, dominates the thought and the literature of
+anarchism. Max Stirner, considered by some the founder of philosophical
+anarchism, calls his book "The Ego and His Own." "Whether what I think
+and do is Christian," he writes, "what do I care? Whether it is human,
+liberal, humane, whether unhuman, illiberal, inhuman, what do I ask
+about that? If only it accomplishes what I want, if only I satisfy
+myself in it, then overlay it with predicates as you will; it is all
+alike to me."[18] "Consequently my relation to the world is this: I no
+longer do anything for it 'for God's sake,' I do nothing 'for man's
+sake,' but what I do I do 'for my sake.'"[19] "Where the world comes in
+my way--and it comes in my way everywhere--I consume it to quiet the
+hunger of my egoism. For me you are nothing but--my food, even as I,
+too, am fed upon and turned to use by you."[20]
+
+Here society is conceived of as merely a collection of egos. The world
+is a history of gods and of devils. All the evils of the time are
+embodied in individual tyrants. Some of these individuals control the
+social forces, others the political, still others the industrial forces.
+As individuals, they overpower and enslave their individual enemies.
+Remove a man and you destroy the source of tyranny. A judge commits a
+man to death, and the judge is dynamited. A Prime Minister sends the
+army to shoot down striking workmen and the Prime Minister is shot. A
+law is passed violating the rights of free speech, and, following that,
+an Emperor is shot. The rich exploit the poor, and a fanatic throws a
+bomb in the first café he passes to revenge the poor. Wicked and unjust
+laws are made, and Vaillant goes in person to the Chamber of Deputies to
+throw his bomb. The police of Chicago murder some hungry strikers, and
+an avenger goes to the Haymarket to murder the police. In all these acts
+we find a point of view in harmony with the dominant one of our day. It
+is the one taught in our schools, in our pulpits, on our political
+platforms, and in our press. It is the view, carried to an extreme, of
+that man or group of men who believes that the ideas of individuals
+determine social evolution. Nothing could be more logical to the
+revolutionist who holds this view than to seek to remove those
+individuals who are responsible for the existing order of society. As a
+rule, the socialist stands almost alone in combating this ideological
+interpretation of history and of social evolution.
+
+There is something in the nature of poetic irony in the fact that the
+anarchist should take the very ethics of capitalism and reduce them to
+an absurdity. It is something in the nature of a satire, sordid and
+terrible, which the realism of things has here written. The very most
+cherished ethical ideals of our society are used by the bitterest
+enemies of that society to arouse the wronged to individual acts of
+revenge. Quite a number of notable anarchists have been the product of
+misery and oppression. Their souls were warped, and their minds
+distorted in childhood by hunger and brutality. They were wronged
+terribly by the world, and anarchism came to them as a welcome spirit,
+breathing revenge. It taught that the world was wrong, that injustice
+rode over it like a nightmare, that misery flourished in the midst of
+abundance, that multitudes labored with bent backs to produce luxuries
+for the few. Their eyes were opened to the wrong of hunger, poverty,
+unemployment, of woman and child labor, and of all the miseries that
+press heavily upon human souls. And in their revolt they saw kings,
+judges, police officials, legislators, captains of industry, who were
+said to be directly responsible for these social ills. It was not
+society or a system or even a class that was to blame; it was McKinley,
+or Carnot, or Frick. And those whom some worshiped as heroes, these men
+loathed as tyrants.
+
+The powerful have thought to deprive the poor of souls. They have liked
+to think that they would forever bear their cross in peace. Yet when
+anarchism comes and touches the souls of the poor it finds not dead
+blocks of wood or mere senseless cogs in an industrial machine; it finds
+the living, who can pray and weep, love and hate. No matter how scared
+their souls become, there is yet a possibility that their whole beings
+may revolt under wrong. When the anarchist deifies even the veriest
+wreck of society--this individual, "this god, though in the germ"--when
+he inflames it with dignity and with pride, when he fills its whole
+being with a thirst for awful and incredible vengeance, you have Duval,
+Lingg, Ravachol, Luccheni, and Bonnot. Add to their desire for revenge
+the philosophy of anarchism and of our schoolbooks, that individuals are
+the makers of history, and the result is terrorism.
+
+Other students of terrorism have noted the prevalence of violence in
+those countries and times where the courts are corrupt, where the law is
+brutal and oppressive, or where men are convinced that no available
+machinery exists to execute the ends of justice. This latter is the
+explanation given for the numerous lynchings in America and also for
+the practices of "popular justice" that used to be a common feature of
+frontier life. In the absence of a properly constituted legal machinery
+groups of men undertake to shoot, hang, or burn those whom they consider
+dangerous to the public weal. In Russia it was inevitable that a
+terrorist movement should arise. The courts were corrupt, the
+bureaucracy oppressive. Furthermore, no form of freedom existed. Men
+could neither speak nor write their views. They could not assemble, and
+until recently they did not possess the slightest voice in the affairs
+of government. Borne down by a most hideous oppression, the terrorist
+was the natural product. The same conditions have existed to an extent
+in Italy, and probably no other country has produced so many violent
+anarchists. Caserio, Luccheni, Bresci, and Angiolillo have been
+mentioned, but there are others, such as Santoro, Mantica, Benedicti,
+although these latter are accused of being police agents. In Italy the
+people have for centuries individually undertaken to execute their
+conception of equity. Official justice was too costly to be available to
+the poor, and the courts were too corrupt to render them justice. For
+centuries, therefore, men have been considered justified in murdering
+their personal enemies. Among all classes it has long been customary to
+deal individually with those who have committed certain crimes. The
+horrible legal conditions existing in both Spain and Italy have
+developed among these peoples the idea of "self-help." They have taken
+law into their own hands, and, according to their lights and passions,
+have meted out their rude justice. Assassination has been defended in
+these countries, as lynching has been defended recently, as some will
+remember, by a most eminent American anarchist, the Governor of South
+Carolina.
+
+Lombroso says in his exhaustive study of the causes of violence, _Les
+Anarchistes_: "History is rich in examples of the complicity of
+criminality and politics, and where one sees in turn political passion
+react on criminal instinct and criminal instinct on political passion.
+While Pompey has on his side all honest people--Cato, Brutus, Cicero;
+Cæsar, more popular than he, has as his followers only
+degenerates--Antony, a libertine and drunkard; Curio, a bankrupt;
+Clelius, a madman; Dolabella, who made his wife die of grief and who
+wanted to annul all debts; and, above all, Catiline and Clodius. In
+Greece the Clefts, who are brigands in time of peace, have valiantly
+championed the independence of their country. In Italy, in 1860, the
+Papacy and the Bourbons hired brigands to oppose the national party and
+its troops; the Mafia of Sicily rose up with Garibaldi; and the Camorra
+of Naples coöperated with the liberals. And this shameful alliance with
+the Camorra of Naples is not yet dissolved; the last parliamentary
+struggles relative to the acts of the government of Naples have given us
+a sad echo of it--which, alas, proves that it still lasts without hope
+of change for the future. It is especially at the initial stages of
+revolutions that these sorts of people abound. It is then, indeed, that
+the abnormal and unhealthy spirits predominate over the faltering and
+the weak and drag them on to excesses by an actual epidemic of
+imitation."[21]
+
+Marx and Engels saw very clearly the part that the criminal elements
+would play in any uprising, and as early as 1847 they wrote in the
+Communist Manifesto: "The 'dangerous class,' the social scum, that
+passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society,
+may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian
+revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for
+the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue."[22] The truth of
+this statement has been amply illustrated in the numerous outbreaks that
+have occurred since it was written. The use by the Bakouninists in Spain
+of the criminal elements there, the repeated exploits of the police
+agents in discrediting every uprising by encouraging the criminal
+elements to outrageous acts, and the terrible barbarities of the
+criminal classes at the time of the Paris Commune are all examples of
+how useful to reaction the rotting layers of old society may become.
+Even when they do not serve as a bribed tool of the reactionary
+elements, their atrocities, both cruel and criminal, repel the
+self-respecting and conscientious elements. They discredit the real
+revolutionists, who must bear the stigma that attaches to the inhuman
+acts of the "dangerous class."
+
+That the European governments have used the terrorists in exactly this
+manner in order to discredit popular movements, is not, I think, open to
+any question. The money of the anarchists' bitterest enemy has helped to
+make anarchy so well known. The politics of Machiavelli is the politics
+of nearly every old established European government. It is the politics
+of families who have been trained in the profession of rulership. And
+this mastership, as William Morris has said, has many shifts. And one
+that has been most useful to them is that of subsidizing those persons
+or elements who by their acts promote reaction. In Russia it is an old
+custom to foment and provoke minor insurrections. Police agents enter a
+discontented district and do all possible to irritate the troublesome
+elements and to force them "to come into the street." In this manner the
+agitators and leaders are brought to the front, where at one stroke they
+may all be shot. Furthermore, the police agents themselves commit or
+provoke such atrocious crimes that the people are terrified and welcome
+the strong arm of the Government. Literally scores of instances might be
+given where, by well-planned work of this sort, the active leaders are
+cut down, the sources of agitation destroyed, and through the robberies,
+murders, and dynamite outrages of police agents the people are so
+terrified that they welcome the intervention of even tyranny itself.
+
+An immense sensation throughout Europe was created by an address by
+Jules Guesde in the French Chamber of Deputies, the 19th of July, 1894.
+The deeds of Ravachol, Vaillant, and Henry were still the talk of
+Europe, and, three weeks before, the President of the Republic had been
+stabbed to death by Caserio. It was in that critical period, amidst
+commotions, interruptions, protests, and exclamations of amazement, that
+Guesde brought out his evidence that the chief of police of Paris had
+paid regular subsidies to promote and extend both the preaching and the
+practice of violent anarchism. He introduced, in support of his remarks,
+portions from the Memoirs of M. Andrieux, our old friend of Lyons and
+later the head of the Paris police. "The anarchists," says Andrieux,
+"wished to have a newspaper to spread their doctrines. If I fought their
+Propaganda of the Deed, I at least favored the spread of their doctrines
+by means of the press, and I have no reasons for depriving myself longer
+of their gratitude.[O] The companions were looking for some one to
+advance funds, but infamous capital was in no hurry to reply to their
+appeal. I shook it up and succeeded in persuading it that it was for its
+own interest to aid in the publication of an anarchist newspaper....
+
+"But do not think that I boldly offered to the anarchists the
+encouragement of the Prefect of Police.... I sent a well-dressed
+bourgeois to one of the most active and intelligent of them. He
+explained that, having acquired a fortune in the drug business, he
+desired to devote a part of his income to help their propaganda. This
+bourgeois, anxious to be devoured, awakened no suspicion among the
+companions. Through his hands, I deposited the caution money in the
+coffers of the State, and the paper, _la Révolution Sociale_, made its
+appearance.... Every day, about the table of the editors, the authorized
+representatives of the party of action assembled; they looked over the
+international correspondence; they deliberated on the measures to be
+taken to end 'the exploitation of man by man'; they imparted to each
+other the recipes which science puts at the disposal of revolution. I
+was always represented in the councils, and I gave my advice in case of
+need.... The members had decided in the beginning that the
+Palais-Bourbon must be blown up. They deliberated on the question as to
+whether it would not be more expedient to commence with some more
+accessible monument. The Bank of France, the _palais de l'Élysée_, the
+house of the prefect of police, the office of the Minister of the
+Interior were all discussed, then abandoned, by reason of the too
+careful surveillance of which they were the object."[23] Toward the end
+of his address, Guesde turned to the reactionaries, and said: "I have
+shown you that everywhere, from the beginning of the anarchist epidemic
+in France, you find either the hand or the money of one of your
+prefects of police.... That is how you have fought in the past this
+anarchistic danger of which you make use to-day to commit, what shall I
+say?... real crimes, not only against socialism, but against the
+Republic itself."[24]
+
+For the last forty years police agents have swarmed into the socialist,
+the anarchist, and the trade-union movements for the purpose of
+provoking violence. The conditions grew so bad in Russia that every
+revolutionist suspected his comrade. Many loyal revolutionists were
+murdered in the belief that they were spies. In the belief that they
+were comrades, the faithful intrusted their innermost secrets to the
+agents of the police. Every plan they made was known. Every undertaking
+proved abortive, because the police knew everything in advance and
+frequently had in charge of every plot their own men. Criminals were
+turned into the movement under the surveillance of the police.[P] All
+through the days of the International it was a common occurrence to
+expose police spies, and in every national party agents of the police
+have been discovered and driven out. It has become almost a rule, in
+certain sections of the socialist and labor movements, that the man who
+advocates violence must be watched, and there are numerous instances
+where such men have been proved to be paid agents of the police. Joseph
+Peukert was for many years one of the foremost leaders of the
+anarchists. He was in Vienna with Stellmacher and Kammerer, and devoted
+much of his time to translating into German the works of foreign
+anarchists. It was only discovered toward the end of his life that
+during all this time he was in the employ of the Austrian police.
+
+These and similar startling facts were brought out by August Bebel in an
+address delivered in Berlin, November 2, 1898. Luccheni had just
+murdered the Empress of Austria, and the German reactionaries attempted,
+of course, to connect him with the socialists. Bebel created utter
+consternation in their camp when, as a part of his address, he showed
+the active participation of high officials in crimes of the anarchists.
+"And how often," said Bebel, "police agents have helped along in the
+attempted or executed assassinations of the last decades. When Bismarck
+was Federal Ambassador at Frankfort-on-the-Main he wrote to his wife:
+'For lack of material the police agents lie and exaggerate in a most
+inexcusable manner.' These agents are engaged to discover contemplated
+assassinations. Under these circumstances, the bad fellows among them
+... come easily to the idea: 'If other people don't commit
+assassinations, then we ourselves must help the thing along.' For, if
+they cannot report that there is something doing, they will be
+considered superfluous, and, of course, they don't want that to happen.
+So they 'help the thing along' by 'correcting luck,' as the French
+proverb puts it. Or they play politics on their own score.
+
+"To demonstrate this I need only to remind you of the 'reminiscences' of
+Andrieux, the former Chief of Police of Paris, in which he brags with
+the greatest cynicism of how he, by aid of police funds, subsidized
+extreme Anarchist papers and organized Anarchist assassinations, just to
+give a thorough scare to rich citizens. And then there is that notorious
+Police Inspector Melville, of London, who also operated on these lines.
+That was revealed by the investigation of the so-called Walsall attempt
+at assassination. Among the assassinations committed by the Fenians
+there were also some that were the work of the police, as was shown at
+the Parnell trial. Everybody remembers how much of such activity was
+displayed in Belgium during the eighties by that prince of scoundrels,
+Pourbaix. Even the Minister Bernaard himself was compelled to admit
+before the Parliament that Pourbaix was paid to arrange assassinations
+in order to justify violent persecutions of the _Social Democracy_.
+Likewise was Baron von Ungern-Sternberg, nicknamed the 'bomb-baron,'
+unmasked as a police agent at the trial of the Luttich Anarchists.
+
+"And then--our own good friends at the time of the [anti-] Socialist
+law. About them I myself could tell you some interesting stories, for I
+was among those who helped to unmask them. There is Schroeder-Brennwald,
+of Zurich, the chap who was receiving from Molkenmarkt, through police
+counsellor Krueger, a monthly salary of at first 200 and then 250 marks.
+At every meeting in Zurich this Schroeder was stirring up people and
+putting them up to commit acts of violence. But to guard against
+expulsion from Switzerland by the authorities of that country, he first
+acquired _citizenship in Switzerland_, presumably by means of funds
+furnished by the police of Prussia. During the summer of 1883 Schroeder
+and the police-Anarchist Kaufman called and held in Zurich a conference
+participated in by thirteen persons. Schroeder acted as chairman. At
+that conference plans were laid for the assassinations which were later
+committed in Vienna, Stuttgart, and Strassburg by Stellmacher, Kammerer,
+and Kumitzsch. I am not informed that these unscrupulous scoundrels,
+although they were in the service of the police, had informed the
+police commissioner that those murders were being contemplated.... Men
+like Stellmacher and Kammerer paid for their acts with their lives on
+the gallows. When [Johann] Most was serving a term in a prison in
+England, this same police spy Schroeder had Most's 'Freiheit' published
+at Schaffhausen, Switzerland, at his own expense. The money surely did
+not come out of his own pocket.
+
+"That was a glorious time when [we unmasked this Schroeder and the other
+police organizer of plots, Haupt, to whom] the police counsellor Krueger
+wrote that he knew the next attempt on the life of the Czar of Russia
+would be arranged in Geneva, and he should send in reports. Was this
+demand not remarkable in the highest degree? And now Herr von Ehrenberg,
+the former colonel of artillery of Baden!... This fellow was
+unquestionably for good reason suspected of having betrayed to the
+General Staff of Italy the fortifications of Switzerland at St.
+Gotthard. When his residence was searched it was brought to light that
+Herr von Ehrenberg worked also in the employ of the Prussian police. He
+gave regularly written reports of conversations which he claimed to have
+had with our comrades, including me. Only in those alleged conversations
+the characters were reversed. We were represented as advocating the most
+reckless criminal plans, which in reality he himself suggested and
+defended, while he pictured himself in those reports as opposing the
+plans.... What would have happened if some day those reports had fallen
+into the hands of certain persons--and that was undoubtedly the
+purpose--and, if accused, we had no witnesses to prove the spy committed
+perfidy? Thus, for instance, he attempted to convince me--but in his
+records claimed that it was I who proposed it--that it would be but
+child's play to find out the residences of the higher military officers
+in all the greater cities of Germany, then, in one night, send out our
+best men and have all those officers murdered simultaneously. In four
+articles published in the 'Arbeiterstimme,' of Zurich, he explained in a
+truly classical manner how to conduct a modern street battle, what to do
+to get the best of artillery and cavalry. At meetings he urged the
+collection of funds to buy arms for our people. As soon as war broke out
+with France our comrades from Switzerland, according to him, should
+break into Baden and Wuerttemberg, should there tear up the tracks and
+confiscate the contents of the postal and railroad treasuries. And this
+man, who urged me to do all that, was, as I said, in the employ of the
+Prussian police.
+
+"Another police preacher and organizer of violent plots was that
+well-known Friedeman who was driven out of Berlin, and, at the
+gatherings of comrades in Zurich, appealed to them, in prose and poetry,
+to commit acts of violence. A certain Weiss, a journeyman tinsmith, was
+arrested in the vicinity of Basel for having put up posters in which the
+deeds of Kammerer and Stellmacher were glorified. He, too, was in the
+employ of the German police, as was afterward established during the
+court proceedings.
+
+"A certain Schmidt, who had to disappear from Dresden on account of his
+crooked conduct, came to Zurich and urged the establishment of a
+_special fund for assassinations_, contributing twenty francs to start
+the fund. Correspondence which he had carried on with Chief of Police
+Weller, of Dresden, and which later fell into our hands, proved that he
+was in the employ of the police, whom he kept informed of his actions.
+And then the unmasked secret police agent Ihring-Mahlow, here in
+Berlin, who announced that he was prepared to teach the manufacture of
+explosives, for 'the parliamentary way is too slow.'"[25]
+
+Here certainly is a great source of violence and crime, and, in view of
+such revelations, no one can be sure that any anarchist outrage is
+wholly voluntary and altogether free from the manipulation of the secret
+police. With _agents provocateurs_ swarming over the movement and
+working upon the minds of the weak, the susceptible, and the criminal,
+there is reason to believe that their influence in the tragedies of
+terrorism is far greater than will ever be known. To discredit starving
+men on strike, to defeat socialists in an election, to promote a
+political intrigue, to throw the entire legislature into the hands of
+the reaction, to conceal corruption, or to take the public mind from too
+intently watching the nefarious schemes of a political-financial
+conspiracy--for all these and a multitude of other purposes thousands of
+secret police agents are at work. The sordid facts of this infamous
+commerce are no longer in doubt, and one wonders how the anarchists can
+delude themselves into the belief that they are serving the weak and
+lowly when they commit exactly the same crimes that professional
+assassins are hired to commit. This certainly _is_ madness. To be thus
+used by their bitterest enemies, the police and the State, to serve thus
+voluntarily the forces of intrigue, of reaction, and of tyranny--surely
+nothing can be so near to unreason as this. When Bismarck's personal
+organ declared again and again, "There is nothing left to be done but to
+provoke the social democrats to commit acts of despair, to draw them out
+into the open street, and there to shoot them down,"[26] a reasoning
+opponent would have seen that this was just what he would not allow
+himself to be drawn into. Yet Bismarck hardly says this and sets his
+police to work before the anarchist freely, voluntarily, and with
+tremendous exaltation of spirit attempts to carry it out.
+
+Strange to say, the desire of the powerful to promote anarchy seems to
+be well enough understood by the anarchists themselves. Kropotkin, in
+his "Memoirs," tells of two cases where police agents were sent to him
+with money to help establish anarchist papers, and there was hardly a
+moment of his revolutionary career when there were not police agents
+about him. Emma Goldman also appreciates the fact that the police are
+always ready to lend a hand in anarchist outrages. "For a number of
+years," she says, "acts of violence had been committed in Spain, for
+which the anarchists were held responsible, hounded like wild beasts,
+and thrown into prison. Later it was disclosed that the perpetrators of
+these acts were not anarchists, but members of the police department.
+The scandal became so widespread that the conservative Spanish papers
+demanded the apprehension and punishment of the gang leader, Juan Rull,
+who was subsequently condemned to death and executed. The sensational
+evidence, brought to light during the trial, forced Police Inspector
+Momento to exonerate completely the anarchists from any connection with
+the acts committed during a long period. This resulted in the dismissal
+of a number of police officials, among them Inspector Tressols, who, in
+revenge, disclosed the fact that behind the gang of police bomb-throwers
+were others of far higher position, who provided them with funds and
+protected them. This is one of the many striking examples of how
+anarchist conspiracies are manufactured."[27] With knowledge such as
+this, is it possible that a sane mind can encourage the despairing to
+undertake riots and insurrections? Yet when we turn to the anarchists
+for our answer, they tell us "that the accumulated forces in our social
+and economic life, culminating in a political act of violence, are
+similar to the terrors of the atmosphere, manifested in storm and
+lightning. To thoroughly appreciate the truth of this view, one must
+feel intensely the indignity of our social wrongs; one's very being must
+throb with the pain, the sorrow, the despair millions of people are
+daily made to endure. Indeed, unless we have become a part of humanity,
+we cannot even faintly understand the just indignation that accumulates
+in a human soul, the burning, surging passion that makes the storm
+inevitable."[28] Such explosions of rage one would expect from the
+unreasonable and the childlike. They are bursts of passion that end in
+the knocking of one's head against a stone wall. This may in truth be
+the psychology of the violent, yet it cannot be the psychology of a
+reasoning mind. This may explain the action of those who have lost all
+control over themselves or even the action of a class that has not
+advanced beyond the stages of futile outbursts of passion, of aimless
+and suicidal violence, and of self-destructive rage. But it is
+incredible that it should be considered by anyone as reasonable or
+intelligent, or, least of all, revolutionary.
+
+Probably still other causes of terrorism exist, but certainly the chief
+are those above mentioned. The writings of Bakounin, Nechayeff,
+Kropotkin, and Most; the miserable conditions which surround the life of
+a multitude of impoverished people; the often savage repression of any
+attempts on the part of the workers to improve their conditions; corrupt
+courts and parliaments and unjust laws; a false conception of ethics; a
+high-wrought nervous tension combined with compassion; the egocentric
+philosophy which deifies the individual and would press its claims even
+to the destruction of all else in the world; these are no doubt the
+chief underlying causes of the terrorism of the last forty years. Yet,
+as I have said, there is one force making for terrorism that throws a
+confusing light on the whole series of tragedies. Why should the
+governments of Europe subsidize anarchy? Why should their secret police
+encourage outrages, plant dynamite, and incite the criminal elements to
+become anarchists, and in that guise to burn, pillage, and commit
+murder? Why should that which assumes to stand for law and order work to
+the destruction of law and order? What is it that leads the corrupt,
+vicious, and reactionary elements in the official world to turn thus to
+its use even anarchy and terrorism? What end do the governments of
+Europe seek?
+
+I have already suggested the answers to the above questions, but they
+will not be understood by the reader unless he realizes that throughout
+all of last century the democratic movement has been to the privileged
+classes the most menacing spectacle imaginable. Again and again it arose
+to challenge existing society. In some form, however vague, it lay back
+of every popular movement. At moments the powerful seemed actually to
+fear that it was on the point of taking possession of the world, and
+repeatedly it has been pushed back, crushed, subdued, almost obliterated
+by their repressive measures. Yet again and again it arose responsive to
+the actual needs of the time, and became toward the end of the century
+one of the most impressive movements the world has ever known. Filled
+with idealism for a new social order, and determined to change
+fundamentally existing conditions, the working class has fought onward
+and upward toward a world State and a socialized industrial life. There
+can be no doubt that the amazing growth of the modern socialist movement
+has terrified the powers of industrial and political tyranny. To them
+it is an incomparable menace, and superhuman efforts have been made to
+turn it from its path. They have endeavored to divide it, to
+misinterpret it, to divert it, to corrupt it, and the greatest of all
+their efforts has been made toward forcing it to become a movement of
+terrorists, in order ultimately to discredit and destroy it. "We have
+always been of the opinion," declared an unknown opponent of socialism,
+"that it takes the devil to drive out Beelzebub and that socialism must
+be fought with anarchy. As a corn louse and similar insects are driven
+out by the help of other insects that devour them and their eggs, so the
+Government should cultivate and rear anarchists in the principal nests
+of socialism, leaving it to the anarchists to destroy socialism. The
+anarchists will do that work more effectively than either police or
+district attorneys."[29] Has this been the chief motive in helping to
+keep terrorism alive?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[J] Kropotkin, in "The Conquest of Bread," p. 73, suggests that in the
+Revolution the socialists will probably hang the anarchists.
+
+[K] Pini declared that he had committed robberies amounting to over
+three hundred thousand francs from the bourgeoisie in order to avenge
+the oppressed. Cf. Lombroso, "_Les Anarchistes_," p. 52.
+
+[L] "The work of Mariana was afterward approved by Sola (_Tractus de
+legibus_), by Gretzer (_Opera omnia_), by Becano (_Opuscula theologica
+Summa Theologicæ scholasticæ_).
+
+"Père Emanuel (_Aphorismi confessariorum_), Grégoire de Valence
+(_Comment. Theolog._), Keller (_Tyrannicidium_), and Suarez (_Defentio
+fidei cathol._) hold similar ideas, while Azor (_Institut. moral._),
+Lorin (_Comm. in librum psalmorum_), Comitolo (_Responsa morala_), etc.,
+recognized the right of every individual to kill the prince for his own
+defense."--_Les Anarchistes_, p. 207.
+
+[M] Bakounin, when endeavoring to save Nechayeff from being arrested by
+the Swiss authorities and sent back to Russia, defends him on precisely
+these grounds, claiming that Nechayeff had taken the fable of William
+Tell seriously. Cf. _OEuvres_, Vol. II, p. 29.
+
+[N] Booth wrote, a day or so after killing Lincoln: "After being hunted
+like a dog through swamps and woods, and last night being chased by
+gunboats till I was forced to return, wet, cold, and starving, with
+every man's hand against me, I am here in despair. And why? For doing
+what Brutus was honored for--what made William Tell a hero; and yet I,
+for striking down an even greater tyrant than they ever knew, am looked
+upon as a common cutthroat." Cf. "The Death of Lincoln," Laughlin, p.
+135.
+
+[O] Kropotkin tells of the effort made by the agents of Andrieux to
+persuade him and Elisée Reclus to collaborate in the publication of this
+so-called anarchist paper. He also says it was a paper of "unheard-of
+violence; burning, assassination, dynamite bombs--there was nothing but
+that in it."--"Memoirs of a Revolutionist," pp. 478-480.
+
+[P] In "The Terror in Russia" Kropotkin tells of bands of criminals who,
+under pretense of being revolutionists and wanting money for
+revolutionary purposes, forced wealthy people to contribute under menace
+of death. The headquarters of the bands were at the office of the secret
+police.
+
+
+
+
+PART II
+
+STRUGGLES WITH VIOLENCE
+
+[Illustration: KARL MARX]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE BIRTH OF MODERN SOCIALISM
+
+
+While terrorism was running its tragic course, the socialists grew from
+a tiny sect into a world-wide movement. And, as terrorist acts were the
+expression of certain uncontrollably rebellious spirits, so
+coöperatives, trade unions, and labor parties arose in response to the
+conscious and constructive effort of the masses. As a matter of fact,
+the terrorist groups never exercised any considerable influence over the
+actual labor movement, except for a brief period in Spain and America.
+Indeed, they did not in the least understand that movement. The
+followers of Bakounin were largely young enthusiasts from the middle
+class, who were referred to scornfully at the time as "lawyers without
+cases, physicians without patients and knowledge, students of billiards,
+commercial travelers, and others."[1] Yet it cannot be denied that
+violence has played, and still in a measure plays, a part in the labor
+movement. I mean the violence of sheer desperation. It rises and falls
+in direct relation to the lawlessness, the repression, and the tyranny
+of the governments. Furthermore, where labor organizations are weakest
+and the masses most ignorant and desperate, the very helplessness of the
+workers leads them into that violence. This is made clear enough by the
+historic fact that in the early days of the modern industrial system
+nearly every strike of the unorganized laborers was accompanied by
+riots, machine-breaking, and assaults upon men and property.
+
+No small part of this early violence was directly due to the brutal
+opposition of society to every form of labor organization. The workers
+were fought violently, and they answered violence with violence. It must
+not be forgotten that the trade unions and the socialist parties grew,
+in spite of every menace, in the very teeth of that which forbade them,
+and under the eye of that which sought to destroy them. And, like other
+living things in the midst of a hostile environment, they covered
+themselves with spurs to ward off the enemy. The early movements of
+labor were marked by a sullen, bitter, and destructive spirit; and some
+of the much persecuted propagandists of early trade unionism and
+socialism thought that "implacable destruction" was preferable to the
+tyranny which the workers then suffered. Not the philosophy, but the
+rancor of Bakounin, of Nechayeff, and of Most represented,
+three-quarters of a century ago, the feeling of great masses of
+workingmen. Riots, insurrections, machine-breaking, incendiarism,
+pillage, and even murder were then more truly expressive of the attitude
+of certain sections of the brutalized poor toward the society which had
+disinherited them than most of us to-day realize. In every industrial
+center, previous to 1850, the working-class movement, such as it was,
+yielded repeatedly to self-exhausting expressions of blind and sullen
+rage. The resentment of the workers was deep, and, without program or
+philosophy, a spirit of destruction often ran riot in nearly every
+movement of the workers.
+
+During the first fifty years, then, of last century, little building was
+done. A mob spirit prevailed, and the great body of toilers was divided
+into innumerable bands, who fought their battles without aim, and,
+after weeks of rioting, left nothing behind them. Toward the middle of
+the century the real building of the labor movement commenced. In every
+country men soberly and seriously set to work, and everywhere throughout
+the entire industrial world the foundations were laid for the great
+movement that exists to-day. Yet the present world-wide movement, so
+harmonious in its principles and methods and so united in doctrines,
+could not have been all that it is had there not come to its aid in its
+most critical and formative period several of the ablest and
+best-schooled minds of Europe. At the period when the workers were
+finding their feet and beginning their task of organization on a large
+scale, there was also in Europe much revolutionary activity in
+"intellectual" circles. The forties was a germinating period for many
+new social and economic theories. In France, Germany, and England there
+were many groups discussing with heat and passion every theory of trade
+unionism, anarchism, and socialism. On the whole, they were middle-class
+"intellectuals," battling in their sectarian circles over the evils of
+our economic life, the problems of society, and the relations between
+the classes. Suddenly the revolution was upon them--the moment which
+they all instinctively felt was at hand--but, when it came, most of them
+were able to play no forceful part in it. It was a movement of vast
+masses, over which the social revolutionists had little influence, and
+the various groups found themselves incapable of any really effective
+action. To be sure, many of those seeking a social revolution played a
+creditable part in the uprisings throughout Europe during '48 and '49,
+but the time had not yet arrived for the working classes to achieve any
+striking reforms of their own. The only notable result of the period, so
+far as the social revolutionary element was concerned, was that it lost
+once again, nearly everywhere, its press, its liberty of speech, and its
+right of association. It was driven underground; but there germinated,
+nevertheless, in the innumerable secret societies, some of the most
+important principles and doctrines upon which the international labor
+movement was later to be founded.
+
+In France socialist theories had never been wholly friendless from the
+time of the great Revolution. The memory of the _enragés_ of 1793 and of
+Babeuf and his conspiracy of 1795 had been kept green by Buonarotti and
+Maréchal. The ruling classes had very cunningly lauded liberty and
+fraternity, but they rarely mentioned the struggle for equality, which,
+of course, appeared to them as a regrettable and most dangerous episode
+in the great Revolution. Yet, despite that fact, this early struggle for
+economic equality had never been wholly forgotten. Besides, there were
+Fourier and Saint-Simon, who, with very great scholarly attainments, had
+rigidly analyzed existing society, exposed its endless disorders, and
+advocated an entire social transformation. There were also Considérant,
+Leroux, Vidal, Pecqueur, and Cabet. All of these able and gifted men had
+kept the social question ever to the front, while Louis Blanc and
+Blanqui had actually introduced into politics the principles of
+socialism. Blanqui was an amazing character. He was an incurable,
+habitual insurrectionist, who came to be called _l'enfermé_ because so
+much of his life was spent in prison.[Q] The authorities again and again
+released him, only to hear the next instant that he was leading a mob to
+storm the citadels of the Government. His life was a series of
+unsuccessful assaults upon authority, launched in the hope that, if the
+working class should once install itself in power, it would reorganize
+society on socialist lines. He was a man of the street, who had only to
+appear to find an army of thousands ready to follow him. Blanqui used to
+say--according to Kropotkin--that there were in Paris fifty thousand men
+ready at any moment for an insurrection. Again and again he arose like
+an apparition among them, and on one occasion, at the head of two
+hundred thousand people, he offered the dictatorship of France to Louis
+Blanc. The latter was an altogether different person. His stage was the
+parliamentary one. He was a powerful orator, who, throughout the
+forties, was preaching his practical program of social reform--the right
+to work, the organization of labor, and the final extinction of
+capitalism by the growth of coöperative production fostered by the
+State. In 1848 he played a great rôle, and all Europe listened with
+astonishment to the revolutionary proposals of this man who, for a few
+months, occupied the most powerful position in France. At the same time
+Proudhon was developing the principles of anarchism and earning
+everlasting fame as the father of that philosophy. In truth, the whole
+gamut of socialist ideas and the entire range of socialist methods had
+been agitated and debated in peace and in war for half a century in
+France.
+
+In England the same questions had disturbed all classes for nearly fifty
+years. There had been no great revolutionary period, but from the
+beginning of the nineteenth century to the extinction of Chartism in
+1848 every doctrine of trade unionism, syndicalism, anarchism, and
+socialism had been debated passionately by groups of workingmen and
+their friends. The principles and methods of trade unionism were being
+worked out on the actual battlefield, amid riots, strikes,
+machine-breaking, and incendiarism. Instinctively the masses were
+associating for mutual protection and, almost unconsciously, working out
+by themselves programs of action. Nevertheless, Joseph Hume, Francis
+Place, Robert Owen, and a number of other brilliant men were lending
+powerful intellectual aid to the workers in their actual struggle. A
+group of radical economists was also defending the claims of labor.
+Charles Hall, William Thompson, John Gray, Thomas Hodgskin, and J. F.
+Bray were all seeking to find the economic causes of the wrongs suffered
+by labor and endeavoring, in some manner, to devise remedies for the
+immense suffering endured by the working classes. Together with Robert
+Owen, a number of them were planning labor exchanges, voluntary
+communities, and even at one time the entire reorganization of the world
+through the trade unions. In this ferment the coöperative movement also
+had its birth. The Rochdale Pioneers began to work out practically some
+of the coöperative ideas of Robert Owen. With £28 a pathetic beginning
+was made that has led to the immensely rich coöperative movement of
+to-day. Furthermore, the Chartists were leading a vast political
+movement of the workers. In support of the suffrage and of parliamentary
+representation for workingmen, a wonderful group of orators and
+organizers carried on in the thirties and forties an immense agitation.
+William Lovett, Feargus O'Connor, Joseph Rayner Stephens, Ernest Jones,
+Thomas Cooper, and James Bronterre O'Brien were among the notable and
+gifted men who were then preaching throughout all England revolutionary
+and socialist ideas. Such questions as the abolition of inheritances,
+the nationalization of land, the right of labor to the full product of
+its toil, the necessity of breaking down class control of
+Parliament--these and other subversive ideas were germinating in all
+sections of the English labor movement. It was a heroic
+period--altogether the most heroic period in the annals of toil--in
+which the most advanced and varied revolutionary ideas were hurtling in
+the air. The causes of the ruin that overcame this magnificent beginning
+of a revolutionary working-class movement cannot be dwelt upon here.
+Quarrels between the leaders, the incoherence of their policies, and
+divisions over the use of violence utterly wrecked a movement that
+anticipated by thirty years the social democracy of Germany. The tragic
+fiasco in 1848 was the beginning of an appalling working-class reaction
+from years of popular excesses and mob intoxications, from which the
+wiser leadership of the German movement was careful to steer clear. And,
+after '48, solemn and serious men settled down to the quiet building of
+trade unions and coöperatives. Revolutionary ideas were put aside, and
+everywhere in England the responsible men of the movement were pleading
+with the masses to confine themselves to the practical work of education
+and organization.
+
+Although Germany was far behind England in industrial development and,
+consequently, also in working-class organization, the beginnings of a
+labor and socialist movement were discernible. A brief but delightful
+description of the early communist societies is given by Engels in his
+introduction to the _Révélations sur le Procès des Communistes_. As
+early as 1836 there were secret societies in Germany discussing
+socialist ideas. The "League of the Just" became later the "League of
+the Righteous," and that eventually developed into the "Communist
+League." The membership cards read, "All men are brothers." Karl
+Schapper, Heinrich Bauer, and Joseph Moll, all workingmen, were among
+those who made an imposing impression upon Engels. Even more notable was
+Weitling, a tailor, who traveled all over Germany preaching a mixture of
+Christian communism and French utopian socialism. He was a
+simple-hearted missionary, delivering his evangel. "The World As It Is
+and As It Might Be" was the moving title of one of his books that
+attracted to him not only many followers among the workers, but also
+notable men from other classes. Most of the communists were of course
+always under suspicion, and many of them were forced out of their own
+countries. As a result, a large number of foreigners--Scandinavians,
+Dutch, Hungarians, Germans, and Italians--found themselves in Paris and
+in London, and astonished each other by the similarity of their views.
+All Europe in this period was discussing very much the same things, and
+not only the more intelligent among the workers but the more idealistic
+among the youth from the universities were in revolt, discussing
+fervently republican, socialist, communist, and anarchist ideas. In
+"Young Germany," George Brandes gives a thrilling account of the
+spiritual and intellectual ferment that was stirring in all parts of the
+fatherland during the entire forties.[2]
+
+It was in this agitated period that Marx and Engels, both mere youths,
+began to press their ideas in revolutionary circles. They met each other
+in Paris in 1844, and there began their lifelong coöperative labors.
+Engels, although a German, was living in England, occupied in his
+father's cotton business at Manchester. He had taken a deep interest in
+the condition of the laboring classes, and had followed carefully the
+terrible and often bloody struggles that so frequently broke out between
+capital and labor in England during the thirties and forties. Arriving
+by an entirely different route, he had come to opinions almost identical
+with those of Marx; and the next year he persuaded Marx to visit the
+factory districts of Lancashire, in order to acquaint himself actually
+with the enraged struggle then being fought between masters and men.
+Engels had not gone to a university, although he seems somehow to have
+acquired, despite his business cares and active association with the men
+and movements of his time, a thorough education. On the other hand, Marx
+was a university man, having studied at Jena, Bonn, and Berlin. Like
+most of the serious young men of the period, Marx was a devoted
+Hegelian. When his university days were over, he became the editor of
+the _Rheinische Zeitung_ of Cologne, but at the age of twenty-four he
+found his paper suppressed because of his radical utterances. He went to
+Paris, only to be expelled in 1845. He found a refuge in Belgium until
+1848, when the Government evidently thought it wise that he should move
+on. Shortly after, he returned to Germany to take up his editorial work
+once more, but in 1849, his _Neue Rheinische Zeitung_ was suppressed,
+and he was forced to return to Paris. The authorities, not wishing him
+there, sent him off to London, where he remained the rest of his life.
+By the irony of fate, even the governments of Europe seemed to be
+conspiring to force Marx to become the best equipped man of his time. To
+the leisure and travel enforced upon him by the European governments was
+due in no small measure his long schooling in economic theory,
+revolutionary political movements, and working-class methods of action.
+Both he and Engels penetrated into every nest of discontent. They came
+personally in touch with every group of dissidents. They spent many
+weary but invaluable weeks in the greatest libraries of Europe, with the
+result that they became thoroughly schooled in philosophy, economics,
+science, and languages. They pursued, to the minutest detail, with an
+inexhaustible thirst, the theories not only of the "authorities" but
+also of nearly every obscure socialist, radical, and revolutionist in
+England, France, Russia, and Germany.
+
+In Brussels, Paris, and London, around the forties, a number of
+brilliant minds seemed somehow or other to come frequently in contact
+with each other. Many of them had been driven out of their own
+countries, and, as exiles abroad, they had ample leisure to plan their
+great conspiracies or to debate their great theories. Some of the
+notable radicals of the period were Heine, Freiligrath, Herwegh,
+Willich, Kinkel, Weitling, Bakounin, Ruge, Ledru-Rollin, Blanc, Blanqui,
+Cabet, Proudhon, Ernest Jones, Eccarius, Marx, Engels, and Liebknecht;
+and many of them came together from time to time and, in great
+excitement and passion, fought as "Roman to Roman" over their panaceas.
+Marx and Engels knew most of them and spent innumerable hours, not
+infrequently entire days and nights, at a sitting, in their intellectual
+battles.
+
+It was a most fortunate thing for Marx that the French Government should
+have driven him in 1849 to London. "Capital" might never have been
+written had he not been forced to study for a long period the first land
+in all Europe in which modern capitalism had obtained a footing. On his
+earlier visit in 1845 he had spent a few weeks with Engels in the great
+factory centers, and he had been deeply impressed with this new
+industrialism and no less, of course, with the English labor movement.
+Nothing to compare with it then existed in France or Germany. As early
+as 1840 many of the trades were well organized, and repeated efforts
+had been made to bring them together into a national federation. How
+thoroughly Engels knew this movement and its varied struggles to better
+the status of labor is shown in his book, "The Condition of the Working
+Class in England in 1844." How thoroughly and fundamentally Marx later
+came to know not only the actual working-class movement, but every
+economic theory from Adam Smith to John Stuart Mill, and every insurgent
+economist and political theorist from William Godwin to Bronterre
+O'Brien, is shown in "Capital." In fact, not a single phase of insurgent
+thought seemed to escape Marx and Engels, nor any trace of revolt
+against the existing order, whether political or industrial. In Germany
+they were schooled in philosophy and science; in France they found
+themselves in a most amazing fermentation of revolutionary spirit and
+idealism; and in England they studied with the minutest care the
+coöperative movement and self-help, the trade-union movement with its
+purely economic aims and methods, the Chartist movement with its
+political action, and the Owenite movement, both in its purely utopian
+phases and in its later development into syndicalist socialism. This
+long and profound study placed Marx and Engels in a position infinitely
+beyond that of their contemporaries. Possessed as they were of unusual
+mental powers, it was inevitable that such a training should have placed
+them in a position of intellectual leadership in the then rapidly
+forming working-class organizations of Europe.
+
+The study of English capitalism convinced Marx of the truthfulness of
+certain generalizations which he had already begun to formulate in 1844.
+It became more and more evident to him that economic facts, to which
+history had hitherto attributed no rôle or a very inferior one,
+constituted, at least in the modern world, a decisive historic force.
+"They form the source from which spring the present class antagonisms.
+These antagonisms in countries where great industry has carried them to
+their complete development, particularly in England, are the bases on
+which parties are founded, are the sources of political struggles, are
+the reasons for all political history."[3] Although Marx had arrived at
+this opinion earlier and had generalized this point of view in
+"French-German Annals," his study of English economics swept away any
+possible doubt that "in general it was not the State which conditions
+and regulates civil society, but civil society which conditions and
+regulates the State, that it was then necessary to explain politics and
+history by economic relations, and not to proceed inversely."[4] "This
+discovery which revolutionized historical science was essentially the
+work of Marx," says Engels, and, with his customary modesty, he adds:
+"The part which can be attributed to me is very small. It concerned
+itself directly with the working-class movement of the period. Communism
+in France and Germany and Chartism in England appeared to be something
+more than mere chance which could just as well not have existed. These
+movements became now a movement of the oppressed class of modern times,
+the working class. Henceforth they were more or less developed forms of
+the historically necessary struggle which this class must carry on
+against the ruling class, the bourgeoisie. They were forms of the
+struggle of the classes, but which were distinguished from all preceding
+struggles by this fact: the class now oppressed, the proletariat, cannot
+effect its emancipation without delivering all society from its division
+into classes, without freeing it from class struggles. _No longer did
+Communism consist in the creation of a social ideal as perfect as
+possible; it resolved itself into a clear view of the nature, the
+conditions, and the general ends of the struggle carried on by the
+working class._"[5]
+
+It was not the intention of Marx and Engels to communicate their new
+scientific results to the intellectual world exclusively by means of
+large volumes. On the contrary, they plunged into the political
+movement. Besides having intercourse with well-known people,
+particularly in the western part of Germany, they were also in contact
+with the organized working classes. "Our duty was to found our
+conception scientifically, but it was just as important that we should
+win over the European, and especially the German, working classes to our
+convictions. When it was all clear in our eyes, we set to work."[6] A
+new German working-class society was founded in Brussels, and the
+support was enlisted of the _Deutsche Brüsseler Zeitung_, which served
+as an organ until the revolution of February. They were in touch with
+the revolutionary faction of the English Chartists under the leadership
+of George Julian Harney, editor of _The Northern Star_, to which Engels
+contributed. They also had intercourse with the democrats of Brussels
+and with the French social democrats of _la Réforme_, to which Engels
+contributed news of the English and German movements. In short, the
+relations that Marx and Engels had established with the radical and
+working-class organizations fully served the great purposes they had in
+mind.
+
+It was in the Communist League that Marx and Engels saw their first
+opportunity to impress their ideas on the labor movement. At the urgent
+request of Joseph Moll, a watchmaker and a prominent member of the
+League, Marx consented, in 1847, to present to that organization his
+views, and the result was the famous Communist Manifesto. Every
+essential idea of modern socialism is contained in that brief
+declaration. Unfortunately, however, outside of Germany, the Communist
+League was an exotic organization that could make little use of such a
+program. Its members were mostly exiles, who, by the very nature of
+their position, were hopelessly out of things. Little groups, surrounded
+by a foreign people, exiles are rarely able to affect the movement at
+home or influence the national movement amid which they are thrust.
+There is little, therefore, noteworthy about the Communist League. It
+had, to be sure, gathered together a few able and energetic spirits, and
+some of these in later years exercised considerable influence in the
+International. But, as a rule, the groups of the Communist League were
+little more than debating societies whose members were filled with
+sentimental, visionary, and insurrectionary ideas. Marx himself finally
+lost all patience with them, because he could not drive out of their
+heads the idea that they could revolutionize the entire world by some
+sudden dash and through the exercise of will power, personal sacrifice,
+and heroic action. The Communist League, therefore, is memorable only
+because it gave Marx and Engels an opportunity for issuing their
+epoch-making Manifesto, that even to-day is read and reread by the
+workers in all lands of the world. Translated into every language, it is
+the one pamphlet that can be found in every country as a part of the
+basic literature of socialism.
+
+There are certain principles laid down in the Communist Manifesto which
+time cannot affect, although the greater part of the document is now of
+historic value only. The third section, for instance, is a critique of
+the various types of socialism then existing in Europe, and this part
+can hardly be understood to-day by those unacquainted with those
+sectarian movements. It deals with Reactionary Socialism, Feudal
+Socialism, Clerical Socialism, Petty Bourgeois Socialism, German
+Socialism, Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism, Critical-Utopian
+Socialism, and Communism. The mere enumeration of these types of
+socialist doctrine indicates what a chaos of doctrine and theory then
+existed, and it was in order to distinguish themselves from these
+various schools that Marx and Engels took the name of communists.
+Beginning with the statement, "The history of all hitherto existing
+society is the history of class struggles,"[7] the Manifesto treats at
+length the modern struggle between the working class and the capitalist
+class. After tracing the rise of capitalism, the development of a new
+working class, and the consequences to the people of the new economic
+order, Marx and Engels outline the program of the communists and their
+relation to the then existing working-class organizations and political
+parties. They deny any intention of forming a new sect, declaring that
+they throw themselves whole-heartedly into the working-class movement of
+all countries, with the one aim of encouraging and developing within
+those groups a political organization for the conquest of political
+power. They outline certain measures which, in their opinion, should
+stand foremost in the program of labor, all of them having to do with
+some modification of the institution of property.
+
+In order to achieve these reforms, and eventually "To wrest, by degrees,
+all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of
+production in the hands of the State,"[8] they urge the formation of
+labor parties as soon as proper preparations have been made and the time
+is ripe for effective class action. All through the Manifesto runs the
+motif that every class struggle is a political struggle. Again and
+again Marx and Engels return to that thought in their masterly survey of
+the historical conflicts between the classes. They show how the
+bourgeoisie, beginning as "an oppressed class under the sway of the
+feudal nobility," gradually ... "conquered for itself, in the modern
+representative State, exclusive political sway," until to-day "the
+executive of the modern State is but a committee for managing the common
+affairs of the whole bourgeoisie."[9] Tracing the rise of the modern
+working class, they tell of its purely retaliative efforts against the
+capitalists; how at first "they smash to pieces machinery, they set
+factories ablaze"; how they fight in "incoherent" masses, "broken up by
+their mutual competition";[10] even their unions are not so much a
+result of their conscious effort as they are the consequence of
+oppression. Furthermore, the workers "do not fight their enemies, but
+the enemies of their enemies."[11] "Now and then the workers are
+victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lies
+not in the immediate result, but in the ever-expanding union of the
+workers."[12] It is when their unions grow national in character and the
+struggle develops into a national struggle between the classes that it
+naturally takes on a political character. Then begins the struggle for
+conquering political power. But, while "all previous historical
+movements were movements of minorities, or in the interests of
+minorities, the proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent
+movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense
+majority."[13] Returning again to the underlying thought, it is pointed
+out that the working class must "win the battle of democracy."[14] It
+must acquire "political supremacy." It must raise itself to "the
+position of ruling class," in order that it may sweep away "the
+conditions for the existence of class antagonisms, and of classes
+generally."[15]
+
+Such were the doctrines and tactics proclaimed by Marx and Engels in
+1847. The Manifesto is said to have been received with great enthusiasm
+by the League, but, whatever happened at the moment, it is clear that
+the members never understood the doctrines manifested. In any case,
+various factions in the movement were still clamoring for insurrection
+and planning their conspiracies, wholly faithful to the
+revolution-making artifices of the period. Two of the most prominent,
+Willich and Schapper, were carried away with revolutionary passion, and
+"the majority of the London workers," Engels says, "refugees for the
+most part, followed them into the camp of the bourgeois democrats, the
+revolution-makers."[16] They declined to listen to protests. "They
+wanted to go the other way and to make revolutions," continues Engels.
+"We refused absolutely to do this and the schism followed."[17]
+
+On the 15th of September, 1850, Marx decided to resign from the central
+council of the organization, and, feeling that such an act required some
+justification, he prepared the following written declaration: "The
+minority[R] [_i. e._, his opponents] have substituted the dogmatic
+spirit for the critical, the idealistic interpretation of events for the
+materialistic. Simple will power, instead of the true relations of
+things, has become the motive force of revolution. While we say to the
+working people: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty
+years of civil wars and wars between nations not only to change existing
+conditions, but to change yourselves and make yourselves worthy of
+political power,' you, on the contrary, say, 'We ought to get power at
+once, or else give up the fight.' While we draw the attention of the
+German workman to the undeveloped state of the proletariat in Germany,
+you flatter the national spirit and the guild prejudices of the German
+artisans in the grossest manner, a method of procedure without doubt the
+more popular of the two. Just as the democrats made a sort of fetish of
+the words 'the people,' so you make one of the word 'proletariat.' Like
+them, you substitute revolutionary phrases for revolutionary
+evolution."[18] This statement of Marx is one of the most significant
+documents of the period and certainly one of the most illuminating we
+possess of Marx's determination to disavow the insurrectionary ideas
+then so prevalent throughout Europe. Although he had said the same thing
+before in other words, there could be no longer any doubt that he
+cherished no dreams of a great revolutionary cataclysm, nor fondled the
+then prevalent theory that revolutions could be organized, planned, and
+executed by will power alone.
+
+It is clear, therefore, that Marx saw, as early as 1850, little
+revolutionary promise in sectarian organizations, secret societies, and
+political conspiracies. The day was past for insurrections, and a real
+revolution could only arrive as a result of economic forces and class
+antagonisms. And it is quite obvious that he was becoming more and more
+irritated by the sentimentalism and dress-parade revolutionism of the
+socialist sects. He looked upon their projects as childish and
+theatrical, that gave as little promise of changing the world's history
+as battles between tin soldiers on some nursery floor. He seemed no
+longer concerned with ideals, abstract rights, or "eternal verities."
+Those who misunderstood him or were little associated with him were
+horrified at what they thought was his cynical indifference to such
+glorious visions as liberty, fraternity, and equality. Like Darwin, Marx
+was always an earnest seeker of facts and forces. He was laying the
+foundations of a scientific socialism and dissecting the anatomy of
+capitalism in pursuit of the laws of social evolution. The gigantic
+intellectual labors of Marx from 1850 to 1870 are to-day receiving due
+attention, and, while one after another of the later economists has been
+forced reluctantly to acknowledge his genius, few now will take issue
+with Professor Albion W. Small when he says, "I confidently predict that
+in the ultimate judgment of history Marx will have a place in social
+science analogous with that of Galileo in physical science."[19] In
+exile, and often desperate poverty, Marx worked out with infinite care
+the scientific basis of the generalization--first given to the world in
+the Communist Manifesto--that social and political institutions are the
+product of economic forces. In all periods there have been antagonistic
+economic classes whose relative power is determined by struggles between
+them. "Freedman and slave," he says, "patrician and plebeian, lord and
+serf, guild master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed,
+stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an
+uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended
+either in a revolutionary reconstruction of society at large, or in the
+common ruin of the contending classes."[20] Here is a summary of that
+conflict which Professor Small declares "is to the social process what
+friction is to mechanics."[21] It may well be that "the fact of class
+struggle is as axiomatic to-day as the fact of gravitation,"[22] yet,
+when Marx first elaborated his theory, it was not only a revolutionary
+doctrine among the socialist sects, but like Darwin's theory of
+evolution it was assailed from every angle by every school of
+economists. The important practical question that arises out of this
+scientific work, and which particularly concerns us here, is that this
+theory of the class struggle forever destroyed the old ideas of
+revolution, scrap-heaped conspiracies and insurrections, and laid the
+theoretical foundations for the modern working-class movement.
+
+Actually, it was utopian socialism that was destroyed by this new
+theory. It expressed itself in at least three diverse ways. There were
+groups of conspirators and revolutionists who believed that the world
+was on the eve of a great upheaval and that the people should prepare
+for the moment when suddenly they could seize the governments of Europe,
+destroy ancient institutions, and establish a new social order. Another
+form of utopianism was the effort to persuade the capitalists themselves
+to abolish dividends, profits, rent, and interest, to turn the factories
+over to the workers, to become themselves toilers, and to share equally,
+one with another, the products of their joint labor. Still another form
+of utopian socialism was that of Owen, Fourier, and Cabet, who
+contemplated the establishment of ideal communities in which a new world
+should be built, where all should be free and equal, and where
+fraternity would be based upon a perfect economic communism. Some really
+noble spirits in France, England, and America had devoted time, love,
+energy, and wealth to this propaganda and in actual attempts to
+establish these utopias. But after '48 the upper classes were despaired
+of. Their brutal reprisals, their suppression of every working-class
+movement, their ferocious repression of the unions, of the press, and of
+the right of assembly--all these materially aided Marx's theory in
+disillusioning many of the philanthropic and tender-hearted utopians.
+And from then on the hope of every sincere advocate of fundamental
+social changes rested on the working class--on its organizations, its
+press, and its labors--for the establishment of the new order.
+
+The most striking characteristic of the period which follows was the
+attempt of all the socialist and anarchist sects to inject their ideas
+into the rising labor movement. With the single exception of Robert Owen
+in England, the earlier socialists had ignored the working classes. All
+their appeals were made to well-to-do men, and some of them even hoped
+that the monarchs of Europe might be induced to take the initiative. But
+Marx and Engels made their appeal chiefly to the working class. The
+profound reaction which settled over Europe in the years following '48
+ended all other dreams, and from this time on every proposal for a
+radical change in the organization of society was presented to the
+workers as the only class that was really seeking, by reason of its
+economic subjection, basic alterations in the institutions of property
+and the constitution of the State. The working classes of Germany,
+France, England, and other countries had already begun to form groups
+for the purpose of discussing political questions, and the ideas of Marx
+began to be propagated in all the centers of working-class activity.
+
+The blending of labor and socialism in most of the countries of Europe
+was not, however, a work of months, but of decades. The first great
+effort to accomplish that task occurred in 1864, when the International
+Working Men's Association was launched in St. Martin's Hall in London.
+During the years from '47 to '64, Marx and Engels, with their little
+coterie in London and their correspondents in other countries, spent
+most of their time in study, reading, and writing, with little
+opportunity to participate in the actual struggles of labor. Marx was
+at work on "Capital" and schooling, in his leisure hours, a few of the
+notable men who were later to become leaders of the working class in
+Europe. It was a dull period, wearisome and vexatious enough to men who
+were boldly prophesying that industrial conditions would create a
+world-wide solidarity of labor. The first glimmer of hope came with the
+London International Exhibition of 1862, which brought together by
+chance groups of workingmen from various countries. The visit to London
+enabled them to observe the British trade unions, and they left deeply
+impressed by their strength. Furthermore, the Exhibition brought the
+English workers and those of other nationalities into touch with each
+other. How much this meant was shown in 1863. When the Polish uprising
+was being suppressed, the English workers sent to their French comrades
+a protest, in answer to which the Paris workmen sent a delegation to
+London. This gathering in sympathy with Poland laid the foundations for
+the International. Nearly every important revolutionary sect in Europe
+was represented: the German communists, the French Blanquists and
+Proudhonians, and the Italian Mazzinians; but the only delegates who
+represented powerful working-class organizations were the English trade
+unionists. The other organizations, even as late as this, were still
+little more than coteries, of hero-worshiping tendencies, fast
+developing into sectarian organizations that seemed destined to divide
+hopelessly and forever the labor movement.
+
+It was perhaps inevitable that the more closely the sects were brought
+together, the more clearly they should perceive their differences,
+although Marx had exercised every care to draft a policy that would
+allay strife. Mazzini and his followers could not long endure the
+policies of the International, and they soon withdrew. The Proudhonians
+never at any time sympathized with the program and methods adopted by
+the International. The German organizations were not able to affiliate,
+by reason of the political conditions in that country, although numerous
+individuals attended the congresses. Nearly all the Germans were
+supporters of the policies of Marx, while most of the leading trade
+unionists of England completely understood and sympathized with Marx's
+aim of uniting the various working-class organizations of Europe into an
+international association. They all felt that such a movement was an
+historic and economic necessity and that the time for it had arrived.
+They intended to set about that work and to knit together the
+innumerable little organizations then forming in all countries. They
+sought to institute a meeting ground where the social and political
+program of the workers could be formulated, where their views could be
+clarified, and their purposes defined. It was not to be a secret
+organization, but entirely open and above board. It was not for
+conspiratory action, but for the building up of a great movement. It was
+not intended to encourage insurrection or to force ahead of time a
+revolution. In the opinion of Marx, as we know, a social revolution was
+thought to be inevitable, and the International was to bide its time,
+preparing for the day of its coming, in order to make that revolution as
+peaceable and as effective as possible.
+
+The Preamble of the Provisional Rules of the International--entirely the
+work of Marx--expresses with sufficient clearness the position of the
+International. It was there declared: "That the emancipation of the
+working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves;
+that the struggle for the emancipation of the working classes means not
+a struggle for class privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights
+and duties, and the abolition of all class rule;
+
+"That the economic subjection of the man of labor to the monopolizer of
+the means of labor, that is, the sources of life, lies at the bottom of
+servitude in all its forms, of all social misery, mental degradation,
+and political dependence;
+
+"That the economic emancipation of the working classes is therefore the
+great end to which every political movement ought to be subordinate as a
+means;
+
+"That all efforts aiming at that great end have hitherto failed from the
+want of solidarity between the manifold divisions of labor in each
+country, and from the absence of a fraternal bond of union between the
+working classes of different countries;
+
+"That the emancipation of labor is neither a local nor a national, but a
+social problem, embracing all countries in which modern society exists,
+and depending for its solution on the concurrence, practical and
+theoretical, of the most advanced countries;
+
+"That the present revival of the working classes in the most industrial
+countries of Europe, while it raises a new hope, gives solemn warning
+against a relapse into the old errors and calls for the immediate
+combination of the still disconnected movements."[23]
+
+In this brief declaration we find the essence of Marxian socialism: that
+the working classes must themselves work out their own salvation; that
+their servitude is economic; and that all workers must join together in
+a political movement, national and international, in order to achieve
+their emancipation. Unfortunately, the Proudhonian anarchists were never
+able to comprehend the position of Marx, and in the first congress at
+Geneva, in 1866, the quarrels between the various elements gave Marx no
+little concern. He did not attend that congress, and he afterward wrote
+to his young friend, Dr. Kugelmann: "I was unable to go, and I did not
+wish to do so, but it was I who wrote the program of the London
+delegates. I limited it on purpose to points which admit of an immediate
+understanding and common action by the workingmen, and which give
+immediately strength and impetus to the needs of the class struggle and
+to the organization of the workers as a class. The Parisian gentlemen
+had their heads filled with the most empty Proudhonian phraseology. They
+chatter of science, and know nothing of it. They scorn all revolutionary
+action, that is to say, proceeding from the class struggle itself, every
+social movement that is centralized and consequently obtainable by
+legislation through political means (as, for example, the legal
+shortening of the working day)."[24] These words indicate that Marx
+considered the chief work of the International to be the building up of
+a working-class political movement to obtain laws favorable to labor.
+Furthermore, he was of the opinion that such work was of a revolutionary
+nature.
+
+The clearest statement, perhaps, of Marx's idea of the revolutionary
+character of political activity is to be found in the address which he
+prepared at the request of the public meeting that launched the
+International. He traces there briefly the conditions of the working
+class in England. After depicting the misery of the masses, he hastily
+reviews the growth of the labor movement that ended with the Chartist
+agitation. Although from 1848 to 1864 was a period when the English
+working class seemed, he says, "thoroughly reconciled to a state of
+political nullity,"[25] nevertheless two encouraging developments had
+taken place. One was the victory won by the working classes in carrying
+the Ten Hours Bill. It was "not only a great practical success; it was
+the victory of a principle; it was the first time that in broad daylight
+the political economy of the middle class succumbed to the political
+economy of the working class."[26] The other victory was the growth of
+the coöperative movement. "The value of these great social experiments
+cannot be overrated," he says. "By deed, instead of by argument, they
+have shown that production on a large scale, and in accord with the
+behests of modern science, may be carried on without the existence of a
+class of masters employing a class of hands."[27] Arguing that
+coöperative labor should be developed to national dimensions and be
+fostered by State funds, he urges working-class political action as the
+means to achieve this end. "To conquer political power has therefore
+become the great duty of the working classes."[28] This is the
+conclusion of Marx concerning revolutionary methods; and it is clear
+that his conception of "revolutionary action" differed not only from
+that of the Proudhonians and Mazzinians, but also from that of "the
+bourgeois democrats, the revolution-makers,"[29] who "extemporized
+revolutions."[30]
+
+At the end of Marx's letter to Kugelmann, he tells of the beginning
+already made by the International in London in actual political work.
+"The movement for electoral reform here," he writes, "which our General
+Council (_quorum magna pars_) created and launched, has assumed
+dimensions that have kept on growing until now they are
+irresistible."[31] The General Council threw itself unreservedly into
+this agitation. An electoral reform conference was held in February,
+1867, attended by two hundred delegates from all parts of England,
+Scotland, and Ireland. Later, gigantic mass meetings were held
+throughout the country to bring pressure upon the Government. Frederic
+Harrison and Professor E. S. Beesly, well known for their sympathy with
+labor, were appealing to the working classes to throw their energies
+into the fight. "Nothing will compel the ruling classes," wrote Harrison
+in 1867, "to recognize the rights of the working classes and to pay
+attention to their just demands until the workers have obtained
+political power."[32] Professor Beesly, the intimate friend of Marx, was
+urging the unions to enter politics as an independent force, on the
+ground that the difference between the Tories and the Liberals was only
+the difference between the upper and nether millstones. In all this
+agitation Marx saw, of course, the working out of his own ideas for the
+upbuilding of a great independent political organization of the working
+class. All the energies of the General Council of the International
+were, therefore, devoted to the political struggle of the British
+workers. However, in all this campaign, emphasis was placed upon the
+central idea of the association--that political power was wanted, in
+order, peaceably and legally, to remedy economic wrongs. The wretched
+condition of the workers in the industrial towns and the even greater
+misery of the Irish peasants and English farm laborers were the bases of
+all agitation. While occupied at this time chiefly with the economic and
+political struggles in Britain, the General Council was also keeping a
+sharp eye on similar conditions in Europe and America. When Lincoln was
+chosen President for the second time, a warm address of congratulation
+was sent to the American people, expressing joy that the sworn enemy of
+slavery had been again chosen to represent them. More than once the
+International communicated with Lincoln, and perhaps no words more
+perfectly express the ideal of the labor movement than those that
+Lincoln once wrote to a body of workingmen: "_The strongest bond of
+human sympathy, outside of the family relation, should be one uniting
+all working people, of all nations, and tongues, and kindreds._"[33]
+
+To unite thus the workers of all lands and to organize them into great
+political parties were the chief aims of Marx in the International. And
+in 1869 it seemed that this might actually be accomplished in a few
+years. In France, Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Austria, Italy, and
+other countries the International was making rapid headway. Nearly all
+the most important labor bodies of Europe were actually affiliated, or
+at least friendly, to the new movement. At all the meetings held there
+was enthusiasm, and the future of the International seemed very
+promising indeed. It was recognized as the vehicle for expressing the
+views of labor throughout Europe. It had formulated its principles and
+tactics, and had already made a creditable beginning in the gigantic
+task before it of systematically carrying on its agitation, education,
+and organization. Marx's energies were being taxed to the utmost. Nearly
+all the immense executive work of the International fell on him, and
+nearly every move made was engineered by him. Yet at that very time he
+was on the point of publishing the first volume of "Capital," the result
+of gigantic researches into industrial history and economic theory. This
+great work was intended to be, in its literal sense, the Bible of the
+working class, as indeed it has since become. Certainly, Jaurès' tribute
+to Marx is well deserved and fairly sums up the work accomplished by him
+in the period 1847-1869. "To Marx belongs the merit," he says, " ... of
+having drawn together and unified the labor movement and the socialist
+idea. In the first third of the nineteenth century labor struggled and
+fought against the crushing power of capital; but it was not conscious
+itself toward what end it was straining; it did not know that the true
+objective of its effort was the common ownership of property. And, on
+the other hand, socialism did not know that the labor movement was the
+living form in which its spirit was embodied, the concrete practical
+force of which it stood in need. Marx was the most clearly convinced and
+the most powerful among those who put an end to the empiricism of the
+labor movement and the utopianism of the socialist thought, and this
+should always be remembered to his credit. By a crowning application of
+the Hegelian method, he united the Idea and the Fact, thought and
+history. He enriched the practical movement by the idea, and to the
+theory he added practice; he brought the socialist thought into
+proletarian life, and proletarian life into socialist thought. From that
+time on socialism and the proletariat became inseparable."[34]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Q] The dramatic story of his life is wonderfully told in _L'Enfermé_ by
+Gustave Geffroy. (Paris, 1904.)
+
+[R] In the authority cited below this appears as "the minority," but I
+notice that in Jaurès' "Studies in Socialism," p. 44, it appears as "the
+majority."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+THE BATTLE BETWEEN MARX AND BAKOUNIN
+
+
+At the moment when the future of the International seemed most promising
+and the political ideas of Marx were actually taking root in nearly all
+countries, an application was received by the General Council in London
+to admit the Alliance of Social Democracy. This, we will remember, was
+the organization that Bakounin had formed in 1868 and was the popular
+section of that remarkable secret hierarchy which he had endeavored to
+establish in 1864. The General Council declined to admit the Alliance,
+on grounds which proved later to be well founded, namely, that schisms
+would undoubtedly be encouraged if the International should permit an
+organization with an entirely different program and policies to join it
+in a body. Nevertheless, the General Council declared that the members
+of the Alliance could affiliate themselves as individuals with the
+various national sections. After considerable debate, Bakounin and his
+followers decided to abandon the Alliance and to join the International.
+Whether the Alliance was in fact abolished is still open to question,
+but in any case Bakounin appeared in the International toward the end of
+the sixties, to challenge all the theories of Marx and to offer, in
+their stead, his own philosophy of universal revolution. Anarchism as
+the end and terrorism as the means were thus injected into the
+organization at its most formative period, when the laboring classes of
+all Europe had just begun to write their program, evolve their
+principles, and define their tactics. With great force and magnetism,
+Bakounin undertook his war upon the General Council, and those who
+recall the period will realize that nothing could have more nearly
+expressed the occasional spirit of the masses--the very spirit that Marx
+and Engels were endeavoring to change--than exactly the methods proposed
+by Bakounin.
+
+Whether it were better to move gradually and peacefully along what
+seemed a never-ending road to emancipation or to begin the revolution at
+once by insurrection and civil war--this was in reality the question
+which, from that moment on, agitated the International. It had always
+troubled more or less the earlier organizations of labor, and now, aided
+by Bakounin's eloquence and fiery revolutionism, it became the great
+bone of contention throughout Europe. The struggles in the International
+between those who became known later as the anarchists and the
+socialists remind one of certain Greek stories, in which the outstanding
+figures seem to impersonate mighty forces, and it is not impossible that
+one day they may serve as material for a social epic. We all know to-day
+the interminable study that engages the theologians in their attempts to
+describe the battles and schisms in the early Christian Church. And
+there can be no doubt that, if socialism fulfills the purpose which its
+advocates have in mind, these early struggles in its history will become
+the object of endless research and commentary. The calumnies, the feuds,
+the misunderstandings, the clashing of doctrines, the antagonism of the
+ruling spirits, the plots and conspiracies, the victories and
+defeats--all these various phases of this war to the death between
+socialists and anarchists--will in that case present to history the most
+vital struggle of this age. But, whatever may be the outcome of the
+socialist movement, it is hardly too much to say that to both anarchists
+and socialists these struggles seemed, at the time they were taking
+place, of supreme importance to the destinies of humanity.
+
+The contending titans of this war were, of course, Karl Marx and Michael
+Bakounin. It is hardly necessary to go into the personal feud that
+played so conspicuous a part in the struggle between them. Perhaps no
+one at this late day can prove what Marx and his friends themselves were
+unable to prove--although they never ceased repeating the
+allegations--that Bakounin was a spy of the Russian Government, that his
+life had been thrice spared through the influence of that Government,
+that he was treacherous and dishonest, and that his sole purpose was to
+disrupt and destroy the International Working Men's Association. Nor is
+it necessary to consider the charges made against Marx--some of them
+time has already taken care of--that he was domineering, malicious, and
+ambitious, that his spirit was actuated by intrigue, and that, when he
+conceived a dislike for anyone, he was merciless and conscienceless in
+his warfare on that one. Incompatibility of temperament and of
+personality played its part in the battles between these two, but, even
+had there been no mutual dislike, the differences between their
+principles and tactics would have necessitated a battle _à outrance_.
+
+For twenty years before the birth of the International, Marx and
+Bakounin had crossed and recrossed each other's circle. They had always
+quarreled. There was a mutual fascination, due perhaps to an innate
+antagonism, that brought them again and again together at critical
+periods. At times there seemed a chance of reconciliation, but they no
+more touched each other than immediately there flared forth the old
+animosity. When Bakounin left Russia in 1843, he met Proudhon and Marx
+in Paris. At that period the doctrines of all three were germinating.
+Bakounin had already written, "The desire for destruction is at the same
+time a creative desire."[1] Proudhon had begun to formulate the
+principles of anarchism, and Marx the principles of socialism. "He was
+much more advanced than I was," wrote Bakounin of Marx at this period.
+"I knew nothing then of political economy, I was not yet freed from
+metaphysical abstraction, and my socialism was only instinctive.... It
+was precisely at this epoch that he elaborated the first fundamentals of
+his present system. We saw each other rather often, for I respected him
+deeply for his science and for his passionate and serious devotion,
+although always mingled with personal vanity, to the cause of the
+proletariat, and I sought with eagerness his conversation, which was
+always instructive and witty--when it was not inspired with mean hatred,
+which, too often, alas, was the case. Never, however, was there frank
+intimacy between us. Our temperaments did not allow that. He called me a
+sentimental idealist, and he was right; I called him a vain man,
+perfidious and artful, and I was right also."[2] This mutual dislike and
+even distrust subsisted to the end.
+
+Certain events in 1848 widened the gulf between them. At the news of the
+outbreak of the revolution in Paris, hundreds of the restless spirits
+hurried there to take a hand in the situation. And after the
+proclamation of the Republic they began to consider various projects of
+carrying the revolution into their own countries. Plans were being
+discussed for organizing legions to invade foreign countries, and a
+number of the German communists entered heartily into the plan of
+Herwegh, the erratic German poet--"the iron lark"--who led a band of
+revolutionists into Baden. "We arose vehemently against these attempts
+to play at revolution," says Engels, speaking for himself and Marx. "In
+the state of fermentation which then existed in Germany, to carry into
+our country an invasion which was destined to import the revolution by
+force, was to injure the revolution in Germany, to consolidate the
+governments, and ... to deliver the legions over defenseless to the
+German troops."[3] Wilhelm Liebknecht, then twenty-two years of age, who
+was in favor of Herwegh's project, wrote afterward of Marx's opposition.
+Marx "understood that the plan of organizing 'foreign legions' for the
+purpose of carrying the revolution into other countries emanated from
+the French bourgeois-republicans, and that the 'movement' had been
+artificially inspired with the twofold intention of getting rid of
+troublesome elements and of carrying off the foreign laborers whose
+competition made itself doubly felt during this grave business
+crisis."[4]
+
+Undeterred by Marx, Herwegh marshaled his "legions" and entered Baden,
+to be utterly crushed, exactly as Marx had foreseen. A quarrel then
+arose between Marx and Bakounin over Herwegh's project. Far from
+changing Marx's mind, however, it made him suspect Bakounin as perhaps
+in the pay of the reactionaries. In any case, he made no effort to
+prevent the _Neue Rheinische Zeitung_ from printing shortly after the
+following: "Yesterday it was asserted that George Sand was in possession
+of papers which seriously compromised the Russian who has been banished
+from here, _Michael Bakounin_, and represented him as an instrument or
+an _agent of Russia_, newly enrolled, to whom is attributed the leading
+part in the recent arrest of the unfortunate Poles. George Sand has
+shown these papers to some of her friends."[5] Marx later printed
+Bakounin's answer to these charges--which were, in fact, groundless--and
+in his letters to the New York _Tribune_ (1852) even commended Bakounin
+for his services in the Dresden uprising of 1849.[6] Nevertheless, there
+is no doubt that to the end Marx believed Bakounin to be a tool of the
+enemy. These quarrels are important only as they are prophetic in thus
+early disclosing the gulf between Marx and Bakounin in their conception
+of revolutionary activity. Although profoundly revolutionary, Marx was
+also rigidly rational. He had no patience, and not an iota of mercy, for
+those who lost their heads and attempted to lead the workers into
+violent outbreaks that could result only in a massacre. On this point he
+would make no concessions, and anyone who attempted such suicidal
+madness was in Marx's mind either an imbecile or a paid _agent
+provocateur_. The failure of Herwegh's project forced Bakounin to admit
+later that Marx had been right. Yet, as we know, with Bakounin's
+advancing years the passion for insurrections became with him almost a
+mania.
+
+If this quarrel between Bakounin and Marx casts a light upon the causes
+of their antagonism, a still greater illumination is shed by the
+differences between them which arose in 1849. Bakounin, in that year,
+had written a brochure in which he developed a program for the union of
+the revolutionary Slavs and for the destruction of the three monarchies,
+Russia, Austria, and Prussia. He advocated pan-Slavism, and believed
+that the Slavic people could once more be united and then federated into
+a great new nation. When Marx saw the volume, he wrote in the _Neue
+Rheinische Zeitung_ (February 14, 1849), "Aside from the Poles, the
+Russians, and perhaps even the Slavs of Turkey, no Slavic people has a
+future, for the simple reason that there are lacking in all the other
+Slavs the primary conditions--historical, geographical, political, and
+industrial--of independence and vitality."[7] This cold-blooded
+statement infuriated Bakounin. He absolutely refused to look at the
+facts. Possessed of a passion for liberty, he wanted all nations, all
+peoples--civilized, semi-civilized, or savage--to be entirely free. What
+had historical, geographical, political, or industrial conditions to do
+with the matter? All this is typical of Bakounin's revolutionary
+sentimentalism. He clashed again with Marx on very similar grounds when
+the latter insisted that only in the more advanced countries is there a
+possibility of a social revolution. Modern capitalist production,
+according to Marx, must attain a certain degree of development before it
+is possible for the working class to hope to carry out any really
+revolutionary project. Bakounin takes issue with him here. He declares
+his own aim to be "the complete and real emancipation of all the
+proletariat, not only of some countries, but of all nations, civilized
+and non-civilized."[8] In these declarations the differences between
+Marx and Bakounin stand forth vividly. Marx at no time states what he
+wishes. He expresses no sentiment, but confines himself to a cold
+statement of the facts as he sees them. Bakounin, the dreamer, the
+sentimentalist, and the revolution-maker, wants the whole world free.
+Whether or not Marx wants the same thing is not the question. He rigidly
+confines himself to what he believes is possible. He says certain
+conditions must exist before a people can be free and independent. Among
+them are included historical, geographical, political, and industrial
+conditions. Marx further states that, before the working-class
+revolution can be successful, certain economic conditions must exist.
+Marx is not stating here conclusions which are necessarily agreeable to
+him. He states only the results of his study of history, based on his
+analysis of past events. In the one case we find the idealist seeking to
+set the world violently right; in the other case we find the historian
+and the scientist--influenced no doubt, as all men must be, by certain
+hopes, yet totally regardless of personal desire--stating the antecedent
+conditions which must exist previous to the birth of a new historic or
+economic period.
+
+In speaking of the antagonism between Marx and Bakounin in this earlier
+period, I do not mean to convey the impression that it was the cause of
+the dissensions that arose later. The slightest knowledge of Bakounin's
+philosophy and methods is enough to make one realize that neither the
+International nor any considerable section of the labor or socialist
+movements had anything in common with those ideas. Certainly the thought
+and policies of Marx were directly opposed to everything from first to
+last that Bakounin stood for. Nothing could be more grotesque than the
+idea that Marxism and Bakouninism could be blended, or indeed exist
+together, in any semblance of harmony. Every thought, policy, and method
+of the two clashed furiously. It would be impossible to conceive of two
+other minds that were on so many points such worlds apart. Both Bakounin
+and Marx instinctively felt this essential antagonism, yet the former
+wrote Marx, in December, 1868, when he was preparing to enter the
+International, assuring him that he had had a change of heart and that
+"my country, now, _c'est l'Internationale_, of which you are one of the
+principal founders. You see then, dear friend, that I am your disciple
+and I am proud to be it."[9] He then signs himself affectionately, "Your
+devoted M. Bakounin."[10]
+
+With an olive branch such as that arrived the new "disciple" of Marx.
+He then set to work without a moment's delay to capture the
+International congress which was to be held at Basel, September, 1869.
+And it was there that the first battle occurred. From the very moment
+that the congress opened it was clear that on every important question
+there was to be a division. Most unexpectedly, the first struggle arose
+over a question that seemed not at all fundamental at the time, but
+which, as the later history of socialism shows, was really basic. The
+father of direct legislation, Rittinghausen, was a delegate to the
+congress from Germany. He begged the congress for an opportunity to
+present his ideas, and he won the support, quite naturally, of the
+Marxian elements. In his preliminary statement to the congress he said:
+"You are going to occupy yourselves at length with the great social
+reforms that you think necessary in order to put an end to the
+deplorable situation of the labor world. Is it then less necessary for
+you to occupy yourselves with methods of execution by which you may
+accomplish these reforms? I hear many among you say that you wish to
+attain your end by _revolution_. Well, comrades, revolution, as a matter
+of fact, accomplishes nothing. If you are not able to formulate, after
+the revolution, by legislation, your legitimate demands, the revolution
+will perish miserably like that of 1848. You will be the prey of the
+most violent reaction and you will be forced anew to suffer years of
+oppression and disgrace.
+
+"What, then, are the means of execution that democracy will have to
+employ in order to realize its ideas? Legislation by an individual
+functions only to the advantage of that individual and his family.
+Legislation by a group of capitalists, called representatives, serves
+only the interests of this class. It is only by taking their interests
+into their own hands, by direct legislation, that the people can ...
+establish the reign of social justice. I insist, then, that you put on
+the program of this congress the question of direct legislation by the
+people."[11]
+
+The forces led by Bakounin and Professor Hins, of Belgium, opposed any
+consideration of this question. The latter, in elaborating the remarks
+of Bakounin, declared: "They wish, they say, to accomplish, by
+representation or direct legislation, the transformation of the present
+governments, the work of our enemies, the bourgeois. They wish, in order
+to do this, to enter into these governments, and, by persuasion, by
+numbers, and by new laws, to establish a new State. Comrades, do not
+follow this line of march, for we would perish in following it in
+Belgium or in France as elsewhere. Rather let us leave these governments
+to rot away and not prop them up with our morality. This is the reason:
+the International is and must be a State within States. Let these States
+march on as they like, even to the point where our State is the
+strongest. Then, on their ruins, we will place ours, all prepared, all
+made ready, such as it exists in each section."[12] The result of this
+debate was that the father of direct legislation was not allowed time to
+present his views, and it is significant that this first clash of the
+congress resulted in a victory for the anarchists, despite all that
+could be done by Liebknecht and the other socialists.
+
+The chief question on the program was the consideration of the right of
+inheritance. This was the main economic change desired by the Alliance.
+For years Bakounin had advocated the abolition of the right of
+inheritance as the most revolutionary of his economic demands. "The
+right of inheritance," declared Bakounin, "after having been the natural
+consequence of the violent appropriation of natural and social wealth,
+became later the basis of the political state and of the legal
+family.... It is necessary, therefore, to vote the abolition of the
+right of inheritance."[13] It was left to George Eccarius, delegate of
+the Association of Tailors of London, to present to that congress the
+views of Marx and the General Council. The report of the General Council
+was, of course, prepared in advance, but Bakounin's views were well
+known, and it was intended as a crushing rejoinder. "_Inheritance_," it
+declared, "does not _create_ that power of transferring the produce of
+one man's labor into another man's pocket--it only relates to the change
+in the individuals who yield (_sic_) that power. Like all other civil
+legislation, the laws of inheritance are not the _cause_, but the
+_effect_, the _juridical consequence_ of the _existing economical
+organization of society_, based upon private property in the means of
+production, that is to say, in land, raw material, machinery, etc. In
+the same way the right of inheritance in the slave is not the cause of
+slavery, but, on the contrary, slavery is the cause of inheritance in
+slaves.... To proclaim the abolition of the _right of inheritance_ as
+the _starting point_ of the social revolution would only tend to lead
+the working class away from the true point of attack against present
+society. It would be as absurd a thing as to abolish the laws of
+contract between buyer and seller, while continuing the present state of
+exchange of commodities. It would be a thing false in theory and
+reactionary in practice."[14] Despite the opposition of the Marxians at
+the congress, the proposition of Bakounin received thirty-two votes as
+against twenty-three given to the proposition of the General Council. As
+thirteen of the delegates abstained from voting, Bakounin's resolution
+did not obtain an absolute majority, and the question was thus left
+undecided.
+
+Another important discussion at the congress was on landed property.
+Some of the delegates were opposed to the collective ownership of land,
+believing that it should be divided into small sections and left to the
+peasants to cultivate. Others advocated a kind of communism, in which
+associations of agriculturists were to work the soil. Still others
+believed that the State should own the land and lease it to individuals.
+Indeed, almost every phase of the question was touched, including the
+means of obtaining the land from the present owners and of distributing
+it among the peasants or of owning it collectively while allowing them
+the right to cultivate it for their profit. On this subject, again,
+Eccarius presented the views of Marx. To Bakounin, who expressed his
+terror of the State, no matter of what character, Eccarius said "that
+his relations with the French have doubtless communicated to him this
+conception (for it appears that the French workingmen can never think of
+the State without seeing a Napoleon appear, accompanied by a flock of
+cannon), and he replied that the State can be reformed by the coming of
+the working class into power. All great transformations have been
+inaugurated by a change in the form of landed property. The allodial
+system was replaced by the feudal system, the feudal system by modern
+private ownership, and the social transformation to which the new state
+of things tends will be inaugurated by the abolition of individual
+property in land. As to compensations, that will depend on the
+circumstances. If the transformation is made peacefully, the present
+owners will be indemnified.... If the owners of slaves had yielded when
+Lincoln was elected, they would have received a compensation for their
+slaves. Their resistance led to the abolition of slavery without
+compensation...."[15] The congress, after debating the question at
+length, contented itself with voting the general proposition that
+"society has the right to abolish private property in land and to make
+land the property of the community."[16]
+
+The last important question considered by the congress was that dealing
+with trade unions. The debate aroused little interest, although
+Liebknecht opened the discussion. He pointed out the great extension of
+trade-union organization in England, Germany, and America, and he tried
+to impress upon the congress the necessity for vastly extending this
+form of solidarity. And, indeed, it seems to have been generally
+admitted that trade-union organization was necessary. No practical
+proposals were, however, made for actually developing such
+organizations. The interesting part of the discussion came upon the
+function of trade unionism in future society. The socialists were little
+concerned as to what might happen to the trade unions in future society,
+but Professor Hins outlined at that congress the program of the modern
+syndicalists. It is, therefore, especially interesting to read what
+Professor Hins said as early as 1869: "Societies _de résistance_ (trade
+unions) will subsist after the suppression of wages, not in name, but in
+deed. They will then be the organization of labor, ... operating a vast
+distribution of labor from one end of the world to the other. They will
+replace the ancient political systems: in place of a confused and
+heterogeneous representation, there will be the representation of labor.
+
+"They will be at the same time agents of decentralization, for the
+centers will differ according to the industries which will form, in some
+manner, each one a separate State, and will prevent forever the return
+to the ancient form of centralized State, which will not, however,
+prevent another form of government for local purposes. As is evident, if
+we are reproached for being indifferent to every form of government, it
+is ... because we detest them all in the same way, and because we
+believe that it is only on their ruins that a society conforming to the
+principles of justice can be established."[S][17]
+
+The congress at Basel was the turning point in the brief history of the
+International. Although the Marxists were reluctant to admit it, the
+Bakouninists had won a complete victory on every important issue. Some
+of the decisions future congresses might remedy, but in refusing even to
+discuss the question of direct legislation many of the delegates
+clearly showed their determination to have nothing to do with politics
+or with any movement aiming at the conquest of political power. In all
+the discussions the anarchist tendencies of the congress were
+unmistakable, and the immense gulf between the Marxists and the
+Bakouninists was laid bare. The very foundation principles upon which
+the International was based had been overturned. Political action was to
+be abandoned, while the discussion on trade unions introduced for the
+first time in the International the idea of a purely economic struggle
+and a conception of future society in which groups of producers, and not
+the State or the community, should own the tools of production. This
+syndicalist conception of socialism was not new. Developed for the first
+time by Robert Owen in 1833, it had led the working classes into the
+most violent and bitter strikes, that ended in disaster for all
+participants. Born again in 1869, it was destined to lie dormant for
+thirty years, then to be taken up once more--this time with immense
+enthusiasm--by the French trade unions.
+
+Needless to say, the decisive victory of the Bakouninists at Basel was
+excessively annoying and humiliating to Marx. He did not attend in
+person, but it was evident before the congress that he fully expected
+that his forces would, on that occasion, destroy root and branch the
+economic and political fallacies of Bakounin. He rather welcomed the
+discussion of the differences between the program of the Alliance and
+that of the International, in order that Eccarius, Liebknecht, and
+others might demolish, once and for all, the reactionary proposals of
+Bakounin. To Marx, much of the program of the Alliance seemed a remnant
+of eighteenth-century philosophy, while the rest was pure utopianism,
+consisting of unsound and impractical reforms, mixed with atheism and
+schoolboy declamation. Altogether, the policies and projects of Bakounin
+seemed so vulnerable that the General Council evidently felt that little
+preparation was necessary in order to defeat them. They seemed to have
+forgotten, for the moment, that Bakounin was an old and experienced
+conspirator. In any case, he had left no stone unturned to obtain
+control of the congress. Week by week, previous to the congress,
+_l'Egalité_, the organ of the Swiss federation, had published articles
+by Bakounin which, while professedly explaining the principles of the
+International, were in reality attacking them; and most insidiously
+Bakounin's own program was presented as the traditional position of the
+organization. Liberty, fraternity, and equality were, of course, called
+into service. The treason of certain working-class politicians was
+pointed out as the natural and inevitable result of political action,
+while to those who had given little thought to economic theory the
+abolition of inheritances seemed the final word. Nor did Bakounin limit
+his efforts to his pen. All sections of the Alliance undertook to see
+that friends of Bakounin were sent as delegates to the congress, and it
+was charged that credentials were obtained in various underhanded ways.
+However that may have been, the "practical," "cold-blooded" Marx was
+completely outwitted by his "sentimental" and "visionary" antagonist.
+Instead of a great victory, therefore, the Marxists left the congress of
+Basel utterly dejected, and Eccarius is reported to have said, "Marx
+will be terribly annoyed."[18]
+
+That Marx was annoyed is to put it with extraordinary moderation, and
+from that moment the fight on Bakouninism, anarchism, and terrorism
+developed to a white heat. Immediately after the adjournment of the
+congress, Moritz Hess, a close friend of Marx and a delegate to the
+congress, published in the _Réveil_ of Paris what he called "the secret
+history" of the congress, in which he declared that "between the
+collectivists of the International and the Russian communists [meaning
+the Bakouninists] there was all the difference which exists between
+civilization and barbarism, between liberty and despotism, between
+citizens condemning every form of violence and slaves addicted to the
+use of brutal force."[19] Even this gives but a faint idea of the
+bitterness of the controversy. Marx, Engels, Liebknecht, Hess, Outine,
+the General Council in London, and every newspaper under the control of
+the Marxists began to assail Bakounin and his circle. They no longer
+confined themselves to a denunciation of the "utopian and bourgeois"
+character of the anarchist philosophy. They went into the past history
+of Bakounin, revived all the accusations that had been made against him,
+and exposed every particle of evidence obtainable concerning his
+"checkered" career as a revolutionist. It will be remembered that it was
+in 1869 that Nechayeff appeared in Switzerland. When the Marxists got
+wind of him and his doctrine, their rage knew no bounds. And later they
+obtained and published in _L'Alliance de la Démocratie Socialiste_ the
+material from which I have already quoted extensively in my first
+chapter.
+
+No useful purpose, however, would be served in dealing with the personal
+phases of the struggle. Bakounin became so irate at the attacks upon
+him, several of which happened to have been written by Jews, that he
+wrote an answer entitled "Study Upon the German Jews." He feared to
+attack Marx; and this "Study," while avoiding a personal attack, sought
+to arouse a racial prejudice that would injure him. He writes to Herzen,
+a month after the congress at Basel, that he fully realizes that Marx
+is "the instigator and the leader of all this calumnious and infamous
+polemic."[20] He was reluctant, however, to attack him personally, and
+even refers to Marx and Lassalle as "these two Jewish giants," but
+besides them, he adds, "there was and is a crowd of Jewish pigmies."[21]
+"Nevertheless," he writes, "it may happen, and very shortly, too, that I
+shall enter into conflict with him, not over any personal offense, of
+course, but over a question of principle, regarding State communism, of
+which he himself and the English and German parties which he directs are
+the most ardent partisans. Then it will be a fight to the finish. But
+there is a time for everything, and the hour for this struggle has not
+yet sounded.... Do you not see that all these gentlemen who are our
+enemies are forming a phalanx, which must be disunited and broken up in
+order to be the more easily routed? You are more erudite than I; you
+know, therefore, better than I who was the first to take for principle:
+_Divide and rule_. If at present I should undertake an open war against
+Marx himself, three-quarters of the members of the International would
+turn against me, and I would be at a disadvantage, for I would have lost
+the ground on which I must stand. But by beginning this war with an
+attack against the rabble by which he is surrounded, I shall have the
+majority on my side.... But, ... if he wishes to constitute himself the
+defender of their cause, it is he who would then declare war openly. In
+this case, I shall take the field also and I shall play the star
+rôle."[22]
+
+This was written in October, 1869, a month after the Basel congress. On
+the 1st of January, 1870, the General Council at London sent a private
+communication to all sections of the International, and on the 28th of
+March it was followed by another. These, together with various
+circulars dealing with questions of principle, but all consisting of
+attacks upon Bakounin personally or upon his doctrines, finally goaded
+him into open war upon Marx, the General Council, all their doctrines,
+and even upon the then forming socialist party of Germany, with Bebel
+and Liebknecht at its head. During the year 1870 Bakounin was preparing
+for the great controversy, but his friends of Lyons interrupted his work
+by calling him there to take part in the uprising of that year. He
+hastened to Lyons, but, as we know, he was soon forced to flee and
+conceal himself in Marseilles. It was there, in the midst of the
+blackest despair, that Bakounin wrote: "I have no longer any faith in
+the Revolution in France. This nation is no longer in the least
+revolutionary. The people themselves have become doctrinaire, as
+insolent and as bourgeois as the bourgeois.... The bourgeois are
+loathsome. They are as savage as they are stupid--and as the police
+blood flows in their veins--they should be called policemen and
+attorneys-general in embryo. I am going to reply to their infamous
+calumnies by a good little book in which I shall give everything and
+everybody its proper name. I leave this country with deep despair in my
+heart."[23] He then set to work at last to state systematically his own
+views and to annihilate utterly those of the socialists. Many of these
+documents are only fragmentary. Some were started and abandoned; others
+ended in hopeless confusion. With the most extraordinary gift of
+inspirited statement, he passes in review every phase of history,
+leaping from one peak to another of the great periods, pointing his
+lessons, issuing his warnings, but all the time throwing at the reader
+such a Niagara of ideas and arguments that he is left utterly dazed and
+bewildered as by some startling military display or the rushing here and
+there of a military maneuver. In _Lettres à un Français_; _Manuscrit de
+114 Pages, écrit à Marseille_; _Lettre à Esquiros_; _Préambule pour la
+Seconde Livraison de l'Empire Knouto-Germanique_; _Avertissement pour
+l'Empire Knouto-Germanique_; _Au Journal La Liberté, de Bruxelles_; and
+_Fragment formant une Suite de l'Empire Knouto-Germanique_, he returns
+again and again to the charge, always seeking to deal some fatal blow to
+Marxian socialism, but never apparently satisfying himself that he has
+accomplished his task. He touches the border of practical criticism of
+the socialist program in the fragment entitled _Lettres à un Français_.
+It ends, however, before the task is done. Again he takes it up in the
+_Manuscrit écrit à Marseille_. But here also, as soon as he arrives at
+the point of annihilating the socialists, his task is discontinued. In
+truth, he himself seems to have realized the inconclusive character of
+his writings, as he refused in some cases to complete them and in other
+cases to publish them. Nevertheless, we find in various places of his
+fragmentary writings not only a statement of his own views, but his
+entire critique upon socialism.
+
+As I have made clear enough, I think, in my first chapter, there are in
+Bakounin's writings two main ideas put forward again and again, dressed
+in innumerable forms and supported by an inexhaustible variety of
+arguments. These ideas are based upon his antagonism to religion and to
+government. It was always _Dieu et l'Etat_ that he was fighting, and not
+until both the ideas and the institutions which had grown up in support
+of "these monstrous oppressions" had been destroyed and swept from the
+earth could there arise, thought Bakounin, a free society, peopled with
+happy and emancipated human souls. When one has once obtained this
+conception of Bakounin's fundamental views, there is little necessity
+for dealing with the infinite number of minor points upon which he was
+forced to attack the men and movements of his time. On the one hand, he
+was assailing Mazzini, whose every move in life was actuated by his
+intense religious and political faith, while, on the other hand, he was
+attacking Marx as the modern Moses handing down to the enslaved
+multitudes his table of infamous laws as the foundation for a new
+tyranny, that of State socialism. In 1871 Bakounin ceased all
+maneuvering. Bringing out his great guns, he began to bombard both
+Mazzini and Marx. Never has polemic literature seen such another battle.
+With a weapon in each hand, turning from the one to the other of his
+antagonists, he battled, as no man ever before battled, to crush "these
+enemies of the entire human race."
+
+There is, of course, no possibility of adequately summarizing, in such
+limited space as I have allotted to it, the thought of one who traversed
+the history of the entire world of thought and action in pursuit of some
+crushing argument against the socialism of Marx. This perverted form of
+socialism, Bakounin maintained, contemplated the establishment of a
+_communisme autoritaire_, or State socialism. "The State," he says,
+"having become the sole owner--at the end of a certain period of
+transition which will be necessary in order to transform society,
+without too great economic and political shocks, from the present
+organization of bourgeois privilege to the future organization of
+official equality for all--the State will also be the sole capitalist,
+the banker, the money lender, the organizer, the director of all the
+national work, and the distributor of its products. Such is the ideal,
+the fundamental principle of modern communism."[24] This is, of all
+Bakounin's criticisms of socialism, the one that has had the greatest
+vitality. It has gone the round of the world as a crushing blow to
+socialist ideals. The same thought has been repeated by every
+politician, newspaper, and capitalist who has undertaken to refute
+socialism. And every socialist will admit that of all the attempts to
+misrepresent socialism and to make it abhorrent to most people the idea
+expressed in these words of Bakounin has been the most effective. To
+state thus the ideal of socialism is sufficient in most cases to end all
+argument. Add to this program military discipline for the masses,
+barracks for homes, and a ruling bureaucracy, and you have complete the
+terrifying picture that is held up to the workers of every country, even
+to-day, as the nefarious, world-destroying design of the socialists.
+
+It is, therefore, altogether proper to inquire if these were in reality
+the aims of the Marxists. Many sincere opponents of socialism actually
+believe that these are the ends sought, while the casual reader of
+socialist literature may see much that appears to lead directly to the
+dreadful State tyranny that Bakounin has pictured. But did Marx actually
+advocate State socialism? In the Communist Manifesto Marx proposed a
+series of reforms that the State alone was capable of instituting. He
+urged that many of the instruments of production should be centralized
+in the hands of the State. Moreover, nothing is clearer than his
+prophecy that the working class "will use its political supremacy to
+wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all
+instruments of production in the hands of the State."[25] Indeed, in
+this program, as in all others that have developed out of it, the end of
+socialism would seem to be State ownership. "With trusts or without,"
+writes Engels, "the official representative of capitalist society--the
+State--will ultimately have to undertake the direction of production."
+Commenting himself upon this statement, he adds in a footnote: "I say
+'have to.' For only when the means of production and distribution have
+actually outgrown the form of management by joint-stock companies, and
+when, therefore, the taking them over by the State has become
+economically inevitable, only then--even if it is the State of to-day
+that effects this--is there an economic advance, the attainment of
+another step preliminary to the taking over of all productive forces by
+society itself." "This necessity," he continues, "for conversion into
+State property is felt first in the great institutions for intercourse
+and communication--the post-office, the telegraphs, the railways."[26]
+
+Here is the entire position in a nutshell. But Engels says the State
+will "have to." Thus Engels and Marx are not stating necessarily what
+they desire. And it must not be forgotten that in all such statements
+both were outlining only what appeared to them to be a natural and
+inevitable evolution. In State ownership they saw an outcome of the
+necessary centralization of capital and its growth into huge monopolies.
+Society would be forced to use the power of the State to control, and
+eventually to own, these menacing aggregations of capital in the hands
+of a few men. Both Marx and Engels saw clearly enough that State
+monopoly does not destroy the capitalistic nature of the productive
+forces. "The modern State, no matter what its form, is essentially a
+capitalist machine.... The more it proceeds to the taking over of
+productive forces, ... the more citizens does it exploit. The workers
+remain wage workers--proletarians. The capitalist relation is not done
+away with. It is rather brought to a head. But, brought to a head, it
+topples over. _State ownership of the productive forces is not the
+solution of the conflict, but concealed within it are the technical
+conditions that form the elements of that solution._"[27]
+
+State ownership, then, was not considered by Marx and Engels in itself a
+solution of the problem. It is only a necessary preliminary to the
+solution. The essential step, either subsequent or precedent, is the
+capture of political power by the working class. By this act the means
+of production are freed "from the character of capital they have thus
+far borne, ..." and their "socialized character" is given "complete
+freedom to work itself out."[28] "Socialized production upon a
+predetermined plan becomes henceforth possible. The development of
+production makes the existence of different classes of society
+thenceforth an anachronism. In proportion as anarchy in social
+production vanishes, the political authority of the State dies out. Man,
+at last the master of his own form of social organization, becomes at
+the same time the lord over Nature, his own master--free.
+
+"To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical
+mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the
+historical conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart to
+the new oppressed proletarian class a full knowledge of the conditions
+and of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon to accomplish,
+this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian
+movement, scientific socialism."[29]
+
+Engels declares that the State, such as we have known it in the past,
+will die out "as soon as there is no longer any social class to be held
+in subjection; as soon as class rule, and the individual struggle for
+existence based upon our present anarchy in production, with the
+collisions and excesses arising from these, are removed, nothing more
+remains to be repressed, and a special repressive force, a State, is no
+longer necessary. The first act by virtue of which the State really
+constitutes itself the representative of the whole of society--the
+taking possession of the means of production in the name of
+society--this is, at the same time, its last independent act as a State.
+State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain after
+another, superfluous, and then dies out of itself; the government of
+persons is replaced by the administration of things, and by the conduct
+of processes of production. The State is not 'abolished.' _It dies out._
+This gives the measure of the value of the phrase 'a free State,' both
+as to its justifiable use at times by agitators, and as to its ultimate
+scientific insufficiency; and also of the demands of the so-called
+anarchists for the abolition of the State out of hand."[30]
+
+This conception of the rôle of the State is one that no anarchist can
+comprehend. He is unwilling to admit that social evolution necessarily
+leads through State socialism to industrial democracy, or even that such
+an evolution is possible. To him the State seems to have a corporeal,
+material existence of its own. It is a tyrannical machine that exists
+above all classes and wields a legal, military, and judicial power all
+its own. That the State is only an agency for representing in certain
+fields the power of a dominant economic class--this is something the
+anarchist will not admit. In fact, Bakounin seems to have been utterly
+mystified when Eccarius answered him at Basel in these words: "The State
+can be reformed by the coming of the working class into power."[31] That
+the State is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the
+capitalist class can neither be granted nor understood by the
+anarchists. Nor can it be comprehended that, when the capitalist class
+has no affairs of its own to manage, the coercive character of the State
+will gradually disappear. State ownership undermines and destroys the
+economic power of private capitalists. When the railroads, the mines,
+the forests, and other great monopolies are taken out of their hands,
+their control over the State is by this much diminished. The only power
+they possess to control the State resides in their economic power, and
+anything that weakens that tends to destroy the class character of the
+State itself. The inherent weakness of Bakounin's entire philosophy lay
+in this fact, that it begins with the necessity of abolishing God and
+the State, and that it can never get beyond that or away from that. And,
+as a necessary consequence, Bakounin had to oppose every measure that
+looked toward any compromise with the State, or that might enable the
+working class to exercise any influence in or through the State.
+
+When, therefore, the German party at its congress at Eisenach demanded
+the suffrage and direct legislation, when it declared that political
+liberty is the most urgent preliminary condition for the economic
+emancipation of the working class, Bakounin could see nothing
+revolutionary in such a program. When, furthermore, the party declared
+that the social question is inseparable from the political question and
+that the problems of our economic life could be solved only in a
+democratic State, Bakounin, of course, was forced to oppose such
+heresies with all his power. And these were indeed the really vital
+questions, upon which the anarchists and the socialists could not be
+reconciled. It is in his _Lettres à un Français_, written just after the
+failure of his own "practical" efforts at Lyons, that Bakounin
+undertakes his criticism of the program of the German socialists.
+Preparatory to this task, he first terrifies his French readers with the
+warning that if the German army, then at their doors, should conquer
+France, it would result in the destruction of French socialism (by which
+he means anarchism), in the utter degradation and complete slavery of
+the French people, and make it possible for the Knout of Germany and
+Russia to fall upon the back of all Europe. "If, in this terrible
+moment, ... [France] does not prefer the death of all her children and
+the destruction of all her goods, the burning of her villages, her
+cities, and of all her houses to slavery under the yoke of the
+Prussians, if she does not destroy, by means of a popular and
+revolutionary uprising, the power of the innumerable German armies
+which, victorious on all sides up to the present, threaten her dignity,
+her liberty, and even her existence, if she does not become a grave for
+all those six hundred thousand soldiers of German despotism, if she does
+not oppose them with the one means capable of conquering and destroying
+them under the present circumstances, if she does not reply to this
+insolent invasion by the social revolution no less ruthless and a
+thousand times more menacing--it is certain, I maintain, that then
+France is lost, her masses of working people will be slaves, and French
+socialism will have lived its life."[32]
+
+Approaching his subject in this dramatic manner, Bakounin turns to
+examine the degenerate state of socialism in Italy, Switzerland, and
+Germany to see "what will be the chances of working-class emancipation
+in all the rest of Europe."[33] In the first country socialism is only
+in its infancy. The Italians are wholly ignorant of the true causes of
+their misery. They are crushed, maltreated, and dying of hunger. They
+are "led blindly by the liberal and radical bourgeois."[34] Altogether,
+there is no immediate hope of socialism there. In Switzerland the people
+are asleep. "If the human world were on the point of dying, the Swiss
+would not resuscitate it."[35] Only in Germany is socialism making
+headway, and Bakounin undertakes to examine this socialism and to put it
+forward as a horrible example. To be sure, the German workers are
+awakening, but they are under the leadership of certain cunning
+politicians, who have abandoned all revolutionary ideas, and are now
+undertaking to reform the State, hoping that that could be done as a
+result of "a great peaceful and legal agitation of the working
+class."[36] The very name Liebknecht had taken for his paper, the
+_Volksstaat_, was infamous in Bakounin's eyes, while all the leaders of
+the labor party had become merely appendages to "their friends of the
+bourgeois _Volkspartei_."[37] He then passes in review the program of
+the German socialists, and points to their aim of establishing a
+democratic State by the "direct and secret suffrage for all men" and its
+guidance by direct legislation, as the utter abandonment of every
+revolutionary idea. He dwells upon the folly of the suffrage and of
+every effort to remodel, recast, and change the State, as "purely
+political and bourgeois."[38]
+
+Democracies and republics are no less tyrannical than monarchies. The
+suffrage cannot alter them. In England, Switzerland, and America, he
+declares, the masses now have political power, yet they remain in the
+deepest depths of misery. Universal suffrage is only a new superstition,
+while the referendum, already existing in Switzerland, has failed
+utterly to improve the condition of the people. The working-class
+slaves, even in the most democratic countries, "have neither the
+instruction; nor the leisure, nor the independence necessary to
+exercise freely and with full knowledge of the case their rights as
+citizens. They have, in the most democratic countries, which are
+governed by representatives elected by all the people, a ruling day or
+rather a day of Saturnalian celebration: that is election day. Then the
+bourgeois, their oppressors, their every-day exploiters, and their
+masters, come to them, with hats off, talk to them of equality and of
+fraternity, and call them the ruling people, of whom they (the
+bourgeois) are only very humble servants, the representatives of their
+will. This day over, fraternity and equality evaporate in smoke, the
+bourgeois become bourgeois once more, and the proletariat, the sovereign
+people, remain slaves.
+
+"Such is the real truth about the system of representative democracy, so
+much praised by the radical bourgeois, even when it is amended,
+completed, and developed, with a popular intention, by the _referendum_
+or by that 'direct legislation of the people' which is extolled by a
+German school that wrongly calls itself socialist. For very nearly two
+years, the _referendum_ has been a part of the constitution of the
+canton of Zurich, and up to this time it has given absolutely no
+results. The people there are called upon to vote, by yes or by no, on
+all the important laws which are presented to them by the representative
+bodies. They could even grant them the initiative without real liberty
+winning the least advantage."[39]
+
+It is a discouraging picture that Bakounin draws here of the ignorance
+and stupidity of the people as they are led in every election to vote
+their enemies into power. What, then, is to be done? What shall these
+hordes of the illiterate and miserable do? If by direct legislation they
+cannot even vote laws in their own interest, how, then, will it be
+possible for them ever to improve their condition? Such questions do not
+in the least disturb Bakounin. He has one answer, Revolution! As he said
+in the beginning, so he repeats: "To escape its wretched lot, the
+populace has three ways, two imaginary and one real. The first two are
+the rum shop and the church, ... the third is the social
+revolution."[40] "A cure is possible only through the social
+revolution,"[41] that is, through "the destruction of all institutions
+of inequality, and the establishment of economic and social
+equality."[42]
+
+However, if Bakounin's idea of the social revolution never altered, the
+methods by which it was to be carried out suffered a change as a result
+of his experience in the International. In 1871 he no longer advocated,
+openly at any rate, secret conspiracies, the "loosening of evil
+passions," or some vague "unchaining of the hydra." He begins then to
+oppose to political action what he calls economic action.[43] In the
+fragment--not published during Bakounin's life--the _Protestation de
+l'Alliance_, he covers for the hundredth time his arguments against the
+_Volksstaat_, which is a "ridiculous contradiction, a fiction, a
+lie."[44] "The State ... will always be an institution of domination and
+of exploitation ... a permanent source of slavery and of misery."[45]
+How, then, shall the State be destroyed? Bakounin's answer is "first, by
+the organization and the federation of strike funds and the
+international solidarity of strikes; secondly, by the organization and
+international federation of trade unions; and, lastly, by the
+spontaneous and direct development of philosophical and sociological
+ideas in the International....
+
+"Let us now consider these three ways in their special action, differing
+one from another, but, as I have just said, inseparable, and let us
+commence with the organization of strike funds and strikes.
+
+"Strike funds have for their sole object to provide the necessary money
+in order to make possible the costly organization and maintenance of
+strikes. And the strike is the beginning of the social war of the
+proletariat against the bourgeoisie, while still within the limits of
+legality.[T] Strikes are a valuable weapon in this twofold connection;
+first, because they electrify the masses, give fresh impetus to their
+moral energy, and awaken in their hearts the profound antagonism which
+exists between their interests and those of the bourgeoisie, by showing
+them ever clearer the abyss which from this time irrevocably separates
+them from that class; and, second, because they contribute in large
+measure to provoke and to constitute among the workers of all trades, of
+all localities, and of all countries the consciousness and the fact
+itself of solidarity: a double action, the one negative and the other
+positive, which tends to constitute directly the new world of the
+proletariat by opposing it, almost absolutely, to the bourgeois
+world."[46]
+
+In another place he says: "Once this solidarity is seriously accepted
+and firmly established, it brings forth all the rest--all the
+principles--the most sublime and the most subversive of the
+International, the most destructive of religion, of juridical right, and
+of the State, of authority divine as well as human--in a word, the most
+revolutionary from the socialist point of view, being nothing but the
+natural and necessary developments of this economic solidarity. And the
+immense practical advantage of the trade sections over the central
+sections consists precisely in this--that these developments and these
+principles are demonstrated to the workers not by theoretical reasoning,
+but by the living and tragic experience of a struggle which each day
+becomes larger, more profound, and more terrible. In such a way that the
+worker who is the least instructed, the least prepared, the most gentle,
+always dragged further by the very consequences of this conflict, ends
+by recognizing himself to be a revolutionist, an anarchist, and an
+atheist, without often knowing himself how he has become such."[47]
+
+This is as far as Bakounin gets in the statement of his new program of
+action, as this article, like many others, was discontinued and thrown
+aside at the moment when he comes to clinching his argument. The
+mountain, however, had labored, and this was its mouse. It is chiefly
+remarkable as a forecast of the methods adopted by the syndicalists a
+quarter of a century later. Nevertheless, one cannot escape the thought
+that Bakounin's advocacy of a purely economic struggle was only a last
+desperate effort on his part to discover some method of action, aside
+from his now discredited riots and insurrections, that could serve as an
+effective substitute for political action. In reality, Bakounin found
+himself in a vicious circle. Again and again he tried to find his way
+out, but invariably he returned to his starting point. In despair he
+tore to pieces his manuscript, immediately, however, to start a new one;
+then once more to rush round the circle that ended nowhere.
+
+Marx and Engels ignored utterly the many and varied assaults that
+Bakounin made upon their theoretical views. They were not the least
+concerned over his attacks upon _their_ socialism. They had not invented
+it, and economic evolution was determining its form. It was not,
+indeed, until 1875 that Engels deals with the tendencies to State
+socialism, and then it was in answer to Dr. Eugene Duehring, _privat
+docent_ at Berlin University, who had just announced that he had become
+"converted" to socialism. Like many another distinguished convert, he
+immediately began to remodel the whole theory and to create what he
+supposed were new and original doctrines of his own. But no sooner were
+they put in print than they were found to be a restatement of the old
+and choicest formulas of Proudhon and Bakounin. Engels therefore took up
+the cudgels once again, and, no doubt to the stupefaction of Duehring,
+denied that property is robbery,[48] that slaves are kept in slavery by
+force,[49] and that the root of social and economic inequality is
+political tyranny.[50] Furthermore, he deplored this method of
+interpreting history, and pointed out that capitalism would exist "if we
+exclude the possibility of force, robbery, and cheating absolutely...."
+Furthermore, "the monopolization of the means of production ... in the
+hands of a single class few in numbers ... rests on purely economic
+grounds without robbery, force, or any intervention of politics or the
+government being necessary." To say that property rests on force
+"_merely serves to obscure the understanding of the real development of
+things_."[51] I mention Engels' argument in answer to Dr. Duehring,
+because word for word it answers also Bakounin. Of course, Bakounin was
+a much more difficult antagonist, because he could not be pinned down to
+any systematic doctrines or to any clear and logical development or
+statement of his thought. Indeed, Marx and Engels seemed more amused
+than concerned and simply treated his essays as a form of
+"hyper-revolutionary dress-parade oratory," to use a phrase of
+Liebknecht's. They ridiculed him as an "amorphous pan-destroyer," and
+made no attempt to refute his really intangible social and economic
+theories.
+
+However, they met Bakounin's attacks on the International at every
+point. On the method of organization which Bakounin advocated, namely,
+that of a federalism of autonomous groups, which was to be "in the
+present a faithful image of future society," Marx replied that nothing
+could better suit the enemies of the International than to see such
+anarchy reign amidst the workers. Furthermore, when Bakounin advocated
+insurrections, uprisings, and riots, or even indeed purely economic
+action as a substitute for political action, Marx undertook
+extraordinary measures to deal finally with Bakounin and his program of
+action. A conference was therefore called of the leading spirits of the
+International, to be held in London in September, 1871. The whole of
+Bakounin's activity was there discussed, and a series of resolutions was
+adopted by the conference to be sent to every section of the
+International movement. A number of these resolutions dealt directly
+with Bakounin and the Alliance, which it was thought still existed,
+despite Bakounin's statement that it had been dissolved.[U] But by far
+the most important work of the conference was a resolution dealing with
+the question of political action. It is perhaps as important a document
+as was issued during the life of the International, and it stands as the
+answer of Marx to what Bakounin called economic action and to what the
+syndicalists now call direct action. The whole International
+organization is here pleaded with to maintain its faith in the efficacy
+of political means. Political action is pointed out as the fundamental
+principle of the organization, and, in order to give authority to this
+plea, the various declarations that had been made during the life of the
+International were brought together. Once again, the old motif of the
+Communist Manifesto appeared, and every effort was made to give it the
+authority of a positive law. Although rather long, the resolution is too
+important a document not to be printed here almost in full.
+
+"Considering the following passage of the preamble to the rules: 'The
+economic emancipation of the working classes is the great end to which
+every political movement ought to be subordinate _as a means_;'
+
+"That the Inaugural Address of the International Working Men's
+Association (1864) states: 'The lords of land and the lords of capital
+will always use their political privileges for the defense and
+perpetuation of their economic monopolies. So far from promoting, they
+will continue to lay every possible impediment in the way of the
+emancipation of labor.... To conquer political power has therefore
+become the great duty of the working classes;'
+
+"That the Congress of Lausanne (1867) has passed this resolution: 'The
+social emancipation of the workmen is inseparable from their political
+emancipation;'
+
+"That the declaration of the General Council relative to the pretended
+plot of the French Internationals on the eve of the plébiscite (1870)
+says: 'Certainly by the tenor of our statutes, all our branches in
+England, on the Continent, and in America have the special mission not
+only to serve as centers for the militant organization of the working
+class, but also to support, in their respective countries, every
+political movement tending toward the accomplishment of our ultimate
+end--the economic emancipation of the working class;'
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"Considering that against this collective power of the propertied
+classes the working class cannot act, as a class, except by constituting
+itself into a political party, distinct from, and opposed to, all old
+parties formed by the propertied classes;
+
+"That this constitution of the working class into a political party is
+indispensable in order to insure the triumph of the social revolution
+and its ultimate end--the abolition of classes;
+
+"That the combination of forces which the working class has already
+effected by its economic struggles ought at the same time to serve as a
+lever for its struggles against the political power of landlords and
+capitalists.
+
+"The Conference recalls to the members of the _International_:
+
+"That, in the militant state of the working class, its economic movement
+and its political action are indissolubly united."[52]
+
+From the congress at Basel in 1869 to the conference at The Hague in
+1872, little was done by the International to realize its great aim of
+organizing politically the working class of Europe. It had been
+completely sidetracked, and all the energies of its leading spirits were
+wasted in controversy and in the various struggles of the factions to
+control the organization. It was a period of incessant warfare. Nearly
+every local conference was a scene of dissension; many of the branches
+were dissolved; and disruption in the Latin countries was gradually
+obliterating whatever there was of actual organization. It all resolved
+itself into a question of domination between Bakounin and Marx. The war
+between Germany and France prevented an international gathering, and it
+was not until September, 1872, that another congress of the
+International was held. It was finally decided that it should gather at
+The Hague. The Commune had flashed across the sky for a moment.
+Insurrection had broken out and had been crushed in various places in
+Europe. Strikes were more frequent than had ever been known before. And,
+because of these various disturbances, the International had become the
+terror of Europe. Its strength and influence were vastly overestimated
+by the reactionary powers. Its hand was seen in every act of the
+discontented masses. It became the "Red Spectre," and all the powers of
+Europe were now seeking to destroy it. Looming thus large to the outside
+world, those within the International knew how baseless were the fears
+of its opponents. They realized that internecine war was eating its
+heart out. During all this time, when it was credited and blamed for
+every revolt in Europe, there were incredible plotting and intrigue
+between the factions. Endless documents were printed, assailing the
+alleged designs of this or that group, and secret circulars were issued
+denouncing the character of this or that leader. Sections were formed
+and dissolved in the maneuvers of the two factions to control the
+approaching congress. And, when finally the congress gathered at The
+Hague, there was a gravity among the delegates that foreboded what was
+to come. The Marxists were in absolute control. On the resolution to
+expel Michael Bakounin from the International the vote stood
+twenty-seven for and six against, while seven abstained. The expulsion
+of Bakounin, however, occurred only after a long debate upon his entire
+history and that of his secret Alliance. Nearly all the amazing
+collection of "documentary proof," afterward published in _L'Alliance de
+la Démocratie Socialiste_, was submitted to the congress, and a
+resolution was passed that all the documents should be published,
+together with such others as might tend to enlighten the membership
+concerning the purposes of Bakounin's organization.
+
+Two other important actions were taken at the congress. One was to
+introduce into the actual rules of the Association part of the
+resolution, which was passed by the conference in London the year
+before, dealing with political action, and this was adopted by
+thirty-six votes against five. The other action was to remove the seat
+of the General Council from London to New York. Although this was
+suggested by Marx, it was energetically fought on the ground that it
+meant the destruction of the International. By a very narrow vote the
+resolution was carried, twenty-six to twenty-three, a number of Marx's
+oldest and most devoted followers voting against the proposition. No
+really satisfactory explanation is given for this extraordinary act,
+although it has been thought since that Marx had arrived at the
+decision, perhaps the hardest of his life, to destroy the International
+in order to save it from the hands of the anarchists. To be sure,
+Bakounin was now out of it, and there was little to be feared from his
+faction, segregated and limited to certain places in the Latin
+countries; but everywhere the name of the International was being used
+by all sorts of elements that could only injure the actual labor
+movement. The exploits of Nechayeff, of Bakounin, and of certain Spanish
+and Italian sections had all conveyed to the world an impression of the
+International which perhaps could never be altogether erased.
+Furthermore, in Germany and other countries the seeds of an actual
+working-class political movement had been planted, and there was already
+promise of a huge development in the national organizations. What moved
+Marx thus to destroy his own child, the concrete thing he had dreamed of
+in his thirty years of incessant labor, profound study, and ceaseless
+agitation, will perhaps never be fully known, but in any case no act of
+Marx was ever of greater service to the cause of labor. It was a form of
+surgery that cut out of the socialist movement forever an irreconcilable
+element, and from then on the distinction between anarchist and
+socialist was indisputably clear. They stood poles apart, and everyone
+realized that no useful purpose would be served in trying to bring them
+together again.
+
+Largely because of Bakounin, the International as an organization of
+labor never played an important rôle; but, as a melting pot in which the
+crude ideas of many philosophies were thrown--some to be fused, others
+to be cast aside, and all eventually to be clarified and purified--the
+International performed a memorable service. During its entire life it
+was a battlefield. In the beginning there were many separate groups, but
+at the end there were only two forces in combat--socialists and
+anarchists. When the quarrel began there was among the masses no sharply
+dividing line; their ideas were incoherent; and their allegiance was to
+individuals rather than to principles. Without much discrimination, they
+called themselves "communists," "Internationalists," "collectivists,"
+"anarchists," "socialists." Even these terms they had not defined, and
+it was only toward the end of the International that the two combatants
+classified their principles into two antagonistic schools, socialism and
+anarchism. Anarchism was no longer a vague, undefined philosophy of
+human happiness; it now stood forth, clear and distinct from all other
+social theories. After this no one need be in doubt as to its meaning
+and methods. On the other hand, no thoughtful person need longer remain
+in doubt as to the exact meaning and methods of socialism. This work of
+definition and clarification was the immense service performed by the
+International in its eight brief years of life. Throughout Europe and
+America, after 1872, these two forces openly declared that they had
+nothing in common, either in method or in philosophy. To them at least
+the International had been a university.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[S] In the English report of the discussion Professor Hins's remarks are
+summarized as follows: "Hins said he could not agree with those who
+looked upon trade societies as mere strike and wages' societies, nor was
+he in favor of having central committees made up of all trades. The
+present trades unions would some day overthrow the present state of
+political organization altogether; they represented the social and
+political organization of the future. The whole laboring population
+would range itself, according to occupation, into different groups, and
+this would lead to a new political organization of society. He wanted no
+intermeddling of the State; they had enough of that in Belgium already.
+As to the central committees, every trade ought to have its central
+committee at the principal seat of manufacture. The central committee of
+the cotton trades ought to be at Manchester; that of the silk trades at
+Lyons, etc. He did not consider it a disadvantage that trade unions kept
+aloof more or less from politics, at least in his country. By trying to
+reform the State, or to take part in its councils, they would virtually
+acknowledge its right of existence. Whatever the English, the Swiss, the
+Germans, and the Americans might hope to accomplish by means of the
+present political State the Belgians repudiated theirs."--pp. 31-2.
+
+[T] These are almost the exact words that Aristide Briand uses in his
+argument for the general strike. See "_La Grève Générale_," compiled by
+Lagardelle, p. 95.
+
+[U] One of the resolutions prohibited the formation of sectarian groups
+or separatist bodies within the International, such as the _Alliance de
+la Démocratie Socialiste_, that pretended "to accomplish special
+missions, distinct from the common purposes of the Association." Another
+resolution dealt with what was called the "split" among the workers in
+the French-speaking part of Switzerland. Still another resolution
+formally declared that the International had nothing in common with the
+infamies of Nechayeff, who had fraudulently usurped and exploited the
+name of the International. Furthermore, Outine was instructed to prepare
+a report from the Russian journals on the work of Nechayeff. Cf.
+_Resolutions_ II, XVII, XIII, XIV, respectively, of the Conference of
+Delegates of the International Working Men's Association, Assembled at
+London from 17th to 23d September, 1871.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+THE FIGHT FOR EXISTENCE
+
+
+After The Hague congress the socialists and anarchists, divided into
+separate and antagonistic groups--with principles as well as methods of
+organization that were diametrically opposed to each other--were forced
+to undergo a terrific struggle for existence. Marx had clearly enough
+warned the followers of Bakounin that their methods were suicidal. "The
+Alliance proceeds the wrong way," he declared. "It proclaims anarchy in
+the working-class ranks as the surest means of destroying the powerful
+concentration of social and political forces in the hands of the
+exploiters. On this pretext it asks the International, at the moment
+when the old world is striving to crush it, to replace its organization
+by anarchy."[1] And, as strange as it may seem, this was in fact what
+Bakounin was actually striving for. In the name of liberty he was
+demanding that the International be broken up into thousands of
+isolated, autonomous groups, which were to do whatever they pleased, in
+any way they pleased, at any time they pleased. This may have been, and
+doubtless was, in perfect harmony with the philosophy of anarchism, but
+it had nothing in harmony with the idea of a solidified, international
+organization of workingmen that Marx was striving to bring into
+existence. Anarchism when advocated as an ideal for some distant social
+order of the future, concerned Marx and Engels very little; indeed, they
+did not even discuss it from this point of view. It was only when
+Bakounin counseled anarchy as a method of working-class organization
+that both Marx and Engels protested, on the ground that such tactics
+could lead only to self-destruction. Neither Bakounin nor his followers
+were convinced, however, and they set out bravely after 1872 to put into
+practice their ideas. Their revolt against authority was carried to its
+ultimate extreme. How far the anarchists were prepared to go in their
+revolt is indicated by a letter which Bakounin wrote to _La Liberté_ of
+Brussels a few days after his expulsion from the International. Although
+not finished, and consequently not sent to that journal, it is
+especially interesting because he attacks the General Council as a new
+incarnation of the State. Here his lively imagination pictures the
+International as the germ of a new despotic social order, already fallen
+under the domination of a group of dictators, and he exclaims: "A State,
+a government, a universal dictatorship! The dream of Gregory VII., of
+Boniface VIII., of Charles V., and of Napoleon is reproduced in new
+forms, but ever with the same pretensions, in the camp of social
+democracy."[2] This is an altogether new point of view as to the
+character of the State. We now learn that it means any form of
+centralized organization; a committee, a chairman, an executive body of
+any sort is a State. The General Council in London was a State. Marx and
+Engels were a State. Any authority--no matter what its form, nor how
+controlled, appointed, or elected--is a State.
+
+I am not sure that this marks the birth of the repugnance of the
+anarchists to even so innocent a form of authority as that of a
+chairman. Nor am I certain that this was the origin of those ideas of
+organization that make of an anarchist meeting a modern Babel, wherein
+all seems to be utter confusion. In any case, the Bakouninists, after
+The Hague congress, undertook to revive the International and to base
+this new organization on these ideas of anarchism. After a conference at
+Saint-Imier in the Jura, where Bakounin and his friends outlined the
+policies of a new International, a call was sent out for a congress to
+be held in Geneva in 1873. The congress that assembled there was not a
+large one, but, with no exaggeration whatever, it was one of the most
+remarkable gatherings ever held. For six entire days and nights the
+delegates struggled to create by some magic means a world-wide
+organization of the people, without a program, a committee, a chairman,
+or a vote. No longer oppressed by the "tyranny" of Marx, or baffled by
+his "abominable intrigues," they set out to create their "faithful
+image" of the new world--an organization that was not to be an
+organization; a union that was to be made up of fleeting and constantly
+shifting elements, agreeing at one moment to unite, at the next moment
+to divide. This was the insolvable problem that now faced the first
+congress of the anarchists. There were only two heretics among them.
+Both had come from England; but Hales was a "voice crying in the
+wilderness," while Eccarius sat silent throughout the congress.
+
+The first great debate took place upon whether there should be any
+central council. The English delegates believed that there should be
+one, but that its power should be limited. Other delegates believed that
+there might be various commissions to perform certain necessary
+executive services. John Hales declared, in support of a central
+commission, that it will promote economy and facilitate the work, and
+that it will be easy to prevent such a commission from usurping
+power.[3] Paul Brousse, Guillaume, and others opposed this view with
+such heat, however, that Hales was forced to respond: "I combat anarchy
+because the word and the thing that it represents are the synonyms of
+dissolution. Anarchy spells individualism, and individualism is the
+basis of the existing society that we desire to destroy.... Let us
+suppose, for example, a strike. Can one hope to triumph with an
+anarchist organization? Under this régime each one, being able to do
+what he pleases, can, according to his will, work or not work. The
+general interest will be sacrificed to individual caprice. The veritable
+application of the anarchist principle would be the dissolution of the
+International, and this congress has precisely an opposite end, which is
+to reorganize the International. One should not confound authority and
+organization. We are not authoritarians, but we must be organizers. Far
+from approving anarchy, which is the present social state, we ought to
+combat it by the creation of a central commission and by the
+organization of collectivism. Anarchy is the law of death; collectivism,
+that of life."[4] This was, as Hales soon discovered, the very essence
+of heresy, and, when the vote was taken, he was overwhelmed by those
+opposed to any centralized organization.
+
+The anarchists were not, however, content merely with having no central
+council, and they began to discuss whether or not the various
+federations should vote upon questions of principle. The commission that
+was dealing with the revision of the by-laws recommended that views
+should be harmonized by discussion and that any decisions made by the
+congress should be enforced only among those federations which accepted
+its decisions. Costa of Italy approved of these ideas. "For that which
+concerns theory, we can only discuss and seek to persuade each other,
+... but we cannot enforce, for example, ... a certain political
+program."[5] Brousse vigorously opposed the process of voting in any
+form. It appeared to him that the true means of action was to obtain the
+opinion of everyone. "The vote," he declared, "simply divides an
+assembly into a majority and a minority.... The only truly practical
+means of obtaining a consensus of opinions is to have them placed in the
+minutes without voting."[6] That view seemed to prevail, and the
+amendment to this question suggested by Hales of England was _voted down
+by the majority_!
+
+These two decisions of the congress will convey an idea of the anarchist
+conception of organization. There was to be no executive or
+administrative body. Nor were the decisions of the congress to have any
+authority. Anybody could join, believing anything he liked and doing
+anything he liked. Only those federations which voluntarily accepted the
+decisions of the congress were expected to obey them. Matters of
+principle were in no-wise to be voted upon, and each individual was
+allowed to accept or reject them according to his wishes. The actual
+rules, adopted unanimously, ran as follows: "Federations and sections,
+composing the Association, will conserve their complete autonomy, that
+is to say, the right to organize themselves according to their will, to
+administer their own affairs without any exterior interference, and to
+determine themselves the path they wish to follow in order to arrive at
+the emancipation of labor."[7]
+
+It was fully expected that, in addition to its work of reorganization,
+if we may so speak of it, the congress would definitely devise some
+method, other than a political one, for the emancipation of labor. The
+general strike had been put down upon the agenda for discussion. In the
+report of the Jura section it was declared: "If the workers affiliated
+with the Association could fix a certain day for the general strike, not
+only to obtain a reduction of hours and a diminution[V] of wages, but
+also to find the means of living in the coöperative workshops, by groups
+and by colonies, we could not decline to lend them our assistance, and
+we would make appeal to the members of all nations to lend them both
+moral and material aid."[8] Unfortunately, the congress had little time
+to discuss this part of its program. In the _Compte-Rendu Officiel_
+there is no report of whatever discussion took place. But Guillaume, in
+his _Documents et Souvenirs_, gives us a brief account of what occurred.
+After two resolutions had been put on the subject they were withdrawn
+because of opposition, and finally Guillaume introduced the following:
+
+"Whereas partial strikes can only procure for the workers momentary and
+illusory relief, and whereas, by their very nature, wages will always be
+limited to the strictly necessary means of subsistence in order to keep
+the worker from dying of hunger,
+
+"The Congress, without believing in the possibility of completely
+renouncing partial strikes, recommends the workers to devote their
+efforts to achieving an international organization of trade bodies,
+which will enable them to undertake some day a general strike, the only
+really efficacious strike to realize the complete emancipation of
+labor."[9] All the delegates approved the resolution, excepting Hales,
+who voted against it, and Van den Abeele, who abstained from voting
+because the matter would be later discussed in Holland.
+
+It was of course inevitable that such an "organization" should soon
+disappear. Vigorous efforts were made by a few of the devoted to keep
+the movement alive, but it is easy to see that an aggregation so loosely
+united, and without any really definite purpose, was destined to
+dissolution. During the next few years various small congresses were
+held, but they were merely beating a corpse in the effort to keep it
+alive. And, while the Bakouninists were engaged in this critical
+struggle with death, the spirit that had animated all their battles with
+Marx withdrew himself. Bakounin was tired and discouraged, and he left
+his friends of the Jura without advice or assistance in their now
+impossible task. Thus precipitately ended the efforts of the anarchists
+to build up a new International. George Plechanoff illuminates the
+insolvable problem of the anarchists with his powerful statement: "Error
+has its logic as well as truth. Once you reject the political action of
+the working class, you are fatally driven--provided you do not wish to
+serve the bourgeois politicians--to accept the tactics of the Vaillants
+and the Henrys."[10] That this is terribly true is open to no question
+whatever. And the anarchists now found themselves in a veritable
+_cul-de-sac_. Like the poor in Sidney Lanier's poem, they were pressing
+
+
+     "Against an inward-opening door
+     That pressure tightens evermore."
+
+
+The more they fretted and stormed and crushed each other, the more
+hopelessly impossible became the chance of egress. The more desperately
+they threw themselves against that door, the more securely they
+imprisoned themselves. It was the very logic of their tactics that they
+could not circumvent so small an obstacle as that inward-opening door.
+It meant self-destruction. And that, of course, was exactly what
+happened, as we know, to those who followed the vicious round of logic
+from which Bakounin could not extricate himself. Their struggle for an
+organized existence was brief, and at the end of the seventies it was
+entirely over.
+
+Naturally, the complete failure of all their projects did not improve
+their temper, and they lost no opportunity to assail the Marxists. The
+Jura _Bulletin_ of December 10, 1876, translated an article entitled
+_Poco à Poco_, written by Andrea Costa, who labeled the "pacific"
+socialists "apostles of conciliation and ambiguity." They wish, said
+Costa, to march slowly on the road of progress. "Otherwise, indeed, what
+would become of them and their newspapers? For them the field of
+fruitful study and of profound observations on the phenomena of
+industrial life would be closed. For the journalists the means of
+earning money would have likewise disappeared.... Finding the
+satisfaction of their own aspirations in the present state of misery,
+they end by becoming, often without wishing it, profoundly egotistic and
+bad.... While calling themselves socialists, they are more dangerous
+than the declared enemies of the popular cause."[11] About this time a
+new journal appeared at Florence under the name of _l'Anarchia_ and
+announced the following program: "We are not _armchair (Katheder)
+socialists_. We will speak a simple language in order that the
+proletariat may understand once for all what road it must follow in
+order to arrive at its complete emancipation. _L'Anarchia_ will fight
+without truce not only the exploiting bourgeoisie, but also _the new
+charlatans of socialism_, for the latter are the most dangerous enemies
+of the working class."[12]
+
+The following year Kropotkin wrote two articles in the _Bulletin_, July
+22 and 29, which vigorously attacked socialist parliamentary tactics.
+"At what price does one succeed in leading the people to the ballot
+boxes?" he asks in the first article. "Have the frankness to
+acknowledge, gentlemen politicians, that it is by inculcating this
+illusion, that in sending members to parliament the people will succeed
+in freeing themselves and in bettering their lot, that is to say, by
+telling them what one knows to be an absolute lie. It is certainly not
+for the pleasure of getting their education that the German people give
+their pennies for parliamentary agitation. It is because, from hearing
+it repeated each day by hundreds of 'agitators,' they come to believe
+that truly by this method they will be able to realize, in part at
+least, if not completely, their hopes. Acknowledge it for once,
+politicians of to-day, formerly socialists, that we may say aloud what
+you think in silence: 'You are liars!' Yes, liars, I insist upon the
+word, since you lie to the people when you tell them that they will
+better their lot by sending you to parliament. You lie, for you
+yourselves, but a few years since, have maintained absolutely the
+contrary."[13]
+
+What infuriated the anarchists was the amazing growth of the socialist
+political parties. It was only after The Hague congress that the
+socialist movement was in reality free to begin its actual work. With
+ideas diametrically opposed to those of the anarchists, the socialists
+set out to build up their national movements by uniting the various
+elements in the labor world. There were now devoted disciples of Marx in
+every country of Europe, and in the next few years, in France, Belgium,
+Holland, Norway, Sweden, and Germany, the foundations were laid for the
+great national movements that exist to-day. In France, Jules Guesde,
+Paul Lafargue, and Gabriel Deville launched a socialist labor party in
+1878. A Danish socialist labor party was formed the same year by an
+agreement with the trade unions. In the early eighties the
+Social-Democratic Federation was founded in England, and in 1881 a
+congress of various groups of radicals, socialists, and republicans
+launched a political movement in Italy. In Germany the socialists had
+already built up a great political organization. This had been done
+directly under the guidance of Marx and Engels through Liebknecht and
+Bebel. Marx's ideas were there perfectly worked out, and nothing so much
+as that living, growing thing incensed the anarchists. Indeed, they
+seemed to be convinced that there was more of menace to the working
+class in these growing organizations of the socialists than in the power
+of the bourgeoisie itself.
+
+The controversial literature of this period is not pleasant reading. The
+socialists and anarchists were literally at each other's throats, and
+the spirit of malignity that actuated many of their assaults upon each
+other is revolting to those of to-day who cannot appreciate the
+intensity of this battle for the preservation of their most cherished
+ideas. And in all this period the socialist and labor movement was
+overrun with _agents provocateurs_, and every variety of paid police
+agents sent to disrupt and destroy these organizations. And, as has
+always been the case, these "reptiles," as they were called, were
+advocating among the masses those deeds which the chief anarchists were
+proclaiming as revolutionary methods. Riots, insurrections, dynamite
+outrages, the shooting of individuals, and all forms of violence were
+being preached to the poor and hungry men who made up the mass of the
+labor movement. Under the guise of anarchists, these "reptiles" were
+often looked upon as heroic figures, and everywhere, even when they did
+not succeed in winning the confidence of the masses, they were able to
+awaken suspicion and distrust that demoralized the movement. The
+socialists were assailed as traitors to the cause of labor, because they
+were preaching peaceable methods. They were accused of alliances with
+other parties, because they sought to elect men to parliament. They were
+denounced as in league with the Government and even the police, because
+they disapproved of dynamite.
+
+On the other hand, the socialists were equally bitter in their attacks
+upon the anarchists. They denounced their methods as suicidal and the
+Propaganda of the Deed as utter madness. In _La Période Tragique_, when
+Duval, Decamps, Ravachol, and the other anarchists in France were
+committing the most astounding crimes, Jules Guesde and other socialist
+leaders condemned these outrages and protested against being associated
+in the public mind with those who advocated theft and murder as a method
+of propaganda. Indeed, the anarchists in the late seventies and in the
+eighties lost many who had been formerly friendly to them. Guesde and
+Plechanoff, both of whom had been influenced in their early days by the
+Bakouninists, had broken with them completely. Later Paul Brousse and
+Andrea Costa left them. And, in fact, the anarchists were now incapable
+of any effective action or even education. Without committees,
+executives, laws, votes, or chairmen, they could not undertake any work
+which depended on organized effort, and, except as they managed from
+time to time to gain a prominent position in some labor or radical
+organization built up by others, they had no influence over any large
+body of people. They were fighting desperately to prevent extinction,
+and in their struggle a number of extraordinarily brilliant and daring
+characters came to the front. But during the next decade their tragic
+desperation, instead of advancing anarchism, served only to strengthen
+the reactionary elements of Europe in their effort to annihilate the now
+formidable labor and socialist movements.
+
+Turning now to the struggle for existence of the socialist parties of
+the various countries, there is one story that is far too important in
+the history of socialism to be passed over. It was a magnificent battle
+against the terrorists above and the terrorists below, that ended in
+complete victory for the socialists. Strangely enough, the greatest
+provocation to violence that has ever confronted the labor movement and
+the greatest opportunity that was ever offered to anarchy occurred in
+precisely that country where it was least expected. Nowhere else in all
+Europe had socialism made such advances as in Germany; and nowhere else
+was the movement so well organized, so intelligently led, or so clear as
+to its aims and methods. An immense agitation had gone on during the
+entire sixties, and working-class organizations were springing up
+everywhere. Besides possessing the greatest theorists of socialism, Marx
+and Engels, the German movement was rich indeed in having in its service
+three such matchless agitators as Lassalle, Bebel, and Liebknecht.
+Lassalle certainly had no peer, and those who have written of him
+exhaust superlatives in their efforts to describe this prodigy. He,
+also, was a product of that hero-producing period of '48. He had been
+arrested in Düsseldorf at the same time that Marx and his circle had
+been arrested at Cologne. He was then only twenty-three years of age.
+Yet his defense of his actions in court is said to have been a
+masterpiece. Even the critic George Brandes has spoken of it as the most
+wonderful example of manly courage and eloquence in a youth that the
+history of the world has given us.
+
+Precocious as a child, proud and haughty as a youth, gifted with a
+critical, penetrating, and brilliant mind, and moved by an ambition that
+knew no bounds, Lassalle, with all his powerful passion and dramatic
+talents, could not have been other than a great figure. When a man
+possesses qualities that call forth the wonder of Heine, Humboldt,
+Bismarck, and Brandes, when Bakounin calls him a "giant," and even
+George Meredith turns to him as a personality almost unequaled in
+fiction and makes a novel out of his career, the plain ordinary world
+may gain some conception of this "father of the German labor movement."
+This is no place to deal with certain deplorable and contradictory
+phases of his life nor even with some of his mad dreams that led
+Bismarck, after saying that "he was one of the most intellectual and
+gifted men with whom I have ever had intercourse, ..." to add "and it
+was perhaps a matter of doubt to him whether the German Empire would
+close with the Hohenzollern dynasty or the Lassalle dynasty."[14] Such
+was the proud, unruly, ambitious spirit of the man, who, in 1862, came
+actively to voice the claims of labor.
+
+Setting out to regenerate society and appealing directly to the working
+classes, Lassalle lashed them with scorn. "You German workingmen are
+curious people," he said. "French and English workingmen have to be
+shown how their miserable condition may be improved; but you have first
+to be shown that you _are_ in a miserable condition. So long as you have
+a piece of bad sausage and a glass of beer, you do not notice that you
+want anything. That is a result of your accursed absence of needs. What,
+you will say, is this, then, a virtue? Yes, in the eyes of the Christian
+preacher of morality it is certainly a virtue. Absence of needs is the
+virtue of the Indian pillar saint and of the Christian monk, but in the
+eyes of the student of history and the political economist it is quite a
+different matter. Ask all political economists what is the greatest
+misfortune for a nation? The absence of wants. For these are the spurs
+of its development and of civilization. The Neapolitan lazaroni are so
+far behind in civilization, because they have no wants, because they
+stretch themselves out contentedly and warm themselves in the sun when
+they have secured a handful of macaroni. Why is the Russian Cossack so
+backward in civilization? Because he eats tallow candles and is happy
+when he can fuddle himself on bad liquor. To have as many needs as
+possible, but to satisfy them in an honorable and respectable way, that
+is the virtue of the present, of the economic age! And, so long as you
+do not understand and follow that truth, I shall preach in vain."[15]
+Other nations may be slaves, he added, recalling the words of Ludwig
+Börne; they may be put in chains and be held down by force, but the
+Germans are flunkies--it is not necessary to lay chains on them--they
+may be allowed to wander free about the house. Yet, while thus shaming
+the working classes, he pleaded their cause as no other one has pleaded
+it, and, after humiliating them, he held them spellbound, as he traced
+the great rôle the working classes were destined to play in the
+regeneration of all society.
+
+The socialism of Lassalle had much in common with that of Louis Blanc,
+and his theory of coöperative enterprises subsidized by the State was
+almost identical. Chiefly toward this end he sought to promote
+working-class organization, although he also believed that the working
+classes would eventually gain control of the entire State and, through
+it, reorganize production. He agitated for universal suffrage and even
+plotted with Bismarck to obtain it. He was confident that an industrial
+revolution was inevitable. The change "will either come in complete
+legality," he said, "and with all the blessings of peace--if people are
+only wise enough to resolve that it shall be introduced in time and from
+above--or it will one day break in amid all the convulsions of violence,
+with wild, flowing hair, and iron sandals upon its feet. In one way or
+the other it will come at all events, and when, shutting myself from the
+noise of the day, I lose myself in history--then I hear its tread. But
+do you not see, then, that, in spite of this difference in what we
+believe, our endeavors go hand in hand? You do not believe in
+revolution, and therefore you want to prevent it. Good, do that which is
+your duty. But I do believe in revolution, and, because I believe in it,
+I wish, not to precipitate it--for I have already told you that
+according to my view of history the efforts of a tribune are in this
+respect necessarily as impotent as the breath of my mouth would be to
+unfetter the storm upon the sea--but in case it should come, and from
+below, I will humanize it, civilize it beforehand." [16] Thus Lassalle
+saw that "to wish to make a revolution is the foolishness of immature
+men who have no knowledge of the laws of history."[17] Yet he stated
+also that, if a revolution is imminent, it is equally childish for the
+powerful to think they can stem it. "Revolution is an overturning, and a
+revolution always takes place--whether it be with or without force is a
+matter of no importance ... when an entirely new principle is introduced
+in the place of the existing order. Reform, on the other hand, takes
+place when the principle of the existing order is retained, but is
+developed to more liberal or more consequent and just conclusions.
+Here, again, the question of means is of no importance. A reform may be
+effected by insurrection and bloodshed, and a revolution may take place
+in the deepest peace."[18]
+
+Through the agitation of Lassalle, the Universal German Working Men's
+Association was organized, and it was his work for that body that won
+him fame as the founder of the German labor movement. Not a laborer
+himself, nor indeed speaking to them as one of themselves, he led a life
+that would probably have ended disastrously, even to the cause itself,
+had it not been for his dramatic ending through the love affair and the
+duel. Fate was kind to Lassalle in that he lived only so long as his
+influence served the cause of the workers, and in that death took him
+before life shattered another idol of the masses. "One of two things,"
+said Lassalle once before his judges. "Either let us drink Cyprian wine
+and kiss beautiful maidens--in other words, indulge in the most common
+selfishness of pleasure--or, if we are to speak of the State and
+morality, let us dedicate all our powers to the improvement of the dark
+lot of the vast majority of mankind, out of whose night-covered floods
+we, the propertied class, only rise like solitary pillars, as if to show
+how dark are those floods, how deep is their abyss."[19] With such
+marvelous pictures as this Lassalle created a revolution in the thought
+and even in the action of the working classes of Germany. At times he
+drank Cyprian wines, and what might have happened had he lived no one
+can tell. But he was indeed at the time a "solitary pillar," rising out
+of "night-covered floods," a heroic figure, who is even to-day an
+unforgettable memory.
+
+Bebel and Liebknecht appeared in the German movement as influential
+figures only after the disappearance of Lassalle. And, while the labor
+movement was already launched, it was in a deplorable condition when
+these two began their great work of uniting the toilers and organizing a
+political party. One of the first difficult tasks placed before them was
+to root out of the labor movement the corruption which Bismarck had
+introduced into it. That great and rising statesman was a practical
+politician not excelled even in America. In the most cold-blooded manner
+he sought to buy men and movements. For various reasons of his own he
+wanted the support of the working-class; and, as early as 1864, he
+employed Lothar Bucher, an old revolutionist who had been intimately
+associated with Marx. Possessed of remarkable intellectual gifts and an
+easy conscience, Bucher was of invaluable service to Bismarck, both in
+his knowledge of the inside workings of the labor and socialist movement
+and as a go-between when the Iron Chancellor had any dealings with the
+socialists. Through Bucher, Bismarck tried to bribe even Marx, and
+offered him a position on the Government official newspaper, the _Staats
+Anzeiger_. Bucher was also an intimate friend of Lassalle's, and it was
+doubtless through him that Bismarck arranged his secret conferences with
+Lassalle. The latter left no account of their relations, and it is
+difficult now to know how intimate they were or who first sought to
+establish them. About all that is known is what Bismarck himself said in
+the Reichstag when Bebel forced him to admit that he had conferred
+frequently with Lassalle: "Lassalle himself wanted urgently to enter
+into negotiations with me."[20] It is known that Lassalle sent to the
+Chancellor numerous communications, and that one of his letters to the
+secretary of the Universal Association reads, "The things sent to
+Bismarck should go in an envelope" marked "Personal."[21] Liebknecht
+later exposed August Brass as in the employ of Bismarck, although he was
+a "red republican," who had started a journal and had obtained
+Liebknecht's coöperation. Furthermore, when he was tried for high
+treason in 1872, Liebknecht declared that Bismarck's agents had tried to
+buy him. "Bismarck takes not only money, but also men, where he finds
+them. It does not matter to what party a man belongs. That is immaterial
+to him. He even prefers renegades, for a renegade is a man without honor
+and, consequently, an instrument without will power--as if dead--in the
+hands of the master."[22] "I do not need to say ... that I repelled
+Bismarck's offers of corruption with the scorn which they merited,"
+Liebknecht continues. "If I had not done so, if I had been infamous
+enough to sacrifice my principles to my personal interest, I would be in
+a brilliant position, instead of on the bench of the accused where I
+have been sent by those who, years ago, tried in vain to buy me."[23] As
+early as 1865 Marx and Engels had to withdraw from their collaboration
+with Von Schweitzer in his journal, the _Sozialdemokrat_, because it was
+suspected that he had sold out to Bismarck. This was followed by Bebel's
+and Liebknecht's war on Von Schweitzer because of his relations to
+Bismarck. Von Schweitzer, as the successor of Lassalle at the head of
+the Universal Working Men's Association, occupied a powerful position,
+and the quarrels between the various elements in the labor movement were
+at this time almost fatal to the cause. However, various representatives
+of the working class already sat in Parliament, and among them were
+Bebel and Liebknecht.
+
+The exposures of Liebknecht and Bebel proved not only ruinous to Von
+Schweitzer, but excessively annoying to Bismarck, and as early as 1871
+he wanted to begin a war upon the Marxian socialists. In 1874 he
+actually began his attempts to crush what he could no longer corrupt or
+control. He became more and more enraged at the attitude of the
+socialists toward him personally. Moreover, they were no longer
+advocating coöperative associations subsidized by the State; they were
+now propagating everywhere republican and socialist ideas. He tried in
+various ways to rid the country of the two chief malcontents, Bebel and
+Liebknecht, but even their arrests seemed only to add to their fame and
+to spread more throughout the masses their revolutionary views. He says
+himself that he was awakened to the iniquity of their doctrines when
+they defended the republican principles of the Paris workmen in 1871. At
+his trial in 1872 Liebknecht stated with perfect frankness his
+republican principles. "Gentlemen Judges and Jurors, I do not disown my
+past, my principles, and my convictions. I deny nothing; I conceal
+nothing. And, in order to show that I am an adversary of monarchy and of
+present society, and that when duty calls me I do not recoil before the
+struggle, there was truly no need of the foolish inventions of the
+policemen of Giessen. I say here freely and openly: _Since I have been
+capable of thinking I have been a republican, and I shall die a
+republican._[24] ... If I have had to undergo unheard of persecutions
+and if I am poor, that is nothing to be ashamed of--no, I am proud of
+it, for that is the most eloquent witness of my political integrity.
+Yet, once more, I am not a conspirator by profession. _Call me, if you
+will, a soldier of the Revolution--I do not object to that._
+
+"From my youth a double ideal has soared above me: Germany free and
+united and the emancipation of the working people, that is to say, the
+suppression of class domination, which is synonymous with the
+liberation of humanity. For this double end I have struggled with all my
+strength, and for this double end I will struggle as long as a breath of
+life remains in me. Duty wills it!"[25]
+
+Such doctrines must of course be suppressed, and the exposure of those
+who had relations with Bismarck made it impossible for him longer to
+deal even with a section of the labor movement. The result was that
+persecutions were begun on both the Lassalleans and the Marxists. And it
+was largely this new policy of repression that forced the warring labor
+groups in 1875 to meet in conference at Gotha and to unite in one
+organization. In the following election, 1877, the united party polled
+nearly five hundred thousand votes, or about ten per cent. of all the
+votes cast in Germany. It now had twelve members in the Reichstag, and
+Bismarck saw very clearly that a force was rising in Germany that
+threatened not only him but his beloved Hohenzollern dynasty itself.
+
+For years most of its opponents comforted themselves with the belief
+that socialism was merely a temporary disturbance which, if left alone,
+would run its course and eventually die out. Again and again its
+militant enemies had discussed undertaking measures against it, but the
+wiser heads prevailed until 1877, when the socialists polled a great
+vote. And, of course, when it was once decided that socialism must be
+stamped out, a really good pretext was soon found upon which repressive
+measures might be taken. I have already mentioned that on May 11, 1878,
+Emperor William was shot at by Hödel. It was, of course, natural that
+the reactionaries should make the most possible of this act of the
+would-be assassin, and, when photographs of several prominent
+socialists were found on his person, a great clamor arose for a
+coercive law to destroy the social democrats. The question was
+immediately discussed in the Reichstag, but the moderate forces
+prevailed, and the bill was rejected. Hardly, however, had the
+discussion ended before a second attempt was made on the life of the
+aged sovereign. This time it was Dr. Karl Nobiling who, on June 2, 1878,
+fired at the Emperor from an upper window in the main street of Berlin.
+In this case, the Emperor was severely wounded, and, in the panic that
+ensued, even the moderate elements agreed that social democracy must be
+suppressed. Various suggestions were made. Some proposed the
+blacklisting of all workmen who avowed socialist principles, while
+others suggested that all socialists should be expelled from the
+country. To exile half a million voters was, however, a rather large
+undertaking, and, in any case, Bismarck had his own plans. First he
+precipitated a general election, giving the socialists no time to
+prepare their campaign. As a result, their members in the Reichstag were
+diminished in number, and their vote throughout the country decreased by
+over fifty thousand. When the Reichstag again assembled, Bismarck laid
+before it his bill against "the publicly dangerous endeavors of
+social-democracy." The statement accompanying the bill sought to justify
+its repressive measures by citing in the preamble the two attempts made
+upon the Emperor, and by stating the conviction of the Federal
+Government that extraordinary measures must be taken. A battle royal
+occurred in the Reichstag between Bismarck on the one side and Bebel and
+Liebknecht on the other. Nevertheless, the bill became a law in October
+of that year.
+
+The anti-socialist law was intended to cut off every legal and peaceable
+means of advancing the socialist cause. It was determined that the
+German social democrats must be put mentally, morally, and physically
+upon the rack. Even the briefest summary of the provisions of the
+anti-socialist law will illustrate how determined the reactionaries were
+to annihilate utterly the socialist movement. The chief measures were as
+follows:
+
+
+_I. Prohibitory_
+
+     1. The formation or existence of organizations which sought by
+     social-democratic, socialistic, or communistic movements to subvert
+     the present State and social order was prohibited. The prohibition
+     was also extended to organizations exhibiting tendencies which
+     threatened to endanger the public peace and amity between classes.
+
+     2. The right of assembly was greatly restricted. All meetings in
+     which social-democratic, socialistic, or communistic tendencies
+     came to light were to be dissolved. Public festivities and
+     processions were regarded as meetings.
+
+     3. Social-democratic, socialistic, and communistic publications of
+     all kinds were to be interdicted, the local police dealing with
+     home publications and the Chancellor with foreign ones.
+
+     4. Stocks of prohibited works were to be confiscated, and the type,
+     stones, or other apparatus used for printing might be likewise
+     seized, and, on the interdict being confirmed, be made unusable.
+
+     5. The collection of money in behalf of social-democratic,
+     socialistic, or communistic movements was forbidden, as were public
+     appeals for help.
+
+
+_II. Penal_
+
+     1. Any person associating himself as member or otherwise with a
+     prohibited organization was liable to a fine of 500 marks or three
+     months' imprisonment, and a similar penalty was incurred by anyone
+     who gave a prohibited association or meeting a place of assembly.
+
+     2. The circulation or printing of a prohibited publication entailed
+     a fine not exceeding one thousand marks or imprisonment up to six
+     months.
+
+     3. Convicted agitators might be expelled from a certain locality or
+     from a governmental district, and foreigners be expelled from
+     federal territory.
+
+     4. Innkeepers, printers, booksellers, and owners of lending
+     libraries and reading rooms who circulated interdicted publications
+     might, besides being imprisoned, be deprived of their vocations.
+
+     5. Persons who were known to be active socialists, or who had been
+     convicted under this law, might be refused permission publicly to
+     circulate or sell publications, and any violation of the provision
+     against the circulation of socialistic literature in inns, shops,
+     libraries, and newsrooms was punishable with a fine of one thousand
+     marks or imprisonment for six months.
+
+
+_III. Power conferred upon authorities._
+
+     1. Meetings may only take place with the previous sanction of the
+     police, but this restriction does not extend to meetings held in
+     connection with elections to the Reichstag or the Diets.
+
+     2. The circulation of publications may not take place without
+     permission in public roads, streets, squares, or other public
+     places.
+
+     3. Persons from whom danger to the public security or order is
+     apprehended may be refused residence in a locality or governmental
+     district.
+
+     4. The possession, carrying, introduction, and sale of weapons
+     within the area affected are forbidden, restricted, or made
+     dependent on certain conditions. All ordinances issued on the
+     strength of this section were to be notified at once to the
+     Reichstag and to be published in the official _Gazette_.[26]
+
+
+When this law went into effect, the outlook for the labor movement
+seemed utterly black and hopeless. Every path seemed closed to it except
+that of violence. Immediately many places in Germany were put under
+martial law. Societies were dissolved, newspapers suppressed, printing
+establishments confiscated, and in a short time fifty agitators had been
+expelled from Berlin alone. A reign of official tyranny and police
+persecution was established, and even the employers undertook to
+impoverish and to blacklist men who were thought to hold socialist
+views. Within a few weeks every society, periodical, and agitator
+disappeared, and not a thing seemed left of the great movement of half a
+million men that had existed a few weeks before. There have been many
+similar situations that have faced the socialist and labor movements of
+other countries. England and France had undergone similar trials. Even
+to-day in America we find, at certain times and in certain places, a
+situation altogether similar. In Colorado during the recent labor wars
+and in West Virginia during the early months of 1913 every tyranny that
+existed in Germany in 1879 was repeated here. Infested with spies
+seeking to encourage violence, brutally maltreated by the officials of
+order, their property confiscated by the military, masses thrown into
+prison and other masses exiled, even the right of assemblage and of free
+speech denied them--these are the exactly similar conditions which have
+existed in all countries when efforts have been made to crush the labor
+movement.
+
+And in all countries where such conditions exist certain minds
+immediately clamor for what is called "action." They want to answer
+violence with violence; they want to respond to the terrorism of the
+Government with a terrorism of their own. And in Germany at this time
+there were a number who argued that, as they were in fact outlaws, why
+should they not adopt the tactics of outlaws? Should men peaceably and
+quietly submit to every insult and every form of tyranny--to be thrown
+in jail for speaking the dictates of their conscience and even to be
+hung for preaching to their comrades the necessity of a nobler and
+better social order? If Bismarck and his police forces have the power to
+outlaw us, have we not the right to exercise the tactics of outlaws?
+"All measures," cried Most from London, "are legitimate against
+tyrants;"[27] while Hasselmann, his friend, advised an immediate
+insurrection, which, even though it should fail, would be good
+propaganda. It was inevitable that in the early moments of despair some
+of the German workers should have listened gladly to such proposals.
+And, indeed, it may seem somewhat of a miracle that any large number of
+the German workers should have been willing to have listened to any
+other means of action. What indeed else was there to do?
+
+It is too long a story to go into the discussions over this question.
+Perhaps a principle of Bebel's gives the clearest explanation of the
+thought which eventually decided the tactics of the socialists. Bebel
+has said many times that he always considered it wise in politics to
+find out what his opponent wanted him to do, and then not to do it. And,
+to the minds of Bebel, Liebknecht, and others of the more clear-headed
+leaders, there was no doubt whatever that Bismarck was trying to force
+the socialists to commit crimes and outrages. Again and again Bismarck's
+press declared: "What is most necessary is to provoke the
+social-democrats to commit acts of despair, to draw them into the open
+street, and there to shoot them down."[28] Well, if this was actually
+what Bismarck wanted, he failed utterly, because, as a matter of fact,
+and despite every provocation, no considerable section of the socialist
+party wavered in the slightest from its determination to carry on its
+work. There was a moment toward the end of '79 when the situation seemed
+to be getting out of hand, and a secret conference was held the next
+year at Wyden in Switzerland to determine the policies of the party. In
+the report published by the congress no names were given, as it was, of
+course, necessary to maintain complete secrecy. However, it seemed clear
+to the delegates that, if they resorted to terrorist methods, they would
+be destroyed as the Russians, the French, the Spanish, and the Italians
+had been when similar conditions confronted them. In view of the present
+state of their organization, violence, after all, could be merely a
+phrase, as they were not fitted in strength or in numbers to combat
+Bismarck. One of the delegates considered that Johann Most had exercised
+an evil influence on many, and he urged that all enlightened German
+socialists turn away from such men. "Between the people of violence and
+the true revolutionists there will always be dissension."[29] Another
+speaker maintained that Most could be no more considered a socialist. He
+is at best a Blanquist and, indeed, one in the worst sense of the word,
+who had no other aim than to pursue the bungling work of a revolution.
+It is, therefore, necessary that the congress should declare itself
+decidedly against Most and should expel him from the party.[30] The
+word "revolution" has been misunderstood, and the socialist members of
+the Reichstag have been reproved because they are not revolutionary. As
+a matter of fact, every socialist is a revolutionist, but one must not
+understand by revolution the expression of violence. The tactics of
+desperation, as the Nihilists practice them, do not serve the purpose of
+Germany.[31] As a result of the Wyden congress, Most and Hasselmann were
+ejected from the party, and the tactics of Bebel and Liebknecht were
+adopted.
+
+After 1880 there developed an underground socialist movement that was
+most baffling and disconcerting to the police. Socialist papers, printed
+in other countries, were being circulated by the thousands in all parts
+of Germany. Funds were being raised in some mysterious manner to support
+a large body of trusted men in all parts of the country who were
+devoting all their time to secret organization and to the carrying on of
+propaganda. The socialist organizations, which had been broken up,
+seemed somehow or other to maintain their relations. And, despite all
+that could be done by the authorities, socialist agitation seemed to be
+going on even more successfully than ever before. There was one loophole
+which Bismarck had not been able to close, and this of course was
+developed to the extreme by the socialists. Private citizens could not
+say what they pleased, nor was it allowed to newspapers to print
+anything on socialist lines. Nevertheless, parliamentary speeches were
+privileged matter, and they could be sent anywhere and be published
+anywhere. Bismarck of course tried to suppress even this form of
+propaganda, and two of the deputies were arrested on the ground that
+they were violating the new law. However, the Reichstag could not be
+induced to sanction this interference with the freedom of deputies.
+Bismarck then introduced a bill into the Reichstag asking for power to
+punish any member who abused his parliamentary position. There was to be
+a court established consisting of thirteen deputies, and this was to
+have power to punish refractory delegates by censuring them, by obliging
+them to apologize to the House, and by excluding them from the House. It
+was also proposed that the Reichstag should in certain instances prevent
+the publicity of its proceedings. This bill of Bismarck's aroused
+immense opposition. It was called "the Muzzle Bill," and, despite all
+his efforts, it was defeated.
+
+The anti-socialist law had been passed as an exceptional measure, and it
+was fully expected that at the end of two years there would be nothing
+left of the socialists in Germany. But, when the moment came for the law
+to expire, Emperor Alexander II. of Russia was assassinated by
+Nihilists. The German Emperor wrote to the Chancellor urging him to do
+his utmost to persuade the governments of Europe to combine against the
+forces of anarchy and destruction. Prince Bismarck immediately opened up
+negotiations with Russia, Austria, France, Switzerland, and England. The
+Russian Government, being asked to take the initiative, invited the
+powers to a council at Brussels. As England did not accept the
+invitation, France and Switzerland also declined. Austria later withdrew
+her acceptance, with the result that Germany and Russia concluded an
+extradition and dynamite treaty for themselves, while on March 31, 1881,
+the anti-socialist law was reënacted for another period. In 1882 the
+Niederwald plot against the Imperial family was discovered. Various
+arrests were made, and three men avowedly anarchists were sentenced to
+death in December, 1884. In 1885 a high police official at Frankfort was
+murdered, and an anarchist named Lieske was executed as an accomplice.
+These terrorist acts materially aided Bismarck in his warfare on the
+social democrats. Again and again large towns were put in a minor state
+of siege, with the military practically in control. Meetings were
+dispersed, suspected papers suppressed, and all tyranny that can be
+conceived of exercised upon all those suspected of sympathy with the
+socialists. Yet everyone had to admit that the socialists had not been
+checked. Not only did their organization still exist, but it was all the
+time carrying on a vigorous agitation, both by meetings and by the
+circulation of literature. Papers printed abroad were being smuggled
+into the country in great quantities; socialist literature was even
+being introduced into the garrisons; and there seemed to be no dealing
+with associations, because no more was one dissolved than two arose to
+take its place.
+
+Von Puttkamer himself reported to the Reichstag in 1882, "It is
+undoubted that it has not been possible by means of the law of October,
+1878, to wipe social-democracy from the face of the earth or even to
+shake it to the center."[32] Indeed, Liebknecht was bold enough to say
+in 1884: "You have not succeeded in destroying our organization, and I
+am convinced that you will never succeed. I believe, indeed, it would be
+the greatest misfortune for you if you did succeed. The anarchists, who
+are now carrying on their work in Austria, have no footing in
+Germany--and why? Because in Germany the mad plans of those men are
+wrecked on the compact organization of social-democracy, because the
+German proletariat, in view of the fruitlessness of your socialist law,
+has not abandoned hope of attaining its ends peacefully by means of
+socialistic propaganda and agitation. If--and I have said this
+before--if your law were not _pro nihilo_, it would be _pro nihilismo_.
+If the German proletariat no longer believed in the efficacy of our
+present tactics; if we found that we could no longer maintain intact the
+organization and cohesion of the party, what would happen? We should
+simply declare--we have no more to do with the guidance of the party; we
+can no longer be responsible. The men in power do not wish that the
+party should continue to exist; it is hoped to destroy us--well, no
+party allows itself to be destroyed, for there is above all things the
+law of self-defense, of self-preservation, and, if the organized
+direction fails, you will have a condition of anarchy, in which
+everything is left to the individual. And do you really believe--you who
+have so often praised the bravery of the Germans up to the heavens, when
+it has been to your interest to do so--do you really believe that the
+hundreds of thousands of German social-democrats are cowards? Do you
+believe that what has happened in Russia would not be possible in
+Germany if you succeeded in bringing about here the conditions which
+exist there?"[33] Both Bebel and Liebknecht taunted the Chancellor with
+his failure to drive the socialists to commit acts of violence. "The
+Government may be sure," said Liebknecht in 1886, "that we shall not,
+now or ever, go upon the bird-lime, that we shall never be such fools as
+to play the game of our enemies by attempts ... the more madly you carry
+on, the sooner you will come to the end; the pitcher goes to the well
+until it breaks."[34]
+
+At the end of this year the reports given from the several states of the
+working out of the anti-socialist law were most discouraging to the
+Chancellor. From everywhere the report came that agitation was
+unintermittent, and being carried on with zeal and success. And Bebel
+said publicly that nowhere was the socialist party more numerous or
+better organized than in the districts where the minor state of siege
+had been proclaimed. The year 1886 was a sensational one. Nine of the
+socialists, including Bebel, Dietz, Auer, Von Vollmar, Frohme--all
+deputies--were charged with taking part in a secret and illegal
+organization. All the accused were sentenced to imprisonment for six or
+nine months, Bebel and his parliamentary associates receiving the
+heavier penalty. The Reichstag asked for reports upon the working of the
+law. Again the discouraging news came that the movement seemed to be
+growing faster than ever before.
+
+The crushing by repressive measures did not, however, exhaust Bismarck's
+plans for annihilating the socialists. At the same time he outlined an
+extraordinary program for winning the support of the working classes.
+Early in the eighties he proposed his great scheme of social
+legislation, intended to improve radically the lot of the toilers.
+Compulsory insurance against accident, illness, invalidity, and old age
+was instituted as a measure for giving more security in life to the
+working classes. Insurance against unemployment was also proposed, and
+Bismarck declared that the State should guarantee to the toilers the
+right to work. This began an era of immense social reforms that actually
+wiped out some of the worst slums in the great industrial centers,
+replaced them with large and beautiful dwellings for the working
+classes, and made over entire cities. The discussions in the Reichstag
+now seemed to be largely concerned with the problem of the working
+classes and with devising plans to obliterate the influence of the
+socialists over the workers and to induce them once more to ally
+themselves to the monarchy and to the _Junkers_.
+
+For some reason wholly mysterious to Bismarck, all his measures against
+the socialists failed. Every assault made upon them seemed to increase
+their power, while even the great reforms he was instituting seemed
+somehow to be credited to the agitation of the socialists. Instead of
+proving the good will of the ruling class, these reforms seemed only to
+prove its weakness; and they were looked upon generally as belated
+efforts to remedy old and grievous wrongs which, in fact, made necessary
+the protests of the socialists. The result was that tens of thousands of
+workingmen were flocking each year into the camp of the socialists, and
+at each election the socialist votes increased in a most dreadful and
+menacing manner. When the anti-socialist law was put into effect, the
+party polled under 450,000 votes. After twelve years of underground work
+as outlaws, the party polled 1,427,000 votes. Despite all the efforts of
+Bismarck and all the immense power of the Government, socialism, instead
+of being crushed, was 1,000,000 souls stronger after twelve years of
+suffering under tyranny than it was in the beginning. This of course
+would not do at all, and everyone saw it clearly enough except the Iron
+Chancellor. Infuriated by his own failure and unwilling to confess
+defeat, he pleaded once more, in 1890, for the reënactment of the
+anti-socialist law and, indeed, that it should be made a permanent part
+of the penal code of the Empire. He even sought further powers and asked
+the Reichstag to give him a law that would enable him to expel not only
+from districts proclaimed to be in a state of siege, but from Germany
+altogether, those who were known to hold socialist views. The Reichstag,
+however, refused to grant him either request, and on September 30, 1890,
+just twelve years after its birth, the anti-socialist law was repealed.
+
+That night was a glorious one for the socialists, as well as a very
+dreadful one for Bismarck and those others who had made prodigious but
+futile efforts to destroy socialism. Berlin was already a socialist
+stronghold, and its entire people that night came into the streets to
+sing songs of thanksgiving. Streets, parks, public places, cafés,
+theaters were filled with merrymakers, rejoicing with songs, with toasts
+to the leading socialists, and with boisterous welcomes to the exiles
+who were returning. All night long the red flag waved, and the
+Marseillaise was sung, as all that passion of love, enthusiasm, and
+devotion for a great cause, which, for twelve long years, had been
+brutally suppressed, burst forth in floods of joy. "He [Bismarck] has
+had at his entire disposal for more than a quarter of a century," said
+Liebknecht, "the police, the army, the capital, and the power of the
+State--in brief, all the means of mechanical force. _We had only our
+just right, our firm conviction, our bared breasts to oppose him with,
+and it is we who have conquered! Our arms were the best. In the course
+of time brute power must yield to the moral factors, to the logic of
+things._ Bismarck lies crushed to the earth--and social democracy is the
+strongest party in Germany!... _The essence of revolution lies not in
+the means, but in the end. Violence has been, for thousands of years, a
+reactionary factor._"[35] Certainly, the moral victory was immense.
+There had been a twelve-years-long torture of a great party, in which
+every man who was known to be sympathetic was looked upon as a criminal
+and an outlaw. Yet, despite every effort made to drive the socialists
+into outrages, they never wavered the slightest from their grim
+determination to depend solely upon peaceable methods. It is indeed
+marvelous that the German socialists should have stood the test and
+that, despite the most barbarous persecution, they should have been able
+to hold their forces together, to restrain their natural anger, and to
+keep their faith in the ultimate victory of peaceable, legal, and
+political methods. Prometheus, bound to his rock and tortured by all the
+furies of a malignant Jupiter, did not rise superior to his tormentor
+with more grandeur than did the social democracy of Germany.
+
+Violence does indeed seem to be a reactionary force. The use of it by
+the anarchists against the existing régime seems to have deprived them
+of all sympathy and support. More and more they became isolated from
+even those in whose name they claimed to be fighting. So the violence of
+Bismarck, intended to uproot and destroy the deepest convictions of a
+great body of workingmen, deprived him and his circle of all popular
+sympathy and support. Year by year he became weaker, and the futility of
+his efforts made him increasingly bitter and violent. At last even those
+for whom he had been fighting had to put him aside. On the other hand,
+those he fought with his poisoned weapons became stronger and stronger,
+their spirit grew more and more buoyant, their confidence in success
+more and more certain. And, when at last the complete victory was won,
+it was heralded throughout the world, and from thousands of great
+meetings, held in nearly every civilized country, there came to the
+German social democracy telegrams and resolutions of congratulation. The
+mere fact that the Germany party polled a million and a half votes was
+in itself an inspiration to the workers of all lands, and in the
+elections which followed in France, Italy, Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, and
+other countries the socialists vastly increased their votes and more
+firmly established their position as a parliamentary force. In 1892
+France polled nearly half a million votes, little Belgium followed with
+three hundred and twenty thousand, while in Denmark and Switzerland the
+strength of the socialists was quadrupled. Instead of a mere handful of
+theorists, the socialists were now numbered by the million. Their
+movement was world-wide, and the program of every political party in the
+various countries was based upon the principles laid down by Marx. The
+doctrines which he had advocated from '47 to '64, and fought desperately
+to retain throughout all the struggles with Bakounin, were now the
+foundation principles of the movement in Germany, France, Italy,
+Austria, Switzerland, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden,
+Britain, and even in other countries east and west of Europe.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[V] Probably intended for "increase of wages," but this is as it reads
+in the official report.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+THE NEWEST ANARCHISM
+
+
+At the beginning of the nineties the socialists were jubilant. Their
+great victory in Germany and the enormous growth of the movement in all
+countries assured them that the foundations had at last been laid for
+the great world-wide movement that they had so long dreamed of. Internal
+struggles had largely disappeared, and the mighty energies of the
+movement were being turned to the work of education and of organization.
+Great international socialist congresses were now the natural outgrowth
+of powerful and extensive national movements. Yet, almost at this very
+moment there was forming in the Latin countries a new group of
+dissidents who were endeavoring to resurrect what Bakounin called in
+1871 French socialism, and what our old friend Guillaume recognized to
+be a revival of the principles and methods of the anarchist
+International.[W] And, indeed, in 1895, what may perhaps be best
+described as the renascence of anarchism appeared in France under an old
+and influential name. Up to that time syndicalism signified nothing more
+than trade unionism, and the French _syndicats_ were merely associations
+of workmen struggling to obtain higher wages and shorter hours of labor.
+But in 1895 the term began to have a different meaning, and almost
+immediately it made the tour of the world as a unique and dreadful
+revolutionary philosophy. It became a new "red specter," with a menacing
+and subversive program, that created a veritable furore of discussion in
+the newspapers and magazines of all countries. Rarely has a movement
+aroused such universal agitation, awakened such world-wide discussions,
+and called forth such expressions of alarm as this one, that seemed
+suddenly to spring from the depths of the underworld, full-armed and
+ready for battle. Everywhere syndicalism was heralded as an entirely new
+philosophy. Nothing like it had ever been known before in the world.
+Multitudes rushed to greet it as a kind of new revelation, while other
+multitudes instinctively looked upon it with suspicion as something that
+promised once more to introduce dissension into the world of labor.
+
+What is syndicalism? Whence came it and why? The first question has been
+answered in a hundred books written in the last ten years. In all
+languages the meaning of this new philosophy of industrial warfare has
+been made clear. There is hardly a country in the world that has not
+printed several books on this new movement, and, although the word
+itself cannot be found in our dictionaries, hardly anyone who reads can
+have escaped gaining some acquaintance with its purport. The other
+question, however, has concerned few, and almost no one has traced the
+origin of syndicalism to that militant group of anarchists whom the
+French Government had endeavored to annihilate. After the series of
+tragedies which ended with the murder of Carnot, the French police
+hunted the anarchists from pillar to post. Their groups were broken up,
+their papers suppressed, and their leaders kept constantly under the
+surveillance of police agents. Every man with anarchist sympathies was
+hounded as an outlaw, and in 1894 they were broken, scattered, and
+isolated. Scorning all relations with the political groups and indeed
+excluded from them, as from other sections of the labor movement, by
+their own tactics, they found themselves almost alone, without the
+opportunity even of propagating their views. Facing a blank wall, they
+began then to discuss the necessity of radically changing their tactics,
+and in that year one of the most militant of them, Émile Pouget, who had
+been arrested several times for provoking riots, undertook to persuade
+his associates to enter actively into the trade unions. In his peculiar
+argot he wrote in _Père Peinard_: "If there is a group into which the
+anarchists should thrust themselves, it is evidently the trade union.
+The coarse vegetables would make an awful howl if the anarchists, whom
+they imagine they have gagged, should profit by the circumstance to
+infiltrate themselves in droves into the trade unions and spread their
+ideas there without any noise or blaring of trumpets."[1] This plea had
+its effect, and more and more anarchists began to join the trade unions,
+while their friends, already in the unions, prepared the way for their
+coming. Pelloutier, a zealous and efficient administrator, had already
+become the dominant spirit in one entire section of the French labor
+movement, that of the _Bourses du Travail_. In another section, the
+carpenter Tortellier, a roving agitator and militant anarchist, had
+already persuaded a large number of unions to declare for the general
+strike as the _sole_ effective weapon for revolutionary purposes.
+Moreover, Guérard, Griffuelhes, and other opponents of political action
+were preparing the ground in the unions for an open break with the
+socialists. By 1896 the strength of the anarchists in the trade unions
+was so great that the French delegates to the international socialist
+congress at London were divided into two sections: one in sympathy with
+the views of the anarchists, the other hostile to them. Such notable
+anarchists as Tortellier, Malatesta, Grave, Pouget, Pelloutier,
+Delesalle, Hamon, and Guérard were sent to London as the representatives
+of the French trade unions. Although the anarchists had been repeatedly
+expelled from socialist congresses, and the rules prohibited their
+admittance, these men could not be denied a hearing so long as they came
+as the representatives of _bona fide_ trade unions. As a result, the
+anarchists, speaking as trade unionists, fought throughout the congress
+against political action. A typical declaration was that of Tortellier,
+when he said: "If only those in favor of political action are admitted
+to congresses, the Latin races will abandon the congresses. The Italians
+are drifting away from the idea of political action. Properly organized,
+the workers can settle their affairs without any intervention on the
+part of the legislature."[2] Guérard, of the railway workers, holding
+much the same views, urged the congress to adopt the general strike, on
+the ground that it is "the most revolutionary weapon we have."[3]
+Despite their threats and demands, the anarchists were completely
+ignored, although they were numerous in the French, Italian, Spanish,
+and Dutch delegations. At last it became clear to the anarchists that
+the international socialist congresses would not admit them, if it were
+possible to keep them out, nor longer discuss with them the wisdom of
+political action. Consequently, the anarchists left London, clear at
+last on this one point, that the socialists were firmly determined to
+have no further dealings with them. The same decision had been made at
+The Hague in 1872, again in 1889 at the international congress at
+Paris, then in 1891 at Brussels, again in 1893 at Zurich, and finally at
+London in 1896.
+
+The anarchists that returned to Paris from the London congress were not
+slow in taking their revenge. They had already threatened in London to
+take the workers of the Latin countries out of the socialist movement,
+but no one apparently had given much heed to their remarks. In reality,
+however, they were in a position to carry out their threats, and the
+insults which they felt they had just suffered at the hands of the
+socialists made them more determined than ever to induce the unions to
+declare war on the socialist parties of France, Italy, Spain, and
+Holland. Plans were also laid for the building up of a trade-union
+International based largely on the principles and tactics of what they
+now called "revolutionary syndicalism."
+
+The year before (1895) the General Confederation of Labor had been
+launched at Limoges. Except for its declaration in favor of the general
+strike as a revolutionary weapon, the congress developed no new
+syndicalist doctrines. It was at Tours, in 1896, that the French unions,
+dominated by the anarchists, declared they would no longer concern
+themselves with reforms; they would abandon childish efforts at
+amelioration; and instead they would constitute themselves into a
+conscious fighting minority that was to lead the working class with no
+further delay into open rebellion. In their opinion, it was time to
+begin the bitter, implacable fight that was not to end until the working
+class had freed itself from wage slavery. The State was not worth
+conquering, parliaments were inherently corrupt, and, therefore,
+political action was futile. Other means, more direct and revolutionary,
+must be employed to destroy capitalism. As the very existence of society
+depends upon the services of labor, what could be more simple than for
+labor to cease to serve society until its rights are assured? Thus
+argued the French trade unionists, and the strike was adopted as the
+supreme war measure. Partial strikes were to broaden into industrial
+strikes, and industrial strikes into general strikes. The struggle
+between the classes was to take the form of two hostile camps, firmly
+resolved upon a war that would finish only when the one or the other of
+the antagonists had been utterly crushed. When John Brown marched with
+his little band to attack the slave-owning aristocracy of the South, he
+became the forerunner of our terrible Civil War. It was the same spirit
+that moved the French trade unionists. Although pitiably weak in numbers
+and poor in funds, they decided to stop all parleyings with the enemy
+and to fire the first gun.
+
+The socialist congress in London was held in July, and the French
+trade-union congress at Tours was held in September of the same year.
+The anarchists were out in their full strength, prepared to make
+reprisals on the socialists. It was after declaring: "The conquest of
+political power is a chimera,"[4] that Guérard launched forth in his
+fiery argument for the revolutionary general strike: "The partial
+strikes fail because the workingmen become demoralized and succumb under
+the intimidation of the employers, protected by the government. The
+general strike will last a short while, and its repression will be
+impossible; as to intimidation, it is still less to be feared. The
+necessity of defending the factories, workshops, manufactories, stores,
+etc., will scatter and disperse the army.... And then, in the fear that
+the strikers may damage the railways, the signals, the works of art, the
+government will be obliged to protect the 39,000 kilometers of railroad
+lines by drawing up the troops all along them. The 300,000 men of the
+active army, charged with the surveillance of 39 million meters, will be
+isolated from one another by 130 meters, and this can be done only on
+the condition of abandoning the protection of the depots, of the
+stations, of the factories, etc. ... and of abandoning the employers to
+themselves, thus leaving the field free in the large cities to the
+rebellious workingmen. The principal force of the general strike
+consists in its power of imposing itself. A strike in one branch of
+industry must involve other branches. The general strike cannot be
+decreed in advance; it will burst forth suddenly; a strike of the
+railway men, for instance, if declared, will be the signal for the
+general strike. It will be the duty of militant workingmen, when this
+signal is given, to make their comrades in the trade unions leave their
+work. Those who continue to work on that day will be compelled, or
+forced, to quit.... The general strike will be the Revolution, peaceful
+or not."[5]
+
+Here is a new program of action, several points of which are worthy of
+attention. It is clear that the general strike is here conceived of as a
+panacea, an unfailing weapon that obviates the necessity of political
+parties, parliamentary work, or any action tending toward the capture of
+political power. It is granted that it must end in civil war, but it is
+thought that this war cannot fail; it must result in a complete social
+revolution. Even more significant is the thought that it will burst
+forth suddenly, without requiring any preliminary education, extensive
+preparations, or even widespread organization. In one line it is
+proposed as an automatic revolution; in another it is said that the
+militant workingmen are expected to force the others to quit work. Out
+of 11,000,000 toilers in France, about 1,000,000 are organized. Out of
+this million, about 400,000 belong to the Confederation, and, out of
+this number, it is doubtful if half are in favor of a general strike.
+The proposition of Guérard then presents itself as follows: that a
+minority of organized men shall force not only the vast majority of
+their fellow unionists but twenty times their number of unorganized men
+to quit work in order to launch the war for emancipation. Under the
+compulsion of 200,000 men, a nation of 40,000,000 is to be forced
+immediately, without palaver or delay, to revolutionize society.
+
+The next year, at Toulouse, the French unions again assembled, and here
+it was that Pouget and Delesalle, both anarchists, presented the report
+which outlined still another war measure, that of sabotage. The newly
+arrived was there baptized, and received by all, says Pouget, with warm
+enthusiasm. This sabotage was hardly born before it, too, made a tour of
+the world, creating everywhere the same furore of discussion that had
+been aroused by syndicalism. It presents itself in such a multitude of
+forms that it almost evades definition. If a worker is badly paid and
+returns bad work for bad pay, he is a _saboteur_. If a strike is lost,
+and the workmen return only to break the machines, spoil the products,
+and generally disorganize a factory, they are _saboteurs_. The idea of
+sabotage is that any dissatisfied workman shall undertake to break the
+machine or spoil the product of the machines in order to render the
+conduct of industry unprofitable, if not actually impossible. It may
+range all the way from machine obstruction or destruction to dynamiting,
+train wrecking, and arson. It may be some petty form of malice, or it
+may extend to every act advocated by our old friends, the terrorists.
+
+The work of one other congress must be mentioned. At Lyons (1901) it was
+decided that an inquiry should be sent out to all the affiliated unions
+to find out exactly how the proposed great social revolution was to be
+carried out. For several years the Confederation had sought to launch a
+revolutionary general strike, but so many of the rank and file were
+asking, "What would we do, even if the general strike were successful?"
+that it occurred to the leaders it might be well to find out. As a
+result, they sent out the following list of questions:
+
+"(1) How would your union act in order to transform itself from a group
+for combat into a group for production?
+
+"(2) How would you act in order to take possession of the machinery
+pertaining to your industry?
+
+"(3) How do you conceive the functions of the organized shops and
+factories in the future?
+
+"(4) If your union is a group within the system of highways, of
+transportation of products or of passengers, of distribution, etc., how
+do you conceive of its functioning?
+
+"(5) What will be your relations to your federation of trade or of
+industry after your reorganization?
+
+"(6) On what principle would the distribution of products take place,
+and how would the productive groups procure the raw material for
+themselves?
+
+"(7) What part would the _Bourses du Travail_ play in the transformed
+society, and what would be their task with reference to the statistics
+and to the distribution of products?"[6]
+
+The report dealing with the results of this inquiry contains such a
+variety of views that it is not easy to summarize it. It seems, however,
+to have been more or less agreed that each group of producers was to
+control the industry in which it was engaged. The peasants were to take
+the land. The miners were to take the mines. The railway workers were
+to take the railroads. Every trade union was to obtain possession of the
+tools of its trade, and the new society was to be organized on the basis
+of a trade-union ownership of industry. In the villages, towns, and
+cities the various trades were then to be organized into a federation
+whose duty would be to administer all matters of joint interest in their
+localities. The local federations were then to be united into a General
+Confederation, to whose administration were to be left only those public
+services which were of national importance. The General Confederation
+was also to serve as an intermediary between the various trades and
+locals and as an agency for representing the interests of all the unions
+in international relations.
+
+This is in brief the meaning of syndicalism. It differs from socialism
+in both aim and methods. The aim of the latter is the control by the
+community of the means of production. The aim of syndicalism is the
+control by autonomous trade unions of that production carried on by
+those trades. It does not seek to refashion the State or to aid in its
+evolution toward social democracy. It will have nothing to do with
+political action or with any attempt to improve the machinery of
+democracy. The masses must arise, take possession of the mines,
+factories, railroads, fields, and all industrial processes and natural
+resources, and then, through trade unions or industrial unions,
+administer the new economic system. Furthermore, the syndicalists differ
+from the socialists in their conception of the class struggle. To the
+socialist the capitalist is as much the product of our economic system
+as the worker. No socialist believes that the capitalist is individually
+to blame for our economic ills. The syndicalist dissents from this view.
+To him the capitalist is an individual enemy. He must be fought and
+destroyed. There is no form of mediation or conciliation possible
+between the worker and his employer. Conditions must, therefore, be made
+intolerable for the capitalist. Work must be done badly. Machines must
+be destroyed. Industrial processes must be subjected to chaos. Every
+worker must be inspired with the one end and aim of destruction. Without
+the coöperation of the worker, capitalist production must break down.
+Therefore, the revolutionary syndicalist will fight, if possible, openly
+through his union, or, if that is impossible, by stealth, as an
+individual, to ruin his employer. The world of to-day is to be turned
+into incessant civil war between capital and labor. Not only the two
+classes, but the individuals of the two classes, must be constantly
+engaged in a deadly conflict. There is to be no truce until the fight is
+ended. The loyal workman is to be considered a traitor. The union that
+makes contracts or participates in collective bargaining is to be
+ostracized. And even those who are disinclined to battle will be forced
+into the ranks by compulsion. "Those who continue to work will be
+compelled to quit," says Guérard. The strike is not to be merely a
+peaceable abstention from work. The very machines are to be made to
+strike by being rendered incapable of production. These are the methods
+of the militant revolutionary syndicalists.[X]
+
+Toward the end of the nineties another element came to the aid of the
+anarchists. It is difficult to class this group with any certainty. They
+are neither socialists nor anarchists. They remind one of those
+Bakouninists that Marx once referred to as "lawyers without cases,
+physicians without patients and knowledge, students of billiards,
+etc."[7] "They are good-natured, gentlemanly, cultured people," says
+Sombart; "people with spotless linen, good manners and fashionably
+dressed wives; people with whom one holds social intercourse as with
+one's equals; people who would at first sight hardly be taken as the
+representatives of a new movement whose object it is to prevent
+socialism from becoming a mere middle-class belief."[8] In a word, they
+appear to be individuals wearied with the unrealities of life and
+seeking to overcome their _ennui_ by, at any rate, discussing the making
+of revolutions. With their "myths," their "reflections on violence,"
+their appeals to physical vigor and to the glory of combat, as well as
+with their incessant attacks on the socialist movement, they have given
+very material aid to the anarchist element in the syndicalist movement.
+For a number of years I have read faithfully _Le Mouvement Socialiste_,
+but I confess that I have not understood their dazzling metaphysics, and
+I am somewhat comforted to see that both Levine[9] and Lewis[10] find
+them frequently incomprehensible.
+
+Without injustice to this group of intellectuals, I think it may be
+truthfully said that they have contributed nothing essential to the
+doctrines of syndicalism as developed by the trades unionists
+themselves; and Edward Berth, in _Les Nouveaux Aspects du Socialisme_,
+has partially explained why, without meaning to do so. "It has often
+been observed," he says, "that the anarchists are by origin artisan,
+peasant, or aristocrat. Rousseau represents, obviously, the anarchism of
+the artisan. His republic is a little republic of free and independent
+craftsmen.... Proudhon is a peasant in his heart ... and, if we finally
+take Tolstoi, we find here an anarchism of worldly or aristocratic
+origin. Tolstoi is a _blasé_ aristocrat, disgusted with civilization by
+having too much eaten of it."[11] Whether or not this characterization
+of Tolstoi is justified, there can be no question that many of this type
+rushed to the aid of syndicalism. Its savage vigor appeals to some
+artists, decadents, and _déclassés_. Neurotic as a rule, they seem to
+hunger for the stimulus which comes by association with the merely
+physical power and vigor of the working class. The navvy, the
+coalheaver, or "yon rower ... the muscles all a-ripple on his back,"[12]
+awakens in them a worshipful admiration, even as it did in the effete
+Cleon. Such a theory as syndicalism, declares Sombart, "could only have
+grown up in a country possessing so high a culture as France; that it
+could have been thought out only by minds of the nicest perception, by
+people who have become quite _blasé_, whose feelings require a very
+strong stimulus before they can be stirred; people who have something of
+the artistic temperament, and, consequently, look disdainfully on what
+has been called 'Philistinism'--on business, on middle-class ideals, and
+so forth. They are, as it were, the fine silk as contrasted with the
+plain wool of ordinary people. They detest the common, everyday round as
+much as they hate what is natural; they might be called 'Social
+Sybarites.' Such are the people who have created the syndicalist
+system."[13] On one point Sombart is wrong. All the essential doctrines
+of revolutionary syndicalism, as a matter of fact, originated with the
+anarchists in the unions, and the most that can be said for the
+"Sybarites" is that they elaborated and mystified these doctrines.
+
+There are those, of course, who maintain that syndicalism is wholly a
+natural and inevitable product of economic forces, and, so far as the
+actual syndicalist movement is concerned, that is unquestionably true.
+But in all the maze of philosophy and doctrine that has been thrown
+about the actual French movement, we find the traces of two extraneous
+forces--the anarchists who availed themselves of the opportunity that an
+awakening trade unionism gave them, and those intellectuals of leisure,
+culture, and refinement who found the methods of political socialism too
+tame to satisfy their violent revolt against things bourgeois. And the
+philosophical syndicalism that was born of this union combines
+utopianism and anarchism. The yearning esthetes found satisfaction in
+the rugged energy and physical daring of the men of action, while the
+latter were astonished and flattered to find their simple war measures
+adorned with metaphysical abstractions and arousing an immense furore
+among the most learned and fashionable circles of Europe.
+
+However, something in addition to personality is needed to explain the
+rise of syndicalist socialism in France. Like anarchism, syndicalism is
+a natural product of certain French and Italian conditions. It is not
+strange that the Latin peoples have in the past harbored the ideas of
+anarchism, or that now they harbor the ideas of syndicalism. The
+enormous proportion of small property owners in the French nation is the
+economic basis for a powerful individualism. Anything which interferes
+with the liberty of the individual is abhorred, and nothing awakens a
+more lively hatred than centralization and State power. The vast extent
+of small industry, with the apprentice, journeyman, and master-workman,
+has wielded an influence over the mentality of the French workers.
+Berth, for instance, follows Proudhon in conceiving of the future
+commonwealth as a federation of innumerable little workshops. Gigantic
+industries, such as are known in Germany, England, and America, seem to
+be problems quite foreign to the mind of the typical Latin worker. He
+believes that, if he can be left alone in his little industry, and freed
+from exploitation, he, like the peasant, will be supreme, possessing
+both liberty and abundance. He will, therefore, tolerate willingly
+neither the interference of a centralized State nor favor a centralized
+syndicalism. Industry must be given into the hands of the workers, and,
+when he speaks of industry, he has in mind workshops, which, in the
+socialism of the Germans, the English, and the Americans, might be left
+for a long time to come in private hands.
+
+In harmony with the above facts, we find that the strongest centers of
+syndicalism in France, Italy, and Spain are in those districts where the
+factory system is very backward. Where syndicalism and anarchism prevail
+most strongly, we find conditions of economic immaturity which
+strikingly resemble those of England in the time of Owen. In all these
+districts trade unionism is undeveloped. When it exists at all, it is
+more a feeling out for solidarity than the actual existence of
+solidarity. It is the first groping toward unity that so often brings
+riots and violence, because organization is absent and the feeling of
+power does not exist. Carl Legien, the leader of the great German
+unions, said at the international socialist congress at Stuttgart
+(1907): "As soon as the French have an actual trade-union organization,
+they will cease discussing blindly the general strike, direct action,
+and sabotage."[14] Vliegen, the Dutch leader, went even further when he
+declared at the previous congress, at Amsterdam (1904), that it is not
+the representatives of the strong organizations of England, Germany, and
+Denmark who wish the general strike; it is the representatives of
+France, Russia, and Holland, where the trade-union organization is
+feeble or does not exist.[15]
+
+Still another factor forces the French trade unions to rely upon
+violence, and that is their poverty. The trade-unionists in the Latin
+countries dislike to pay dues, and the whole organized labor movement as
+a result lives constantly from hand to mouth. "The fundamental condition
+which determines the policy of direct action," says Dr. Louis Levine in
+his excellent monograph on "The Labor Movement in France," "is the
+poverty of French syndicalism. Except for the _Fédération du Livre_,
+only a very few federations pay a more or less regular strike benefit;
+the rest have barely means enough to provide for their administrative
+and organizing expenses and cannot collect any strike funds worth
+mentioning.... The French workingmen, therefore, are forced to fall back
+on other means during strikes. Quick action, intimidation, sabotage, are
+then suggested to them by their very situation and by their desire to
+win."[16] That this is an accurate analysis is, I think, proved by the
+fact that the biggest strikes and the most unruly are invariably to be
+found at the very beginning of the attempts to organize trade unions.
+That is certainly true of England, and in our own country the great
+strikes of the seventies were the birth-signs of trade unionism. In
+France, Italy, and Spain, where trade unionism is still in its infancy,
+we find that strikes are more unruly and violent than in other
+countries. It is a mistake to believe that riots, sabotage, and crime
+are the result of organization, or the product of a philosophy of
+action. They are the acts of the weak and the desperate; the product of
+a mob psychology that seems to be roused to action whenever and wherever
+the workers first begin to realize the faintest glimmering of
+solidarity. History clearly proves that turbulence in strikes tends to
+disappear as the workers develop organized strength. In most countries
+violence has been frankly recognized as a weakness, and tremendous
+efforts have been made by the workers themselves to render violence
+unnecessary by developing power through organization. But in France the
+very acts that result from weakness and despair have been greeted with
+enthusiasm by the anarchists and the effete intellectuals as the
+beginning of new and improved revolutionary methods.
+
+Both, then, in their philosophy and in their methods, anarchism and
+syndicalism have much in common, but there also exist certain
+differences which cannot be overlooked. Anarchism is a doctrine of
+individualism; syndicalism is a doctrine of working-class action.
+Anarchism appeals only to the individual; syndicalism appeals also to a
+class. Furthermore, anarchism is a remnant of eighteenth-century
+philosophy, while syndicalism is a product of an immature factory
+system. Marx and Engels frequently spoke of anarchism as a
+petty-bourgeois philosophy, but in the early syndicalism of Robert Owen
+they saw more than that, considering it as the forerunner of an actual
+working-class movement. When these differences have been stated, there
+is little more to be said, and, on the whole, Yvetot was justified in
+saying at the congress of Toulouse (1910): "I am reproached with
+confusing syndicalism and anarchism. It is not my fault if anarchism and
+syndicalism have the same ends in view. The former pursues the integral
+emancipation of the individual; the latter the integral emancipation of
+the workingman. I find the whole of syndicalism in anarchism."[17] When
+we leave the theories of syndicalism to study its methods, we find them
+identical with those of the anarchists. The general strike is, after
+all, exactly the same method that Bakounin was constantly advocating in
+the days of the old International. The only difference is this, that
+Bakounin sought the aid of "the people," while the syndicalists rely
+upon the working class. Furthermore, when one places the statement of
+Guérard on the general strike[Y] alongside of the statement of Kropotkin
+on the revolution,[Z] one can observe no important difference.
+
+While it is true that some syndicalists believe that the general strike
+may be solely a peaceable abstention from work, most of them are
+convinced that such a strike would surely meet with defeat. As Buisson
+says: "If the general strike remains the revolution of folded arms, if
+it does not degenerate into a violent insurrection, one cannot see how a
+cessation of work of fifteen, thirty, or even sixty days could bring
+into the industrial régime and into the present social system changes
+great enough to determine their fall."[18] To be sure, the syndicalists
+do not lay so much emphasis on the abolition of government as do the
+anarchists, but their plan leads to nothing less than that. If "the
+capitalist class is to be locked out"--whatever that may mean--one must
+conclude that the workers intend in some manner without the use of
+public powers to gain control of the tools of production. In any case,
+they will be forced, in order to achieve any possible success, to take
+the factories, the mines, and the mills and to put the work of
+production into the hands of the masses. If the State interferes, as it
+undoubtedly will in the most vigorous manner, the strikers will be
+forced to fight the State. In other words, the general strike will
+necessarily become an insurrection, and the people without arms will be
+forced to carry on a civil war against the military powers of the
+Government.
+
+If the general strike, therefore, is only insurrection in disguise,
+sabotage is but another name for the Propaganda of the Deed. Only, in
+this case, the deed is to be committed against the capitalist, while
+with the older anarchists a crowned head, a general, or a police
+official was the one to be destroyed. To-day property is to be assailed,
+machines broken and smashed, mines flooded, telegraph wires cut, and any
+other methods used that will render the tools of production unusable.
+This deed may be committed _en masse_, or it may be committed by an
+individual. It is when Pouget grows enthusiastic over sabotage that we
+find in him the same spirit that actuated Brousse and Kropotkin when
+they despaired of education and sought to arouse the people by
+committing dramatic acts of violence. In other words, the _saboteur_
+abandons mass action in favor of ineffective and futile assaults upon
+men or property.
+
+This brief survey of the meaning of syndicalism, whence it came, and
+why, explains the antagonism that had to arise between it and
+socialism.[AA] Not only was it frankly intended to displace the
+socialist political parties of Europe, but every step it has taken was
+accompanied with an attack upon the doctrines and the methods of modern
+socialism. And, in fact, the syndicalists are most interesting when they
+leave their own theories and turn their guns upon the socialist parties
+of the present day. In reading the now extensive literature on
+syndicalism, one finds endless chapters devoted to pointing out the
+weaknesses and faults of political socialism. Like the Bakouninists, the
+chief strength of the revolutionary unionists lies in criticism rather
+than in any constructive thought or action of their own. The battle of
+to-day is, however, a very unequal one. In the International, two
+groups--comparatively alike in size--fought over certain theories that,
+up to that time, were not embodied in a movement. They quarreled over
+tactics that were yet untried and over theories that were then purely
+speculative. To-day the syndicalists face a foe that embraces millions
+of loyal adherents. At the international gatherings of trade-union
+officials, as well as at the immense international congresses of the
+socialist parties, the syndicalists find themselves in a hopeless
+minority.[AB] Socialism is no longer an unembodied project of Marx. It
+is a throbbing, moving, struggling force. It is in a daily fight with
+the evils of capitalism. It is at work in every strike, in every great
+agitation, in every parliament, in every council. It is a thing of
+incessant action, whose mistakes are many and whose failures stand out
+in relief. Those who have betrayed it can be pointed out. Those who
+have lost all revolutionary fervor and all notion of class can be held
+up as a tendency. Those who have fallen into the traps of the
+bureaucrats and have given way to the flattery or to the corruption of
+the bourgeoisie can be listed and put upon the index. Even working-class
+political action can be assailed as never before, because it now exists
+for the first time in history, and its every weakness is known.
+Moreover, there are the slowness of movement and the seemingly
+increasing tameness of the multitude. All these incidents in the growth
+of a vast movement--the rapidity of whose development has never been
+equaled in the history of the world--irritate beyond measure the
+impatient and ultra-revolutionary exponents of the new anarchism.
+
+Naturally enough, the criticisms of the syndicalists are leveled chiefly
+against political action, parliamentarism, and Statism. It is Professor
+Arturo Labriola, the brilliant leader of the Italian syndicalists, who
+has voiced perhaps most concretely these strictures against socialism,
+although they abound in all syndicalist writings. According to Labriola,
+the socialist parties have abandoned Marx. They have left the field of
+the class struggle, foresworn revolution, and degenerated into weaklings
+and ineffectuals who dare openly neither to advocate "State socialism"
+nor to oppose it. In the last chapter of his "Karl Marx" Labriola traces
+some of the tendencies to State socialism. He observes that the State is
+gradually taking over all the great public utilities and that cities and
+towns are increasingly municipalizing public services. In the more
+liberal and democratic countries "the tendency to State property was
+greeted," he says, "as the beginning of the socialist transformation.
+To-day, in France, in Italy, and in Austria socialism is being
+confounded with Statism (_l'étatisme_).... The socialist party, almost
+everywhere, has become the party of State capitalism." It is "no more
+the representative of a movement which ranges itself against existing
+institutions, but rather of an evolution which is taking place now in
+the midst of present-day society, and by means of the State itself. The
+socialist party, by the very force of circumstances, is becoming a
+conservative party which is declaring for a transformation, the agent of
+which is no longer the proletariat itself, but the new economic organism
+which is the State.... Even the desire of the workingmen themselves to
+pass into the service of the State is eager and spontaneous. We have a
+proof of it in Italy with the railway workers, who, however, represent
+one of the best-informed and most advanced sections of the working
+class.
+
+" ... Where the Marxian tradition has no stability, as in Italy, the
+socialist party refused to admit that the State was an exclusively
+capitalist organism and that it was necessary to challenge its action.
+And with this pro-State attitude of the socialist party all its ideas
+have unconsciously changed. The principles of State enterprise (order,
+discipline, hierarchy, subordination, maximum productivity, etc.) are
+the same as those of private enterprise. Wherever the socialist party
+openly takes its stand on the side of the State--contrary even to its
+intentions--it acquires an entirely capitalist viewpoint. Its
+embarrassed attitude in regard to the insubordination of the workers in
+private manufacture becomes each day more evident, and, if it were not
+afraid of losing its electoral support, it would oppose still more the
+spirit of revolt among the workers. It is thus that the socialist
+party--the conservative party of the future transformed State--is
+becoming the conservative party of the present social organization. But
+even where, as in Germany, the Marxian tradition still assumes the form
+of a creed to all outward appearance, the party is very far from keeping
+within the limits of pure Marxian theory. Its anti-State attitude is not
+one of inclination. It is imposed by the State itself, ... the
+adversary, through its military and feudal vanity, of every concession
+to working-class democracy."[19]
+
+All this sounds most familiar, and I cannot resist quoting here our old
+friend Bakounin in order to show how much this criticism resembles that
+of the anarchists. If we turn to "Statism and Anarchy" we find that
+Bakounin concluded this work with the following words: "Upon the
+Pangermanic banner" (_i. e._, also upon the banner of German social
+democracy, and, consequently, upon the socialist banner of the whole
+civilized world) "is inscribed: The conservation and strengthening of
+the State at all costs; on the socialist-revolutionary banner" (read
+Bakouninist banner) "is inscribed in characters of blood, in letters of
+fire: the abolition of all States, the destruction of bourgeois
+civilization; free organization from the bottom to the top, by the help
+of free associations; the organization of the working populace (_sic!_)
+freed from all the trammels, the organization of the whole of
+emancipated humanity, the creation of a new human world."[AC] Thus
+frantically Bakounin exposed the antagonism between his philosophy and
+that of the Marxists. It would seem, therefore, that if Labriola knew
+his Marx, he would hardly undertake at this late date to save socialism
+from a tendency that Marx himself gave it. The State, it appears, is the
+same bugaboo to the syndicalists that it is to the anarchists. It is
+almost something personal, a kind of monster that, in all ages and
+times, must be oppressive. It cannot evolve or change its being. It
+cannot serve the working class as it has previously served feudalism, or
+as it now serves capitalism. It is an unchangeable thing, that,
+regardless of economic and social conditions, must remain eternally the
+enemy of the people.
+
+Evidently, the syndicalist identifies the revolutionist with the
+anti-Statist--apparently forgetting that hatred of the State is often as
+strong among the bourgeoisie as among the workers. The determination to
+limit the power of the Government was not only a powerful factor in the
+French and American Revolutions, but since then the slaveholders of the
+Southern States in America, the factory owners of all countries, and the
+trusts have exhausted every means, fair and foul, to limit and to weaken
+the power of the State. What difference is there between the theory of
+_laissez-faire_ and the antagonism of the anarchists and the
+syndicalists to every activity of the State? However, it is noteworthy
+that antagonism to the State disappears on the part of any group or
+class as soon as it becomes an agency for advancing their material
+well-being; they not only then forsake their anti-Statism, they even
+become the most ardent defenders of the State. Evidently, then, it is
+not the State that has to be overcome, but the interests that control
+the State.
+
+It must be admitted that Labriola sketches accurately enough the
+prevailing tendency toward State ownership, but he misunderstands or
+willfully misinterprets, as Bakounin did before him, the attitude of the
+avowed socialist parties toward such evolution. When he declares that
+they confuse their socialism with Statism, he might equally well argue
+that socialists confuse their socialism with monopoly or with the
+aggregation of capital in the hands of the few. Because socialists
+recognize the inevitable evolution toward monopoly is no reason for
+believing that they advocate monopoly. Nowhere have the socialists ever
+advised the destruction of trusts, nor have they anywhere opposed the
+taking over of great industries by the State. They realize that, as
+monopoly is an inevitable outcome of capitalism, so State capitalism,
+more or less extended, is an inevitable result of monopoly. That the
+workers remain wage earners and are exploited in the same manner as
+before has been pointed out again and again by all the chief socialists.
+However, if socialists prefer monopoly to the chaos of competition and
+to the reactionary tendencies of small property, and if they lend
+themselves, as they do everywhere, to the promotion of the State
+ownership of monopoly, it is not because they confuse monopoly, whether
+private or public, with socialism. It is of little consequence whether
+the workers are exploited by the trusts or by the Government. As long as
+capitalism exists they will be exploited by the one or the other. If
+they themselves prefer to be exploited by the Government, as Labriola
+admits, and if that exploitation is less ruinous to the body and mind of
+the worker, the socialist who opposed State capitalism in favor of
+private capitalism would be nothing less than a reactionary.
+
+Without, however, leaving the argument here, it must be said that there
+are various reasons why the socialist prefers State capitalism to
+private capitalism. It has certain advantages for the general public. It
+confers certain benefits upon the toilers, chief of all perhaps the
+regularity of work. And, above and beyond this, State capitalism is
+actually expropriating private capitalists. The more property the State
+owns, the fewer will be the number of capitalists to be dealt with, and
+the easier it will be eventually to introduce socialism. Indeed, to
+proceed from State capitalism to socialism is little more than the grasp
+of public powers by the working class, followed by the administrative
+measures of industrial democracy. All this, of course, has been said
+before by Engels, part of whose argument I have already quoted.
+Unfortunately, no syndicalist seems to follow this reasoning or excuse
+what he considers the terrible crime of extending the domain of the
+State. Not infrequently his revolutionary philosophy begins with the
+abolition of the State, and often it ends there. Marx, Engels, and
+Eccarius, as we know, ridiculed Bakounin's terror of the State; and how
+many times since have the socialists been compelled to deal with this
+bugaboo! It rises up in every country from time to time. The anarchist,
+the anarchist-communist, the _Lokalisten_, the anarcho-socialist, the
+young socialist, and the syndicalist have all in their time solemnly
+come to warn the working class of this insidious enemy. But the workers
+refuse to be frightened, and in every country, including even Russia,
+Italy, and France, they have less fear of State ownership of industry
+than they have of that crushing exploitation which they know to-day.
+
+Even in Germany, where Labriola considers the socialists to be more or
+less free from the taint of State capitalism, they have from the very
+beginning voted for State ownership. As early as 1870 the German
+socialists, upon a resolution presented by Bebel, adopted by a large
+majority the proposition that the State should retain in its hands the
+State lands, Church lands, communal lands, the mines, and the
+railroads.[AD] When adopting the new party program at Erfurt in 1891,
+the Congress struck out the section directed against State socialism and
+adopted a number of propositions leading to that end. Again, at Breslau
+in 1895, the Germans adopted several State-socialist measures. "At this
+time," says Paul Kampffmeyer, "a proposition of the agrarian commission
+on the party program, which had a decided State-socialist stamp, was
+discussed. It contained, among other things, the retaining and the
+increase of the public land domain; the management of the State and
+community lands on their own account; the giving of State credit to
+coöperative societies; the socialization of mortgages, debts, and loans
+on land; the socialization of chattel and real estate insurance, etc.
+Bebel agreed to all these State-socialist propositions. He recalled the
+fact, that the nationalizing of the railroads had been accomplished with
+the agreement of the social-democracy."[21] "That which applies to the
+railways applies also to the forestry," said Bebel. "Have we any
+objections to the enlarging of the State forests and thereby the
+employment of workers and officials? The same thing applies to the
+mines, the salt industry, road-making, the post office, and the
+telegraphs. In all of these industries we have hundreds of thousands of
+dependent people, and yet we do not want to advocate their abolition but
+rather their extension. In this direction we must break with all our
+prejudices. We ought only to oppose State industry where it is
+antagonistic to culture and where it restricts development, as, for
+instance, is the case in military matters. Indeed, we must even compel
+the State constantly to take over means of culture, because by that
+means we will finally put the present State out of joint. And, lastly,
+even the strongest State power fails in that degree in which the State
+drives its own officers and workers into opposition to itself, as has
+occurred in the case of the postal service. The attitude which would
+refuse to strengthen the power of the State, because this would entrust
+to it the solution of the problems of culture, smacks of the Manchester
+school. We must strip off these Manchesterian egg-shells."[22]
+
+Wilhelm Liebknecht also dealt with those who opposed the strengthening
+of the class State. "We are concerned," he said, " ... first of all
+about the strengthening of the State power. In all similar cases we have
+decided in favor of practical activity. We allowed funds for the
+Northeast Sea Canal; we voted for the labor legislation, although the
+proposed laws did decidedly extend the State power. We are in favor of
+the State railways, although we have thereby brought about ... the
+dependence of numerous livings upon the State."[23] As early, indeed, as
+1881 Liebknecht saw that the present State was preparing the way for
+socialism. Speaking of the compulsory insurance laws proposed by
+Bismarck, he refers to such legislation as embodying "in a decisive
+manner the principle of State regulation of production as opposed to the
+_laissez-faire_ system of the Manchester school. The right of the State
+to regulate production supposes the duty of the State to interest itself
+in labor, and State control of the labor of society leads directly to
+State organization of the labor of society."[24] Further even than this
+goes Karl Kautsky, who has been called the "acutest observer and thinker
+of modern socialism." "Among the social organizations in existence
+to-day," he says, "there is but one that possesses the requisite
+dimensions, and may be used as the framework for the establishment and
+development of the socialist commonwealth, and that is the _modern
+State_."[25]
+
+Without going needlessly far into this subject, it seems safe to
+conclude that the State is no more terrifying to the modern socialist
+than it was to Marx and Engels. There is not a socialist party in any
+country that has not used its power to force the State to undertake
+collective enterprise. Indeed, all the immediate programs of the various
+socialist parties advocate the strengthening of the economic power of
+the State. They are adding more and more to its functions; they are
+broadening its scope; and they are, without question, vastly increasing
+its power. But, at the same time, they are democratizing the State. By
+direct legislation, by a variety of political reforms, and by the power
+of the great socialist parties themselves, they are really wresting the
+control of the State from the hands of special privilege.
+Furthermore--and this is something neither the anarchists nor the
+syndicalists will see--State socialism is in itself undermining and
+slowly destroying the class character of the State. According to the
+view of Marx, the State is to-day "but a committee for managing the
+common affairs of the whole capitalist class."[26] And it is this
+because the economic power of the capitalist class is supreme. But by
+the growth of State socialism the economic power of the private
+capitalists is steadily weakened. The railroads, the mines, the forests,
+and other great monopolies are taken out of their hands, and, to the
+extent that this happens, their control over the State itself
+disappears. Their only power to control the State is their economic
+power, and, if that were entirely to disappear, the class character of
+the State would disappear also. "The State is not abolished. _It dies
+out_"; to repeat Engels' notable words. "As soon as there is no longer
+any social class to be held in subjection, ... nothing more remains to
+be repressed, and a special repressive force, a State, is no longer
+necessary."[27]
+
+The syndicalists are, of course, quite right when they say that State
+socialism is an attempt to allay popular discontent, but they are quite
+wrong when they accept this as proof that it must inevitably sidetrack
+socialism. They overlook the fact that it is always a concession granted
+grudgingly to the growing power of democracy. It is a point yielded in
+order to prevent if possible the necessity of making further
+concessions. Yet history shows that each concession necessitates
+another, and that State socialism is growing with great rapidity in all
+countries where the workers have developed powerful political
+organizations. Even now both friends and opponents see in the growth of
+State socialism the gradual formation of that transitional stage that
+leads from capitalism to socialism. The syndicalist and anarchist alone
+fail to see here any drift toward socialism; they see only a growing
+tyranny creating a class of favored civil servants, who are divorced
+from the actual working class. At the same time, they point out that the
+condition of the toilers for the State has not improved, and that they
+are exploited as mercilessly by the State as they were formerly
+exploited by the capitalist. To dispute this would be time ill spent. If
+it be indeed true, it defeats the argument of the syndicalist. If the
+State in its capitalism outrageously exploits its servants, tries to
+prevent them from organizing, and penalizes them for striking, it will
+only add to the intensity of the working-class revolt. It will aid more
+and more toward creating a common understanding between the workers for
+the State and the workers for the private capitalist. In any case, it
+will accelerate the tendency toward the democratization of the State
+and, therefore, toward socialism.
+
+As an alternative to this actual evolution toward socialism, the
+syndicalists propose to force society to put the means of production
+into the hands of the trade unions. It is perhaps worth pointing out
+that Owen, Proudhon, Blanc, Lassalle, and Bakounin all advocated what
+may be called "group socialism."[28] This conception of future society
+contemplates the ownership of the mines by the miners, of the railroads
+by the railway workers, of the land by the peasants. All the workers in
+the various industries are to be organized into unions and then brought
+together in a federation. Several objections are made to this outline of
+a new society. In the first place, it is artificial. Except for an
+occasional coöperative undertaking, there is not, nor has there ever
+been, any tendency toward trade-union ownership of industry. In
+addition, it is an idea that is to-day an anachronism. It is conceivable
+that small federated groups might control and conduct countless little
+industries, but it is not conceivable that groups of "self-governing,"
+"autonomous," and "independent" workmen could, or would, be allowed by a
+highly industrialized society to direct and manage such vast enterprises
+as the trusts have built up. If each group is to run industry as it
+pleases, the Standard Oil workers or the steel workers might menace
+society in the future as the owners of those monopolies menace it in the
+present. There is no indication in the literature of the syndicalists,
+and certainly no promise in a system of completely autonomous groups of
+producers, of any solution of the vast problems of modern trustified
+industry. It may be that such ideas corresponded to the state of things
+represented in early capitalism. But the socialist ideas of the present
+are the product of a more advanced state of capitalism than Owen,
+Proudhon, Lassalle, and Bakounin knew, or than the syndicalists of
+France, Italy, and Spain have yet been forced seriously to deal with.
+Indeed, it was necessary for Marx to forecast half a century of
+capitalist development in order to clarify the program of socialism and
+to emphasize the necessity for that program.
+
+It is a noteworthy and rather startling fact that Sidney and Beatrice
+Webb had pointed out the economic fallacies of syndicalism before the
+French Confederation of Labor was founded or Sorel, Berth, and
+Lagardelle had written a line on the subject. In their "History of Trade
+Unionism" they tell most interestingly the story of Owen's early
+trade-union socialism. The book was published in 1894, two or three
+years before the theories of the French school were born. Nevertheless,
+their critique of Owenism expresses as succinctly and forcibly as
+anything yet written the attitude of the socialists toward the economics
+of modern syndicalism. "Of all Owen's attempts to reduce his socialism
+to practice," write the Webbs, "this was certainly the very worst. For
+his short-lived communities there was at least this excuse: that within
+their own area they were to be perfectly homogeneous little socialist
+States. There were to be no conflicting sections, and profit-making and
+competition were to be effectually eliminated. But in 'the Trades
+Union,' as he conceived it, the mere combination of all the workmen in a
+trade as coöperative producers no more abolished commercial competition
+than a combination of all the employers in it as a joint stock company.
+In effect, his Grand Lodges would have been simply the head offices of
+huge joint stock companies owning the entire means of production in
+their industry, and subject to no control by the community as a whole.
+They would, therefore, have been in a position at any moment to close
+their ranks and admit fresh generations of workers only as employees at
+competitive wages instead of as shareholders, thus creating at one
+stroke a new capitalist class and a new proletariat.[29] ... In short,
+the socialism of Owen led him to propose a practical scheme which was
+not even socialistic, and which, if it could possibly have been carried
+out, would have simply arbitrarily redistributed the capital of the
+country without altering or superseding the capitalist system in the
+least."[30]
+
+Although this "group socialism" would certainly necessitate a Parliament
+in order to harmonize the conflicting interests of the various
+productive associations, there is nothing, it appears, that the
+syndicalist so much abhors. He is never quite done with picturing the
+burlesque of parliamentarism. While, no doubt, this is a necessary
+corollary to his antagonism to the State, it is aggravated by the fact
+that one of the chief ends of a political party is to put its
+representatives into Parliament. The syndicalist, in ridiculing all
+parliamentary activity, is at the same time, therefore, endeavoring to
+prove the folly of political action. That you cannot bring into the
+world a new social order by merely passing laws is something the
+syndicalist never wearies of pointing out. Parliamentarism, he likes to
+repeat, is a new superstition that is weakening the activity and
+paralyzing the mentality of the working class. "The superstitious belief
+in parliamentary action," Leone says, " ... ascribes to acts of
+Parliament the magic power of bringing about new social forces."[31]
+Sorel refers to the same thing as the "belief in the magic influence of
+departmental authority,"[32] while Labriola divines that "parties may
+elect members of Parliament, but they cannot set one machine going, nor
+can they organize one business undertaking."[33] All this reminds one of
+what Marx himself said in the early fifties. He speaks in "Revolution
+and Counter-Revolution," a collection of some articles that were
+originally written for the New York _Tribune_, of "parliamentary
+_crétinism_, a disorder which penetrates its unfortunate victims with
+the solemn conviction that the whole world, its history and future, are
+governed and determined by a majority of votes in that particular
+representative body which has the honor to count them among its members,
+and that all and everything going on outside the walls of their
+house--wars, revolutions, railway constructing, colonizing of whole new
+continents, California gold discoveries, Central American canals,
+Russian armies, and whatever else may have some little claim to
+influence upon the destinies of mankind--is nothing compared with the
+incommensurable events hinging upon the important question, whatever it
+may be, just at that moment occupying the attention of their honorable
+house."[34]
+
+No one can read this statement of Marx's without realizing its essential
+truthfulness. But it should not be forgotten that Marx himself believed,
+and every prominent socialist believes, that the control of the
+parliaments of the world is essential to any movement that seeks to
+transform the world. The powerlessness of parliaments may be easily
+exaggerated. To say that they are incapable of constructive work is to
+deny innumerable facts of history. Laws have both set up and destroyed
+industries. The action of parliaments has established gigantic
+industries. The schools, the roads, the Panama Canal, and a thousand
+other great operations known to us to-day have been set going by
+parliaments. Tariff laws make and destroy industries. Prohibition laws
+have annihilated industries, while legality, which is the peculiar
+product of parliaments, has everything to do with the ownership of
+property, of industry, and of the management of capital. For one who is
+attacking a legal status, who is endeavoring to alter political,
+juridical, as well as industrial and social relations, the conquering of
+parliaments is vitally necessary. The socialist recognizes that the
+parliaments of to-day represent class interests, that, indeed, they are
+dominated by class interests, and, as such, that they do not seek to
+change but to conserve what now exists. As a result, there _is_ a
+parliamentary _crétinism_, because, in a sense, the dominant elements in
+Parliament are only managing the affairs of powerful influences outside
+of Parliament. They are not the guiding hand, but the servile hand, of
+capitalism.
+
+For the above reason, chiefly, the syndicalists are on safe ground when
+they declare that parliaments are corrupt. Corruption is a product of
+the struggle of the classes. To obtain special privilege, class laws,
+and immunity from punishment, the "big interests" bribe and corrupt
+parliaments. However, corruption does not stop there. The trade unions
+themselves suffer. Labor leaders are bought just as labor
+representatives are bought. Insurrection itself is often controlled and
+rendered abortive by corruption. Numberless violent uprisings have been
+betrayed by those who fomented them. The words of Fruneau at Basel in
+1869 are memorable. "Bakounin has declared," he said, "that it is
+necessary to await the Revolution. Ah, well, the Revolution! Away with
+it! Not that I fear the barricades, but, when one is a Frenchman and has
+seen the blood of the bravest of the French running in the streets in
+order to elevate to power the ambitious who, a few months later, sent us
+to Cayenne, one suspects the same snares, because the Revolution, in
+view of the ignorance of the proletarians, would take place only at the
+profit of our adversaries."[35] There is no way to escape the corrupting
+power of capitalism. It has its representatives in every movement that
+promises to be hostile. It has its spies in the labor unions, its
+_agents provocateurs_ in insurrections; and its money can always find
+hands to accept it. One does not escape corruption by abandoning
+Parliament. And Bordat, the anarchist, was the slave of a mania when he
+declared: "To send workingmen to a parliament is to act like a mother
+who would take her daughter to a brothel."[36] Parliaments are perhaps
+more corrupt than trade unions, but that is simply because they have
+greater power. To no small degree bribery and campaign funds are the
+tribute that capitalism pays to the power of the State.
+
+The consistent opposition of the syndicalists to the State is leading
+them desperately far, and we see them developing, as the anarchists did
+before them, a contempt even for democracy. The literature of
+syndicalism teems with attacks on democracy. "Syndicalism and
+Democracy," says Émile Pouget, "are the two opposite poles, which
+exclude and neutralize each other.... Democracy is a social superfluity,
+a parasitic and external excrescence, while syndicalism is the logical
+manifestation of a growth of life, it is a rational cohesion of human
+beings, and that is why, instead of restraining their individuality, it
+prolongs and develops it."[37] Democracy is, in the view of Sorel, the
+régime _par excellence_, in which men are governed "by the magical power
+of high-sounding words rather than by ideas; by formulas rather than by
+reasons; by dogmas, the origin of which nobody cares to find out, rather
+than by doctrines based on observation."[38] Lagardelle declares that
+syndicalism is post-democratic. "Democracy corresponds to a definite
+historical movement," he says, "which has come to an end. Syndicalism is
+an anti-democratic movement."[39] These are but three out of a number
+of criticisms of democracy that might be quoted. Although natural enough
+as a consequence of syndicalist antagonism to the State, these ideas are
+nevertheless fatal when applied to the actual conduct of a working-class
+movement. It means that the minority believes that it can drive the
+majority. We remember that Guérard suggested, in his advocacy of the
+general strike, that, if the railroad workers struck, many other trades
+"would be compelled to quit work." "A daring revolutionary minority
+conscious of its aim can carry away with it the majority."[40] Pouget
+confesses: "The syndicalist has a contempt for the vulgar idea of
+democracy--the inert, unconscious mass is not to be taken into account
+when the minority wishes to act so as to benefit it...."[41] He refers
+in another place to the majority, who "may be considered as human zeros.
+Thus appears the enormous difference in method," concludes Pouget,
+"which distinguishes syndicalism and democracy: the latter, by the
+mechanism of universal suffrage, gives direction to the unconscious ...
+and stifles the minorities who bear within them the hopes of the
+future."[42]
+
+This is anarchism all over again, from Proudhon to Goldman.[43] But,
+while the Bakouninists were forced, as a result of these views, to
+abandon organized effort, the newest anarchists have attempted to
+incorporate these ideas into the very constitution of the French
+Confederation of Labor. And at present they are, in fact, a little
+clique that rides on the backs of the organized workers, and the
+majority cannot throw them off so long as a score of members have the
+same voting power in the Confederation as that of a trade union with ten
+thousand members. All this must, of course, have very serious
+consequences. Opposition to majority rule has always been a cardinal
+principle of the anarchists. It is also a fundamental principle of every
+American political machine. To defeat democracy is obviously the chief
+purpose of a Tammany Hall. But, when this idea is actually advocated as
+an ideal of working-class organization, when it is made to stand as a
+policy and practice of a trade union, it can only result in suspicion,
+disruption, and, eventually, in complete ruin. It appears that the
+militant syndicalist, like the anarchist, realizes that he cannot expect
+the aid of the people. He turns, then, to the minority, the fighting
+inner circle, as the sole hope.
+
+It is inevitable, therefore, that syndicalism and socialism should stand
+at opposite poles. They are exactly as far apart as anarchism and
+socialism. And, if we turn to the question of methods, we find an
+antagonism almost equally great. How are the workers to obtain
+possession of industry? On this point, as well as upon their conception
+of socialism, the syndicalists are not advanced beyond Owenism. "One
+question, and that the most immediately important of all," say the
+Webbs, speaking of Owen's projects, "was never seriously faced: How was
+the transfer of the industries from the capitalists to the unions to be
+effected in the teeth of a hostile and well-armed government? The answer
+must have been that the overwhelming numbers of 'the trades union' would
+render conflict impossible. At all events, Owen, like the early
+Christians, habitually spoke as if the day of judgment of the existing
+order of society was at hand. The next six months, in his view, were
+always going to see the 'new moral world' really established. The change
+from the capitalist system to a complete organization of industry under
+voluntary associations of producers was to 'come suddenly upon society
+like a thief in the night.'... It is impossible not to regret that the
+first introduction of the English Trade Unionist to Socialism should
+have been effected by a foredoomed scheme which violated every economic
+principle of collectivism, and left the indispensable political
+preliminaries to pure chance."[44] Little need be added to what the
+Webbs have said on the utopian features of syndicalism or even upon the
+haphazard method adopted to achieve them. "No politics in the unions"
+follows logically enough from an avowed antagonism to the State. If one
+starts with the assumption that nothing can be done through the
+State--as Owen, Bakounin, and the syndicalists have done--one is, of
+course, led irretrievably to oppose parliamentary and other political
+methods of action.
+
+When the syndicalists throw over democracy and foreswear political
+action, they are fatally driven to the point where they must abandon the
+working class. In the meantime, they are sadly misleading it. It is when
+we touch this phase of the syndicalist movement that we begin to
+discover real bitterness. Here direct action stands in opposition to
+political action. The workers must choose the one method or the other.
+The old clash appears again in all its tempestuous hate. Jules Guesde
+was early one of the adherents of Bakounin, but in all his later life he
+has been pitiless in his warfare on the anarchists. As soon, therefore,
+as the direct-actionists began again to exercise an influence, Guesde
+entered the field of battle. I happened to be at Limoges in 1906 to hear
+Guesde speak these memorable words at the French Socialist Congress:
+"Political action is necessarily revolutionary. It does not address
+itself to the employer, but to the State, while industrial action
+addresses itself to the individual employer or to associations of
+employers. Industrial action does not attack the employer _as an
+institution_, because the employer is the effect, the result of
+capitalist property. As soon as capitalist property will have
+disappeared, the employer will disappear, and not before. It is in the
+socialist party--because it is a political party--that one fights
+against the employer class, and that is why the socialist party is truly
+an economic party, tending to transform social and political economy. At
+the present moment words have their importance. And I should like to
+urge the comrades strongly never to allow it to be believed that
+trade-union action is economic action. No; this latter action is taken
+only by the political organization of the working class. It is the party
+of the working class which leads it--that is to say, the socialist
+party--because property is a social institution which cannot be
+transformed except by the exploited class making use of political power
+for this purpose....
+
+"I realize," he continued, "that the direct-actionists attempt to
+identify political action with parliamentary action. No; electoral
+action as well as parliamentary action may be forms; pieces of political
+action. They are not political action as a whole, which is the effort to
+seize public powers--the Government. Political action is the people of
+Paris taking possession of the Hôtel de Ville in 1871. It is the
+Parisian workers marching upon the National Assembly in 1848.... To
+those who go about claiming that political action, as extolled by the
+party, reduces itself to the production of public officials, you will
+oppose a flat denial. Political action is, moreover, not the production
+of laws. It is the grasping by the working class of the manufactory of
+laws; it is the political expropriation of the employer class, which
+alone permits its economic expropriation.... I wish that someone would
+explain to me how the breaking of street lights, the disemboweling of
+soldiers, the burning of factories, can constitute a means of
+transforming the ownership of property.... Supposing that the strikers
+were masters of the streets and should seize the factories, would not
+the factories still remain private property? Instead of being the
+property of a few employers or stockholders, they would become the
+property of the 500 or the 5,000 workingmen who had taken them, and that
+is all. The owners of the property will have changed; the system of
+ownership will have remained the same. And ought we not to consider it
+necessary to say that to the workers over and over again? Ought we to
+allow them to take a path that leads nowhere?... No; the socialists
+could not, without crime, lend themselves to such trickery. It is our
+imperative duty to bring back the workers to reality, to remind them
+always that one can only be revolutionary if one attacks the government
+and the State."[45] "Trade-union action moves within the circle of
+capitalism without breaking through it, and that is necessarily
+reformist, in the good sense of the word. In order to ameliorate the
+conditions of the victims of capitalist society, it does not touch the
+system. All the revolutionary wrangling can avail nothing against this
+fact. Even when a strike is triumphant, the day after the strike the
+wage earners remain wage earners and capitalist exploitation continues.
+It is a necessity, a fatality, which trade-union action suffers."[46]
+
+Any comment of mine would, I think, only serve to mar this masterly
+logic of Guesde's. There is nothing perhaps in socialist literature
+which so ably sustains the traditional position of the socialist
+movement. The battles in France over this question have been bitterly
+fought for over half a century. The most brilliant of minds have been
+engaged in the struggle. Proudhon, Bakounin, Briand, Sorel, Lagardelle,
+Berth, Hervé, are men of undoubted ability. Opposed to them we find the
+Marxists, led in these latter years by Guesde and Jaurès. And while
+direct action has always been vigorously supported in France both by the
+intellectuals and by the masses, it is the policy of Guesde and Jaurès
+which has made headway. At the time when the general strike was looked
+upon as a revolutionary panacea, and the French working class seemed on
+the point of risking everything in one throw of the dice, Jaurès uttered
+a solemn warning: "Toward this abyss ... the proletariat is feeling
+itself more and more drawn, at the risk not only of ruining itself
+should it fall over, but of dragging down with it for years to come
+either the wealth or the security of the national life."[47] "If the
+proletarians take possession of the mine and the factory, it will be a
+perfectly fictitious ownership. They will be embracing a corpse, for the
+mines and factories will be no better than dead bodies while economic
+circulation is suspended and production is stopped. So long as a class
+does not own and govern the whole social machine, it can seize a few
+factories and yards, if it wants to, but it really possesses nothing. To
+hold in one's hand a few pebbles of a deserted road is not to be master
+of transportation."[48] "The working class would be the dupe of a fatal
+illusion and a sort of unhealthy obsession if it mistook what can be
+only the tactics of despair for a method of revolution."[49]
+
+The struggle, therefore, between the syndicalists and the socialists is,
+as we see, the same clash over methods that occurred in the seventies
+and eighties between the anarchists and the socialists. In abandoning
+democracy, in denying the efficacy of political action, and in
+resorting to methods which can only end in self-destruction, the
+syndicalist becomes the logical descendant of the anarchist. He is at
+this moment undergoing an evolution which appears to be leading him into
+the same _cul-de-sac_ that thwarted his forefather. His path is blocked
+by the futility of his own weapons. He is fatally driven, as Plechanoff
+said, either to serve the bourgeois politicians or to resort to the
+tactics of Ravachol, Henry, Vaillant, and Most. The latter is the more
+likely, since the masses refuse to be drawn into the general strike as
+they formerly declined to participate in artificial uprisings.[AE] The
+daring conscious minority more and more despair, and they turn to the
+only other weapon in their arsenal, that of sabotage. There is a kind of
+fatality which overtakes the revolutionist who insists upon an
+immediate, universal, and violent revolution. He must first despair of
+the majority. He then loses confidence even in the enlightened minority.
+And, in the end, like the Bakouninist, he is driven to individual acts
+of despair. What will doubtless happen at no distant date in France and
+Italy will be a repetition of the congress at The Hague. When the
+trade-union movement actually develops into a powerful organization, it
+will be forced to throw off this incubus of the new anarchism. It is
+already thought that a majority of the French trade unionists oppose the
+anarchist tendencies of the clique in control, and certainly a number of
+the largest and most influential unions frankly class themselves as
+reformist syndicalists, in order to distinguish themselves from the
+revolutionary syndicalists. What will come of this division time only
+can tell.
+
+In any case, it is becoming clear even to the French unionists that
+direct action is not and cannot be, as Guesde has pointed out,
+revolutionary action. It cannot transform our social system. It is
+destined to failure just as insurrection as a policy was destined to
+failure. Rittinghausen said at Basel in 1869: "Revolution, as a matter
+of fact, accomplishes nothing. If you are not able to formulate, after
+the revolution, by legislation, your legitimate demands, the revolution
+will perish miserably."[50] This was true in 1848, in 1871, and even in
+the great French Revolution itself. Nothing would have seemed easier at
+the time of the French Revolution than for the peasants to have directly
+possessed themselves of the land. They were using it. Their houses were
+planted in the midst of it. Their landlords in many cases had fled. Yet
+Kropotkin, in his story of "The Great French Revolution," relates that
+the redistribution of land awaited the action of Parliament. To be sure,
+some of the peasants had taken the land, but they were not at all sure
+that it might not again be taken from them by some superior force. Their
+rights were not defined, and there was such chaos in the entire
+situation that, in the end, the whole question had to be left to
+Parliament. It was only after the action of the Convention, June 11,
+1793, that the rights of ownership were defined. It was only then, as
+Kropotkin says, that "everyone had a right to the land. It was a
+complete revolution."[51] That the greatest of living anarchists should
+be forced to pay this tribute to the action of Parliament is in itself
+an assurance. For masses in the time of revolution to grab whatever
+they desire is, after all, to constitute what Jaurès calls a fictitious
+ownership. Some legality is needed to establish possession and a sense
+of security, and, up to the present, only the political institutions of
+society have been able to do that. For this precise reason every social
+struggle and class struggle of the past has been a political struggle.
+
+There remains but one other fundamental question, which must be briefly
+examined. The syndicalists do not go back to Owen as the founder of
+their philosophy. They constantly reiterate the claim that they alone
+to-day are Marxists and that it is given to them to keep "pure and
+undefiled" the theories of that giant mind. They base their claim on the
+ground of Marx's economic interpretation of history and especially upon
+his oft-repeated doctrine that upon the economic structure of society
+rises the juridical and political superstructure. They maintain that the
+political institutions are merely the reflex of economic conditions.
+Alter the economic basis of society, and the political structure must
+adjust itself to the new conditions. As a result of this truly Marxian
+reasoning, they assert that the revolutionary movement must pursue
+solely economic aims and disregard totally the existing and, to their
+minds, superfluous political relations. They accuse the socialists of a
+contradiction. Claiming to be Marxists and basing their program upon the
+economic interpretation of history, the socialists waste their energies
+in trying to modify the results instead of obliterating the causes.
+Political institutions are parasitical. Why, therefore, ignore economic
+foundations and waste effort remodeling the parasitical superstructure?
+There _is_ a contradiction here, but not on the part of the socialists.
+Proudhon was entirely consistent when he asked: "Can we not administer
+our goods, keep our accounts, arrange our differences, look after our
+common interests?"[52] And, moreover, he was consistent when he
+declared: "I want you to make the very institutions which I charge you
+to abolish, ... so that the new society shall appear as the spontaneous,
+natural, and necessary development of the old."[53] If that were once
+done the dissolution of government would follow, as he says, in a way
+about which one can at present make only guesses. But Proudhon urged his
+followers to establish coöperative banks, coöperative industries, and a
+variety of voluntary industrial enterprises, in order eventually to
+possess themselves of the means of production. If the working class,
+through its own coöperative efforts, could once acquire the ownership of
+industry, if they could thus expropriate the present owners and
+gradually come into the ownership of all natural resources and all means
+of production--in a word, of all social capital--they would not need to
+bother themselves with the State. If, in possessing themselves thus of
+all economic power, they were also to neglect the State, its machinery
+would, of course, tumble into uselessness and eventually disappear. As
+the great capitalists to-day make laws through the stock exchange,
+through their chambers of commerce, through their pools and
+combinations, so the working class could do likewise if they were in
+possession of industry. But the working class to-day has no real
+economic power. It has no participation in the ownership of industry. It
+is claimed that it might withdraw its labor power and in this manner
+break down the entire economic system. It is urged that labor alone is
+absolutely necessary to production and that if, in a great general
+strike, it should cease production, the whole of society would be
+forced to capitulate. And in theory this seems unassailable, but
+actually it has no force whatever. In the first place, this economic
+power does not exist unless the workers are organized and are
+practically unanimous in their action. Furthermore, the economic
+position of the workers is one of utter helplessness at the time of a
+universal strike, in that they cannot feed themselves. As they are the
+nearest of all classes to starvation, they will be the first to suffer
+by a stoppage of work. There is still another vital weakness in this
+so-called economic theory. The battles that result from a general strike
+will not be on the industrial field. They will be battles between the
+armed agents of the State and unarmed masses of hungry men. Whatever
+economic power the workers are said to possess would, in that case,
+avail them little, for the results of their struggles would depend upon
+the military power which they would be able to manifest. The individual
+worker has no economic power, nor has the minority, and it may even be
+questioned if the withdrawal of all the organized workers could bring
+society to its knees. Multitudes of the small propertied classes, of
+farmers, of police, of militiamen, and of others would immediately rush
+to the defense of society in the time of such peril. It is only the
+working class theoretically conceived of as a conscious unit and as
+practically unanimous in its revolutionary aims, in its methods, and in
+its revolt which can be considered as the ultimate economic power of
+modern society. The day of such a conscious and enlightened solidarity
+is, however, so far distant that the syndicalism which is based upon it
+falls of itself into a fantastic dream.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[W] His words are: "What is the General Confederation of Labor, if not
+the continuation of the International?" _Documents et Souvenirs_, Vol.
+IV, p. vii.
+
+[X] In justice to the French unions it must be said that a large number,
+probably a considerable majority, do not share these views. The views of
+the latter are almost identical with those of the American and English
+unions; but at present the new anarchists are in the saddle, although
+their power appears to be waning.
+
+[Y] See pp. 234, 235, _supra_.
+
+[Z] See p. 52, _supra_.
+
+[AA] I have not dealt in this chapter with the Industrial Workers of the
+World, which is the American representative of syndicalist ideas. First,
+because the American organization has developed no theories of
+importance. Their chief work has been to popularize some of the French
+ideas. Second, because the I. W. W. has not yet won for itself a place
+in the labor movement. It has done much agitation, but as yet no
+organization to speak of. Furthermore, there is great confusion of ideas
+among the various factions and elements, and it would be difficult to
+state views which are held in common by all of them. It should be said,
+however, that all the American syndicalists have emphasized industrial
+unionism, that is to say, organization by industries instead of by
+crafts--an idea that the French lay no stress upon.
+
+[AB] At the Sixth International Conference of the National Trade Union
+Centers, held in Paris, 1909, the French syndicalists endeavored to
+persuade the trade unions to hold periodical international trade-union
+congresses that would rival the international socialist congresses. The
+proposition was so strongly opposed by all countries except France that
+the motion was withdrawn.
+
+[AC] The comments are by Plechanoff.[20]
+
+[AD] It should, however, be pointed out that the German social democrats
+voted at first against the State ownership of railroads, because it was
+considered a military measure.
+
+[AE] The committee on the general strike of the French Confederation
+said despairingly in 1900: "The idea of the general strike is
+sufficiently understood to-day. In repeatedly putting off the date of
+its coming, we risk discrediting it forever by enervating the
+revolutionary energies." Quoted by Levine, "The Labor Movement in
+France," p. 102.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+THE OLDEST ANARCHISM
+
+
+It is perhaps just as well to begin this chapter by reminding ourselves
+that anarchy means literally no government. Consequently, there will be
+no laws. "I am ready to make terms, but I will have no laws," said
+Proudhon; adding, "I acknowledge none."[1] However revolutionary this
+may seem, it is, after all, not so very unlike what has always existed
+in the affairs of men. Without the philosophy of the idealist anarchist,
+with no pretense of justice or "nonsense" about equality, there have
+always been in this old world of ours those powerful enough to make and
+to break law, to brush aside the State and any and every other hindrance
+that stood in their path. "Laws are like spiders' webs," said
+Anacharsis, "and will, like them, only entangle and hold the poor and
+weak, while the rich and powerful will easily break through them." He
+might have said, with equal truth, that, with or without laws, the rich
+and powerful have been able in the past to do very much as they pleased.
+For the poor and the weak there have always been, to be sure, hard and
+fast rules that they could not break through. But the rich and powerful
+have always managed to live more or less above the State or, at least,
+so to dominate the State that to all intents and purposes, other than
+their own, it did not exist. When Bakounin wrote his startling and now
+famous decree abolishing the State, he created no end of hilarity among
+the Marxists, but had Bakounin been Napoleon with his mighty army, or
+Morgan and Rockefeller with their great wealth, he could no doubt in
+some measure have carried out his wish. Without, however, either wealth
+or numbers behind him, Bakounin preached a polity that, up to the
+present, only the rich and powerful have been able even partly to
+achieve. The anarchy of Proudhon was visionary, humanitarian, and
+idealistic. At least he thought he was striving for a more humane social
+order than that of the present. But this older anarchism is as ancient
+as tyranny, and never at any moment has it ceased to menace human
+civilization. Based on a real mastery over the industrial and political
+institutions of mankind, this actual anarchy has never for long allowed
+the law, the Constitution, the State, or the flag to obstruct its path
+or thwart its avarice.
+
+Moreover, under the anarchism proposed by Proudhon and Bakounin, the
+maintenance of property rights, public order, and personal security
+would be left to voluntary effort, that is to say, to private
+enterprise. As all things would be decided by mutual agreement, the only
+law would be a law of contracts, and that law would need to be enforced
+either by associations formed for that purpose or by professionals
+privately employed for that purpose. So far as one can see, then, the
+methods of the feudal lords would be revived, by which they hired their
+own personal armies or went shares in the spoils with their bandits,
+buccaneers, and assassins. By organizing their own military forces and
+maintaining them in comfort, they were able to rob, burn, and murder, in
+order to protect the wealth and power they had, or to gain more wealth
+and power. For them there was no law but that of a superior fighting
+force. There was an infinite variety of customs and traditions that
+were in the nature of laws, but even these were seldom allowed to stand
+in the way of those who coveted, and were strong enough to take, the
+land, the money, or the produce of others. Indeed, the feudal duke or
+prince was all that Nechayeff claimed for the modern robber. He was a
+glorified anarchist, "without phrase, without rhetoric." He could scour
+Europe for mercenaries, and, when he possessed himself of an army of
+marauders, he became a law unto himself. The most ancient and honorable
+anarchy is despotism, and its most effective and available means of
+domination have always been the employment of its own personal military
+forces.
+
+It will be remembered that Bakounin developed a kind of robber worship.
+The bandit leaders Stenka Razin and Pougatchoff appeared to him as
+national heroes, popular avengers, and irreconcilable enemies of the
+State. He conceived of the brigands scattered throughout Russia and
+confined in the prisons of the Empire as "a unique and indivisible
+world, strongly bound together--the world of the Russian revolution."
+The robber was "the wrestler in life and in death against all this
+civilization of officials, of nobles, of priests, and of the crown." Of
+course, Bakounin says here much that is historically true. Thieves,
+marauders, highwaymen, bandits, brigands, villains, mendicants, and all
+those other elements of mediæval life for whom society provided neither
+land nor occupation, often organized themselves into guerilla bands in
+order to war upon all social and civil order. But Bakounin neglects to
+mention that it was these very elements that eagerly became the
+mercenaries of any prince who could feed them. They were lawless,
+"without phrase, without rhetoric," and, if anyone were willing to pay
+them, they would gladly pillage, burn, and murder in his interest. They
+would have served anybody or anything--the State, society, a prince, or
+a tyrant. They had no scruples and no philosophies. They were in the
+market to be bought by anyone who wanted a choice brand of assassins.
+And the feudal duke or prince bought, fed, and cared for these
+"veritable and unique revolutionists," in order to have them ready for
+service in his work of robbery and murder. To be sure, when these
+marauders had no employer they were dangerous, because then they
+committed crimes and outrages on their own hook. But the vast majority
+of them were hirelings, and many of them achieved fame for the bravery
+of their exploits in the service of the dukes, the princes, and the
+priests of that time. There were even guilds of mercenaries, such as the
+_Condottieri_ of Italy; and the Swiss were famous for their superior
+service. They were, it seems, revolutionists in Bakounin's use of the
+term, and every prince knew "no money, no Swiss" ("_point d'argent,
+point de Suisse_").
+
+A very slight acquaintance with history teaches us that this anarchy has
+been checked and that the history of recent times consists largely of
+the struggles of the masses to harness and subdue this anarchy of the
+powerful. And perhaps the most notable step in that direction was that
+development of the State which took away the right of the nobles to
+employ and maintain their own private armies. In England, policing by
+the State began as late as 1826, when Sir Robert Peel passed the law
+establishing the Metropolitan force in London, and these agents of order
+are even now called "Bobbies" and "Peelers," in memory of him.
+Throughout all Europe the military, naval, and police forces are to-day
+in the hands of the State. We have, then, in contradistinction to the
+old anarchy, the State maintenance of law and order, and of protection
+to life and property. Even in Russia the coercive forces are under the
+control of the Government, and nowhere are individuals--be they Grand
+Dukes or Princes--allowed to employ their own military forces. When
+trouble arises without, it is the State that calls together its armed
+men for aggression or for defense. When trouble arises within--such as
+strikes, riots, and insurrections--it is the State that is supposed to
+deal with them. Individuals, no matter how powerful, are not to-day
+permitted to organize armies to invade a foreign land, to subdue its
+people, and to wrest from them their property. In the case of uprisings
+within a country, the individual is not allowed to raise his armies,
+subdue the troublesome elements, and make himself master. Within the
+last few centuries the State has thus gradually drawn to itself the
+powers of repression, of coercion, and of aggression, and it is the
+State alone that is to-day allowed to maintain military forces.
+
+At any rate, this is true of all civilized countries except the United
+States. This is the only modern State wherein coercive military powers
+are still wielded by individuals. In the United States it is still
+possible for rich and powerful individuals or for corporations to employ
+their own bands of armed men. If any legislator were to propose a law
+allowing any man or group of men to have their own private battleships
+and to organize their own private navies and armies, or if anyone
+suggested the turning over of the coercive powers of the State to
+private enterprise, the masses would rise in rebellion against the
+project. No congressman would, of course, venture to suggest such a law,
+and few individuals would undertake to defend such a plan. Yet the fact
+is that now, without legal authority, private armies may be employed and
+are indeed actually employed in the United States. In the most stealthy
+and insidious manner there has grown up within the last fifty years an
+extensive and profitable commerce for supplying to the lords of finance
+their own private police. And the strange fact appears that the newest,
+and supposedly the least feudal, country is to-day the only country that
+allows the oldest anarchists to keep in their hands the power to arm
+their own mercenaries and, in the words of an eminent Justice, to expose
+"the lives of citizens to the murderous assaults of hireling
+assassins."[2] It is with these "hireling assassins," who, for the
+convenience of the wealthy, are now supplied by a great network of
+agencies, that we shall chiefly concern ourselves in this chapter. We
+must here leave Europe, since it is in the United States alone that the
+workings of this barbarous commerce in anarchy can be observed.
+
+Robert A. Pinkerton was the originator of a system of extra-legal police
+agents that has gradually grown to be one of the chief commercial
+enterprises of the country. According to his own testimony,[3] he began
+in 1866 to supply armed men to the owners of large industries, and ever
+since his firm has carried on a profitable business in that field.
+Envious of his prosperity, other individuals have formed rival agencies,
+and to-day there exist in the United States thousands of so-called
+detective bureaus where armed men can be employed to do the bidding of
+any wealthy individual. While, no doubt, there are agencies that conduct
+a thoroughly legitimate business, there are unquestionably numerous
+agencies in this country where one may employ thugs, thieves,
+incendiaries, dynamiters, perjurers, jury-fixers, manufacturers of
+evidence, strike-breakers and murderers. A regularly established
+commerce exists, which enables a rich man, without great difficulty or
+peril, to hire abandoned criminals, who, for certain prices, will
+undertake to execute any crime. If one can afford it, one may have
+always at hand a body of highwaymen or a small private army. Such a
+commerce as this was no doubt necessary and proper in the Middle Ages
+and would no doubt be necessary and proper in a state of anarchy, but
+when individuals are allowed to employ private police, armies, thugs,
+and assassins in a country which possesses a regularly established
+State, courts, laws, military forces, and police the traffic constitutes
+a menace as alarming as the Black Hand, the Camorra, or the Mafia. The
+story of these hired terrorists and of this ancient anarchy revived
+surpasses in cold-blooded criminality any other thing known in modern
+history. That rich and powerful patrons should be allowed to purchase in
+the market poor and desperate criminals eager to commit any crime on the
+calendar for a few dollars, is one of the most amazing and incredible
+anachronisms of a too self-complaisant Republic.
+
+For some reason not wholly obscure the American people generally have
+been kept in such ignorance of the facts of this commerce that few even
+dream that it exists. And I am fully conscious of the need for proof in
+support of what to many must appear to be unwarranted assertions.
+Indeed, it is rare to find anyone who suspects the character of the
+private detective. The general impression seems to be that he performs a
+very useful and necessary service, that the profession is an honorable
+one, and that the mass of detectives have only one ambition in life, and
+that is to ferret out the criminal and to bring him to justice. To
+denounce detectives as a class appears to most persons as absurdly
+unreasonable. To speak of them with contempt is to convey the impression
+that detectives stand in the way of some evil schemes of their
+detractor. Fiction of a peculiarly American sort has built up among the
+people an exalted conception of the sleuth. And it must appear with
+rather a shock to those persons who have thus idealized the detective to
+learn that thousands of men who have been in the penitentiaries are
+constantly in the employ of the detective agencies. In a society which
+makes it almost impossible for an ex-convict to earn an honorable living
+it is no wonder that many of them grasp eagerly at positions offered
+them as "strike-breakers" and as "special officers." The first and most
+important thing, then, in this chapter is to prove, with perhaps undue
+detail, the ancient saying that "you must be a thief to catch a thief,"
+and that possibly for that proverbial reason many private detectives are
+schooled and practiced in crime.
+
+So far as I know, the first serious attempt to inform the general public
+of the real character of American detectives and to tell of their
+extensive traffic in criminality was made by a British detective, who,
+after having been stationed in America for several years, was impelled
+to make public the alarming conditions which he found. This was Thomas
+Beet, the American representative of the famous John Conquest, ex-Chief
+Inspector of Scotland Yard, who, in a public statement, declared his
+astonishment that "few ... recognize in them [detective agencies] an
+evil which is rapidly becoming a vital menace to American society.
+Ostensibly conducted for the repression and punishment of crime, they
+are in fact veritable hotbeds of corruption, trafficking upon the honor
+and sacred confidences of their patrons and the credulity of the public,
+and leaving in their wake an aftermath of disgrace, disaster, and even
+death."[4] He pointed out the odium that must inevitably attach itself
+to the very name "private detective," unless society awakens and
+protects in some manner the honest members of the profession. "It may
+seem a sweeping statement," he says, "but I am morally convinced that
+fully ninety per cent. of the private detective establishments,
+masquerading in whatever form, are rotten to the core and simply exist
+and thrive upon a foundation of dishonesty, deceit, conspiracy, and
+treachery to the public in general and their own patrons in
+particular."[5]
+
+The statements of Thomas Beet are, however, not all of this general
+character, and he specifically says: "I know that there are detectives
+at the head of prominent agencies in this country whose pictures adorn
+the rogues' gallery; men who have served time in various prisons for
+almost every crime on the calendar.... Thugs and thieves and criminals
+don the badge and outward semblance of the honest private detective in
+order that they may prey upon society.... Private detectives such as I
+have described do not, as a usual thing, go out to learn facts, but
+rather to make, at all costs, the evidence desired by the patron."[6] He
+shows the methods of trickery and deceit by which these detectives
+blackmail the wealthy, and the various means they employ for convicting
+any man, no matter how innocent, of any crime. "We shudder when we hear
+of the system of espionage maintained in Russia," he adds, "while in the
+great American cities, unnoticed, are organizations of spies and
+informers."[7] It is interesting to get the views of an impartial and
+expert observer upon this rapidly growing commerce in espionage,
+blackmail, and assault, and no less interesting is the opinion of the
+most notable American detective, William J. Burns, on the character of
+these men. Speaking of detectives he declared that, "as a class, they
+are the biggest lot of blackmailing thieves that ever went unwhipped of
+justice."[8] Only a short time before Burns made this remark the late
+Magistrate Henry Steinert, according to reports in the New York press,
+grew very indignant in his court over the shooting of a young lad by
+these private officers. "I think it an outrage," he declared, "that the
+Police Commissioner is enabled to furnish police power to these special
+officers, many of them thugs, men out of work, some of whom would commit
+murder for two dollars. Most of the arrests which have been made by
+these men have been absolutely unwarranted. In nearly every case one of
+these special officers had first pushed a gun into the prisoner's face.
+The shooting last night when a boy was killed shows the result of giving
+power to such men. It is a shame and a disgrace to the Police Department
+of the city that such conditions are allowed to exist."[9]
+
+Anyone who will take the time to search through the testimony gathered
+by various governmental commissions will find an abundance of evidence
+indicating that many of these special officers and private detectives
+are in reality thugs and criminals. As long ago as 1892 an inquiry was
+made into the character of the men who were sent to deal with a strike
+at Homestead, Pennsylvania. A well-known witness testified: "We find
+that one is accused of wife-murder, four of burglary, two of
+wife-beating, and one of arson."[10] A thoroughly reliable and
+responsible detective, who had been in the United States secret service,
+also gave damaging testimony. "They were the scum of the earth.... There
+is not one out of ten that would not commit murder; that you could not
+hire him to commit murder or any other crime." Furthermore, he declared,
+"I would not believe any detective under oath without his evidence was
+corroborated." He spoke of ex-convicts being employed, and alleged that
+the manager of one of the large agencies "was run out of Cincinnati for
+blackmail."[11] Similar statements were made by another detective, named
+Le Vin, to the Industrial Commission of the United States when it was
+investigating the Chicago labor troubles of 1900. He declared that the
+Contractors' Association of Chicago had come to him repeatedly to employ
+sluggers, and that on one occasion the employers had told him to put
+Winchesters in the hands of his men and to manage somehow to get into a
+fight with the pickets and the strikers. The Commission, evidently
+surprised at this testimony, asked Mr. Le Vin whether it was possible to
+hire detectives to beat up men. His answer was: "You cannot hire every
+man to do it." "Q. 'But can they hire men?' A. 'Yes, they could hire
+men.'
+
+"Q. 'From other private detective agencies?' A. 'Unfortunately, from
+some, yes.'"[12]
+
+In the hearing before a Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary,
+United States Senate, August 13, 1912, lengthy testimony was given
+concerning a series of two hundred assaults that had been made upon the
+union molders of Milwaukee during a strike in 1906. One of the leaders
+of the union was killed, while others were brutally attacked by thugs in
+the employ of a Chicago detective agency. A serious investigation was
+begun by Attorney W. B. Rubin, acting for the Molders' Union, and in
+court the evidence clearly proved that the Chicago detective agency
+employed ex-convicts and other criminals for the purposes of slugging,
+shooting, and even killing union men. When some of these detectives were
+arrested they testified that they had acted under strict instructions.
+They had been sent out to beat up certain men. Sometimes these men were
+pointed out to them, at other times they were given the names of the men
+that were to be slugged. They told the amounts that they had been paid,
+of the lead pipe, two feet long, which they had used for the assault,
+and of the fact that they were all armed. There was also testimony given
+that nearly twenty-two thousand dollars had been paid by one firm to
+this one detective agency for services of this character. It was also
+shown that immediately after the assaults were committed the thugs were,
+if possible, shipped out of town for a few days; but, if they were
+arrested, they were defended by able attorneys and their fines paid.
+Although many assaults were committed where no arrests could be made,
+over forty "detectives" were actually arrested, and, when brought into
+court, were found guilty of crimes ranging from disturbing the peace and
+carrying concealed weapons to aggravated assault and shooting with
+intent to kill. Many of these detectives convicted in Milwaukee had been
+previously convicted of similar crimes committed in other cities.
+Although some of them had long criminal records, they were,
+nevertheless, regularly in the employ of the detective agency. It
+appeared in one trial that one of the men employed was very much
+incensed when he saw three of his associates attack a union molder with
+clubs, knocking him down and beating him severely. With indignation he
+protested against the outrage. When the head of the agency heard of this
+the man was discharged. The court records also show that the head of the
+detective agency had gone himself to Chicago to secure two men to
+undertake what proved to be a fatal assault upon a trade-union leader
+named Peter J. Cramer. When arrested and brought into court they
+testified that they received twenty dollars per day for their services.
+
+Equally direct and positive evidence concerning the character of the
+men supplied by detective agencies for strike-breaking and other
+purposes is found in the annual report of the Chicago & Great Western
+Railway for the period ending in the spring of the year 1908. "To man
+the shops and roundhouses," says the report, "the company was compelled
+to resort to professional strike-breakers, a class of men who are
+willing to work during the excitement and dangers of personal injury
+which attend strikes, but who refuse to work longer than the excitement
+and dangers last.... Perhaps ten per cent. of the first lot of
+strike-breakers were fairly good mechanics, but fully 90 per cent, knew
+nothing about machinery, and had to be gotten rid of. To get rid of such
+men, however, is easier said than done.
+
+"The first batch which was discharged, consisting of about 100 men,
+refused to leave the barricade, made themselves a barricade within the
+company's barricade, and, producing guns and knives, refused to budge.
+The company's fighting men, after a day or two, forced them out of the
+barricade and into a special train, which carried them under guard to
+Chicago." Here was one gang of hired criminals, "the company's fighting
+men," called into service to fight another gang, the company's
+strike-breakers. The character of these "detectives," as testified to in
+this case by the employers, appears to have been about the same as that
+of those described by "Kid" Hogan, who, after an experience as a
+strike-breaker, told the New York Sunday _World_: "There was the finest
+bunch of crooks and grafters working as strike-breakers in those
+American Express Company strikes you would ever want to see. I was one
+of 'em and know what I am talking about. That gang of grafters cost the
+Express Company a pile of money. Why, they used to start trouble
+themselves just to keep their jobs a-going and to get a chance to swipe
+stuff off the wagons.
+
+"It was the same way down at Philadelphia on the street car strike.
+Those strike-breakers used to get a car out somewhere in the suburbs and
+then get off and smash up the windows, tip the car over, and put up an
+awful holler about being attacked by strikers, just so they'd have to be
+kept on the job."[13]
+
+Thus we see that some American "detective" agencies have many and varied
+trades. But they not only supply strike-breakers, perjurers, spies, and
+even assassins, they have also been successful in making an utter farce
+of trial by jury. It appears that even some of the best known American
+detectives are not above the packing of a jury. At least, such was the
+startling charge made by Attorney-General George W. Wickersham, May 10,
+1912. In the report to President Taft Mr. Wickersham accused the head of
+one of the chief detective agencies of the country of fixing a jury in
+California. The agents of this detective, with the coöperation of the
+clerk of the court, investigated the names of proposed jurors. In order
+to be sure of getting a jury that would convict, the record of each
+individual was carefully gone into and a report handed to the
+prosecuting attorneys. Some of the comments on the jurors follow:
+"Convictor from the word go." "Socialist. Anti-Mitchell." "Convictor
+from the word go; just read the indictment. Populist." "Think he is a
+Populist. If so, convictor. Good, reliable man." "Convictor. Democrat.
+Hates Hermann." "Hidebound Democrat. Not apt to see any good in a
+Republican." "Would be apt to be for conviction." "He is apt to wish
+Mitchell hung. Think he would be a fair juror." "Would be likely to
+convict any Republican politician." "Convictor." "Would convict
+Christ." "Convict Christ. Populist." "Convict anyone. Democrat."[14]
+This great detective even had the audacity, it seems, to telegraph
+William Scott Smith, at that time secretary to the Hon. E. A. Hitchcock,
+the Secretary of the Interior: "Jury commissioners cleaned out old box
+from which trial jurors were selected and put in 600 names, _every one
+of which was investigated before they were placed in the box. This
+confidential._"[15] It is impossible to reproduce here some of the
+language of this great detective. The foul manner in which he comments
+upon the character of the jurors is altogether worthy of his vocation.
+That, however, is unimportant compared to the more serious fact that a
+well-paid detective can so pervert trial by jury that it would "convict
+Christ."
+
+I shall be excused in a matter so devastating to republican institutions
+as this if I quote further from the disclosures of Thomas Beet: "There
+is another phase," he says, "of the private detective evil which has
+worked untold damage in America. This is the private constabulary system
+by which armed forces are employed during labor troubles. It is a
+condition akin to the feudal system of warfare, when private interests
+can employ troops of mercenaries to wage war at their command.
+Ostensibly, these armed private detectives are hurried to the scene of
+the trouble to maintain order and prevent destruction of property,
+although this work always should be left to the official guardians of
+the peace. That there is a sinister motive back of the employment of
+these men has been shown time and again. Have you ever followed the
+episodes of a great strike and noticed that most of the disorderly
+outbreaks were so guided as to work harm to the interests of the
+strikers?... Private detectives, unsuspected in their guise of workmen,
+mingle with the strikers and by incendiary talk or action sometimes
+stir them up to violence. When the workmen will not participate, it is
+an easy matter to stir up the disorderly faction which is invariably
+attracted by a strike, although it has no connection therewith.
+
+"During a famous strike of car builders in a western city some years
+ago, ... to my knowledge much of the lawlessness was incited by private
+detectives, who led mobs in the destruction of property. In one of the
+greatest of our strikes, that involving the steel industry, over two
+thousand armed detectives were employed supposedly to protect property,
+while several hundred more were scattered in the ranks of strikers as
+workmen. Many of the latter became officers in the labor bodies, helped
+to make laws for the organizations, made incendiary speeches, cast their
+votes for the most radical movements made by the strikers, participated
+in and led bodies of the members in the acts of lawlessness that
+eventually caused the sending of State troops and the declaration of
+martial law. While doing this, these spies within the ranks were making
+daily reports of the plans and purposes of the strikers. To my
+knowledge, when lawlessness was at its height and murder ran riot, these
+men wore little patches of white on the lapels of their coats that their
+fellow detectives of the 'two thousand' would not shoot them down by
+mistake.... In no other country in the world, with the exception of
+China, is it possible for an individual to surround himself with a
+standing army to do his bidding in defiance of law and order."[16]
+
+That the assertions of Thomas Beet are well founded can, I think, be
+made perfectly clear by three tragic periods in the history of labor
+disputes in America. At Homestead in 1892, in the railway strikes of
+1894, and in Colorado during the labor wars of 1903-1904 detectives
+were employed on a large scale. For reasons of space I shall limit
+myself largely to these cases, which, without exaggeration, are typical
+of conditions which constantly arise in the United States. Within the
+last year West Virginia has been added to the list. Incredible outrages
+have been committed there by the mine guards. They have deliberately
+murdered men in some cases, and, on one dark night in February last,
+they sent an armored train into Holly Grove and opened fire with machine
+guns upon a sleeping village of miners. They have beaten, clubbed, and
+stabbed men and women in the effort either to infuriate them into open
+war, or to reduce them to abject slavery. Unfortunately, at this time
+the complete report of the Senate investigation has not been issued, and
+it seems better to confine these pages to those facts only that careful
+inquiry has proved unquestionable. We are fortunate in having the
+reports of public officials--certainly unbiased on the side of labor--to
+rely upon for the facts concerning the use of thugs and hirelings in
+Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Colorado during three terrible battles
+between capital and labor.
+
+The story of the shooting of Henry C. Frick by Alexander Berkman is
+briefly referred to in the first chapter, but the events which led up to
+that shooting have well-nigh been forgotten. Certainly, nothing could
+have created more bitterness among the working classes than the act of
+the Carnegie Steel Company when it ordered a detective agency to send to
+Homestead three hundred men armed with Winchester rifles. There was the
+prospect of a strike, and it appears that the management was in no mood
+to parley with its employees, and that nineteen days before any trouble
+occurred the Carnegie Steel Company opened negotiations for the
+employment of a private army. It had been the custom of the Carnegie
+Company to meet the representatives of the Amalgamated Association of
+Iron and Steel Workers from time to time and at these conferences to
+agree upon wages. On June 30, 1892, the agreement expired, and previous
+to that date the Company announced a reduction of wages, declaring that
+the new scale would terminate in January instead of June. The employees
+rejected the proposed terms, principally on the ground that they could
+not afford to strike in midwinter and in that case they would not be
+able to resist a further reduction in wages. Upon receiving this
+statement the company locked out its employees and the battle began.
+
+The steel works were surrounded by a fence three miles long, fifteen
+feet in height, and covered with barbed wire. It was called "Fort
+Frick," and the three hundred detectives were to be brought down the
+river by boat and landed in the fort. Morris Hillquit gives the
+following account of the pitched battle that occurred in the early
+morning hours of July 6: "As soon as the boat carrying the Pinkertons
+was sighted by the pickets the alarm was sounded. The strikers were
+aroused from their sleep and within a few minutes the river front was
+covered with a crowd of coatless and hatless men armed with guns and
+rifles and grimly determined to prevent the landing of the Pinkertons.
+The latter, however, did not seem to appreciate the gravity of the
+situation. They sought to intimidate the strikers by assuming a
+threatening attitude and aiming the muzzles of their shining revolvers
+at them. A moment of intense expectation followed. Then a shot was fired
+from the boat and one of the strikers fell to the ground mortally
+wounded. A howl of fury and a volley of bullets came back from the line
+of the strikers, and a wild fusillade was opened on both sides. In vain
+did the strike leaders attempt to pacify the men and to stop the
+carnage--the strikers were beyond control. The struggle lasted several
+hours, after which the Pinkertons retreated from the river bank and
+withdrew to the cabin of the boat. There they remained in the sweltering
+heat of the July sun without air or ventilation, under the continuing
+fire of the enraged men on the shore, until they finally surrendered.
+They were imprisoned by the strikers in a rink, and in the evening they
+were sent out of town by rail. The number of dead on both sides was
+twelve, and over twenty were seriously wounded."[17]
+
+These events aroused the entire country, and the state of mind among the
+working people generally was exceedingly bitter. It was a tension that
+under certain circumstances might have provoked a civil war. Both the
+Senate and the House of Representatives immediately appointed committees
+to inquire into this movement from state to state of armed men, and the
+employment by corporations of what amounted to a private army. It seems
+to have been clearly established that the employers wanted war, and that
+the attorney of the Carnegie Company had commanded the local sheriff to
+deputize a man named Gray, who was to meet the mercenaries and make all
+of them deputy sheriffs. This plan to make the detectives "legal"
+assassins did not carry, and the result was that a band of paid thugs,
+thieves, and murderers invaded Homestead and precipitated a bloody
+conflict. This was, of course, infamous, and, compared with its
+magnificent anarchy, Berkman's assault was child-like in its simplicity.
+Yet the enthusiastic and idealistic Berkman spent seventeen years in
+prison and is still abhorred; while no one responsible for the murder of
+twelve workingmen and the wounding of twenty others, either among the
+mercenaries or their employers, has yet been apprehended or convicted.
+With such equality of justice do we treat these agents of the two
+anarchies!
+
+However, if Berkman spent seventeen years in prison, the other
+anarchists were mildly rebuked by the Committee of Investigation
+appointed by the Senate. "Your committee is of the opinion," runs the
+report, "that the employment of the private armed guards at Homestead
+was unnecessary. There is no evidence to show that the slightest damage
+was done, or attempted to be done, to property on the part of the
+strikers...."[18] "It was claimed by the Pinkerton agency that in all
+cases they require that their men shall be sworn in as deputy sheriffs,
+but it is a significant circumstance that in the only strike your
+committee made inquiry concerning--that at Homestead--the fact was
+admitted on all hands that the armed men supplied by the Pinkertons were
+not so sworn, and that as private citizens acting under the direction of
+such of their own men as were in command they fired upon the people of
+Homestead, killing and wounding a number."[19] "Every man who testified,
+including the proprietors of the detective agencies, admitted that the
+workmen are strongly prejudiced against the so-called Pinkertons, and
+that their presence at a strike serves to unduly inflame the passions of
+the strikers. The prejudice against them arises partly from the fact
+that they are frequently placed among workmen, in the disguise of
+mechanics, to report alleged conversations to their agencies, which, in
+turn, is transmitted to the employers of labor. Your committee is
+impressed with the belief that this is an utterly vicious system, and
+that it is responsible for much of the ill-feeling and bad blood
+displayed by the working classes. No self-respecting laborer or mechanic
+likes to feel that the man beside him may be a spy from a detective
+agency, and especially so when the laboring man is utterly at the mercy
+of the detective, who can report whatever he pleases, be it true or
+false....[20] Whether assumedly legal or not, the employment of armed
+bodies of men for private purposes, either by employers or employees, is
+to be deprecated and should not be resorted to. Such use of private
+armed men is an assumption of the State's authority by private citizens.
+If the State is incapable of protecting citizens in their rights of
+person and property, then anarchy is the result, and the original law of
+force should neither be approved, encouraged, nor tolerated until all
+known legal processes have failed."[21]
+
+We must leave this black page in American history with such comfort as
+we can wring from the fact that the modern exponents of the oldest
+anarchy have been at least once rebuked, and with the further
+satisfaction that the Homestead tragedy brought momentarily to the
+attention of the entire nation a practice which even at that time was a
+source of great alarm to many serious men. In the great strikes which
+occurred in the late eighties and early nineties there was a great deal
+of violence, and C. H. Salmons, in his history of "The Burlington
+Strike" of 1888, relates how private detectives systematically planned
+outrages that destroyed property and how others committed murder. A few
+cases were fought out in the courts with results very disconcerting to
+the railroads who had hired these private detectives. In the strike on
+the New York Central Railroad which occurred in 1890 many detectives
+were employed. They were, of course, armed, and, as a result of certain
+criminal operations undertaken by them, Congress was asked to consider
+the drafting of a bill "to prevent corporations engaged in
+interstate-commerce traffic from employing unjustifiably large bodies of
+armed men denominated 'detectives,' but clothed with no legal
+functions."[22] Roger A. Pryor, then Justice of the Supreme Court of New
+York, vigorously protested against these "watchmen." "I mean," he said,
+"the enlistment of banded and armed mercenaries under the command of
+private detectives on the side of corporations in their conflicts with
+employees. The pretext for such an extraordinary measure is the
+protection of the corporate property; and surely the power of this great
+State is adequate to the preservation of the public order and security.
+At all events, in this particular instance, it was not pretended either
+that the strikers had invaded property or person, or that the police or
+militia in Albany had betrayed reluctance or inability to cope with the
+situation. On the contrary, the facts are undisputed that the moment the
+men went out Mr. Pinkerton and his myrmidons appeared on the scene, and
+the police of Albany declared their competency to repel any trespass on
+person or property. The executive of the State, too, denied any
+necessity for the presence of the military.
+
+"I do not impute to the railroad officials a purpose, without
+provocation, to precipitate their ruffians upon a defenseless and
+harmless throng of spectators; but the fact remains that the ruffians in
+their hire did shoot into the crowd without occasion, and did so shed
+innocent blood. And it is enough to condemn the system that it
+authorizes unofficial and irresponsible persons to usurp the most
+delicate and difficult functions of the State and exposes the lives of
+citizens to the murderous assaults of hireling assassins, stimulated to
+violence by panic or by the suggestion of employers to strike terror by
+an appalling exhibition of force. If the railroad company may enlist
+armed men to defend its property, the employees may enlist armed men to
+defend their persons, and thus private war be inaugurated, the authority
+of the State defied, the peace and tranquillity of society destroyed,
+and the citizens exposed to the hazard of indiscriminate slaughter."[23]
+
+Perhaps the most extensive use of these so-called detectives was at the
+time of the great railway strike of 1894. The strike of the workers at
+Pullman led to a general sympathetic strike on all the railroads
+entering Chicago, and from May 11 to July 13 there was waged one of the
+greatest industrial battles in American history. A railway strike is
+always a serious matter, and in a short time the Government came to the
+active support of the railroads. At one time over fourteen thousand
+soldiers, deputy marshals, deputy sheriffs, and policemen were on duty
+in Chicago. During the period of the strike twelve persons were shot and
+fatally wounded. A number of riots occurred, cars were burned, and, as a
+result of the disturbances, no less than seven hundred persons were
+arrested, accused of murder, arson, burglary, assault, intimidation,
+riot, and other crimes. The most accurate information we have concerning
+conditions in Chicago during the strike is to be found in the evidence
+which was taken by the United States Strike Commission appointed by
+President Cleveland July 26, 1894. There seems to be no doubt that
+during the early days of the strike perfect peace reigned in Chicago. At
+the very beginning of the trouble three hundred strikers were detailed
+by the unions to guard the property of the Pullman company from any
+interference or destruction. "It is in evidence, and uncontradicted,"
+reports the Commission, "that no violence or destruction of property by
+strikers or sympathizers took place at Pullman."[24] It also appears
+that no violence occurred in Chicago in connection with the strike until
+after several thousand men were made United States deputy marshals.
+These "United States deputy marshals," says the Commission, "to the
+number of 3,600, were selected by and appointed at the request of the
+General Managers' Association, and of its railroads. They were armed and
+paid by the railroads."[25] In other words, the United States Government
+gave over its police power directly into the hands of one of the
+combatants. It allowed these private companies, through detective
+agencies, to collect as hastily as possible a great body of unemployed,
+to arm them, and to send them out as officials of the United States to
+do whatsoever was desired by the railroads. They were not under the
+control of the army or of responsible United States officials, and their
+intrusion into a situation so tense and critical as that then existing
+in Chicago was certain to produce trouble. And the fact is, the
+lawlessness that prevailed in Chicago during that strike began only
+after the appearance of these private "detectives."
+
+It will astonish the ordinary American citizen to read of the character
+of the men to whom the maintenance of law and order was entrusted.
+Superintendent of Police Brennan referred to these deputy marshals in an
+official report to the Council of Chicago as "thugs, thieves, and
+ex-convicts," and in his testimony before the Commission itself he said:
+"Some of the deputy marshals who are now over in the county jail ...
+were arrested while deputy marshals for highway robbery."[26] Several
+newspaper men, when asked to testify regarding the character of these
+United States deputies, referred to them variously as "drunkards,"
+"loafers," "bums," and "criminals." The now well-known journalist, Ray
+Stannard Baker, was at that time reporting the strike for the _Chicago
+Record_. He was asked by Commissioner Carroll D. Wright as to the
+character of the United States deputy marshals. His answer was: "From my
+experience with them I think it was very bad indeed. I saw more cases of
+drunkenness, I believe, among the United States deputy marshals than I
+did among the strikers."[27] Benjamin H. Atwell, reporter for the
+_Chicago News_, testified: "Many of the marshals were men I had known
+around Chicago as saloon characters.... The first day, I believe, after
+the troops arrived ... the deputy marshals went up into town and some of
+them got pretty drunk."[28] Malcomb McDowell, reporter for the _Chicago
+Record_, testified that the deputy marshals and deputy sheriffs "were
+not the class of men who ought to be made deputy marshals or deputy
+sheriffs.... They seemed to be hunting trouble all the time.... At one
+time a serious row nearly resulted because some of the deputy marshals
+standing on the railroad track jeered at the women that passed and
+insulted them.... I saw more deputy sheriffs and deputy marshals drunk
+than I saw strikers drunk."[29] Harold I. Cleveland, reporter for the
+_Chicago Herald_, testified: "I was ... on the Western Indiana tracks
+for fourteen days ... and I suppose I saw in that time a couple of
+hundred deputy marshals.... I think they were a very low, contemptible
+set of men."[30]
+
+In Mr. Baker's testimony he speaks of seeing in one of the riots "a big,
+rough-looking fellow, whom the people called 'Pat.'"[31] He was the
+leader of the mob, and when the riot was over, "he mounted a beer keg in
+front of one of the saloons and advised men to go home, get their guns,
+and come out and fight the troops, fire on them.... The same man
+appeared two nights later at Whiting, Indiana, and made quite a
+disturbance there, roused the people up. In all that mob that had hold
+of the ropes I do not think there were many American Railway Union men.
+I think they were mostly roughs from Chicago.... The police knew well
+enough all about this man I have mentioned who was the ringleader of the
+mob, but they did nothing and the deputy marshals were not any
+better."[32] For some inscrutable reason, certain men, none of whom were
+railroad employees, were allowed openly to provoke violence.
+Fortunately, however, they were not able to induce the actual strikers
+to participate in their assaults upon railroad property, and every
+newspaper man testified that the riots were, in the main, the work of
+the vicious elements of Chicago. They were, said one witness, "all
+loafers, idlers, a petty class of criminals well known to the
+police."[33] Malcomb McDowell testified concerning one riot which he had
+reported for the papers: "The men did not look like railroad men....
+Most of them were foreigners, and one of the men in the crowd told me
+afterward that he was a detective from St. Louis. He gave me the name of
+the agency at the time."[34]
+
+Mr. Eugene V. Debs, the leader of that great strike, in a pamphlet
+entitled _The Federal Government and the Chicago Strike_, calls
+particular attention to the following declaration of the United States
+Strike Commission: "There is no evidence before the Commission that the
+officers of the American Railway Union at any time participated in or
+advised intimidation, violence or destruction of property. _They knew
+and fully appreciated that, as soon as mobs ruled, the organized forces
+of society would crush the mobs and all responsible for them in the
+remotest degree, and that this means defeat._"[35] Commenting upon this
+statement, Mr. Debs asks: "To whose interest was it to have riots and
+fires, lawlessness and crime? To whose advantage was it to have
+disreputable 'deputies' do these things? Why were only freight cars,
+largely hospital wrecks, set on fire? Why have the railroads not yet
+recovered damages from Cook County, Illinois, for failing to protect
+their property?... The riots and incendiarism turned defeat into victory
+for the railroads. They could have won in no other way. They had
+everything to gain and the strikers everything to lose. The violence was
+instigated in spite of the strikers, and the report of the Commission
+proves that they made every effort in their power to preserve the
+peace."[36]
+
+This history is important in a study of the extensive system of
+subsidized violence that has grown up in America. Nearly every witness
+before the Commission testified that the strikers again and again gave
+the police valuable assistance in protecting the property of the
+railroads. No testimony was given that the workingmen advocated violence
+or that union men assisted in the riots. The ringleaders of all the
+serious outbreaks were notorious toughs from Chicago's vicious sections,
+and they were allowed to go for days unmolested by the deputy
+marshals--who, although representatives of the United States Government,
+were in the pay of the railroads. In fact, the evidence all points to
+the one conclusion, that the deputy marshals encouraged the violence of
+ruffians and tried to provoke the violence of decent men by insulting,
+drunken, and disreputable conduct. The strikers realized that violence
+was fatal to their cause, and the deputy marshals knew that violence
+meant victory for the railroads. And that proved to be the case.
+
+Before leaving this phase of anarchy I want to refer as briefly as
+possible to that series of fiercely fought political and industrial
+battles that occurred in Colorado in the period from 1894 to 1904. The
+climax of the long-drawn-out battles there was perhaps the most
+unadulterated anarchy that has yet been seen in America. It was a
+terrorism of powerful and influential anarchists who frankly and
+brutally answered those who protested against their many violations of
+the United States Constitution: "To hell with the Constitution!"[37] The
+story of these Colorado battles is told in a report of an investigation
+made by the United States Commissioner of Labor (1905). The reading of
+that report leaves one with the impression that present-day society
+rests upon a volcano, which in favorable periods seems very harmless
+indeed, but, when certain elemental forces clash, it bursts forth in a
+manner that threatens with destruction civilization itself. The trouble
+in Colorado began with the effort on the part of the miners' union to
+obtain through the legislature a law limiting the day's work to eight
+hours in all underground mines and in all work for reducing and refining
+ores. That was in 1894. The next year an eight-hour bill was presented
+in the legislature. Expressing fear that such a bill might be
+unconstitutional, the legislature, before acting upon it, asked the
+Supreme Court to render a decision. The Supreme Court replied that, in
+its opinion, such a bill would be unconstitutional. In 1899, as a result
+of further agitation by the miners, an eight-hour law was enacted by the
+legislature--a large majority in both houses voting for the bill. By
+unanimous decision the same year the Supreme Court of Colorado declared
+the statute unconstitutional. The miners were not, however, discouraged,
+and they began a movement to secure the adoption of a constitutional
+amendment which would provide for the enactment of an eight-hour law.
+All the political parties in the State of Colorado pledged themselves in
+convention to support such a measure. In the general election of 1902
+the constitutional amendment providing for an eight-hour day was adopted
+by the people of the State by 72,980 votes against 26,266. This was a
+great victory for the miners, and it seemed as if their work was done.
+According to all the traditions and pretensions of political life, they
+had every reason to believe that the next session of the legislature
+would pass an eight-hour law. It appears, however, that the corporations
+had determined at all cost to defeat such a bill. They set out therefore
+to corrupt wholesale the legislature, and as a result the eight-hour
+bill was defeated. After having done everything in their power,
+patiently, peacefully, and legally to obtain their law, and only after
+having been outrageously betrayed by corrupt public servants, the miners
+as a last resort, on the 3d of July, 1903, declared a strike to secure
+through their own efforts what a decade of pleading and prayers had
+failed to achieve.
+
+I suppose no unbiased observer would to-day question that the political
+machines of Colorado had sold themselves body and soul to the mine
+owners. There can surely be no other explanation for their violation of
+their pledges to the people and to the miners. And further evidence of
+their perfidy was given on the night of September 3, 1903, at a
+conference between some of the State officials and certain officers of
+the Mine Owners' Association. Although the strike up to this time had
+been conducted without any violence, the State officials agreed that the
+mine owners could have the aid of the militia, provided they would pay
+the expenses of the soldiers while they remained in the strike district.
+Two days later over one thousand men were encamped in Cripple Creek. All
+the strike districts were at once put under martial law; the duly
+elected officials of the people were commanded to resign from office;
+hundreds of unoffending citizens were arrested and thrown into "bull
+pens"; the whole working force of a newspaper was apprehended and taken
+to the "bull pen"; all the news that went out concerning the strike was
+censored, the manager of one of the mines acting as official censor. At
+the same time this man, together with other mine managers and friends,
+organized mobs to terrorize union miners and to force out of town anyone
+whom they thought to be in sympathy with the strikers.
+
+In the effort to determine whether the courts or the military powers
+were supreme, a writ of _habeas corpus_ was obtained for four men who
+had been sent by the military authorities to the "bull pen." The court
+sent an order to produce the men. Ninety cavalrymen were then sent to
+the court house. They surrounded it, permitting no person to pass
+through the lines unless he was an officer of the court, a member of the
+bar, a county official, or a press representative. A company of
+infantrymen then escorted the four prisoners to the court, while
+fourteen soldiers with loaded guns and fixed bayonets guarded the
+prisoners until the court was called to order. When the court was
+adjourned, after an argument upon the motion to quash the return of the
+writ, the soldiers took the prisoners back to the "bull pen." The next
+day Judge Seeds was forced to adjourn the court, because the prisoners
+were not present. An officer of the militia was ordered to have them in
+court at two o'clock in the afternoon, but, as they did not appear at
+that time, a continuance was granted until the following day. On
+September 23 a large number of soldiers, cavalry and infantry,
+surrounded the court house. A Gatling gun was placed in position nearby,
+and a detail of sharpshooters was stationed where they could command
+the streets. The court, in the face of this military display, cited the
+Constitution of Colorado, which declares that the military shall always
+be in strict subordination to the civil power, and pointed out that this
+did not specify sometimes but always, declaring: "There could be no
+plainer statement that the military should never be permitted to rise
+superior to the civil power within the limits of Colorado."[38] The
+judge then ordered the military authorities to release the prisoners,
+but this they refused to do.
+
+At Victor certain mine owners commanded the sheriff to come to their
+club rooms, where his resignation was demanded. When he refused to
+resign, guns were produced, a coiled rope was dangled before him, and on
+the outside several shots were fired. He was told that unless he
+resigned the mob outside the building would be admitted and he would be
+taken out and hanged. He then signed a written resignation, and a member
+of the Mine Owners' Association was appointed sheriff. With this new
+sheriff in charge, the mine owners, mine managers, and all they could
+employ for the purpose arrested on all hands everybody that seemed
+unfriendly to their anarchy. The new sheriff and a militia officer
+commanded the Portland mine, which was then having no trouble with its
+employees, to shut down. By this order four hundred and seventy-five men
+were thrown out of employment. In these various ways the mobs organized
+by the mine owners were allowed to obliterate the Government and abolish
+republican institutions, under the immediate protection of their leased
+military forces.
+
+At Telluride, also, the military overpowered the civil authorities. When
+Judge Theron Stevens came there to hold the regular session of court he
+was met by soldiers and a mob of three hundred persons. Seeing that it
+was impossible for the civil authorities to exercise any power, he
+decided to adjourn the court until the next term, declaring: "The
+demonstration at the depot last night upon the arrival of the train
+could only have been planned and executed for the purpose of showing the
+contempt of the militia and a certain portion of this community for the
+civil authority of the State and the civil authority of this district. I
+had always been led to suppose from such research as I have been able to
+make that in a republic like ours the people were supreme; that the
+people had expressed their will in a constitution which was enacted for
+the government of all in authority in this State. That constitution
+provides that the military shall always be in strict subordination to
+the civil authorities."[39]
+
+While this terrorism of the powerful was in full sway in Colorado, the
+entire world was being told through the newspapers of the infamous
+crimes being committed daily by the Western Federation of Miners.
+Countless newspaper stories were sent out telling in detail of mines
+blown up, of trains wrecked, of men murdered through agents of this
+federation of toilers engaged day in and day out at a dangerous
+occupation in the bowels of the earth. Not loafers, idlers, or
+drunkards, but men with calloused hands and bent backs. Stories were
+sent around the world of these laborers being arraigned in court charged
+with the most infamous and dastardly crimes. Yet hardly once has it been
+reported in the press of the world that in "every trial that has been
+held in the State of Colorado during the present strike where the
+membership has been charged with almost every perfidy in the catalogue
+of crime, a jury has brought in a verdict of acquittal."[40] On the
+other hand, a multitude of murders, wrecks, and dynamite explosions
+have been brought to the door of the detectives employed by the Mine
+Owners' Association. It was found that many ex-convicts and other
+desperate characters were employed by the detective agencies to commit
+crimes that could be laid upon the working miners. The story of Orchard
+and the recital of his atrocious crimes have occupied columns of every
+newspaper, but the fact is rarely mentioned that many of the crimes that
+he committed, and which the world to-day attributes to the officials of
+the Western Federation of Miners, were paid for by detective agencies.
+The special detective of one of the railroads and a detective of the
+Mine Owners' Association were known to have employed Orchard and other
+criminals. When Orchard first went to Denver to seek work from the
+officials of the Western Federation of Miners he was given a railroad
+pass by these detectives and the money to pay his expenses.[41] During
+the three months preceding the blowing up of the Independence depot
+Orchard had been seen at least eighteen or twenty times entering at
+night by stealth the rooms of a detective attached to the Mine Owners'
+Association, and at least seven meetings were held between him and the
+railroad detective already mentioned.
+
+Previous to all this--in September and in November, 1903--attempts were
+made to wreck trains. A delinquent member of the Western Federation of
+Miners was charged with these crimes. He involved in his confession
+several prominent members of the Western Federation of Miners. On
+cross-examination he testified that he had formerly been a prize-fighter
+and that he had come to Cripple Creek under an assumed name. He further
+testified that $250 was his price for wrecking a train carrying two
+hundred to three hundred people, but that he had asked $500 for this
+job, as another man would have to work with him. Two detectives had
+promised him that amount. An associate of this man was discovered to
+have been a detective who had later joined the Western Federation of
+Miners. He testified that he had kept the detective agencies informed as
+to the progress of the plot to derail the train. The detective of the
+Mine Owners' Association admitted that he and the other detectives had
+endeavored to induce members of the miners' union to enter into the
+plot; while the railroad detective testified that he and another
+detective were standing only a few feet away when men were at work
+pulling the spikes from the rails. An engineer on the Florence and
+Cripple Creek Railroad testified that the railroad detective had, a few
+days before, asked him where there was a good place for wrecking the
+train. The result of the case was that all were acquitted except the
+ex-prize-fighter, who was held for a time, but eventually released on
+$300 bond, furnished by representatives of the mine owners.[42]
+
+On June 6, 1904, when about twenty-five non-union miners were waiting at
+the Independence depot for a train, there was a terrible explosion which
+resulted in great loss of life. It has never been discovered who
+committed the crime, though the mine owners lost no time in attributing
+the explosion to the work of "the assassins" of the Federation of
+Miners. When, however, bloodhounds were put on the trail, they went
+directly to the home of one of the detectives in the employ of the Mine
+Owners' Association. They were taken back to the scene of the disaster
+and again followed the trail to the same place. A third attempt was made
+with the hounds and they followed a trail to the powder magazine of a
+nearby mine. The Western Federation of Miners offered a reward of $5,000
+for evidence which would lead to the arrest and conviction of the
+criminal who had perpetrated the outrage at Independence. Unfortunately,
+the criminal was never found. Orchard, a year or so later, confessed
+that he had committed the crime and was paid for it by the officials of
+the Western Federation of Miners. The absurdity of that statement
+becomes clear when it is known that the court in Denver was at the very
+moment of the explosion deciding the _habeas corpus_ case of Moyer,
+President of the Western Federation of Miners. In fact, a few hours
+after the explosion the decision of the court was handed down. As the
+action of the court was vital not only to Moyer but to the entire
+trade-union movement, and, indeed, to republican institutions, it is
+inconceivable that he or his friends should have organized an outrage
+that would certainly have prejudiced the court at the very moment it was
+writing its decision. On the other hand, there was every reason why the
+mine owners should have profited by such an outrage and that their
+detectives should have planned one for that moment.[AF]
+
+The atrocities of the Congo occurred in a country without law, in the
+interest of a great property, and in a series of battles with a
+half-savage people. History has somewhat accustomed us to such
+barbarity; but when, in a civilized country, with a written
+constitution, with duly established courts, with popularly elected
+representatives, and apparently with all the necessary machinery for
+dealing out equal justice, one suddenly sees a feudal despotism arise,
+as if by magic, to usurp the political, judicial, and military powers of
+a great state, and to use them to arrest hundreds without warrant and
+throw them into "bull pens"; to drive hundreds of others out of their
+homes and at the point of the bayonet out of the state; to force others
+to labor against their will or to be beaten; to depose the duly elected
+officials of the community; to insult the courts; to destroy the
+property of those who protest; and even to murder those who show signs
+of revolt--one stands aghast. It makes one wonder just how far in
+reality we are removed from barbarism. Is it possible that the
+likelihood of the workers achieving an eight-hour day--which was all
+that was wanted in Colorado--could lead to civil war? Yet that is what
+might and perhaps should have happened in Colorado in 1904, when, for a
+few months, a military despotism took from the people there all that had
+been won by centuries of democratic striving and thrust them back into
+the Middle Ages.
+
+Chaotic political and industrial conditions are, of course, occasionally
+inevitable in modern society--torn as it is by the very bitter struggle
+going on constantly between capital and labor. When this struggle breaks
+into war, as it often does, we are bound to suffer some of the evils
+that invariably attend war. Certainly, it is to be expected that the
+owners of property will exercise every power they possess to safeguard
+their property. They will, whenever possible, use the State and all its
+coercive powers in order to retain their mastery over men and things.
+The only question is this, must people in general continue to be the
+victims of a commerce which has for its purpose the creation of
+situations that force nearly every industrial dispute to become a bloody
+conflict? When men combine to commit depredations, destroy property,
+and murder individuals, society must deal with them--no matter how
+harshly. But it is an altogether different matter to permit privately
+paid criminals to create whenever desired a state of anarchy, in order
+to force the military to carry out ferocious measures of repression
+against those who have been in no wise responsible for disorder.
+
+If we will look into this matter a little, we shall discover certain
+sinister motives back of this work of the detective agencies. It is well
+enough understood by them that violence creates a state of reaction. One
+very keen observer has pointed out that "the anarchist tactics are so
+serviceable to the reactionaries that, whenever a draconic, reactionary
+law is required, they themselves manufacture an anarchist plot or
+attempted crime."[43] Kropotkin himself, in telling the story of "The
+Terror in Russia," points out that a certain Azeff, who for sixteen
+years was an agent of the Russian police, was also the chief organizer
+of acts of terrorism among the social revolutionists.[44] Every
+conceivable crime was committed under his direct instigation, including
+even the murder of some officials and nobles. The purpose of the work of
+this police agent was, of course, to serve the Russian reactionaries and
+to furnish them a pretext and excuse for the most bloody measures of
+repression. In America "hireling assassins," ex-convicts, and thugs in
+the employ of detective agencies commit very much the same crimes for
+the same purpose. And the men on strike, who have neither planned nor
+dreamed of planning an outrage, suddenly find themselves faced by the
+military forces, who have not infrequently in the past shot them down.
+That the lawless situations which make these infamous acts possible, and
+to the general public often excusable, are the deliberate work of
+mercenaries, is, to my mind, open to no question whatever.
+
+Anyone who cares to look up the history of the labor movement for the
+last hundred years will find that in every great strike private
+detectives and police agents have been at work provoking violence. It is
+almost incredible what a large number of criminal operations can be
+traced to these paid agents. From 1815 to the present day the bitterness
+of nearly every industrial conflict of importance has been intensified
+by the work of these spies, thugs, and _provocateurs_. "It was not until
+we became infested by spies, incendiaries, and their dupes--distracting,
+misleading, and betraying--that physical force was mentioned among us,"
+says Bamford, speaking of the trade-union activity of 1815-1816. "After
+that our moral power waned, and what we gained by the accession of
+demagogues we lost by their criminal violence and the estrangement of
+real friends."[45] Some of the notable police agents that appear in the
+history of labor are Powell, Mitchell, Legg, Stieber, Greif, Fleury,
+Baron von Ungern-Sternberg, Schroeder-Brennwald, Krueger, Kaufmann,
+Peukert, Haupt, Von Ehrenberg, Friedeman, Weiss, Schmidt, and
+Ihring-Mahlow. In addition we find André, Andrieux, Pourbaix, Melville,
+and scores of other high police officials directing the work of these
+agents. In America, McPartland, Schaack, and Orchard--to mention the
+most notorious only--have played infamous rôles in provoking others, or
+in undertaking themselves, to commit outrages. There were and are, of
+course, thousands of others besides those mentioned, but these are
+historic characters, who planned and executed the most dastardly deeds
+in order to discredit the trade-union and socialist movements. The space
+here is too limited to go into the historic details of this commerce in
+violence. But he who is curious to pursue the study further will find a
+list of references at the end of the volume directing him to some of the
+sources of information.[46] He will there discover an appalling record
+of crime, for, as Thomas Beet points out, hardly a strike occurs where
+these special officers are not sent to make trouble. There are sometimes
+thousands of them at work, and, if one undertook to go into the various
+trials that have arisen as a result of labor disputes, one could prepare
+a long list of murders committed by these "hireling assassins."
+
+The pecuniary interest of the detective agencies in provoking crime is
+immense. It is obvious enough, if one will but think of it, that these
+detective agencies depend for their profit on the existence, the
+extension, and the promotion of criminal operations. The more that
+people are frightened by the prospect of danger to their property or
+menace to their lives, the more they seek the aid of detectives. Nothing
+proves so advantageous to detectives as epidemics of strikes and even of
+robberies and murders. The heyday of their prosperity comes in that
+moment when assaults upon men and property are most frequent. Nothing
+would seem to be clearer, then, than that it is to the interest of these
+agencies to create alarm, to arouse terror, and, through these means, to
+enlarge their patronage. When a trade or profession has not only every
+pecuniary incentive to create trouble, but when it is also largely
+promoted by notorious criminals and other vicious elements, the amount
+of mischief that is certain to result from the combination may well
+exceed the powers of imagination.
+
+And it must not be forgotten that this trade has developed into a great
+and growing business, actuated by exactly the same economic interests as
+any other business. With the agencies making so much per day for each
+man employed, the way to improve business is to get more men employed.
+Rumors of trouble or actual deeds, such as an explosion of dynamite or
+an assault, help to make the detective indispensable to the employer. It
+is with an eye to business, therefore, that the private detective
+creates trouble. It is with a keen sense of his own material interest
+that he keeps the employer in a state of anxiety regarding what may be
+expected from the men. And, naturally enough, the modern employer,
+unlike a trained ruler such as Bismarck, never seems to realize that
+most of the alarming reports sent him are masses of lies. Nothing
+appears to have been clearer to the Iron Chancellor than that his own
+police forces, in order to gain favor, "lie and exaggerate in the most
+shameful manner."[47] But such an idea seems never to enter the minds of
+the great American employers, who, although becoming more and more like
+the ruling classes of Europe, are not yet so wise. However, the great
+employer, like the great ruler, is unable now to meet his employees in
+person and to find out their real views. Consequently, he must depend
+upon paid agents to report to him the views of his men. This might all
+be very well if the returns were true. But, when it happens that evil
+reports are very much to the pecuniary advantage of the man who makes
+them, is it likely that there will be any other kind of report?
+Thousands of employers, therefore, are coming more and more to be
+convinced that their workmen spend most of their time plotting against
+them. It seems unreasonable that sane men could believe that their
+employees, who are regularly at work every day striving with might and
+main to support and bring up decently their families, should be at the
+same time planning the most diabolical outrages. Nothing is rarer than
+to find criminals among workingmen, for if they were given to crime
+they would not be at work. But with the great modern evil--the
+separation of the classes--there comes so much of misunderstanding and
+of mistrust that the employer seems only too willing to believe any paid
+villain who tells him that his tired and worn laborers have murder in
+their hearts. The class struggle is a terrible fact; but the class
+hatred and the personal enmity that are growing among both masters and
+men in the United States are natural and inevitable results of this
+system of spies and informers.
+
+How widespread this evil has become is shown by the fact that nearly
+every large corporation now employs numerous spies, informers, and
+special officers, from whom they receive daily reports concerning the
+conversations among their men and the plans of the unions. Thousands of
+these detectives are, in fact, members of the unions. The employers are,
+of course, under the impression that they are thus protecting themselves
+from misinformation and also from the possibility of injury, but, as we
+have seen, they are in reality placing themselves at the mercy of these
+spies in the same manner as every despot in the past has placed himself
+at the mercy of those who brought him information. It may, perhaps, be
+possible that the Carnegie Company in 1892, the railroads in 1894, and
+the mine owners in 1904 were convinced that their employees were under
+the influence of dangerous men. Very likely they were told that their
+workmen were planning assaults upon their lives and property. It would
+not be strange if these large owners of property had been so informed.
+Indeed, the economics of this whole wretched commerce becomes clear only
+when we realize that the terror that results from such reports leads
+these capitalists to employ more and more hirelings, to pay them larger
+and larger fees, and in this manner to reward lies and to make even
+assaults prove immensely profitable to the detectives. So it happens
+that the great employers are chiefly responsible for introducing among
+their men the very elements that are making for riot, crime, and
+anarchy.
+
+Close and intimate relations with the employers and with the men during
+several fiercely fought industrial conflicts have convinced me that the
+struggle between them rarely degenerates to that plane of barbarism in
+which either the men or the masters deliberately resort to, or
+encourage, murder, arson, and similar crimes. So far as the men are
+concerned, they have every reason in the world to discourage violence,
+and nothing is clearer to most of them than the solemn fact that every
+time property is destroyed, or men injured, the employers win public
+support, the aid of the press, the pulpit, the police, the courts, and
+all the powers of the State. Men do not knowingly injure themselves or
+persist in a course adverse to their material interests. It is true, as
+I think I have made clear in the previous chapters, that some of the
+workers do advocate violence, and, in a few cases that instantly became
+notorious, labor leaders have been found guilty of serious crimes. That
+these instances are comparatively rare is explained, of course, by the
+fact that violence is known invariably to injure the cause of the
+worker. It would be strange, therefore, if the workers did
+systematically plan outrages. On the other hand, it would be strange if
+the employers did not at times rejoice that somebody--the workmen, the
+detectives, or others--had committed some outrage and thus brought the
+public sentiment and the State's power to the aid of the employers. One
+cannot escape the thought that the employers would hardly finance so
+readily these so-called detectives, and inquire so little into their
+actual deeds, if they were not convinced that violence at the time of a
+strike materially aids the employer. Yet, despite evidence to the
+contrary, it may, I think, be said with truth that the lawlessness
+attending strikes is not, as a rule, the result of deliberate planning
+on the part of the men or of the masters.
+
+There are, of course, numerous exceptions, and if we find the McNamaras
+on the one side, we also find some unscrupulous employers on the other.
+To the latter, violence becomes of the greatest service, in that it
+enables them to say with apparent truth that they are not fighting
+reasonable, law-abiding workmen, but assassins and incendiaries. No
+course is easier for the employer who does not seek to deal honestly
+with his men, and none more secure for that employer whose position is
+wholly indefensible on the subject of hours and wages, than to sidetrack
+all these issues by hypocritically declaring that he refuses to deal
+with men who are led by criminals. And it is quite beyond question that
+some such employers have deliberately urged their "detectives" to create
+trouble. Positive evidence is at hand that a few such employers have
+themselves directed the work of incendiaries, thugs, and rioters. With
+such amazing evidence as we have recently had concerning the
+systematically lawless work of the Manufacturers' Association, it is
+impossible to free the employers of all personal responsibility for the
+outrages committed by their criminal agents. There are many different
+ways in which violence benefits the employer, and it may even be said
+that in all cases it is only to the interest of the employer. As a
+matter of fact, with the systems of insurance now existing, any injury
+to the property of the employer means no loss to him whatever. The only
+possible loss that he can suffer is through the prolongation and
+success of the strike. If the workers can be discredited and the strike
+broken through the aid of violence, the ordinary employer is not likely
+to make too rigid an investigation into whether or not his "detectives"
+had a hand in it.
+
+Curiously enough, the general public never dreams that special officers
+are responsible for most of the violence at times of strike, and, while
+the men loudly accuse the employers, the employers loudly accuse the
+men. The employers are, of course, informed by the detectives that the
+outrages have been committed by the strikers, and the detectives have
+seen to it that the employers are prepared to believe that the strikers
+are capable of anything. On the other hand, the men are convinced that
+the employers are personally responsible. They see hundreds and
+sometimes thousands of special officers swarming throughout the
+district. They know that these men are paid by somebody, and they are
+convinced that their bullying, insulting talk and actions represent the
+personal wishes of the employers. When they knock down strikers, beat
+them up, arrest them, or even shoot them, the men believe that all these
+acts are dictated by the employers. It is utterly impossible to describe
+the bitterness that is aroused among the men by the presence of these
+thugs. And the testimony taken by various commissions regarding strikes
+proves clearly enough that strikes are not only embittered but prolonged
+by the presence of detectives. Again and again, mediators have declared
+that, as soon as thugs are brought into the conflict, the settlement of
+a strike is made impossible until either the employers or the men are
+exhausted by the struggle. A number of reputable detectives have
+testified that the chief object of those who engage in "strike-breaking"
+is to prolong strikes in order to keep themselves employed as long as
+possible. Thus, the employers as well as the men are the victims of this
+commerce in violence.
+
+It will, I am sure, be obvious to the reader that it would require a
+very large volume to deal with all the various phases of the work of the
+detective in the numerous great strikes that have occurred in recent
+years. I have endeavored merely to mention a few instances where their
+activities have led to the breaking down of all civil government. It is
+important, however, to emphasize the fact that there is no strike of any
+magnitude in which these hirelings are not employed. I have taken the
+following quotation as typical of numerous circulars which I have seen,
+that have been issued by detective agencies: "This bureau has made a
+specialty of handling strikes for over half a century, and our clients
+are among the largest corporations in the world. During the recent
+trouble between the steamboat companies and the striking longshoremen in
+New York City this office ... supplied one thousand guards.... Our
+charges for guards, motormen, conductors, and all classes of men during
+the time of trouble is $5.00 per day, your company to pay
+transportation, board, and lodge the men."[48] Here is another agency
+that has been engaged in this business for half a century, and there are
+thousands of others engaged in it now. One of them is known to have in
+its employ constantly five thousand men. And, if we look into the deeds
+of these great armies of mercenaries, we find that there is not a state
+in the Union in which they have not committed assault, arson, robbery,
+and murder. Several years ago at Lattimer, Pennsylvania, a perfectly
+peaceable parade of two hundred and fifty miners was attacked by guards
+armed with Winchester rifles, with the result that twenty-nine workers
+were killed and thirty others seriously injured. This was deliberate
+and unprovoked slaughter. Recently, in the Westmoreland mining district,
+no less than twenty striking miners have been murdered, while several
+hundred have been seriously injured. On one occasion deputies and
+strike-breakers became intoxicated and "shot up the town" of Latrobe. In
+the recent strike against the Lake Carriers' Association six union men
+were killed by private detectives. In Tampa, Florida, in Columbus, Ohio,
+in Birmingham, Alabama, in Lawrence, Massachusetts, in Bethlehem,
+Pennsylvania, in the mining districts of West Virginia, and in
+innumerable other places many workingmen have been murdered, not by
+officers of the law, but by privately paid assassins.
+
+Even while writing these lines I notice a telegram to the _Appeal to
+Reason_ from Adolph Germer, an official of the United Mine Workers of
+America, that some thugs, formerly in West Virginia, are now in
+Colorado, and that their first work there was to shoot down in cold
+blood a well-known miner. John Walker, a district president of the
+United Mine Workers of America, telegraphs the same day to the labor
+press that two of the strikers in the copper mines in Michigan were shot
+down by detectives, in the effort, he says, to provoke the men to
+violence. Anyone who cares to follow the labor press for but a short
+period will be astonished to find how frequently such outrages occur,
+and he will marvel that men can be so self-controlled as the strikers
+usually are under such terrible provocation. I mention hastily these
+facts in order to emphasize the point that the cases in which I have
+gone into detail in this chapter are more or less typical of the bloody
+character of many of the great strikes because of the deeds of the
+so-called detectives.
+
+Brief, however, as this statement is of the work of these anarchists
+"without phrase" and of the great commerce they have built up, it must,
+nevertheless, convince anyone that republican institutions cannot long
+exist in a country which tolerates such an extensive private commerce in
+lawlessness and crime. Government by law cannot prevail in the same
+field with a widespread and profitable traffic in disorder, thuggery,
+arson, and murder. Here is a whole brood of mercenaries, the output of
+hundreds of great penitentiaries, that has been organized and
+systematized into a great commerce to serve the rich and powerful. Here
+is a whole mess of infamy developed into a great private enterprise that
+militates against all law and order. It has already brought the United
+States on more than one occasion to the verge of civil war. And, despite
+the fact that numerous judges have publicly condemned the work of these
+agencies, and that various governmental commissions have deprecated in
+the most solemn words this traffic in crime, it continues to grow and
+prosper in the most alarming manner. Certainly, no student of history
+will doubt that, if this commerce is permitted to continue, it will not
+be long until no man's life, honor, or property will be secure. And it
+is a question, even at this moment, whether the legislators have the
+courage to attack this powerful American Mafia that has already
+developed into a "vested interest."
+
+As I said at the beginning, no other country has this form of anarchy to
+contend with. In all countries, no doubt, there are associations of
+criminals, and everywhere, perhaps, it is possible for wealthy men to
+employ criminals to work for them. But even the Mafia, the Camorra, and
+the Black Hand do not exist for the purpose of collecting and organizing
+mercenaries to serve the rich and powerful. Nor anywhere else in the
+world are these criminals made special officers, deputy sheriffs,
+deputy marshals, and thus given the authority of the State itself. The
+assumption is so general that the State invariably stands behind the
+private detective that few seem to question it, and even the courts
+frequently recognize them as quasi-public officials. Thus, the State
+itself aids and abets these mercenary anarchists, while it sends to the
+gallows idealist anarchists, such as Henry, Vaillant, Lingg, and their
+like. That the State fosters this "infant industry" is the only possible
+explanation for the fact that in every industrial conflict of the past
+the real provokers and executors of arson, riot, and murder have escaped
+prison, while in every case labor leaders have been put in jail--often
+without warrant--and in many cases kept there for many months without
+trial. Even the writ of _habeas corpus_ has been denied them repeatedly.
+Without the active connivance of the State such conditions could not
+exist. However, the State goes even further in its opposition to labor.
+The power of a state governor to call out the militia, to declare even a
+peaceful district in a state of insurrection, and to abolish the writ of
+_habeas corpus_ is a very great power indeed and one that is
+unquestionably an anomaly in a republic. If that power were used with
+equal justice, it might not create the intense bitterness that has been
+so frequently aroused among the workers by its exercise. Again and again
+it has been used in the interest of capital, but there is not one single
+case in all the records where this extraordinary prerogative has been
+exercised to protect the interest of the workers. It is not, then,
+either unreasonable or unjustifiable that among workmen the sentiment is
+almost unanimous that the State stands invariably against them. The
+three instances which I have dealt with here at some length prove
+conclusively that there is now no penalty inflicted upon the capitalist
+who hires thugs to invade a community and shoot down its citizens, or
+upon those who hire him these assassins, or upon the assassins
+themselves. Nor are the powerful punished when they collect a great army
+of criminals, drunkards, and hoodlums and make them officials of the
+United States to insult and bully decent citizens. Nor does there seem
+to be any punishment inflicted upon those who manage to transform the
+Government itself into a shield to protect toughs and criminals in their
+assaults upon men and property, when those assaults are in the interest
+of capital. Moreover, what could be more humiliating in a republic than
+the fact that a governor who has leased to his friends the military
+forces of an entire state should end his term of office unimpeached?
+
+These various phases of the class conflict reveal a distressing state of
+industrial and political anarchy, and there can be no question that, if
+continued, it has in it the power of making many McNamaras, if not
+Bakounins. It will be fortunate, indeed, if there do not arise new
+Johann Mosts, and if the United States escapes the general use in time
+of that terrible, secretive, and deadly weapon of sabotage. Sabotage is
+the arm of the slave or the coward, who dares neither to speak his views
+nor to fight an open fight. As someone has said, it may merely mean the
+kicking of the master's dog. Yet no one is so cruel as the weak and the
+cowardly. And should it ever come about that millions and millions of
+men have all other avenues closed to them, there is still left to them
+sabotage, assassination, and civil war. These can neither be outlawed
+nor even effectively guarded against if there are individuals enough who
+are disposed to wield them. And it is not by any means idle speculation
+that a country which can sit calmly by and face such evils as are
+perpetrated by this vast commerce in violence, by this class use of the
+State, and by such monstrous outrages as were committed in Homestead, in
+Chicago, and in Colorado, will find one day its composure interrupted by
+a working class that has suffered more than human endurance can stand.
+
+The fact is that society--the big body of us--is now menaced by two sets
+of anarchists. There are those among the poor and the weak who preach
+arson, dynamite, and sabotage. They are the products of conditions such
+as existed in Colorado--as Bakounin was the product of the conditions in
+Russia. These, after all, are relatively few, and their power is almost
+nothing. They are listened to now, but not heeded, because there yet
+exist among the people faith in the ultimate victory of peaceable means
+and the hope that men and not property will one day rule the State. The
+other set of anarchists are those powerful, influential terrorists who
+talk hypocritically of their devotion to the State, the law, the
+Constitution, and the courts, but who, when the slightest obstacle
+stands in the path of their greed, seize from their corrupt tools the
+reins of government, in order to rule society with the black-jack and
+the "bull pen." The idealist anarchist and even the more practical
+syndicalist, preaching openly and frankly that there is nothing left to
+the poor but war, are, after all, few in number and weak in action. Yet
+how many to-day despair of peaceable methods when they see all these
+outrages committed by mercenaries, protected and abetted by the official
+State, in the interest of the most sordid anarchism!
+
+As a matter of fact, the socialist is to-day almost alone, among those
+watching intently this industrial strife, in keeping buoyant his abiding
+faith in the ultimate victory of the people. He has fought successfully
+against Bakounin. He is overcoming the newest anarchists, and he is
+already measuring swords with the oldest anarchists. He is confident as
+to the issue. He has more than dreams; he knows, and has all the comfort
+of that knowledge, that anarchy in government like anarchy in production
+is reaching the end of its rope. Outlawry for profit, as well as
+production for profit, are soon to be things of the past. The socialist
+feels himself a part of the growing power that is soon to rule society.
+He is conscious of being an agent of a world-wide movement that is
+massing into an irresistible human force millions upon millions of the
+disinherited. He has unbounded faith that through that mass power
+industry will be socialized and the State democratized. No longer will
+its use be merely to serve and promote private enterprise in foul
+tenements, in sweatshops, and in all the products that are necessary to
+life and to death. All these vast commercial enterprises that exist not
+to serve society but to enrich the rich--including even this sordid
+traffic in thuggery and in murder--are soon to pass into history as part
+of a terrible, culminating epoch in commercial, financial, and political
+anarchy. The socialist, who sees the root of all anti-social
+individualism in the predominance of private material interests over
+communal material interests, knows that the hour is arriving when the
+social instincts and the life interests of practically all the people
+will be arrayed against anarchy in all its forms. Commerce in violence,
+like commerce in the necessaries of life, is but a part of a social
+régime that is disappearing, and, while most others in society seem to
+see only phases of this gigantic conflict between capital and labor,
+and, while most others look upon it as something irremediable, the
+socialist, standing amidst millions upon millions of his comrades, is
+even now beginning to see visions of victory.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[AF] The Supreme Court sustained the action of the military authorities,
+Chief Justice William H. Gabbert, Associate justice John Campbell,
+concurring, Associate Justice Robert W. Steele dissenting. The
+dissenting opinion of Justice Steele deserves a wider reading than it
+has received, and no doubt it will rank among the most important
+statements that have been made against the anarchy of the powerful and
+the tyranny of class government. See Report, U. S. Bureau of Labor,
+1905, p. 243.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+VISIONS OF VICTORY
+
+
+We left the socialists, on September 30, 1890, in the midst of
+jubilation over the great victory they had just won in Germany. The Iron
+Chancellor, with all the power of State and society in his hands, had
+capitulated before the moral force and mass power of the German working
+class. And, when the sensational news went out to all countries that the
+German socialists had polled 1,427,000 votes, the impulse given to the
+political organizations of the working class was immense. Once again the
+thought of labor throughout the world was centered upon those stirring
+words of Marx and Engels: "Workingmen of all countries, Unite!" First
+uttered by them in '47, repeated in '64, and pleaded for once again in
+'72, this call to unity began to appear in the nineties as the one
+supreme commandment of the labor movement. And, in truth, it is an
+epitome of all their teachings. It is the pith of their program and the
+marrow of their principles. Nearly all else can be waived. Other
+principles can be altered; other programs abandoned; other methods
+revolutionized; but this principle, program, and method must not be
+tampered with. It is the one and only unalterable law. In unity, and in
+unity alone, is the power of salvation. And under the inspiration of
+this call more and more millions have come together, until to-day, in
+every portion of the world, there are multitudes affiliated to the one
+and only international army. In '47 it was not yet born. In '64 efforts
+were made to bring it into being. In '72 it was broken into fragments.
+In '90 it won its first battle--its right to exist. Now, twenty-three
+years later, nothing could be so eloquent and impressive as the figures
+themselves of the rising tide of international socialism.
+
+
+THE SOCIALIST AND LABOR VOTE, 1887-1913.
+
+----------------------------------------------------------------------
+----------------------------------------------------------------------
+                1887       1892        1897        1903         1913
+----------------------------------------------------------------------
+Germany       763,000   1,786,000   2,107,000   3,010,000    4,250,329
+France         47,000     440,000     790,000     805,000    1,125,877
+Austria                               750,000     780,000    1,081,441
+United States   2,000      21,000      55,000     223,494      931,406
+Italy                      26,000     135,000     300,000      825,280
+Australia                                                      678,012
+Belgium                   320,000     457,000     464,000[AG]  600,000
+Great Britain                          55,000     100,000      373,645
+Finland                                            10,000      320,289
+Russia                                                         200,000
+Sweden                        723                  10,000      170,299
+Norway                                  7,000      30,000      124,594
+Denmark         8,000      20,000      32,000      53,000      107,015
+Switzerland     2,000      39,000      40,000      70,000      105,000
+Holland         1,500                  13,000      38,000       82,494
+New Zealand                                                     44,960
+Spain                       5,000      14,000      23,000       40,725
+Bulgaria                                                        25,565
+Argentina                                                       54,000
+Chile                                                           18,000
+Greece                                                          26,000
+Canada                                                          10,780
+Servia                                                           9,000
+Luxembourg                                                       4,000
+Portugal                                                         3,308
+Roumania                                                         2,057
+              -------   ---------   ---------   ---------   ----------
+Total         823,500   2,657,723   4,455,000   5,916,494   11,214,076
+----------------------------------------------------------------------
+----------------------------------------------------------------------
+
+
+The above table explains, in no small measure, the quiet patience and
+supreme confidence of the socialist. He looks upon that wonderful array
+of figures as the one most significant fact in the modern world. Within
+a quarter of a century his force has grown from 800,000 to 11,000,000.
+And, while no other movement in history has grown so rapidly and
+traversed the entire world with such speed, the socialist knows that
+even this table inadequately indicates his real power. For instance, in
+Great Britain the Labor Party has over one million dues-paying members,
+yet its vote is here placed at 373,645. Owing to the peculiar political
+conditions existing in that country, it is almost impossible for the
+Labor Party to put up its candidates in all districts, and these figures
+include only that small proportion of workingmen who have been able to
+cast their votes for their own candidates. The two hundred thousand
+socialist votes in Russia do not at all represent the sentiment in that
+country. Everything there militates against the open expression, and,
+indeed, the possibility of any expression, of the actual socialist
+sentiment. In addition, great masses of workingmen in many countries are
+still deprived of the suffrage, and in nearly all countries the wives of
+these men are deprived of the suffrage. Leaving, however, all this
+aside, and taking the common reckoning of five persons to each voter,
+the socialist strength of the world to-day cannot be estimated at less
+than fifty million souls.
+
+Coming to the parliamentary strength of the socialists, we find the
+table on the following page illuminating.
+
+
+SOCIALIST AND LABOR REPRESENTATIVES IN PARLIAMENT.
+
+                  Number of Seats         Per
+                  in Lower House.        Cent.
+                 Total   Socialist.    Socialist
+  ----------------------------------------------
+  Australia        75       41           54.61
+  Finland         200       90           45.00
+  Sweden          165       64           38.79
+  Denmark         114       32           28.07
+  Germany         397      110           27.71
+  Belgium         186       39           20.96
+  Norway          123       23           18.70
+  Holland         100       17           17.00
+  Austria         516       82           15.89
+  Italy           508       78           15.35
+  Luxembourg       53        7           13.21
+  France          597       75           12.56
+  Switzerland     170       15            8.82
+  Great Britain   670       41            6.12
+  Russia          442       16            3.62
+  Greece          207        4            2.00
+  Argentina       120        2            1.67
+  Servia          160        1             .62
+  Portugal        164        1             .61
+  Bulgaria        189        1             .53
+  Spain           404        1             .25
+  ----------------------------------------------
+  ----------------------------------------------
+
+
+It appears that labor is in control of Australia, that 45 per cent. of
+the Finnish Parliament is socialist, while in Sweden more than a third,
+and in Germany and Denmark somewhat less than a third, is socialist. In
+several of the Northern countries of Europe the parliamentary position
+of the socialists is stronger than that of any other single party. In
+addition to the representatives here listed, Belgium has seven senators,
+Denmark four, and Sweden twelve, while in the state legislatures Austria
+has thirty-one, Germany one hundred and eighty-five, and the United
+States twenty. Here again the strength of socialism is greatly
+understated. In the United States, for instance, the astonishing fact
+appears that, with a vote of nearly a million, the socialist party has
+not one representative in Congress. On the basis of proportional
+representation it would have at least twenty-five Congressmen; and, if
+it were a sectional party, it could, with its million votes, control all
+the Southern states and elect every Congressman and Senator from those
+states. The socialists in the German Reichstag are numerous, but on a
+fair system of representation they would have two or three score more
+representatives than at present. However, this, too, is of little
+consequence, and in no wise disturbs the thoughtful socialist. The
+immense progress of his cause completely satisfies him, and, if the rate
+of advance continues, it can be only a few years until a world victory
+is at hand.
+
+If, now, we turn from the political aspects of the labor movement to
+examine the growth of coöperatives and of trade unions, we find a
+progress no less striking. In actual membership the trade unions of
+twenty nations in 1911 had amassed over eleven million men and women.
+And the figures sent out by the international secretary do not include
+countries so strongly organized as Canada, New Zealand, and Australia.
+Unfortunately, it is impossible to add here reliable figures regarding
+the wealth of the great and growing coöperative movement. In Britain,
+Germany, Belgium, France, Italy, and Switzerland, as well as in the
+Northern countries of Central Europe, the coöperative movement has made
+enormous headway in recent years. The British coöperators, according to
+the report of the Federation of Coöperative Societies, had in 1912 a
+turnover amounting to over six hundred millions of dollars. They have
+over twenty-four hundred stores scattered throughout the cities of Great
+Britain. The Coöperative Productive Society and the Coöperative
+Wholesale Society produced goods in their own shops to a value of over
+sixty-five millions of dollars; while the goods produced by the
+Coöperative Provision Stores amounted to over forty million dollars.
+Seven hundred and sixty societies have Children's Penny Banks, with a
+total balance in hand of about eight million dollars. The members of
+these various coöperative societies number approximately three
+million.[AH] Throughout all Europe, through coöperative effort, there
+have been erected hundreds of splendid "Houses of the People," "Labor
+Temples," and similar places of meeting and recreation. The entire
+labor, socialist, and coöperative press, numbering many thousands of
+monthly and weekly journals, and hundreds of daily papers, is also
+usually owned coöperatively. Unfortunately, the statistics dealing with
+this phase of the labor movement have never been gathered with any idea
+of completeness, and there is little use in trying even to estimate the
+immense wealth that is now owned by these organizations of workingmen.
+
+America lags somewhat behind the other countries, but nowhere else have
+such difficulties faced the labor movement. With a working class made up
+of many races, nationalities, and creeds, trade-union organization is
+excessively difficult. Moreover, where the railroads secretly rebate
+certain industries and help to destroy the competitors of those
+industries, and where the trusts exercise enormous power, a coöperative
+movement is well-nigh impossible. Furthermore, where vast numbers of the
+working class are still disfranchised, and where elections are
+notoriously corrupt and more or less under the control of a hireling
+class of professional political manipulators, an independent political
+movement faces almost insurmountable obstacles. Nor is this all. No
+other country allows its ruling classes to employ private armies, thugs,
+and assassins; and no other country makes such an effort to prevent the
+working classes from acting peaceably and legally. While nearly
+everywhere else the unions may strike, picket, and boycott, in America
+there are laws to prevent both picketing and boycotting, and even some
+forms of strikes. The most extraordinary despotic judicial powers are
+exercised to crush the unions, to break strikes, and to imprison union
+men. And, if paid professional armies of detectives deal with the
+unions, so paid professional armies of politicians deal with the
+socialists. By every form of debauchery, lawlessness, and corruption
+they are beaten back, and, although it is absolutely incredible, not a
+single representative of a great party polling nearly a million votes
+sits in the Congress of the United States.
+
+Nevertheless, the American socialist and labor movement is making
+headway, and the day is not far distant when it will exercise the power
+its strength merits. Although somewhat more belated, the various
+elements of the working class are coming closer and closer together, and
+it cannot be long until there will be perfect harmony throughout the
+entire movement. In many other countries this harmony already exists.
+The trade-union, coöperative, and socialist movements are so closely
+tied together that they move in every industrial, political, and
+commercial conflict in complete accord. So far as the immediate aims of
+labor are concerned, they may be said to be almost identical in all
+countries. Professor Werner Sombart, who for years has watched the world
+movement more carefully perhaps than anyone else, has pointed out that
+there is a strong tendency to uniformity in all countries--a "tendency,"
+in his own words, "of the movement in all lands toward socialism."[1]
+Indeed, nothing so much astonishes careful observers of the labor
+movement as the extraordinary rapidity with which the whole world of
+labor is becoming unified, in its program of principles, in its form of
+organization, and in its methods of action. The books of Marx and
+Engels are now translated into every important language and are read
+with eagerness in all parts of the world. The Communist Manifesto of
+1847 is issued by the socialist parties of all countries as the
+text-book of the movement. Indeed, it is not uncommon nowadays to see a
+socialist book translated immediately into all the chief languages and
+circulated by millions of copies. And, if one will take up the political
+programs of the party in the twenty chief nations of the world, he will
+find them reading almost word for word alike. For these various reasons
+no informed person to-day questions the claims of the socialist as to
+the international, world-wide character of the movement.
+
+Perhaps there is no experience quite like that of the socialist who
+attends one of the great periodical gatherings of the international
+movement. He sees there a thousand or more delegates, with credentials
+from organizations numbering approximately ten million adherents. They
+come from all parts of the world--from mills, mines, factories, and
+fields--to meet together, and, in the recent congresses, to pass in
+utmost harmony their resolutions in opposition to the existing régime
+and their suggestions for remedial action. Not only the countries of
+Western Europe, but Russia, Japan, China, and the South American
+Republics send their representatives, and, although the delegates speak
+as many as thirty different languages, they manage to assemble in a
+common meeting, and, with hardly a dissenting voice, transact their
+business. When we consider all the jealousy, rivalry, and hatred that
+have been whipped up for hundreds of years among the peoples of the
+various nations, races, and creeds, these international congresses of
+workingmen become in themselves one of the greatest achievements of
+modern times.
+
+Although Marx was, as I think I have made clear, and still is, the
+guiding spirit of modern socialism, the huge structure of the present
+labor movement has not been erected by any great architect who saw it
+all in advance, nor has any great leader molded its varied and wonderful
+lines. It is the work of a multitude, who have quarreled among
+themselves at every stage of its building. They differed as to the
+purpose of the structure, as to the materials to be used, and, indeed,
+upon every detail, big and little, that has had to do with it. At times
+all building has been stopped in order that the different views might be
+harmonized or the quarrels fought to a finish. Again and again portions
+have been built only to be torn down and thrown aside. Some have seen
+more clearly than others the work to be done, and one, at least, of the
+architects must be recognized as a kind of prophet who, in the main,
+outlined the structure. But the architects were not the builders, and
+among the multitude engaged in that work there have been years of
+quarrels and decades of strife. The story of terrorism, as told, is that
+of a group who had no conception of the structure to be erected. They
+were a band of dissidents, without patience to build. They and their
+kind have never been absent from the labor movement, and, in fact, for
+nearly one hundred years a battle has raged in one form or another
+between those few of the workers who were urging, with passionate fire,
+what they called "action" and that multitude of others who day and night
+were laying stone upon stone.
+
+No individual--in fact, nothing but a force as strong and compelling as
+a natural law--could have brought into existence such a vast solidarity
+as now exists in the world of labor. Like food and drink, the
+organization of labor satisfies an inherent necessity. The workers
+crave its protection, seek its guidance, and possess a sense of security
+only when supported by its solidarity. Only something as intuitively
+impelling as the desire for life could have called forth the labor and
+love and sacrifice that have been lavishly expended in the disheartening
+and incredibly tedious work of labor organization. The upbuilding of the
+labor movement has seemed at times like constructing a house of cards:
+often it was hardly begun before some ill wind cast it down. It has cost
+many of its creators exile, imprisonment, starvation, and death. With
+one mighty assault its opponents have often razed to the ground the work
+of years. Yet, as soon as the eyes of its destroyers were turned, a
+multitude of loving hands and broken hearts set to work to patch up its
+scattered fragments and build it anew. The labor movement is
+unconquerable.
+
+Unlike many other aggregations, associations, and benevolent orders,
+unlike the Church, to which it is frequently compared, the labor
+movement is not a purely voluntary union. No doubt there is a
+_camaraderie_ in that movement, and unquestionably the warmest spirit of
+fellowship often prevails, but the really effective cause for
+working-class unity is economic necessity. The workers have been driven
+together. The unions subsist not because of leaders and agitators, but
+because of the compelling economic interests of their members. They are
+efforts to allay the deadly strife among workers, as organizations of
+capital are efforts to allay the deadly strife among capitalists. The
+coöperative movement has grown into a vast commerce wholly because it
+served the self-interest of the workers. The trade unions have grown big
+in all countries because of the protection, they offer and the insurance
+they provide against low wages, long hours, and poverty. The socialist
+parties have grown great because they express the highest social
+aspirations of the workers and their antagonism toward the present
+régime. Moreover, they offer an opportunity to put forward, in the most
+authoritative places, the demands of the workers for political, social,
+and economic reform. The whole is a struggle for democracy, both
+political and industrial, that is by no means founded merely on whim or
+caprice. It has gradually become a religion, an imperative religion, of
+millions of workingmen and women. Chiefly because of their economic
+subjection, they are striving in the most heroic manner to make their
+voice heard in those places where the rules of the game of life are
+decided. Thus, every phase of the labor movement has arisen in response
+to actual material needs.
+
+And, if the labor movement has arisen in response to actual material
+needs, it is now a very great and material actuality. The workingmen of
+the world are, as we have seen, uniting at a pace so rapid as to be
+almost unbelievable. There are to-day not only great national
+organizations of labor in nearly every country, but these national
+movements are bound closely together into one unified international
+power. The great world-wide movement of labor, which Marx and Engels
+prophesied would come, is now here. And, if they were living to-day,
+they could not but be astonished at the real and mighty manifestation of
+their early dreams. To be sure, Engels lived long enough to be jubilant
+over the massing of labor's forces, but Marx saw little of it, and even
+the German socialists, who started out so brilliantly, were at the time
+of his death fighting desperately for existence under the anti-socialist
+law. Indeed, in 1883, the year of his death, the labor movement was
+still torn by quarrels and dissensions over problems of tactics, and in
+America, France, and Austria the terrorists were more active than at
+any time in their history. It was still a question whether the German
+movement could survive, while in the other countries the socialists were
+still little more than sects. That was just thirty years ago, while
+to-day, as we have seen, over ten millions of workingmen, scattered
+throughout the entire world, fight every one of their battles on the
+lines laid down by Marx. The tactics and principles he outlined are now
+theirs. The unity of the workers he pleaded for is rapidly being
+achieved throughout the entire world, and everywhere these armies are
+marching toward the goal made clear by his life and labor. "Although I
+have seen him to-night," writes Engels to Liebknecht, March 14, 1883,
+"stretched out on his bed, the face rigid in death, I cannot grasp the
+thought that this genius should have ceased to fertilize with his
+powerful thoughts the proletarian movement of both worlds. Whatever we
+all are, we are through him; and whatever the movement of to-day is, it
+is through his theoretical and practical work; without him we should
+still be stuck in the mire of confusion."[2]
+
+What was this mire? If we will cast our eyes back to the middle of last
+century we cannot but realize that the ideas of the world have undergone
+a complete revolution. When Marx began his work with the labor movement
+there was absolute ignorance among both masters and men concerning the
+nature of capitalism. It was a great and terrible enigma which no one
+understood. The working class itself was broken up into innumerable
+guerilla bands fighting hopelessly, aimlessly, with the most antiquated
+and ineffectual weapons. They were in misery; but why, they knew not.
+They left their work to riot for days and weeks, without aim and without
+purpose. They were bitter and sullen. They smashed machines and burned
+factories, chiefly because they were totally ignorant of the causes of
+their misery or of the nature of their real antagonist. Not seldom in
+those days there were meetings of hundreds of thousands of laborers, and
+not infrequently mysterious epidemics of fires and of machine-breaking
+occurred throughout all the factory districts. Again and again the
+soldiers were brought out to massacre the laborers. In all England--then
+the most advanced industrially--there were few who understood
+capitalism, and among masters or men there was hardly one who knew the
+real source of all the immense, intolerable economic evils.
+
+The class struggle was there, and it was being fought more furiously and
+violently than ever before or since. The most striking rebels of the
+time were those that Marx called the "bourgeois democrats." They were
+forever preaching open and violent revolution. They were dreaming of the
+glorious day when, amid insurrection and riot, they should stand at the
+barricades, fighting the battle for freedom. In their little circles
+they "were laying plans for the overthrow of the world and intoxicating
+themselves day by day, evening by evening, with the hasheesh-drink of:
+'To-morrow it will start;'"[3] Before and after the revolutionary period
+of '48 there were innumerable thousands of these fugitives, exiles, and
+men of action obsessed with the dream that a great revolutionary
+cataclysm was soon to occur which would lay in ruins the old society.
+That a crisis was impending everyone believed, including even Marx and
+Engels. In fact, for over twenty years, from 1847 to 1871, the
+"extemporizers of revolutions" fretfully awaited the supreme hour.
+Toward the end of the period appeared Bakounin and Nechayeff with their
+robber worship, conspiratory secret societies, and international network
+of revolutionists. Wherever capitalism made headway the workers grew
+more and more rebellious, but neither they nor those who sought to lead
+them, and often did, in fact, lead them, had much of any program beyond
+destruction. Bakounin was not far wrong, at the time, in thinking that
+he was "spreading among the masses ideas corresponding to the instincts
+of the masses,"[4] when he advocated the destruction of the Government,
+the Church, the mills, the factories, and the palaces, to the end that
+"not a stone should be left upon a stone."
+
+This was the mire of confusion that Engels speaks of. There was not one
+with any program at all adequate to meet the problem. The aim of the
+rebels went little beyond retaliation and destruction. What were the
+weapons employed by the warriors of this period? Street riots and
+barricades were those of the "bourgeois democrats"; strikes,
+machine-breaking, and incendiarism were those of the workers; and later
+the terrorists came with their robber worship and Propaganda of the
+Deed. In the midst of this veritable passion for destruction Marx and
+Engels found themselves. Here was a period when direct action was
+supreme. There was nothing else, and no one dreamed of anything else.
+The enemies of the existing order were employing exactly the same means
+and methods used by the upholders of that order. Among the workers, for
+instance, the only weapons used were general strikes, boycotts, and what
+is now called sabotage. These were wholly imitative and retaliative. It
+is clear that the strike is, after all, only an inverted lockout; and as
+early as 1833 a general strike was parried by a general lockout. The
+boycott is identical with the blacklist. The employer boycotts union
+leaders and union men. The employees boycott the non-union products of
+the employer; while sabotage, the most ancient weapon of labor, answers
+poor pay with poor work, and broken machines for broken lives. And, if
+the working class was striking back with the same weapons that were
+being used against it, so, too, were the "pan-destroyers," except that
+for the most part their weapons were incredibly inadequate and
+ridiculous. Sticks and stones and barricades were their method of
+combating rifles and trained armies. All this again is more evidence of
+the mire of confusion.
+
+However, if the weapons of the rebellious were utterly futile and
+ineffectual, there were no others, for every move the workers or their
+friends made was considered lawless. All political and trades
+associations were against the law. Peaceable assembly was sedition.
+Strikes were treason. Picketing was intimidation; and the boycott was
+conspiracy in restraint of trade. Such associations as existed were
+forced to become secret societies, and, even if a working-class
+newspaper appeared, it was almost immediately suppressed. And, if all
+forms of trade-union activity were criminal, political activity was
+impossible where the vast majority of toilers had no votes. With methods
+mainly imitative, retaliative, and revengeful; with no program of what
+was wanted; in total ignorance of the causes of their misery; and with
+little appreciation that in unity there is strength, the workers and
+their friends, in the middle of the last century, were stuck in the
+mire--of ignorance, helplessness, and confusion.
+
+This was the world in which Marx and Engels began their labor. Direct
+action was at its zenith, and the struggle of the classes was ferocious.
+Indeed, all Europe was soon to see barricades in every city, and thrones
+and governments tumbling into apparent ruin. Yet in the midst of all
+this wild confusion, and even touching elbows with the leaders of these
+revolutionary storms, Marx and Engels outlined in clear, simple, and
+powerful language the nature of capitalism--what it was, how it came
+into being, and what it was yet destined to become. They pointed out
+that it was not individual employers or individual statesmen or the
+Government or even kings and princes who were responsible for the evils
+of society, but that unemployment, misery, and oppression were due to an
+economic system, and that so long as capitalism existed the mass of
+humanity would be sunk in poverty. They called attention to the long
+evolutionary processes that had been necessary to change the entire
+world from a state of feudalism into a state of capitalism; and how it
+was not due to man's will-power that the great industrial revolution
+occurred, but to the growth of machines, of steam, and of electrical
+power; and that it was these that have made the modern world, with its
+intense and terrible contrasts of riches and of poverty. They also
+pointed out that little individual owners of property were giving way to
+joint-stock companies, and that these would in turn give way to even
+greater aggregations of capital. An economic law was driving the big
+capitalists to eat up the little capitalists. It was forcing them to
+take from the workers their hand tools and to drive them out of their
+home workshops; it was forcing them also to take from the small property
+owners their little properties and to appropriate the wealth of the
+world into their own hands. As a result of this economic process,
+"private property," they said, "is already done away with for
+nine-tenths of the population."[5] But they also pointed out that
+capitalism had within itself the seeds of its own dissolution, that it
+was creating a new class, made up of the overwhelming majority, that was
+destined in time to overthrow capitalism. "What the bourgeoisie
+therefore produces, above all, are its own grave diggers."[6] In the
+interest of society the nine-tenths would force the one-tenth to yield
+up its private property, that is to say, its "power to subjugate the
+labor of others."[7]
+
+Taking their stand on this careful analysis of historic progress and of
+economic evolution, they viewed with contempt the older fighting methods
+of the revolutionists, and turned their vials of satire and wrath upon
+Herwegh, Willich, Schapper, Kinkel, Ledru-Rollin, Bakounin, and all
+kinds and species of revolution-makers. They deplored incendiarism,
+machine destruction, and all the purely retaliative acts of the
+laborers. They even ridiculed the general strike.[AI] And, while for
+thirty years they assailed anarchists, terrorists, and
+direct-actionists, they never lost an opportunity to impress upon the
+workers of Europe the only possible method of effectually combating
+capitalism. There must first be unity--world-wide, international
+unity--among all the forces of labor. And, secondly, all the energies of
+a united labor movement must be centered upon the all-important contest
+for control of political power. They fought incessantly with their pens
+to bring home the great truth that every class struggle is a political
+struggle; and, while they were working to emphasize that fact, they
+began in 1864 actually to organize the workers of Europe to fight that
+struggle. The first great practical work of the International was to get
+votes for workingmen. It was the chief thought and labor of Marx during
+the first years of that organization to win for the English workers the
+suffrage, while in Germany all his followers--including Lassalle as well
+as Bebel and Liebknecht--labored throughout the sixties to that end. Up
+to the present the main work of the socialist movement throughout the
+world has been to fight for, and its main achievement to obtain, the
+legal weapons essential for its battles.
+
+Let us try to grasp the immensity of the task actually executed by Marx.
+First, consider his scientific work. During all the period of these many
+battles every leisure moment was spent in study. While others were
+engaged in organizing what they were pleased to call the "Revolution"
+and waiting about for it to start, Marx, Engels, Liebknecht, and all
+this group were spending innumerable hours in the library. We see the
+result of that labor in the three great volumes of "Capital," in many
+pamphlets, and in other writings. By this painstaking scientific work of
+Marx the nature of capitalism was made known and, consequently, what it
+was that should be combated, and how the battle should be waged. In
+addition to these studies, which have been of such priceless value to
+the labor and socialist movements of the world, Marx, by his pitiless
+logic and incessant warfare, destroyed every revolution-maker, and then,
+by an act of surgery that many declared would prove fatal, cut out of
+the labor movement the "pan-destroyers." Once more, by a supreme effort,
+he turned the thought of labor throughout the world to the one end and
+aim of winning its political weapons, of organizing its political
+armies, and of uniting the working classes of all lands. Here, then, is
+a brief summary of the work of this genius, who fertilized with his
+powerful thoughts the proletarian movements of both worlds. The most
+wonderful thing of all is that, in his brief lifetime, he should not
+only have planned this gigantic task, but that he should have obtained
+the essentials for its complete accomplishment.
+
+And, as we look out upon the world to-day, we find it actually a
+different world, almost a new world. The present-day conflict between
+capital and labor has no more the character of the guerilla warfare of
+half a century ago. It is now a struggle between immense organizations
+of capital and immense organizations of labor. And not only has there
+been a revolution in ideas concerning the nature of capitalism but there
+has been as a consequence a revolution in the methods of combat between
+labor and capital. While all the earlier and more brutal forms of
+warfare are still used, the conflict as a whole is to-day conducted on a
+different plane. The struggle of the classes is no longer a vague,
+undefined, and embittered battle. It is no longer merely a contest
+between the violent of both classes. It is now a deliberate, and largely
+legal, tug-of-war between two great social categories over the _ends_ of
+a social revolution that both are beginning to recognize as inevitable.
+The representative workers to-day understand capitalism, and labor now
+faces capital with a program, clear, comprehensive, world-changing; with
+an international army of so many millions that it is almost past
+contending with; while its tactics and methods of action can neither be
+assailed nor effectively combated. From one end of the earth to the
+other we see capital with its gigantic associations of bankers,
+merchants, manufacturers, mine owners, and mill owners striving to
+forward and to protect its economic interests. On the other hand, we see
+labor with its millions upon millions of organized men all but united
+and solidified under the flag of international socialism.
+
+And, most strange and wondrous of all--as a result of the logic of
+things and of the logic of Marx--the actual positions of the two classes
+have been completely transposed. Marx persuaded the workers to take up a
+weapon which they alone can use. Like Siegfried, they have taken the
+fragments of a sword and welded them into a mighty weapon--so mighty,
+indeed, that the working class alone, with its innumerable millions, is
+capable of wielding it. The workers are the only class in society with
+the numerical strength to become the majority and the only class which,
+by unity and organization, can employ the suffrage effectively. While
+fifty years ago the workers had every legal and peaceable means denied
+them, to-day they are the only class which can assuredly profit through
+legal and peaceable means. It is obvious that the beneficiaries of
+special privilege can hope to retain their power only so long as the
+working class is divided and too ignorant to recognize its own
+interests. As soon as its eyes open, the privileged classes must lose
+its political support and, with that political support, everything else.
+That is absolutely inevitable. The interests of mass and class are too
+fundamentally opposed to permit of permanent political harmony.
+
+Nobody sees this more clearly than the intelligent capitalist. As the
+workers become more and more conscious of their collective power and
+more and more convinced that through solidarity they can quietly take
+possession of the world, their opponents become increasingly conscious
+of their growing weakness, and already in Europe there is developing a
+kind of upper-class syndicalism, that despairs of Parliaments, deplores
+the bungling work of politics, and ridicules the general incompetence of
+democratic institutions. At the same time, however, they exercise
+stupendous efforts, in the most devious and questionable ways, to retain
+their political power. Facing the inevitable, and realizing that
+potentially at least the suffrages of the immense majority stand over
+them as a menace, they are beginning to seek other methods of action. Of
+course, in all the more democratic countries the power of democracy has
+already made itself felt, and in America, at any rate, the powerful have
+long had resort to bribery, corruption, and all sorts of political
+conspiracy in order to retain their power. Much as we may deplore the
+debauchery of public servants, it nevertheless yields us a certain
+degree of satisfaction, in that it is eloquent testimony of this
+agreeable fact, that the oldest anarchists are losing their control over
+the State. They hold their sway over it more and more feebly, and even
+when the State is entirely obedient to their will, it is not
+infrequently because they have temporarily purchased that power. When
+the manufacturers, the trusts, and the beneficiaries of special
+privilege generally are forced periodically to go out and purchase the
+State from the Robin Hoods of politics, when they are compelled to
+finance lavishly every political campaign, and then abjectly go to the
+very men whom their money has put into power and buy them again, their
+bleeding misery becomes an object of pity.
+
+This really amounts to an almost absolute transposition of the classes.
+In the early nineties Engels saw the beginning of this change, and, in
+what Sombart rightly says may be looked upon as a kind of "political
+last will and testament" to the movement, Engels writes: "The time for
+small minorities to place themselves at the head of the ignorant masses
+and resort to force in order to bring about revolutions is gone. A
+complete change in the organization of society can be brought about only
+by the conscious coöperation of the masses; they must be alive to the
+aim in view; they must know what they want. The history of the last
+fifty years has taught that. But, if the masses are to understand the
+line of action that is necessary, we must work hard and continuously to
+bring it home to them. That, indeed, is what we are now engaged upon,
+and our success is driving our opponents to despair. The irony of
+destiny is turning everything topsy-turvy. We, the 'revolutionaries,'
+are profiting more by lawful than by unlawful and revolutionary means.
+The parties of order, as they call themselves, are being slowly
+destroyed by their own weapons. Their cry is that of Odilon Barrot:
+'Lawful means are killing us.'... We, on the contrary, are thriving on
+them, our muscles are strong, and our cheeks are red, and we look as
+though we intend to live forever!"[8]
+
+And if lawful means are killing them, so are science and democracy. We
+no longer live in an age when any suggestion of change is deemed a
+sacrilege. The period has gone by when political, social, and industrial
+institutions are supposed to be unalterable. No one believes them
+fashioned by Divinity, and there is nothing so sacred in the worldly
+affairs of men that it cannot be questioned. There is no law, or
+judicial decision, or decree, or form of property, or social status that
+cannot be critically examined; and, if men can agree, none is so firmly
+established that it cannot be changed. It is agreed that men shall be
+allowed to speak, write, and propagate their views on all questions,
+whether religious, political, or industrial. In theory, at least, all
+authority, law, administrative institutions, and property relations are
+decided ultimately in the court of the people. Through their press these
+things may be discussed. On their platform these things may be approved
+or denounced. In their assemblies there is freedom to make any
+declaration for or against things as they are. And through their votes
+and representatives there is not one institution that cannot be molded,
+changed, or even abolished. Upon this theory modern society is held
+together. It is a belief so firmly rooted in the popular mind that,
+although everything goes against the people, they peacefully submit. So
+firmly established, indeed, is this tradition that even the most irate
+admit that where wrong exists the chief fault lies with the people
+themselves.
+
+Whatever may be said concerning its limitations and its perversions,
+this, then, is an age of democracy, founded upon a widespread faith in
+majority rule. Whether it be true or not, the conviction is almost
+universal that the majority can, through its political power, accomplish
+any and every change, no matter how revolutionary. Our whole Western
+civilization has had bred into it the belief that those who are
+dissatisfied with things as they are can agitate to change them, are
+even free to organize for the purpose of changing them, and can, in
+fact, change them whenever the majority is won over to stand with them.
+This, again, is the theory, although there is no one of us, of course,
+but will admit that a thousand ways are found to defeat the will of the
+majority. There are bribery, fraudulent elections, and an infinite
+variety of corrupting methods. There is the control of parliaments, of
+courts, and of political parties by special privilege. There are
+oppressive and unjust laws obtained through trickery. There is the
+overwhelming power exercised by the wealthy through their control of the
+press and of nearly all means of enlightenment. Through their power and
+the means they have to corrupt, the majority is indeed so constantly
+deceived that, when one dwells only on this side of our political life,
+it is easy to arrive at the conviction that democracy is a myth and
+that, in fact, the end may never come of this power of the few to divert
+and pervert the institutions for expressing the popular will.
+
+But there is no way of achieving democracy in any form except through
+democracy, and we have found that he who rejects political action finds
+himself irresistibly drawn into the use of means that are both
+indefensible and abortive. Curiously enough, in this use of methods, as
+in other ways, extremes meet. Both the despot and the terrorist are
+anti-democrats. Neither the anarchist of Bakounin's type nor the
+anarchist of the Wall Street type trusts the people. With their cliques
+and inner circles plotting their conspiracies, they are forced to travel
+the same subterranean passages. The one through corruption impresses the
+will of the wealthy and powerful upon the community. The other hopes
+that by some dash upon authority a spirited, daring, and reckless
+minority can overturn existing society and establish a new social order.
+The method of the political boss, the aristocrat, the self-seeker, the
+monopolist--even in the use of thugs, private armies, spies, and
+_provocateurs_--differs little from the methods proposed by Bakounin in
+his Alliance. And it is not in the least strange that much of the
+lawlessness and violence of the last half-century has had its origin in
+these two sources. In all the unutterably despicable work of detective
+agencies and police spies that has led to the destruction of property,
+to riots and minor rebellions that have cost the lives of many thousands
+in recent decades, we find the sordid materialism of special privilege
+seeking to gain its secret ends. In all the unutterably tragic work of
+the terrorists that has cost so many lives we find the rage and despair
+of self-styled revolutionists seeking to gain their secret ends. After
+all, it matters little whether the aim of a group of conspirators is
+purely selfish or wholly altruistic. It matters little whether their
+program is to build into a system private monopoly or to save the world
+from that monopoly. Their methods outrage democracy, even when they are
+not actually criminal. The oldest anarchist believes that the people
+must be _deceived_ into a worse social order, and that at least is a
+tribute to their intelligence. On the other hand, the Bakouninists, old
+and new, believe that the people must be _deceived_ into a better social
+order, and that is founded upon their complete distrust of the people.
+
+And, rightly enough, the attitude of the masses toward the secret and
+conspiratory methods of both the idealist anarchist and the materialist
+anarchist is the same. If the latter distrust the people, the people no
+less distrust them. If the masses would mob the terrorist who springs
+forth to commit some fearful act, the purpose of which they cannot in
+the least understand, they would, if possible, also mob the individual
+responsible for manipulation of elections, for the buying of
+legislatures, and for the purchasing of court decisions. They fear,
+distrust, and denounce the terrorist who goes forth to commit arson,
+pillage, or assassination no less than the anarchist who purchases
+private armies, hires thugs to beat up unoffending citizens, and uses
+the power of wealth to undermine the Government. In one sense, the acts
+of the materialist anarchist are clearer even than those of the other.
+The people know the ends sought by the powerful. On the other hand, the
+ends sought by the terrorist are wholly mysterious; he has not even
+taken the trouble to make his program clear. We find, then, that the
+anarchist of high finance, who would suppress democracy in the interest
+of a new feudalism, and the anarchist of a sect, who would override
+democracy in the hope of communism, are classed together in the popular
+mind. The man who in this day deifies the individual or the sect, and
+would make the rights of the individual or the sect override the rights
+of the many, is battling vainly against the supreme current of the age.
+
+Democracy may be a myth. Yet of all the faiths of our time none is more
+firmly grounded, none more warmly cherished. If any man refuses to abide
+by the decisions of democracy and takes his case out of that court, he
+ranges against himself practically the entire populace. On the other
+hand, the man who takes his case to that court is often forced to suffer
+for a long time humiliating defeats. If the case be a new one but little
+understood, there is no place where a hearing seems so hard to win as in
+exactly that court. Universal suffrage, by which such cases are decided,
+appears to the man with a new idea as an obstacle almost overwhelming.
+He must set out on a long and dreary road of education and of
+organization; he must take his case before a jury made up of untold
+millions; he must wait maybe for centuries to obtain a majority. To go
+into this great open court and plead an entirely new cause requires a
+courage that is sublime and convictions that have the intensity of a
+religion. One who possesses any doubt cannot begin a task so gigantic,
+and certainly one who, for any reason, distrusts the people cannot, of
+course, put his case in that court. It was with full realization of the
+difficulties, of the certainty of repeated defeats, and of the
+overwhelming power against them that the socialists entered this great
+arena to fight their battle. Universal suffrage is a merciless thing.
+How often has it served the purpose of stripping the socialist naked and
+exposing him to a terrible humiliation! Again and again, in the history
+of the last fifty years, have the socialists, after tremendous
+agitation, gigantic mass meetings, and widespread social unrest, marched
+their followers to the polls with results positively pitiful. A dozen
+votes out of thousands have in more cases than one marked their relative
+power. There is no other example in the world of such faith, courage,
+and persistence in politics as that of the socialists, who, despite
+defeat after defeat, humiliation after humiliation, have never lost
+hope, but on every occasion, in every part of the modern world, have
+gone up again and again to be knocked down by that jury.
+
+And let it be said to their credit that never once anywhere have the
+socialists despaired of democracy. "_Socialism and democracy ... belong
+to each other, round out each other, and can never stand in
+contradiction to each other. Socialism without democracy is
+pseudo-socialism, just as democracy without socialism is
+pseudo-democracy. The democratic state is the only possible form of a
+socialised society._"[9] The inseparableness of democracy and socialism
+has served the organized movement as an unerring guide at every moment
+of its struggle for existence and of its fight against the ruling
+powers. It has served to keep its soul free from that cynical distrust
+of the people which is evident in the writings of the anarchists and of
+the syndicalists--in Bakounin, Nechayeff, Sorel, Berth, and Pouget. It
+has also served to keep it from those emotional reactions which have led
+nearly every great leader of the direct-actionists in the last century
+to become in the end an apostate. Feargus O'Connor, Joseph Rayner
+Stephens, the fierce leaders of Chartism; Bakounin, Blanc, Richard,
+Jaclard, Andrieux, Bastelica, the flaming revolutionists of the
+Alliance; Briand, Sorel, Berth, the leading propagandists and
+philosophers of modern syndicalism; every one of them turned in despair
+from the movement. Cobden, Bonaparte, Clémenceau, the Empire, the "new
+monarchy," or a comfortable berth, claimed in the end every one of these
+impatient middle-class intellectuals, who never had any real
+understanding of the actual labor movement. And, if the union of
+democracy and socialism has saved the movement from reactions such as
+these, it has also saved it from the desperation that gives birth to
+individual methods, such as the Propaganda of the Deed and sabotage.
+That is what the inseparableness of democracy and socialism has done for
+the movement in the past; and it has in it an even greater service yet
+to perform. It has the power of salvation for society itself in the not
+remote future, when it will be face to face, throughout the world, with
+an irresistible current toward State socialism. Industrial democracy and
+political democracy are indissolubly united; their union cannot be
+sundered except at the cost of destruction to them both.
+
+In adopting, then, the methods of education, of organization, and of
+political action the socialists rest their case upon the decision of
+democracy. They accept the weapons that civilization has put into their
+hands, and they are testing the word of kings and of parliaments that
+democracy can, if it wishes, alter the bases of society. And in no small
+measure this is the secret of their immense strength and of their
+enormous growth. There is nothing strange in the fact that the
+socialists stand almost alone to-day faithful to democracy. It simply
+means that they believe in it even for themselves, that is to say, for
+the working class. They believe in it for industry as well as for
+politics, and, if they are at war with the political despot, they are
+also at war with the industrial despot. Everyone is a socialist and a
+democrat within his circle. No capitalist objects to a group of
+capitalists coöperatively owning a great railroad. The fashionable clubs
+of both city and country are almost perfect examples of group socialism.
+They are owned coöperatively and conducted for the benefit of all the
+members. Even some reformers are socialists in this measure--that they
+believe it would be well for the community to own public utilities,
+provided skilled, trained, honorable men, like themselves, are permitted
+to conduct them. Indeed, the only democracy or socialism that is
+seriously combated is that which embraces the most numerous and most
+useful class in society, "the only class that is not a class";[10] the
+only class so numerous that it "cannot effect its emancipation without
+delivering all society from its division into classes."[11]
+
+In any case, here it is, "the self-conscious, independent movement of
+the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority,"[12]
+already with its eleven million voters and its fifty million souls. It
+has slowly, patiently, painfully toiled up to a height where it is
+beginning to see visions of victory. It has faith in itself and in its
+cause. It believes it has the power of deliverance for all society and
+for all humanity. It does not expect the powerful to have faith in it;
+but, as Jesus came out of despised Nazareth, so the new world is coming
+out of the multitude, amid the toil and sweat and anguish of the mills,
+mines, and factories of the world. It has endured much; suffered ages
+long of slavery and serfdom. From being mere animals of production, the
+workers have become the "hands" of production; and they are now reaching
+out to become the masters of production. And, while in other periods of
+the world their intolerable misery led them again and again to strike
+out in a kind of torrential anarchy that pulled down society itself,
+they have in our time, for the first time in the history of the world,
+patiently and persistently organized themselves into a world power.
+Where shall we find in all history another instance of the organization
+in less than half a century of eleven million people into a compact
+force for the avowed purpose of peacefully and legally taking possession
+of the world? They have refused to hurry. They have declined all short
+cuts. They have spurned violence. The "bourgeois democrats," the
+terrorists, and the syndicalists, each in their time, have tried to
+point out a shorter, quicker path. The workers have refused to listen to
+them. On the other hand, they have declined the way of compromise, of
+fusions, and of alliances, that have also promised a quicker and a
+shorter road to power. With the most maddening patience they have
+declined to take any other path than their own--thus infuriating not
+only the terrorists in their own ranks but those Greeks from the other
+side who came to them bearing gifts. Nothing seems to disturb them or to
+block their path. They are offered reforms and concessions, which they
+take blandly, but without thanks. They simply move on and on, with the
+terrible, incessant, irresistible power of some eternal, natural force.
+They have been fought; yet they have never lost a single great battle.
+They have been flattered and cajoled, without ever once anywhere being
+appeased. They have been provoked, insulted, imprisoned, calumniated,
+and repressed. They are indifferent to it all. They simply move on and
+on--with the patience and the meekness of a people with the vision that
+they are soon to inherit the earth.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[AG] The vote for Belgium is estimated. The Liberals and the Socialists
+combined at the last election in opposition to the Clericals, and
+together polled over 1,200,000 votes. The British Socialist Year Book,
+1913, estimates the total Socialist vote at about 600,000.
+
+[AH] Above data taken from International News Letter of National Trade
+Union Centers, Berlin, May 30, 1913.
+
+[AI] "The general strike," Engels said, "is in Bakounin's program the
+lever which must be applied in order to inaugurate the social
+revolution.... The proposition is far from being new; some French
+socialists, and, after them, some Belgian socialists have since 1848
+shown a partiality for riding this beast of parade." This appeared in a
+series of articles written for _Der Volksstaat_ in 1873 and republished
+in the pamphlet "_Bakunisten an der Arbeit_."
+
+
+
+
+AUTHORITIES
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+[1] Macaulay, Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays: The Earl
+of Chatham, p. 3.
+
+[2] Bakounin, _OEuvres_, Vol. III, p. 21. (P. V, Stock, Paris,
+1912-1913.)
+
+[3] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. xiv.
+
+[4] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. xlvii.
+
+[5] _L'Alliance de la Démocratie Socialiste et l'Association
+Internationale des Travailleurs_, p. 121. (Secret Statutes of the
+Alliance.) A. Darson, London, and Otto Meissner, Hamburg, 1873.
+
+[6] _Idem_, p. 125. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)
+
+[7] _Idem_, p. 128. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)
+
+[8] _Idem_, p. 11. (The Secret Alliance.)
+
+[9] _Idem_, p. 129. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)
+
+[10] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. viii.
+
+[11] _L'Alliance_, etc., p. 95.
+
+[12] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. viii.
+
+[13] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. xxiii.
+
+[14] Quoted in _L'Alliance_, etc., p. 112.
+
+[15] _Idem_, p. 117.
+
+[16] _L'Alliance_, etc., p. 129. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)
+
+[17] _Idem_, pp. 128-129. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)
+
+[18] _Idem_, p. 132. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)
+
+[19] _Cf._ Guillaume, _L'Internationale; documents et souvenirs_
+(1864-1878). Vol. I, p. 131. (Édouard Cornély et Cie., Paris,
+1905-1910.)
+
+[20] _Cf. Idem_, Vol. I, pp. 132-133, for entire program.
+
+[21] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. V, p. 53.
+
+[22] _L'Alliance_, etc., pp. 64-65.
+
+[23] _Idem_, p. 65 (quotations from The Principles of the Revolution).
+
+[24] _Idem_, p. 66 (The Principles of the Revolution).
+
+[25] _Idem_, p. 68 (The Principles of the Revolution).
+
+[26] _Idem_, pp. 90-92.
+
+[27] _Idem_, pp. 93-94.
+
+[28] _Idem_, pp. 94-95.
+
+[29] _Idem_, p. 95.
+
+[30] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 60.
+
+[31] _Idem_, Vol. II, pp. 61-63.
+
+[32] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 312.
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+[1] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 90.
+
+[2] Lefrançais, _Mémoires d'un révolutionnaire_, p. 348 (Paris).
+
+[3] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 92 (Oscar Testut).
+
+[4] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 92.
+
+[5] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 93.
+
+[6] _Idem_, Vol. II. pp. 94-95.
+
+[7] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 96.
+
+[8] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 96.
+
+[9] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 96.
+
+[10] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 97.
+
+[11] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 97.
+
+[12] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 97.
+
+[13] _Idem_, Vol. II, pp. 98-99.
+
+[14] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 98.
+
+[15] Quoted by _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 101. Cf. The Social Democrat, April
+15, 1903.
+
+[16] _L'Alliance_, etc., p. 21.
+
+[17] Marx, The Commune of Paris (Bax's translation), p. 123. (Twentieth
+Century Press, Ltd., London, 1895.)
+
+[18] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. III, p. 100.
+
+[19] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 98.
+
+[20] _Bakunisten an der Arbeit_, I, by Frederick Engels, printed in _Der
+Volksstaat_, October 31, 1873, No. 105.
+
+[21] Quoted by Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. III, p. 154.
+
+[22] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 100.
+
+[23] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 204.
+
+[24] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 207.
+
+[25] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 208.
+
+[26] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 186.
+
+[27] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 186.
+
+[28] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 146.
+
+[29] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 237.
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+[1] Kropotkin, Memoirs of a Revolutionist, p. 394. (Houghton, Mifflin &
+Co., Boston, 1899.)
+
+[2] _Idem_, p. 287.
+
+[3] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. IV, pp. 113-114.
+
+[4] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 225.
+
+[5] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 225.
+
+[6] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 226.
+
+[7] Kropotkin, _Paroles d'un révolté_, pp. 285-288 (E. Flammarion,
+Paris, 1885).
+
+[8] _L'Alliance_, etc., p. 65 (The Principles of the Revolution).
+
+[9] Prolo, _Les Anarchistes_, pp. 14-15 (Marcel Rivière et Cie., Paris,
+1912); _or_ Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. IV, pp. 160-168.
+
+[10] Prolo, _op. cit._, pp. 15-17; _or_ Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. IV,
+pp. 184-188.
+
+[11] Bebel, My Life, p. 330 (Chicago University Press, 1912).
+
+[12] Zenker, Anarchism: A Criticism and History of the Anarchist Theory,
+p. 282 (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New Y
+ork, 1901).
+
+[13] _Idem_, pp. 294-295.
+
+[14] Kropotkin, _op. cit._, pp. 448-449.
+
+[15] Zenker, _op. cit._, p. 286.
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+[1] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. IV, p. 209.
+
+[2] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 227.
+
+[3] Quoted by Zenker, _op. cit._, pp. 235-236.
+
+[4] Zenker, _op. cit._, pp. 282-283.
+
+[5] Emma Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays, p. 47 (Mother Earth
+Publishing Co., New York, 1911).
+
+[6] Quoted in History of Socialism in the United States, p. 219 (Funk &
+Wagnalls, New York, 1910), by Morris Hillquit, who gives a fuller
+account of this period.
+
+[7] Quoted by Ely, The Labor Movement in America, p. 262 (Thomas Y.
+Crowell, New York, 3d ed., 1910).
+
+[8] _Idem_, p. 263.
+
+[9] The Chicago Martyrs, p. 30 (Free Society Publishing Co., San
+Francisco, 1899).
+
+[10] Reprinted in Instead of a Book, by Benjamin R. Tucker, pp. 429-432
+(Benj. R. Tucker, New York, 1897).
+
+[11] _Idem_, p. 429.
+
+[12] Bebel, My Life, p. 237.
+
+[13] Alexander Berkman, Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist, p. 7 (Mother
+Earth Publishing Company, New York, 1912).
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+[1] Quoted by Prolo, _Les Anarchistes_, p. 44.
+
+[2] Prolo, _op. cit._, p. 45.
+
+[3] Quoted from _L'Éclair_ by Prolo, _op. cit._, p. 46.
+
+[4] Quoted by Prolo, _op. cit._, p. 47.
+
+[5] Quoted by _Idem_, p. 47.
+
+[6] Quoted by _Idem_, p. 47.
+
+[7] Emma Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays, p. 101.
+
+[8] _Idem_, pp. 99-100.
+
+[9] _Idem_, pp. 102-103.
+
+[10] Prolo, _op. cit._, p. 52.
+
+[11] _Idem_, pp. 54-55.
+
+[12] _Pall Mall Gazette_, April 29, 1912.
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+[1] Emma Goldman, _op. cit._, p. 98.
+
+[2] _Idem_, p. 113.
+
+[3] _Idem_, pp. 113-114.
+
+[4] Percy Bysshe Shelley, Julian and Maddalo.
+
+[5] _Idem._
+
+[6] Angiolillo, quoted by Goldman, _op. cit._, pp. 104-105.
+
+[7] Goldman, _op. cit._, p. 103.
+
+[8] The Chicago Martyrs, p. 30.
+
+[9] Alfred Tennyson, The Vision of Sin, IV.
+
+[10] Lombroso, _Les Anarchistes_, pp. 184, 181-183, 196 (Flammarion,
+Paris, 1896).
+
+[11] _Idem_, pp. 205-207.
+
+[12] Quoted by Lombroso, _op. cit._, p. 207.
+
+[13] Zenker, _op. cit._, pp. 306-307.
+
+[14] Bebel, _Attentate und Sozialdemokratie_, p. 6, a speech delivered
+at Berlin, November 2, 1898 (_Vorwärts_, Berlin, 1905).
+
+[15] The Chicago Martyrs, p. 130.
+
+[16] _Idem_, p. 16.
+
+[17] _Idem_, p. 62.
+
+[18] Max Stirner, The Ego and His Own, p. 477 (A. C. Fifield, London,
+1912).
+
+[19] _Idem_, p. 425.
+
+[20] _Idem_, p. 394.
+
+[21] Lombroso, _op. cit._, pp. 52-54.
+
+[22] Marx and Engels, The Communist Manifesto, p. 29 (C. H. Kerr & Co.,
+Chicago, 1906).
+
+[23] Reprinted in Guesde's _Quatre ans de lutte des classes_, pp. 88-91
+(G. Jacques et Cie., Paris, 1901).
+
+[24] _Idem_, p. 92.
+
+[25] Bebel, _Attentate und Sozialdemokratie_, pp. 12-14.
+
+[26] _Idem_, p. 1.
+
+[27] Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays, pp. 92-93.
+
+[28] _Idem_, pp. 85-86.
+
+[29] This is a translation of an editorial that has appeared in various
+foreign newspapers and also, it is said, in the _Illinois
+Staats-Zeitung_; _Cf._ De Leon, Socialism _versus_ Anarchism, p. 61 (New
+York Labor News Company, New York).
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+[1] _L'Alliance de la Démocratie Socialiste_, etc., p. 48.
+
+[2] George Brandes, Main Currents in Nineteenth Century Literature, Vol.
+VI (The Macmillan Company, New York, 1906).
+
+[3] Engels in the introduction to _Révélations sur le Procès des
+Communistes_, published together with, and under the title of, Marx's
+_L'Allemagne en 1848_, p. 268 (Schleicher Frères, Paris, 1901).
+
+[4] _Idem_, p. 268.
+
+[5] _Idem_, pp. 268-269. My italics.
+
+[6] _Idem_, pp. 269-270.
+
+[7] Communist Manifesto, p. 12.
+
+[8] _Idem_, p. 44.
+
+[9] _Idem_, p. 15.
+
+[10] _Idem_, p. 25.
+
+[11] _Idem_, p. 25.
+
+[12] _Idem_, p. 26.
+
+[13] _Idem_, p. 30.
+
+[14] _Idem_, p. 44.
+
+[15] _Idem_, pp. 42, 46.
+
+[16] Engels, _op. cit._, p. 287.
+
+[17] _Idem_, p. 287.
+
+[18] Quoted by Engels in _op. cit._, p. 297.
+
+[19] Albion W. Small, Socialism in the Light of Social Science,
+reprinted from the _American journal of Sociology_, Vol. XVII, No. 6
+(May, 1912), p. 810.
+
+[20] Communist Manifesto, pp. 12, 13.
+
+[21] Albion W. Small, article cited, p. 812.
+
+[22] _Idem_, p. 812.
+
+[23] Address and Provisional Rules of the International Working Men's
+Association (London, 1864), p. 12.
+
+[24] Letter of Marx's of October 9, 1866, published in the _Neue Zeit_,
+April 12, 1902.
+
+[25] Address and Provisional Rules of the International Working Men's
+Association (London, 1864), p. 9.
+
+[26] _Idem_, p. 9.
+
+[27] _Idem_, p. 10.
+
+[28] _Idem_, p. 11.
+
+[29] Engels, _op. cit._, p. 287.
+
+[30] Marx, _L'Allemagne en 1848_, p. 188.
+
+[31] Letter of October 9, 1866, published in the _Neue Zeit_, April 12,
+1902.
+
+[32] Quoted by Jaeckh, The International, p. 32 (Twentieth Century
+Press, Ltd., London).
+
+[33] Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X, p. 53
+(Francis D. Tandy Co., New York). My italics.
+
+[34] Jaurès, Studies in Socialism, p. 133 (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New
+York, 1906, translated by Mildred Minturn).
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+[1] Bakounin, _OEuvres_, Vol. II, p. viii.
+
+[2] _Idem_, Vol. II, pp. xi-xii.
+
+[3] _L'Allemagne en 1848_, p. 279.
+
+[4] Liebknecht, Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs, pp. 62-63 (C. H. Kerr,
+Chicago, 1904).
+
+[5] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. xvii.
+
+[6] _Cf._ Marx, Revolution and Counter-Revolution, p. 126 (Scribner's,
+New York, 1896).
+
+[7] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. xx.
+
+[8] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 383.
+
+[9] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. I, p. 103.
+
+[10] _Idem_, Vol. I, p. 103.
+
+[11] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, Basel, 1869, pp. 6-7
+(Bruxelles, 1869).
+
+[12] _Idem_, p. 7.
+
+[13] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. I, p. 202.
+
+[14] I am following here the English version, published by the General
+Council, pp. 26-27.
+
+[15] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, pp. 85-86.
+
+[16] _Idem_, p. 89.
+
+[17] _Idem_, pp. 144-145.
+
+[18] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. I, p. 204.
+
+[19] Quoted by Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. V, p. 223.
+
+[20] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. V, p. 232.
+
+[21] _Idem_, Vol. V, p. 233.
+
+[22] _Idem_, Vol. V, pp. 234-235.
+
+[23] _Idem_, Vol. I, pp. xxxii-xxxiii.
+
+[24] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 62.
+
+[25] Communist Manifesto, p. 44.
+
+[26] Engels, Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, pp. 69-70 (Scribner's,
+New York, 1892).
+
+[27] _Idem_, pp. 71-72. Italics mine.
+
+[28] _Idem_, p. 86.
+
+[29] _Idem_, pp. 86-87.
+
+[30] _Idem_, pp. 76-77.
+
+[31] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, p. 86.
+
+[32] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. IV, pp. 31-32.
+
+[33] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 32.
+
+[34] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 32.
+
+[35] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 37.
+
+[36] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 39.
+
+[37] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 40.
+
+[38] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 59.
+
+[39] _Idem_, Vol. IV, pp. 191-192.
+
+[40] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 31.
+
+[41] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 40.
+
+[42] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 72.
+
+[43] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 415.
+
+[44] _Idem_, Vol. VI, p. 38.
+
+[45] _Idem_, Vol. VI, pp. 38-39.
+
+[46] _Idem_, Vol. IV, pp. 438-439.
+
+[47] _Idem_, Vol. VI, p. 75.
+
+[48] Engels, Landmarks of Scientific Socialism, p. 190 (Kerr, Chicago,
+1907).
+
+[49] _Idem_, p. 186.
+
+[50] _Idem_, pp. 184-185.
+
+[51] _Idem_, p. 190. My italics.
+
+[52] Resolutions of the Conference of Delegates of the International
+Working Men's Association, Assembled at London from the 17th to the 23d
+of September, 1871, No. IX (London, 1871).
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+[1] _L'Alliance de la Démocratie Socialiste_, etc., p. 12.
+
+[2] Bakounin, _OEuvres_, Vol. IV, p. 342.
+
+[3] _Cf._ _Compte-Rendu Officiel_ of the Geneva Congress, 1873, p. 51
+(Locle, 1873).
+
+[4] _Idem_, pp. 55-56.
+
+[5] _Idem_, p. 86.
+
+[6] _Idem_, p. 87.
+
+[7] _Idem_, p. 85.
+
+[8] _Idem_, p. 35.
+
+[9] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. III, p. 118.
+
+[10] Plechanoff, Anarchism and Socialism, p. 84 (The Twentieth Century
+Press, Ltd., London, 1906; trans, by Eleanor Marx Aveling).
+
+[11] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. IV, pp. 114-115.
+
+[12] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 115.
+
+[13] _Idem_, Vol. IV, pp. 223-224.
+
+[14] Dawson, German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle, p. 169,
+(Scribner's Sons, New York, 1899).
+
+[15] Ferdinand Lassalle, _Reden und Schriften_, Vol. II, pp. 543-544
+(_Vorwärts_, Berlin, 1893).
+
+[16] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 383.
+
+[17] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 22.
+
+[18] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 104.
+
+[19] Quoted by Dawson, _op. cit._, p. 187.
+
+[20] _Idem_, p. 168; _Cf._ also, Bernstein, Ferdinand Lassalle as a
+Social Reformer, pp. 167-170 (Scribner's Sons, New York, 1893).
+
+[21] Quoted by Dawson, _op. cit._, p. 168.
+
+[22] Quoted by Milhaud, _La Démocratie socialiste allemande,_ p. 32
+(Félix Alcan, Paris, 1903).
+
+[23] _Idem_, pp. 32-33.
+
+[24] _Idem_, p. 41.
+
+[25] _Idem_, p. 42.
+
+[26] These sections are reduced from Dawson's summary in _op. cit._, pp.
+255-257.
+
+[27] Quoted in Dawson, _op. cit._, p. 260.
+
+[28] Bebel, _Attentate und Sozialdemokratie_, p. 2.
+
+[29] _Protokoll_ of the Congress of the German Social-Democracy, Wyden,
+1880, p. 38 (Zurich, 1880).
+
+[30] _Idem_, p. 42.
+
+[31] _Idem_, p. 43.
+
+[32] Quoted by Dawson, _op. cit._, p. 265.
+
+[33] Speech in the Reichstag, March 21, 1884; quoted by Dawson, _op.
+cit._, pp. 268-269.
+
+[34] Speech in the Reichstag, April 2, 1886; quoted by Dawson, _op.
+cit._, p. 271.
+
+[35] _Protokoll_ of the Proceedings of Party Conferences of the German
+Social-Democracy, Erfurt, 1891, p. 206 (Berlin, 1891).
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+[1] Quoted by Prolo, _Les Anarchistes_, p. 66.
+
+[2] International Socialist Workers and Trade Union Congress, London,
+1896, p. 31.
+
+[3] _Idem_, p. 50.
+
+[4] De Seilhac, _Les Congrès Ouvriers en France_, p. 331 (Armand Colin
+et Cie., Paris, 1899).
+
+[5] _Idem_, pp. 331-332.
+
+[6] _Compte-Rendu du Congrès National Corporatif_, Montpelier, 1902.
+
+[7] _L'Alliance de la Démocratie Socialiste_, etc., pp. 48-49.
+
+[8] Sombart, Socialism and the Socialist Movement, pp. 98-99 (E. P.
+Dutton & Co., New York, 1909; trans, from 6th German edition).
+
+[9] Louis Levine, The Labor Movement in France, p. 147 (Columbia
+University, New York, 1912).
+
+[10] Arthur D. Lewis, Syndicalism and the General Strike, p. 70 (T.
+Fisher Unwin, London, 1912).
+
+[11] Berth, _Les Nouveaux aspects du Socialisme_, p. 36 (Marcel Rivière
+et Cie., Paris, 1908).
+
+[12] Robert Browning, Cleon.
+
+[13] Sombart, _op. cit._, p. 110.
+
+[14] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Seventh International Socialist Congress,
+Stuttgart, 1907, p. 202.
+
+[15] _Cf._ _Compte-Rendu_ of the Sixth International Socialist Congress,
+Amsterdam, 1904, p. 53.
+
+[16] Levine, _op. cit._, p. 195.
+
+[17] _Compte-Rendu du Congrès National Corporatif_, Toulouse, 1910, p.
+226.
+
+[18] Étienne Buisson, _La Grève Générale_, p. 59 (Librairie George
+Bellais, Paris, 1905).
+
+[19] Labriola, Karl Marx, pp. 255-259 (Marcel Rivière et Cie., Paris,
+1910).
+
+[20] Plechanoff, Anarchism and Socialism, p. 63.
+
+[21] Kampffmeyer, Changes in the Theory and Tactics of the German Social
+Democracy, pp. 87-88 (C. H. Kerr, Chicago, 1908).
+
+[22] Quoted in Kampffmeyer, _op. cit._, p. 88.
+
+[23] _Idem_, p. 89.
+
+[24] Quoted in Jaurès, Studies in Socialism, pp. 75-76.
+
+[25] Kautsky, _Das Erfurter Programm_, pp. 117-119 (8th Edition,
+Stuttgart, 1907); _Cf._ also The Socialist Republic, by Kautsky, pp.
+10-11.
+
+[26] Communist Manifesto, p. 15.
+
+[27] Engels, Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, p. 76.
+
+[28] _Cf._ Menger, The Right to the Whole Produce of Labor, p. 117
+(Macmillan & Co., London, 1899).
+
+[29] Webb, The History of Trade Unionism, p. 145.
+
+[30] _Idem_, p. 146.
+
+[31] Quoted by Sombart, _op. cit._, p. 118.
+
+[32] Sombart, _op. cit._, p. 118.
+
+[33] _Idem_, p. 118.
+
+[34] Marx, Revolution and Counter-Revolution, pp. 109-110.
+
+[35] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, p. 88.
+
+[36] Quoted by Plechanoff, _op. cit._, p. 90.
+
+[37] Émile Pouget, _Le Syndicat_, p. 13 (Émile Pouget, Paris, 2d
+Edition).
+
+[38] Sorel, _Illusions du progrès_, p. 10 (Marcel Rivière et Cie.,
+Paris, 1911).
+
+[39] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Fifth National Congress of the French
+Socialist Party, 1908, p. 352.
+
+[40] _XIe. Congrès National Corporatif_, Paris, 1900, p. 198; quoted by
+Levine, _op. cit._, p. 97.
+
+[41] _La Confédération Générale du Travail_; II _La Tactique_.
+
+[42] _Idem._
+
+[43] _Cf._ Proudhon, _La Révolution sociale et le coup d'État_, (Ernest
+Flammarion, Paris); Goldman, Minorities _versus_ Majorities, in
+Anarchism and Other Essays; and Kropotkin, _Les Minorités
+Révolutionnaires_, in _Paroles d'un révolté_.
+
+[44] Webb, The History of Trade Unionism, pp. 147-148.
+
+[45] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Third National Congress of the French
+Socialist Party, 1906, pp. 189-192.
+
+[46] _Idem_, p. 186.
+
+[47] Jaurès, Studies in Socialism, pp. 127-128.
+
+[48] _Idem_, pp. 124-125.
+
+[49] _Idem_, pp. 128-129.
+
+[50] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, Basel, 1869, p. 6.
+
+[51] Kropotkin, The Great French Revolution, p. 423 (G. P. Putnam's
+Sons, New York, 1909).
+
+[52] Proudhon, _Idée Générale de la Révolution au XIXe. Siècle_, p. 304
+(Garnier Frères, Paris, 1851).
+
+[53] _Idem_, p. 197.
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+[1] Proudhon, _Idée Générale de la Révolution_, p. 149.
+
+[2] Roger A. Pryor, quoted in the report of the Investigation of the
+Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House Special Committee Report,
+1892, p. 225.
+
+[3] Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: Senate
+Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 247.
+
+[4] Thomas Beet, Methods of American Private Detective Agencies,
+_Appleton's Magazine_, October, 1906.
+
+[5] _Idem._
+
+[6] _Idem._
+
+[7] _Idem._
+
+[8] _New York Sun_, May 8, 1911.
+
+[9] _New York Call_, September 14, 1910.
+
+[10] Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House
+Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 226.
+
+[11] See his testimony, pp. 92-94 of the Senate Report.
+
+[12] Report of the Industrial Commission, 1901, Vol. VIII, pp. 257-258,
+261 (Chicago Labor Disputes).
+
+[13] _American Federationist_, November, 1911, Vol. XVIII, p. 889.
+
+[14] Limiting Federal Injunction: Hearings before a Subcommittee of the
+Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Jan. 6, 1913, Part I,
+p. 19.
+
+[15] _Idem_, p. 20.
+
+[16] _Appleton's Magazine_, October, 1906.
+
+[17] Hillquit, History of Socialism in the United States, pp. 280-281.
+
+[18] Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives, Senate
+Special Committee Report, 1892, p. xiii.
+
+[19] _Idem_, p. ii.
+
+[20] _Idem_, p. xii.
+
+[21] _Idem_, p. xv.
+
+[22] Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House
+Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 224.
+
+[23] _Idem_, p. 225.
+
+[24] Report on the Chicago Strike of June-July, 1894, by the United
+States Strike Commission, p. xxxviii.
+
+[25] _Idem_, p. xliv.
+
+[26] _Idem_, p. 356.
+
+[27] _Idem_, p. 370.
+
+[28] _Idem_, p. 397.
+
+[29] _Idem_, pp. 366-367.
+
+[30] _Idem_, p. 371.
+
+[31] _Idem_, p. 368.
+
+[32] _Idem_, pp. 368-369.
+
+[33] _Idem_, p. 372 (from the testimony of Harold I. Cleveland).
+
+[34] _Idem_, p. 360.
+
+[35] Debs, The Federal Government and the Chicago Strike, p. 24
+(Standard Publishing Co., Terre Haute, Ind., 1904).
+
+[36] _Idem_, p. 24.
+
+[37] Emma F. Langdon, The Cripple Creek Strike, p. 153 (The Great
+Western Publishing Co., Denver, 1905).
+
+[38] Report of the Commissioner of Labor, 1905, on Labor Disturbances in
+Colorado, p. 186.
+
+[39] _Idem_, p. 206.
+
+[40] _Idem_, p. 304.
+
+[41] Cf. Clarence S. Darrow, Speech in the Haywood Case, p. 56
+(_Wayland's Monthly_, Girard, Kan., October, 1907).
+
+[42] Report of the Commissioner of Labor, 1905, on Labor Disturbances in
+Colorado, p. 192.
+
+[43] C. Dobrogeaunu-Gherea, Socialism _vs._ Anarchism, _New York Call_,
+February 5, 1911.
+
+[44] Kropotkin, The Terror in Russia, p. 57 (Methuen & Co., London,
+1909).
+
+[45] Bamford, Passages in the Life of a Radical, Vol. II, p. 14 (T.
+Fisher Unwin, London, 1893).
+
+[46] In Bamford's "Passages in the Life of a Radical" (T. Fisher Unwin,
+London, 1893), we find that spies and _provocateurs_ were sent into the
+labor movement as early as 1815. In Holyoake's "Sixty Years of an
+Agitator's Life" (Unwin, 1900), in Howell's "Labor Legislation, Labor
+Movements, Labor Leaders" (Unwin, 1902), and in Webb's "History of Trade
+Unionism" (Longmans, Green & Co., London, 1902), the work of several
+noted police agents is spoken of. In Gammage's "History of the Chartist
+Movement" (Truslove & Hanson, London, 1894) and in Davidson's "Annals of
+Toil" (F. R. Henderson, London, n.d.) we are told of one police agent
+who gave balls and ammunition to the men and endeavored to persuade them
+to commit murder.
+
+Marx, in "Revolution and Counter-Revolution" (Scribner's Sons, 1896),
+and Engels, in _Révélations sur le Procès des Communistes_ (Schleicher
+Frères, Paris, 1901), tell of the work of the German police agents in
+connection with the Communist League; while Bebel, in "My Life" (Chicago
+University Press, 1912), and in _Attentate und Sozialdemokratie_
+(_Vorwärts_, Berlin, 1905), tells of the infamous work of _provocateurs_
+sent among the socialists at the time of Bismarck's repression.
+Kropotkin, in "The Memoirs of a Revolutionist" (Houghton, Mifflin & Co.,
+Boston, 1899), and in "The Terror in Russia" (Methuen & Co., London,
+1909), devotes many pages to the crimes committed by the secret police
+of Russia, not only in that country but elsewhere. Mazzini, Marx,
+Bakounin, and nearly all prominent anarchists, socialists, and
+republicans of the middle of the last century, were surrounded by spies,
+who made every effort to induce them to enter into plots.
+
+In the "Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House
+and Senate Special Committee Reports, 1892"; in the "Report on Chicago
+Strike of June-July, 1894; U. S. Strike Commission, 1895"; in the
+"Report of the Commissioner of Labor on Labor Disturbances in Colorado,
+1905"; in the "Report of the Industrial Commission, 1901, Vol. VIII",
+there is a great mass of evidence on the work of detectives, both in
+committing violence themselves and in seeking to provoke others to
+violence.
+
+In "Conditions in the Paint Creek District of West Virginia: Hearings
+before a subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, U. S.
+Senate; 1913"; in "Hearings before the Committee on Rules, House of
+Representatives, on Conditions in the Westmoreland Coal Fields"; in the
+"Report on the Strike at Bethlehem, Senate Document No. 521"; in
+"Peonage in Western Pennsylvania: Hearings before the Committee on
+Labor, House of Representatives, 1911," considerable evidence is given
+of the thuggery and murder committed by detectives, guards, and state
+constabularies. Some of this evidence reveals conditions that could
+hardly be equaled in Russia.
+
+"History of the Conspiracy to Defeat Striking Molders" (Internatl.
+Molders' Union of N. America); "Limiting Federal Injunction: Hearings
+before the Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, U. S. Senate,
+1912, Part V"; the report of the same hearings for January, 1913, Part
+I, "United States Steel Corporation: Hearings before Committee on
+Investigation, House of Representatives, Feb. 12, 1912"; the "Report on
+Strike of Textile Workers in Lawrence, Mass.: Commissioner of Labor,
+1912"; and "Strike at Lawrence, Mass.: Hearings before the Committee on
+Rules, House of Representatives, March 2-7, 1912," also contain a mass
+of evidence concerning the crimes of detectives and the terrorist
+tactics used by those employed to break strikes.
+
+Alexander Irvine's "Revolution in Los Angeles" (Los Angeles, 1911); F.
+E. Wolfe's "Capitalism's Conspiracy in California" (The White Press, Los
+Angeles, 1911); Debs's "The Federal Government and the Chicago Strike"
+(Standard Publishing Co., Terre Haute, Ind., 1904); Ben Lindsey's "The
+Rule of Plutocracy in Colorado"; the "Reply of the Western Federation of
+Miners to the 'Red Book' of the Mine Operators"; "Anarchy in Colorado:
+Who Is to Blame?" (The Bartholomew Publishing Co., Denver, Colo., 1905);
+the _American Federationist_, April, 1912; the _American Federationist_,
+November, 1911; Job Harriman's "Class War in Idaho" (_Volks-Zeitung_
+Library, New York, 1900), Emma F. Langdon's "The Cripple Creek Strike"
+(The Great Western Publishing Co., Denver, 1905); C. H. Salmons' "The
+Burlington Strike" (Bunnell & Ward, Aurora, Ill., 1889); and Morris
+Friedman's "The Pinkerton Labor Spy" (Wilshire Book Co., New York,
+1907), contain the statements chiefly of labor leaders and socialists
+upon the violence suffered by the unions as a result of the work of the
+courts, of the police, of the militia, and of detectives. "The Pinkerton
+Labor Spy" gives what purports to be the inside story of the Pinkerton
+Agency and the details of its methods in dealing with strikes. Clarence
+S. Darrow's "Speech in the Haywood Case" (_Wayland's Monthly_, Girard,
+Kan., Oct., 1907) is the plea made before the jury in Idaho that freed
+Haywood. Only the oratorical part of it was printed in the daily press,
+while the crushing evidence Darrow presents against the detective
+agencies and their infamous work was ignored.
+
+Capt. Michael J. Schaack's "Anarchy and Anarchists" (F. J. Schulte &
+Co., Chicago, 1899); and Pinkerton's "The Molly Maguires and Detectives"
+(G. W. Dillingham Co., New York, 1898) are the naïve stories of those
+who have performed notable rôles in labor troubles. They read like
+"wild-west" stories written by overgrown boys, and the manner in which
+these great detectives frankly confess that they or their agents were at
+the bottom of the plots which they describe is quite incredible.
+
+"The Chicago Martyrs: The Famous Speeches of the Eight Anarchists in
+Judge Gary's Court and Altgeld's Reasons for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe
+and Schwab" (Free Society, San Francisco, 1899), contains the memorable
+message of Governor Altgeld when pardoning the anarchists. In his
+opinion they were in no small measure the dupes of police spies and the
+victims of judicial injustice. I have dealt at length with Thomas
+Beet's article on "Methods of American Private Detectives" in
+_Appleton's Magazine_ for October, 1906, but it will repay a full
+reading. "Coeur d'Alene Mining Troubles: The Crime of the Century"
+(Senate Document) and "Statement and Evidence in Support of Charges
+Against the U. S. Steel Corporation by the American Federation of Labor"
+are perhaps worth mentioning.
+
+I have not attempted to give an exhaustive list of references, but only
+to call attention to a few books and pamphlets which have found their
+way into my library.
+
+[47] Quoted by August Bebel in _Attentate und Sozialdemokratie_, p. 12.
+
+[48] Limiting Federal Injunctions: Hearings before a Subcommittee of the
+Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 1913, Part I, p. 8.
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+[1] Sombart, Socialism and the Socialist Movement, p. 176.
+
+[2] Liebknecht, Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs, p. 46.
+
+[3] _Idem_, p. 85.
+
+[4] _L'Alliance de la Démocratie Socialiste_, etc., p. 132 (Secret
+Statutes of the Alliance).
+
+[5] Communist Manifesto, p. 37.
+
+[6] _Idem_, p. 32.
+
+[7] _Idem_, p. 38.
+
+[8] Engels' introduction to Struggle of the Social Classes in France;
+quoted by Sombart, _op. cit._, pp. 68-69.
+
+[9] Liebknecht, No Compromise, No Political Trading, p. 28; my italics.
+
+[10] Frederic Harrison, quoted in Davidson's Annals of Toil, p. 273 (F.
+R. Henderson, London, n.d.).
+
+[11] Engels in _L'Allemagne en 1848_, p. 269.
+
+[12] Communist Manifesto, p. 30.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+A
+
+Adam, Paul, quoted concerning case of Ravachol, 81-82.
+
+_Agents provocateurs_, work of, in popular uprisings and socialist
+  and labor movements, 110-120, 203-204, 264;
+  use of private detectives as, in United States, 290-292, 312-314.
+
+Alexander II of Russia, assassination of, 56, 221.
+
+America. _See_ United States.
+
+Anarchism, introduction of doctrines of, in Western Europe by
+  Bakounin, 5 ff.;
+  secret societies founded in interests of, 11-14;
+  insurrections under auspices of, 28-39;
+  criticism of, by socialists, 40;
+  uprisings in Italy fathered by, 41-44;
+  unbridgeable chasm between socialism and, 47-48;
+  with the Propaganda of the Deed becomes synonymous with violence
+  and crime, 55;
+  foothold secured by, in Germany, 55-57;
+  in Austria-Hungary, 57-58;
+  agitation in France, 58-60;
+  doctrines of, carried to America by Johann Most, 64-68;
+  the Haymarket tragedy, 68-70;
+  defense of, by Benjamin R. Tucker, and disowning of terrorist
+  tactics, 70-74;
+  responsibility for deeds of leaders of, laid at Bismarck's
+  door, 74-75;
+  assassination of President McKinley and shooting of H. C. Frick, 75;
+  failure of, to take firm root in America any more than in Germany
+  and England, 75-76;
+  in the Latin countries, 76;
+  acts of violence in name of, in Europe, 77-89;
+  question of responsibility of, for acts of violence committed by
+  terrorists, 90 ff.;
+  different types attracted by socialism and, 92-93;
+  the psychology of devotees of, 93-94;
+  causes of terrorist tactics assigned by Catholic Church to
+  doctrines of socialism, 98-100;
+  source of, traceable to great-man theory, 102 ff.;
+  work of police agents in connection with, 110-120;
+  the battle between socialism and, 154-192;
+  emergence of, as a distinct philosophy, 193;
+  history of, after Hague congress of 1872, 194 ff.;
+  congress in Geneva in 1873, 196-199;
+  insolvable problem created by, in rejecting political action of the
+  working class, 200;
+  assaults on the Marxists by adherents of, 201-204;
+  bitter warfare between socialism and, 201-205;
+  appearance of syndicalism as an aid to, 229-239;
+  ignoring of, in socialist congresses, 232;
+  appearance of the "intellectuals" in ranks of, 239-241;
+  similarities between philosophies and methods of syndicalism
+  and, 239-245;
+  differences between syndicalism and, 245-246;
+  consideration of the oldest form of, that of the wealthy and ruling
+  classes, 276-326;
+  of the powerful in the United States, 280 ff.
+
+Andrieux, French revolutionist, 29.
+
+Angiolillo, Italian terrorist, 87.
+
+Anti-socialist law, Bismarck's, responsible for Most's career as a
+  terrorist, 74-75;
+  passage of, and chief measures contained in, 214-217;
+  growth of socialist vote under, 225;
+  failure and repeal of, 225-226.
+
+Arson practiced by revolutionists in America, 73-74.
+
+Assassination, preaching of, by Bakounin and Nechayeff, 18;
+  practice of, by anarchists in France, 77-89;
+  the Catholic Church and, 98-100;
+  glorification of, in history, 101-103.
+
+Atwell, B. A., on character of deputy marshals in Chicago railway
+  strike, 300.
+
+Australia, parliamentary power of socialists in, 329, 330.
+
+Austria, Empress of, assassinated by Italian anarchist, 87.
+
+Austria-Hungary, development and checking of anarchist movement
+  in, 57-58;
+  growth of socialist and labor vote in, 328.
+
+
+B
+
+Baker, Ray Stannard, quoted on character of deputy marshals in
+  Chicago railway strike, 299-300.
+
+Bakounin, Michael, father of terrorism, 4;
+  admiration of, for Satan, 5;
+  views held by, on absolutism, 5-6;
+  destruction of all States and all Churches advocated by, 6;
+  varying opinions of, 7;
+  shown to be human in his contradictions, 7-8;
+  chief characteristics and qualities of his many-sided nature, 8;
+  birth, family, and early life, 8-9;
+  leaves Russia for Germany, Switzerland, and France, 9;
+  meets Proudhon, Marx, George Sand, and other revolutionary
+  spirits, 9;
+  leads insurrectionary movements, 9-10;
+  captured, sentenced to death, and finally banished to Siberia, 10;
+  escapes and reaches England, 10;
+  change in views shown in writings of, 10-11;
+  spends some time in Italy, 11-12;
+  forms secret organization of revolutionists, 11-13;
+  the International Brothers, the National Brothers, and the
+  International Alliance of Social Democracy, 12-14;
+  enters the International Working Men's Association, with the hope
+  of securing leadership, 15;
+  declares war on political and economic powers of Europe and assails
+  Marx, Engels, and other leaders, 15-16;
+  interest of, in Russian affairs, 16;
+  collaborates with Sergei Nechayeff, 16-17;
+  expounds doctrines of criminal activity, 17-22;
+  the "Words Addressed to Students," 17-19;
+  the "Revolutionary Catechism," 19-22;
+  quarrel between Nechayeff and, 23-26;
+  remains in Switzerland and trains young revolutionists, 26-27;
+  takes part in unsuccessful insurrection at Lyons, 28-35;
+  Marx quoted concerning action of, at Lyons, 35-36;
+  influence of, felt in Spanish revolution of 1873, 37-41;
+  in Italy, during uprisings of 1874, 42-43;
+  retires from public life, 45-46;
+  humiliating experiences of last years, 46-47;
+  opinions expressed by anarchists and by socialists concerning, upon
+  death of, 47-48;
+  teachings of, the inspiration of the Propaganda of the Deed, 52;
+  principles of, preached by Johann Most, 65;
+  spread of terrorist ideas of, in America, 65;
+  history of the battle between Marx and, 154-193;
+  suspected and charged with being a Russian police agent, 156, 158;
+  quoted on Marx, 157;
+  victory won over Marx by, at Basel congress of International in
+  1869, 162-169;
+  attack of Marx and his followers on, and reply by, in the "Study upon
+  the German Jews," 169-171;
+  flood of literature by, based on his antagonism to religion and to
+  Government, 172-174;
+  inability of, to comprehend doctrines of Marxian socialism, 178-179;
+  irreconcilability of doctrines of, with those of socialists, 179-185;
+  expulsion of, from the International, 191;
+  attacks the General Council of the International as a new incarnation
+  of the State, 195;
+  quoted to show antagonism between his doctrines and those of
+  Marxists, 251;
+  the robber worship of, 278-279.
+
+Barcelona, bomb-throwing in, 87.
+
+Barrot, Odilon, 348.
+
+Basel, congress of International at (1869), 162-169.
+
+Bauer, Heinrich, 131.
+
+Bauler, Madame A., quoted on influence of Bakounin, 26-27.
+
+Bebel, August, quoted on Bismarck's repressive measures, 55-56;
+  quoted on Johann Most, 74-75;
+  on the condoning of assassination by the Catholic Church, 98-99;
+  reveals participations of high officials in crimes of the
+  anarchists, 114-118;
+  mentioned, 205, 209-210;
+  account of struggle between Bismarck and party of, 211-227;
+  State-socialist propositions favored by, 255-256.
+
+Beesby, E. S., 35; urges political activity on early trade unions, 151.
+
+Beet, Thomas, exposure by, of evils attending use of detectives in
+  United States, 283-284, 290-291, 314.
+
+Berkman, Alexander, shooting of H. C. Frick by, 75;
+  motive which actuated, 101;
+  events which led up to action of, 292-295;
+  fate of, contrasted with that of agents of the anarchy of the wealthy
+  during Homestead strike, 295.
+
+Bern, revolutionary manifestation at (1877), 53.
+
+Berth, Edward, quoted in connection with the "intellectuals," 240-241;
+  mentioned, 270, 353.
+
+Bismarck, stirs up Germany against social-democratic party on account
+  of anarchistic acts, 55;
+  effect of action of, on anarchism in Germany, 56;
+  responsibility of, for Johann Most and other terrorists, and for
+  Haymarket tragedy, 74-75;
+  Bebel quoted in connection with the hero-worship of, in
+  Germany, 103-104;
+  admiration of, for Lassalle, 206;
+  corruption introduced into German labor movement by, 210-211;
+  exposed by Liebknecht and Bebel, begins war upon Marxian
+  socialists, 211-212;
+  futile efforts of, to provoke social democrats to violence, 218-219;
+  reaction of his violent measures upon himself, 227.
+
+Blanc, Gaspard, 29, 31.
+
+Blanc, Louis, 128, 129, 353;
+  Lassalle's views compared with those of, 207.
+
+Blanqui, socialist insurrectionist, 128-129.
+
+Bonnot, French motor bandit, 88-89, 104.
+
+Booth, J. Wilkes, motive which actuated, in killing of Lincoln, 101.
+
+Brandes, George, "Young Germany" by, 132;
+  quoted on Lassalle, 205-206.
+
+Brass, August, tool of Bismarck, 211.
+
+Bray, J. F., 130.
+
+Bresci, Gaetano, assassin of King Humbert, 87.
+
+Briand, Aristide, 184 n., 270, 353.
+
+Brousse, Paul, 49, 196-197, 198;
+  originates phrase, "the Propaganda of the Deed," 51-52;
+  leads revolutionary manifestation at Bern, 53;
+  leaves the Bakouninists, 204.
+
+Bucher, Lothar, tool of Bismarck, 210.
+
+Burlington strike, outrages by private detectives during, 296.
+
+Burns, William J., quoted on character of detectives as a
+  class, 284-285.
+
+
+C
+
+Cabet, utopian socialism of, 144.
+
+Cafiero, Carlo, Italian revolutionist, disciple of Bakounin, 38,
+  45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 54.
+
+Camorra, an organization of Italians which pursues terrorist
+  tactics, 100.
+
+"Capital," Marx's work, 152, 344.
+
+Capitalism, workingmen's ignorance concerning, previous to advent of
+  Karl Marx, 338-341.
+
+Carnot, President, assassination of, 85.
+
+Caserio, assassin of President Carnot, 79, 85-86.
+
+Castillo, Canovas del, torture of suspected terrorists by, 87.
+
+Catholic Church, burden of anarchism laid on doctrines of socialism
+  by, 98;
+  right of assassination upheld by clergy of, 98-99;
+  terrorist tactics pursued by organizations of, 100.
+
+Cerretti, Celso, Italian insurrectionist, 42.
+
+Chartists, the, 130, 136, 137, 149.
+
+Cluseret, General, 29, 32, 36.
+
+Colorado, governmental tyranny during labor wars in, 217;
+  political and industrial battles in (1894-1904), 302-311.
+
+Commune of Paris, viewed as a spontaneous uprising of the working
+  class, 36-37.
+
+Communist League, Marx presents his views to, resulting in the
+  Communist Manifesto, 137-138.
+
+Communist Manifesto, of Marx and Engels, 137-141;
+  the universal text-book of the socialist movement, 334.
+
+Communist societies in Germany, 131.
+
+Congress of United States, socialists not represented in, 330, 333.
+
+Congresses, international, of socialists, 334.
+
+Cooper, Thomas, 130.
+
+Coöperative movement, beginning of, in England, 130;
+  progress in growth of, 331-332.
+
+Corruption, the omnipresence of, 263-264.
+
+Costa, Andrea, 42;
+  at anarchist congress in Geneva (1873), 197-198;
+  article by, attacking socialists, 201;
+  leaves the Bakouninists, 204.
+
+Courts, prevalence of violence set down to corruption of, 107, 108.
+
+Cramer, Peter J., union leader killed by special police, 287.
+
+Criminal elements, part played by, in uprisings, 109-110;
+  use of, as the tool of reactionary intrigue, 110 ff., 281-326.
+
+Cripple Creek, Colo., strike, 304-306.
+
+Cyvoct, militant anarchist of Lyons, 59-60.
+
+Czolgosz, assassin of President McKinley, 75, 88;
+  motive which actuated, 101.
+
+
+D
+
+Debs, Eugene V., on instigation to violence by deputies in Chicago
+  railway strike, 301-302.
+
+Decamps, French terrorist, 79.
+
+Delesalle, French anarchist, a sponsor of sabotage as a war measure
+  of trade unionists, 236.
+
+Democracy, attacks of syndicalism on, 264-265;
+  view of the present day as the age of, 349;
+  to be achieved only through democracy, 350, 352;
+  eternal faith of socialists in, 353.
+
+Detectives, employment of, as weapons of anarchists of the wealthy
+  class in the United States, 281 ff.;
+  character of the so-called, employed during big strikes in United
+  States, 282-290;
+  use of, as instigators and perpetrators of acts of violence, 290-292,
+  299-302, 312-314;
+  pecuniary interest of, in provoking crime, 314;
+  intentional misleading of employers by, 316-319;
+  prolongation of strikes by, 319-320;
+  a few of the outrages committed by, 320-321.
+
+Deville, Gabriel, 202.
+
+Direct action, opposed by syndicalists to the political action of
+  socialists, 267 ff.;
+  cannot be revolutionary action and is destined to failure, 272.
+
+Duehring, Eugene, mistaken views of socialism held by, 186.
+
+Duval, Clément, French anarchist and robber, 77-78.
+
+Dynamite, glorifying of, by terrorists, as the poor man's weapon
+  against capitalism, 69.
+
+
+E
+
+Eccarius, reply of, to Bakounin at Basel congress, 178;
+  at anarchist congress in Geneva (1873), 196.
+
+Egoistic conception of history, carried to its extreme by
+  anarchism, 102 ff.
+
+Engels, Frederick, 15;
+  criticism by, of position of Bakouninists in Spanish
+  revolution, 40, 41;
+  description by, of early communist societies in Germany, 131;
+  first meeting of Marx and, and beginning of their coöperative
+  labors, 132-133;
+  reply of, to Dr. Duehring, 186;
+  socialist view of the State as expressed by, 257-258;
+  on the lasting power exercised by Marx over the labor movement, 338;
+  on the reorganization of society through the conscious coöperation
+  of the masses, 347-348.
+
+
+F
+
+Fenians, an organization of Irishmen which pursued terrorist
+  tactics, 100.
+
+Feudal lords, anarchism of the, 277-278, 279.
+
+Fortis, Italian revolutionist, 42.
+
+Fourier, 128;
+  utopian socialism of, 144.
+
+France, anarchist activities in (1882), 58-60;
+  deeds of terrorists in, 77-86;
+  effects of terrorist tactics in, 86-87;
+  crimes of motor bandits in, 88-89;
+  early days of socialism in, 128-129;
+  launching of socialist labor party in (1878), 202-203;
+  individualism in, one cause for rise of syndicalism, 242-243;
+  poverty as a cause for reliance upon violence of trade unions
+  in, 244.
+
+Frick, Henry C., shooting of, 75;
+  events which led up to shooting of, 292-295.
+
+Fruneau, quoted on corruption in revolutions, 263.
+
+
+G
+
+General Confederation of Labor, organization of, 233.
+
+General strike, inauguration of idea, by French trade
+  unionists, 233-234;
+  Guérard's argument for, 234-235;
+  notable points in program of action of, 235-236;
+  program of trade unionists in case of success in, 237-238;
+  conditions which produce agitation for, 243-244;
+  doubts of syndicalists as to success of a peaceable strike, 246-247;
+  Jaurès' warning against the, 270;
+  ridicule of, by Marx and Engels, 343.
+
+Geneva, congress of anarchists at, in 1873, 196-199.
+
+Germany, beginning of anarchist activity in, 55-57;
+  great political organization built up by socialists in, 203;
+  meteoric career of Lassalle in, 205-209;
+  history of Bismarck's losing battle with social democracy
+  in, 211-227;
+  State ownership favored by socialists in, 254-256;
+  growth of socialist and labor vote in, 328;
+  strong parliamentary position of socialists in, 329-330.
+
+Goldman, Emma, quoted on Johann Most, 67;
+  quoted on causes of violent acts by terrorists, 91;
+  on the connection of police with anarchist outrages, 119.
+
+Grave, Jean, French anarchist, 81.
+
+Gray, John, 130.
+
+Great-man theory, terrorist deeds of violence traceable to, 102 ff.
+
+Guérard, argument of, for revolutionary general strike, 234-235.
+
+Guesde, Jules, 202, 204;
+  quoted on direct action vs. political action, 267-269.
+
+Guillaume, James, Swiss revolutionist, friend of Bakounin, 28,
+  38, 42, 45, 47, 53, 197, 199, 229;
+  takes part in manifestation at Bern (1877), 53.
+
+
+H
+
+Hales, John, at anarchist congress in Geneva (1873), 196-199.
+
+Hall, Charles, 130.
+
+Harney, George Julian, 137.
+
+Harrison, Frederic, quoted, 151.
+
+Hasselmann, German revolutionist, 56, 65;
+  ejection of, from socialist party, 220.
+
+Haymarket catastrophe, Chicago, 68-70.
+
+Henry, Émile, French terrorist, 79, 84-85, 104.
+
+Herwegh, German poet and revolutionist, 157-158.
+
+Hess, Moritz, secret history of Basel congress of 1869 by, 169-170.
+
+Hillquit, Morris, description by, of battle between strikers and
+  detectives at Homestead, 293-294.
+
+Hins, follower of Bakounin, quoted, 163;
+  outlines, in 1869, program of modern syndicalists, 166-167.
+
+Hödel, assassin of Emperor William, 55, 213.
+
+Hodgskin, Thomas, 130.
+
+Hogan, "Kid," quoted on strike-breakers, 288-289.
+
+Homestead strike, character of Pinkertons employed in, 285-286;
+  account of battle between strikers and special police, 292-294.
+
+Houses of the People, in Europe, 332.
+
+Humbert, King, attempt upon life of, 55;
+  assassination of, 87.
+
+Hume, Joseph, 130.
+
+
+I
+
+Individualism in France a contributing cause to rise of
+  syndicalism, 242-243.
+
+Industrial Workers of the World, American syndicalism, 247 n.
+
+Inheritance, abolition of right of, advocated by Bakounin, 163-164.
+
+Intellectuals, appearance of, as an aid to anarchism, 239-241;
+  lack of real understanding of labor movement by, and fate of, 354.
+
+International Alliance of Social Democracy, 12-14.
+
+International Brothers, 12-14.
+
+International Working Men's Association (the "International"),
+  Bakounin's attempt to inject his ideas into, 7, 15;
+  launching of the, 145-146;
+  beginning made by, in actual political work, 150-152;
+  struggles in, between followers of Marx and followers of Bakounin's
+  anarchist doctrines, 154 ff.;
+  congress of, at Basel in 1869 the turning-point in its
+  history, 162-168;
+  overturning of foundation principles of, owing to anarchist
+  tendencies of the congress, 168;
+  period of slight accomplishment, from 1869 to 1873, 189-190;
+  congress of 1873 at The Hague, 191;
+  expulsion of Bakounin and removal of seat of General Council to New
+  York, 191-192;
+  motives of Marx in destroying, 192;
+  one chief result of existence of, the distinct separation of
+  anarchism and socialism, 192-193;
+  attempts of Bakouninists to revive, after Hague congress, 196 ff.;
+  end of efforts of anarchists to build a new, 200.
+
+International Working People's Association, anarchist society in
+  America, 68, 73.
+
+Italy, anarchist uprisings in, in 1874, 41-44;
+  demonstration under doctrines of Propaganda of the Deed in (1877),
+  53-54;
+  reasons for individual execution of justice in, found in expense of
+  official justice and corruptness of courts, 108;
+  conditions in, leading to rise of syndicalism, 242, 243;
+  socialist and labor vote in, 328;
+  parliamentary strength of socialists in, 330.
+
+Iwanoff, Russian revolutionist, 22-23.
+
+
+J
+
+Jaclard, Victor, 14, 29.
+
+Jaurès, tribute paid to Marx by, 152-153;
+  warning pronounced by, against the general strike, 270.
+
+Jesuits and doctrine of assassination, 98-99.
+
+Jones, Ernest, 130.
+
+
+K
+
+Kammerer, anarchist in Austria-Hungary, 57, 58.
+
+Kampffmeyer, Paul, quoted on State-socialist propositions in
+  Germany, 255.
+
+Kautsky, Karl, on the Statism of the socialist party, 256.
+
+Kropotkin, Prince, 49-50;
+  enthusiasm of, over the Propaganda of the Deed, 52;
+  quoted on anarchist activities at Lyons, 59;
+  on act of United States Supreme Court declaring unconstitutional
+  the eight-hour law on Government work, 62-63;
+  quoted on the Pittsburgh strike, 63-64;
+  on treatment of anarchists by socialists, 92 n.;
+  quoted on Russian secret police system, 113 n.;
+  articles by, attacking socialist parliamentary tactics, 201-202;
+  on the necessity of parliamentary action in distribution of land
+  after the French Revolution, 272.
+
+
+L
+
+Labor movement, violence characteristic of early years of the, 125-126;
+  beginning of real building of, in the middle of the last century, 127;
+  profit to, from aid of "intellectual" circles, 127;
+  in France, 128-129;
+  in England, 129-131;
+  setback to, in England due to various causes, 131;
+  beginnings of, in Germany, 131-134;
+  beginning of work of Marx and Engels in connection with, 132 ff.;
+  attempt of early socialist and anarchist sects to inject their ideas
+  into, 145;
+  launching of the International, 145 ff.;
+  entrance of the International into actual political work, 150-152;
+  the ideal of the labor movement as expressed by Lincoln, 152;
+  part played by the International as an organization of labor, 192;
+  origins of, in Germany, 209;
+  Bismarck's persecution of social democrats in Germany, 211-227;
+  entrance of anarchism into, in France, 231 ff.;
+  illegitimate activities of capital against, in United States, 280-326;
+  process of building structure of the present, 335-337;
+  position as a great and material actuality, 337;
+  tracing of work done by Marx in connection with, 338 ff.;
+  progress of, as indicated by socialist and labor vote, 328-329;
+  parliamentary strength of, 329-331;
+  growth of coöperations and trade unions, 331-333.
+
+_Labor Standard_ article on United States Supreme Court decision, 62-63.
+
+Labor Temples in Europe, 332.
+
+Labriola, Arturo, syndicalist criticism of socialism by, 249-251;
+  views of, on Parliamentarism, 261.
+
+Lafargue, Paul, 202.
+
+Lagardelle, on the antagonism of syndicalism and democracy, 264-265.
+
+Lankiewicz, Valence, 28.
+
+Lassalle, German socialist agitator, 205 ff.;
+  by organizing the Universal German Working Men's Association, becomes
+  founder of German labor movement, 209;
+  relations between Bismarck and, 210.
+
+Legien, Carl, quoted on French labor movement, 243.
+
+Le Vin, detective, quoted on character of special police, 286.
+
+Levine, Louis, "The Labor Movement in France" by, quoted, 244.
+
+Liebknecht, Wilhelm, quoted on Marx's opposition to insurrection led by
+  Herwegh, 158;
+  mentioned, 205, 209-210;
+  efforts of Bismarck to corrupt, 211;
+  persecution of, by Bismarck, 211-212;
+  frank statement of republican principles by, 212-213;
+  quoted on defeat of Bismarck by socialists, 226;
+  quoted as in favor of State-socialist propositions in Germany, 256.
+
+Lincoln, Abraham, ideal of the labor movement as expressed by, 152.
+
+Lingg, Louis, Chicago anarchist, 70, 95.
+
+Lombroso, on corrective measures to be used with anarchists, 96-97;
+  on the complicity of criminality and politics, 109.
+
+Lovett, William, 130.
+
+Luccheni, Italian assassin, 87.
+
+Lynchings, an explanation given for, 107, 108.
+
+Lyons, unsuccessful insurrection at, in 1870, 28-35.
+
+
+M
+
+McDowell, Malcomb, on character of deputy marshals in Chicago railway
+  strike, 300-301.
+
+McKinley, President, assassination of, 75, 88.
+
+McNamaras, the, 318, 324.
+
+Mafia, the, an organization of Italians which pursues terrorist
+  tactics, 100.
+
+Malatesta, Enrico, Italian revolutionist, 43-44, 49, 51.
+
+Manufacturers' Association, lawless work of the, 318.
+
+Mariana, Jesuit who upheld assassination of tyrants, 98, 99.
+
+Marx, Karl, view of Bakounin held by, 7;
+  meeting of Bakounin and, 9;
+  assailed by Bakounin upon latter's entrance into the
+  International, 15-16;
+  quoted on the insurrection at Lyons in 1870, 35-36;
+  on Bakounin's "abolition of the State," 36;
+  on the Commune of Paris, 37;
+  education and early career of, 132-134;
+  the Communist Manifesto, 137-141;
+  resignation of, from central council of Communist League, 141-142;
+  gives evidence of perception of lack of revolutionary promise in
+  sectarian organizations, secret societies, and political
+  conspiracies, 142;
+  gigantic intellectual labors of, in laying foundations of a
+  scientific socialism, 143;
+  the International launched by, 145-146;
+  essence of socialism of, in Preamble of the Provisional Rules of the
+  International, 147-148;
+  statement of idea of, as to revolutionary character of political
+  activity, 149-150;
+  immense work of, in connection with the International, and publishing
+  of "Capital" by, 152;
+  summing up of services of, by Jaurès, 152-153;
+  the battle between Bakounin and, 154 ff.;
+  annoyance and humiliation of, by victory of Bakouninists at Basel
+  congress, 168-169;
+  bitter attack made on Bakounin and his circle by, 169-170;
+  motives of, in destroying the International by moving seat of General
+  Council to New York, 191-192;
+  Bismarck's attempt to corrupt, 210;
+  view held by, of the State and its functions, 257;
+  quoted on "parliamentary crétinism," 261-262;
+  battles of workingmen fought on lines laid down by, 338;
+  immensity of task actually executed by, 344-356.
+
+Merlino, Italian anarchist, 81.
+
+Michel, Louise, French anarchist, 60.
+
+Milwaukee, character of special police employed during molders' strike
+  in, 286-287.
+
+Mine Owners' Association, anarchism of, in Colorado, 304-311.
+
+Moll, Joseph, 132, 137.
+
+Molly Maguires, an organization of Irishmen which pursued terrorist
+  tactics, 100.
+
+Most, Johann, a product of Bismarck's man-hunting policy and legal
+  tyranny, 56;
+  the Freiheit of, 57, 65;
+  brings terrorist ideas of Bakounin and Nechayeff to America, 64-65;
+  early history of, 65-66;
+  Emma Goldman's description of, 67;
+  effect of agitation and doctrines of, on socialism in America, 67-68;
+  climax of theories of, reached in the Haymarket tragedy, Chicago,
+  68-70;
+  article on "Revolutionary Principles" by, 69-70;
+  history of terrorist tactics in America centers about career of, 74;
+  responsibility of anti-socialist laws for misguided efforts and final
+  downfall of, 74-75;
+  ejected from socialist party for advocating violence in war with
+  Bismarck, 219-220.
+
+Motor bandits, career of, in France, 88-89.
+
+Museux, quoted on Ravachol, 82.
+
+"Muzzle Bill," Bismarck's, 221.
+
+
+N
+
+National Brothers, the, 12-14.
+
+Nechayeff, Sergei, young Russian revolutionist, 16;
+  collaboration of, with Bakounin, 16 ff.;
+  question of share of "Words Addressed to Students" and "The
+  Revolutionary Catechism" to be attributed to, 22;
+  activities of, in Russia, 22-23;
+  murder of Iwanoff by, 23;
+  quarrels with Bakounin, steals his papers, and flees to London, 23;
+  subsequent career and death, 25-26.
+
+Nobiling, Dr. Karl, 55, 214.
+
+
+O
+
+O'Brien, J. B., 130.
+
+O'Connor, Feargus, 130, 353.
+
+Orchard, Harry, crimes of, paid for by detective agencies, 307-310.
+
+Owen, Robert, 130;
+  utopian socialism of, 144;
+  in the Webbs' critique of, the economic fallacies of syndicalism are
+  revealed, 260-261.
+
+Ozerof, revolutionary enthusiast, friend of Bakounin, 28, 30, 34.
+
+
+P
+
+Paris, anarchist movement in (1883), 60;
+  acts of violence in, 77-89.
+
+Parliamentarism, criticism of, by syndicalists, 249, 261;
+  attitude of socialism toward, 262-263.
+
+Parliamentary strength of socialism at present day, 329-331.
+
+Pelloutier, leader in French labor movement, 231.
+
+Peukert, anarchist in Austria-Hungary, 57, 58;
+  found to be a police spy, 113-114.
+
+Pinkerton detectives, the tools of anarchists of the capitalist class
+  in the United States, 281 ff.
+
+Place, Francis, 130.
+
+Plechanoff, George, 53;
+  quoted, 200;
+  breaks with the Bakouninists, 204.
+
+Pini, French anarchist and robber, 96.
+
+Police agents, work of, against anarchism, socialism, and trade-union
+  movements, 110-120, 203-204;
+ infamous rôles played by, in United States, 290-292, 299-302, 312-314;
+  list of notable, who have played a double part in labor
+  movements, 313.
+
+Policing by the State, a check on anarchism of individuals, 279.
+
+Political action, dependence of Marx's program on, 137-141;
+  fight of anarchists against, 232;
+  criticism of, by syndicalists, 249 ff.;
+  direct action placed over against, by the syndicalists, 267 ff.
+
+Pougatchoff, Bakounin's idealizing of, 278.
+
+Pouget, Émil, French anarchist, 60;
+  origin of modern syndicalism with, 231;
+  sabotage introduced by, at trade-union congress in Toulouse, 235;
+  attack of syndicalism on democracy voiced by, 264;
+  on the syndicalist's contempt for democracy, 265.
+
+Poverty, as a cause of reliance upon violence by French
+  trade-unions, 244.
+
+Propaganda of the Deed, origin of the, 49-52;
+  inspiration of, found in the teachings of Bakounin, 52;
+  revolutionary demonstrations organized under doctrines of, 52-54;
+  as the chief expression of anarchism, makes the name anarchism
+  synonymous with violence and crime, 55;
+  progress of, as shown by anarchist activities in Germany,
+  Austria-Hungary, and France, 55-60;
+  influence of, in Italy, Spain, and Belgium, 60-61;
+  bringing of, to America by Johann Most, 62-76.
+  _See_ Terrorism.
+
+Proudhon, acquaintance between Bakounin and, 9;
+  the father of anarchism, 129.
+
+Proudhonian anarchists, inability of, to comprehend socialism of Marx,
+  148-149.
+
+Pryor, Judge Roger A., condemnation by, of use of private detectives by
+  corporations, 297-298.
+
+Pullman strike, employment and character of private detectives in,
+  298-302.
+
+
+R
+
+Ravachol, French terrorist, 79-82, 104.
+
+Razin, Stenka, leader of Russian peasant insurrection, 17;
+  Bakounin's robber worship of, 278.
+
+Reclus, Élisée, 14;
+  quoted concerning Ravachol, 81.
+
+_Red Flag_, Hasselmann's paper, 56.
+
+Reinsdorf, August, assassin of German Emperor, 69-70.
+
+"Revolutionary Catechism," by Bakounin and Nechayeff, 19-22.
+
+Rey, Aristide, 14.
+
+Richard, Albert, 29, 32.
+
+Rittinghausen, delegate to congress of the International, quoted,
+  162-163;
+  on the futility of insurrection as a policy, 272.
+
+Robber-worship, Bakounin's, 17, 278.
+
+Rochdale Pioneers, the, 130.
+
+Rochefort, Henri, remarks of, on anarchists, 70-71.
+
+Rubin, W. B., investigation of character of special police by, 286-287.
+
+Rull, Juan, Spanish gang leader, 119.
+
+
+S
+
+Sabotage, danger of use of, in United States, 324-325;
+  appearance of, and explanation, 236;
+  as really another name for the Propaganda of the Deed, 247.
+
+Saffi, Italian revolutionist, 42.
+
+Saignes, Eugène, 30, 31.
+
+Saint-Simon, 128.
+
+Salmons, C. H., on outrages by private detectives during Burlington
+  strike, 296.
+
+Sand, George, 9, 158.
+
+Schapper, Karl, 131, 141.
+
+Secret societies organized by Bakounin, 11-14.
+
+Shelley, P. B., psychology of the anarchists depicted by, 93.
+
+Small, Albion W., estimate of Marx by, 143.
+
+Socialism, early use of word, 34 n.;
+  split between anarchism and, in 1869, 47-48, 162-169;
+  rapid spread of, in America after panic of 1873, 64-65;
+  disastrous effect on, of Most's agitation in America, 67-68;
+  contrasted with anarchism on the point of the latter's inspiring
+  deeds of violence by terrorists, 90-92;
+  different types attracted by anarchism and, 92-93;
+  burden of anarchism placed on, by Catholic clergy, 98;
+  growth of, 125 ff., 202-203;
+  early days of, in France, 128-129;
+  in England, 129-131;
+  in Germany, 131-134;
+  Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels a part of the basic literature
+  of, 138;
+  the utopian, destroyed by Marx's scientific theory, 144-145;
+  the blending of labor and, a matter of decades, 145;
+  essence of Marx's, found in the Preamble of the Provisional Rules of
+  the International, 147-148;
+  routing of, by anarchist doctrines in congress of International at
+  Basel in 1869, 162-169;
+  inquiry into and exposition of the aims of the Marxian, 174-178;
+  attacks on, by anarchists after Hague congress of 1872, 201 ff.;
+  fruitless war waged on German social democracy by Bismarck, 211-227;
+  defeat and humiliation of Bismarck by, 225-227;
+  strength of, throughout Europe shown in elections of 1892, 227-228;
+  difference between aims and methods of, and those of syndicalism,
+  238-239;
+  antagonism between syndicalism and, 247 ff., 266;
+  Statism of, criticised by syndicalists, 249-251, 252;
+  real position of, regarding State ownership and State capitalism,
+  252-258;
+  criticism of, by syndicalists on grounds of Parliamentarism, 261;
+  real attitude of, toward control of parliaments, 262-263;
+  battle of, is against both the old anarchists, and the new anarchists
+  of the wealthy class in the United States, 325-326;
+  statistics of increase in vote of, 328-329;
+  parliamentary strength of, 329-331;
+  conditions which retard progress of, in United States, 332-333;
+  tendency of labor movement in all lands toward, 333-334;
+  international congresses of party, 334;
+  results of inseparableness of democracy and, 353-354;
+  slow but sure and steady progress of, 355-356.
+
+Sombart, Werner, quoted on syndicalism and the "social sybarites,"
+  241;
+  quoted on tendency of labor movement in all lands toward
+  socialism, 333.
+
+Sorel, quoted to show hostility of syndicalism to democracy, 264.
+
+Spain, revolution of 1873 in, 37-41;
+  repression of terrorist tactics in, 87.
+
+Spies, August, "revenge circular" of, 68.
+
+State, check placed on anarchism of the individual by the, 279-280;
+  activity of, in opposition to labor in United States, 322-324.
+
+Statism, criticism of, of the socialist party, by syndicalists, 249-252;
+  statement of attitude of socialism toward, 252-258;
+  economic fallacies of syndicalists regarding, pointed out by the Webbs
+  on their critique of Owen's trade-union socialism, 260-261.
+
+Steinert, Henry, quoted on special police and detectives, 285.
+
+Stellmacher, anarchist in Austria-Hungary, 57, 58.
+
+Stephens, Joseph Rayner, 130, 353.
+
+Stirner, Max, "The Ego and His Own" by, quoted, 105.
+
+"Study upon the German Jews," Bakounin's, 170-171.
+
+Supreme Court of United States, act of, declaring unconstitutional the
+  eight-hour law on Government work, 62-63.
+
+Syndicalism, program of, outlined at congress of International in 1869,
+  166-167;
+  forecast of, contained in Bakounin's arguments, 185;
+  revival in 1895 of anarchism under name of, 229;
+  explanation of, and reason for existence, 230 ff.;
+  wherein aim and methods differ from those of socialism, 238-239;
+  connection of the "intellectuals" with, 239-241;
+  reasons found for, in certain French and Italian conditions, 242-245;
+  essential differences between anarchism and, 245-246;
+  necessary antagonism between socialism and, 247 ff.;
+  objections to the outline of a new society contemplated by, 259 ff.;
+  criticism of Parliamentarism of socialism by, 261;
+  attacks of, on democracy, 264-265;
+  antagonism of socialism and, in aim and methods, 266 ff.;
+  proven to be the logical descendant of anarchism, 270-271;
+  its fate to be the same as that of anarchism, 271-272;
+  claim of, that revolutionary movement must pursue economic aims and
+  disregard political relations, 273.
+
+
+T
+
+Tennyson, quotation from, 96.
+
+Terrorism, doctrine of, brought into Western Europe by Bakounin, 4,
+  9-10, 17 ff.;
+  set forth in "Revolutionary Catechism" by Bakounin and Nechayeff,
+  19-22;
+  practical introduction of, in insurrections of the early seventies,
+  28 ff., 41-44;
+  criticism of, by socialists, 40;
+  advent of the Propaganda of the Deed, and resultant acts of violence
+  in Italy, 50-55;
+  carried into Germany, Austria-Hungary, and France, 56-60;
+  doctrine of, spread in America by Johann Most, 65-68;
+  protest voiced by Tucker, American anarchist, against terrorist
+  tactics, 70-74;
+  failure of, to take deep root in America, 75-76;
+  acts of, committed by anarchists in France, 77-89;
+  causes of, 90 ff.;
+  due to hysteria and pseudo-insanity, 93-94;
+  wrong attitude of society as to corrective measures, 94-98;
+  burden of, placed by Catholics on socialism, 98-101;
+  glorification of, in annals of history, 101;
+  egoistic conception of history carried to an extreme in, 102-106;
+  caused by corruption of courts and oppressive laws, 107-108;
+  complicity of criminality and, 109;
+  use of, by European governments, 110-120, 219 ff.;
+  introduced into the International by Bakounin, and struggles of
+  Marxists against, 154-193;
+  part played by, in Bismarck's war on social democracy, 213, 217, 218;
+  attempts of Bismarck to provoke, 219 ff.;
+  reaction of, on Bismarck, 227;
+  employed by ruling class in America, by means of private detectives
+  and special police, 276-324.
+
+Thompson, William, 130.
+
+Tolstoi, Berth's characterization of, 241.
+
+Tortellier, French agitator and anarchist, 231;
+  declaration of, against political action, 232.
+
+Trade unions, at basis of Spanish revolution of 1873, 39;
+  entrance into, of anarchism, resulting in syndicalism, 231 ff.
+  _See_ Labor movement.
+
+Tucker, Benjamin R., New York anarchist, quoted on "The Beast of
+  Communism," 70-74.
+
+
+U
+
+United States, unsettled conditions in, after panic of 1873, 62-64;
+  development of socialist and trade-union organizations in, 64;
+  Bakounin's terrorist ideas brought to, by Johann Most, 65;
+  acts of violence in, 67-70;
+  protests of anarchists of, against terrorism, 70-74;
+  failure of anarchism to take firm root in, 75;
+  anarchism of the powerful in, 280 ff.;
+  system of extra-legal police agents in, 281-291, 311 ff.;
+  account of tragic episodes in history of labor disputes in, 291-311;
+  abetting by the State of mercenary anarchists in, 322-325;
+  figures of socialist and labor vote in, 328;
+  socialists of, wholly lacking in representation in Congress, 330, 333;
+  conditions in, calculated to retard progress of socialist and labor
+  movement, 332-333.
+
+Universal German Working Men's Association, organization of, 209.
+
+Utopian socialism destroyed by Marx's scientific socialism, 144.
+
+
+V
+
+Vaillant, August, French terrorist, 79, 82-84, 104.
+
+Valzania, Italian revolutionist, 42.
+
+Vincenzo, Tomburri, Italian revolutionist, 54.
+
+Violence, analysis of causes of, 90-122.
+  _See_ Terrorism.
+
+Vliegen, Dutch labor leader, on the general strike, 243-244.
+
+Von Schweitzer, leader in German labor movement, reported to have sold
+  out to Bismarck, 211.
+
+Vote of socialists and laborites (1887-1913), 328, 329.
+
+
+W
+
+Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, economic fallacies of syndicalism indicated
+  by, 260-261.
+
+Weitling, early German socialist agitator, 132.
+
+Western Federation of Miners, crimes falsely attributed to, 307-310.
+
+West Virginia, governmental tyranny during labor troubles in, 217;
+  outrages committed by special police in, 292.
+
+Wickersham, George W., testimony of, as to packing of a jury by private
+  detectives, 289.
+
+William I., Emperor, attempts on life of, 55, 213-214.
+
+"Words Addressed to Students," Bakounin and Nechayeff's, 17.
+
+Wyden, secret conference of German social democrats at, 219-220.
+
+
+Y
+
+Yvetot, quoted on syndicalism and anarchism, 245.
+
+
+Z
+
+Zenker, quoted on anarchist movement in Austria-Hungary, 57-58;
+  on association formed by Most for uniting revolutionists, 66;
+  on motives behind deeds of violence, 100.
+
+Zola, psychology of the anarchist depicted by, 93.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's Violence and the Labor Movement, by Robert Hunter
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+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">
+  <head>
+    <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" />
+    <title>
+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of Violence and the Labor Movement, by Robert Hunter.
+    </title>
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+<pre>
+
+Project Gutenberg's Violence and the Labor Movement, by Robert Hunter
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Violence and the Labor Movement
+
+Author: Robert Hunter
+
+Release Date: January 28, 2010 [EBook #31108]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK VIOLENCE AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Fritz Ohrenschall, Martin Pettit and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i"></a>[<a href="images/004.png">i</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h1>VIOLENCE</h1>
+
+<h3>AND THE</h3>
+
+<h1>LABOR MOVEMENT</h1>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii"></a>[<a href="images/005.png">ii</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<div class="center"><img src="images/logo.jpg" width='200' height='66' alt="logo" /></div>
+
+<h4>THE MACMILLAN COMPANY<br /><br />
+NEW YORK &middot; BOSTON &middot; CHICAGO &middot; DALLAS<br />
+ATLANTA &middot; SAN FRANCISCO<br /><br />
+MACMILLAN &amp; CO., <span class="smcap">Limited</span><br /><br />
+LONDON &middot; BOMBAY &middot; CALCUTTA<br />MELBOURNE<br /><br />
+THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, <span class="smcap">Ltd.</span><br /><br />TORONTO</h4>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii"></a>[<a href="images/006.png">iii</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h1>VIOLENCE</h1>
+
+<h3>AND THE</h3>
+
+<h1>LABOR MOVEMENT</h1>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h3>BY</h3>
+
+<h2>ROBERT HUNTER</h2>
+
+<h4>AUTHOR OF "POVERTY," "SOCIALISTS AT WORK," ETC.</h4>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h4>New York<br />THE MACMILLAN COMPANY<br />1922</h4>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv"></a>[<a href="images/007.png">iv</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h4>PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA</h4>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h4><span class="smcap">Copyright, 1914</span>
+<br /><span class="smcap">By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY</span></h4>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h4>Set up and electrotyped. Published March, 1914.</h4>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h4>FERRIS<br />PRINTING COMPANY<br />NEW YORK CITY</h4>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v"></a>[<a href="images/008.png">v</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h4>THIS VOLUME IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED<br />BY THE AUTHOR TO</h4>
+
+<h3>EUGENE V. DEBS</h3>
+
+<h4>"ONE WHO NEVER TURNED HIS BACK BUT<br />MARCHED BREAST FORWARD,<br />
+NEVER DOUBTED CLOUDS WOULD BREAK,"<br /><br />AND</h4>
+
+<h3>D. DOUGLAS WILSON</h3>
+
+<h4>WHO, THOUGH PARALYZED AND BLIND, HAS SO LONG AND<br />
+FAITHFULLY BLAZED THE TRAIL FOR LABOR</h4>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi"></a>[<a href="images/009.png">vi</a>i]</span></p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii"></a>[<a href="images/010.png">vii</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>PREFACE</h2>
+
+<p>This volume is the result of some studies that I felt impelled to make
+when, about three years ago, certain sections of the labor movement in
+the United States were discussing vehemently political action <i>versus</i>
+direct action. A number of causes combined to produce a serious and
+critical controversy. The Industrial Workers of the World were carrying
+on a lively agitation that later culminated in a series of spectacular
+strikes. With ideas and methods that were not only in opposition to
+those of the trade unions, but also to those of the socialist party, the
+new organization sought to displace the older organizations by what it
+called the "one Big Union." There were many in the older organizations
+who firmly believed in industrial unionism, and the dissensions which
+arose were not so much over that question as over the antagonistic
+character of the new movement and its advocacy here of the violent
+methods employed by the revolutionary section of the French unions. The
+most forceful and active spokesman of these methods was Mr. William D.
+Haywood, and, largely as a result of his agitation, <i>la gr&egrave;ve g&eacute;n&eacute;rale</i>
+and <i>le sabotage</i> became the subjects of the hour in labor and socialist
+circles. In 1911 Mr. Haywood and Mr. Frank Bohn published a booklet,
+entitled <i>Industrial Socialism</i>, in which they urged that the worker
+should "use any weapon which will win his fight."<a name="FNanchor_A_1" id="FNanchor_A_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_A_1" class="fnanchor">[A]</a> They declared that,
+as "the present laws of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii"></a>[<a href="images/011.png">viii</a>]</span> property are made by and for the capitalists,
+the workers should not hesitate to break them."<a name="FNanchor_B_2" id="FNanchor_B_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_B_2" class="fnanchor">[B]</a></p>
+
+<p>The advocacy of such doctrines alarmed the older socialists, who were
+familiar with the many disasters that had overtaken the labor movement
+in its earlier days, and nearly all of them assailed the direct
+actionists. Mr. Eugene V. Debs, Mr. Victor L. Berger, Mr. John Spargo,
+Mr. Morris Hillquit, and many others, less well known, combated "the new
+methods" in vigorous language. Mr. Hillquit dealt with the question in a
+manner that immediately awakened the attention of every active
+socialist. Condemning without reserve every resort to lawbreaking and
+violence, and insisting that both were "ethically unjustifiable and
+tactically suicidal," Mr. Hillquit pointed out that whenever any group
+or section of the labor movement "has embarked upon a policy of
+'breaking the law' or using 'any weapons which will win the fight,'
+whether such policy was styled 'terrorism,' 'propaganda of the deed,'
+'direct action,' 'sabotage,' or 'anarchism,' it has invariably served to
+demoralize and destroy the movement, by attracting to it professional
+criminals, infesting it with spies, leading the workers to needless and
+senseless slaughter, and ultimately engendering a spirit of disgust and
+reaction. It was this advocacy of 'lawbreaking' which Marx and Engels
+fought so severely in the International and which finally led to the
+disruption of the first great international parliament of labor, and the
+socialist party of every country in the civilized world has since
+uniformly and emphatically rejected that policy."<a name="FNanchor_C_3" id="FNanchor_C_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_C_3" class="fnanchor">[C]</a></p>
+
+<p>There could be no better introduction to the present volume than these
+words of Mr. Hillquit, and it will, I think, be clear to the reader that
+the history of the labor<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix"></a>[<a href="images/012.png">ix</a>]</span> movement during the last half-century fully
+sustains Mr. Hillquit's position. The problem of methods has always been
+a vital matter to the labor movement, and, for a hundred years at least,
+the quarrels now dividing syndicalists and socialists have disturbed
+that movement. In the Chartist days the "physical forcists" opposed the
+"moral forcists," and later dissensions over the same question occurred
+between the Bakouninists and the Marxists. Since then anarchists and
+social democrats, direct actionists and political actionists,
+syndicalists and socialists have continued the battle. I have attempted
+here to present the arguments made by both sides of this controversy,
+and, while no doubt my bias is perfectly clear, I hope I have presented
+fairly the position of each of the contending elements. Fortunately, the
+direct actionists have exercised a determining influence only in a few
+places, and everywhere, in the end, the victory of those who were
+contending for the employment of peaceable means has been complete.
+Already in this country, as a result of the recent controversy, it is
+written in the constitution of the socialist party that "any member of
+the party who opposes political action or advocates crime, sabotage, or
+other methods of violence as a weapon of the working class to aid in its
+emancipation shall be expelled from membership in the party."<a name="FNanchor_D_4" id="FNanchor_D_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_D_4" class="fnanchor">[D]</a> Adopted
+by the national convention of the party in 1911, this clause was
+ratified at a general referendum of all the membership of the party. It
+is clear, therefore, that the immense majority of socialists are
+determined to employ peaceable and legal methods of action.</p>
+
+<p>It is, of course, perfectly obvious that the methods to be employed in
+the struggles between classes, as between nations, cannot be
+predetermined. And, while<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x"></a>[<a href="images/013.png">x</a>]</span> the socialists everywhere have condemned the
+use of violent measures and are now exercising every power at their
+command to keep the struggle between labor and capital on legal ground,
+events alone will determine whether the great social problems of our day
+can be settled peaceably. The entire matter is largely in the hands of
+the ruling classes. And, while the socialists in all countries are
+determined not to allow themselves to be provoked into acts of despair
+by temporary and fleeting methods of repression, conditions may of
+course arise where no organization, however powerful, could prevent the
+masses from breaking into an open and bloody conflict. On one memorable
+occasion (March 31, 1886), August Bebel uttered some impressive words on
+this subject in the German Reichstag. "Herr von Puttkamer," said Bebel,
+"calls to mind the speech which I delivered in 1881 in the debate on the
+Socialist Law a few days after the murder of the Czar. I did not then
+glorify regicide. I declared that a system like that prevailing in
+Russia necessarily gave birth to Nihilism and must necessarily lead to
+deeds of violence. Yes, I do not hesitate to say that if you should
+inaugurate such a system in Germany it would of necessity lead to deeds
+of violence with us as well. (A deputy called out: 'The German
+Monarchy?') The German Monarchy would then certainly be affected, and I
+do not hesitate to say that I should be one of the first to lend a hand
+in the work, for all measures are allowable against such a system."<a name="FNanchor_E_5" id="FNanchor_E_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_E_5" class="fnanchor">[E]</a> I
+take it that Bebel was, in this instance, simply pointing out to the
+German bureaucracy the inevitable consequences of the Russian system. At
+that very moment he was restraining hundreds of thousands<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi"></a>[<a href="images/014.png">xi</a>]</span> of his
+followers from acts of despair, yet he could not resist warning the
+German rulers that the time might come in that country when no
+considerations whatever could persuade men to forego the use of the most
+violent retaliative measures. This view is, of course, well established
+in our national history, and our Declaration of Independence, as well as
+many of our State constitutions, asserts that it is both the right and
+the duty of the people to overthrow by any means in their power an
+oppressive and tyrannical government. This was, of course, always the
+teaching of what Marx liked to call "the bourgeois democrats." It was,
+in fact, their only conception of revolution.</p>
+
+<p>The socialist idea of revolution is quite a different one. Insurrection
+plays no necessary part in it, and no one sees more clearly than the
+socialist that nothing could prove more disastrous to the democratic
+cause than to have the present class conflict break into a civil war. If
+such a war becomes necessary, it will be in spite of the organized
+socialists, who, in every country of the world, not only seek to avoid,
+but actually condemn, riotous, tempestuous, and violent measures. Such
+measures do not fit into their philosophy, which sees, as the cause of
+our present intolerable social wrongs, not the malevolence of
+individuals or of classes, but the workings of certain economic laws.
+One can cut off the head of an individual, but it is not possible to cut
+off the head of an economic law. From the beginning of the modern
+socialist movement, this has been perfectly clear to the socialist,
+whose philosophy has taught him that appeals to violence tend, as Engels
+has pointed out, to obscure the understanding of the real development of
+things.</p>
+
+<p>The dissensions over the use of force, that have been so continuous and
+passionate in the labor movement,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii"></a>[<a href="images/015.png">xii</a>]</span> arise from two diametrically opposed
+points of view. One is at bottom anarchistic, and looks upon all social
+evils as the result of individual wrong-doing. The other is at bottom
+socialistic, and looks upon all social evils as in the main the result
+of economic and social laws. To those who believe there are good trusts
+and bad trusts, good capitalists and bad capitalists, and that this is
+an adequate analysis of our economic ills, there is, of course, after
+all, nothing left but hatred of individuals and, in the extreme case,
+the desire to remove those individuals. To those, on the other hand, who
+see in certain underlying economic forces the source of nearly all of
+our distressing social evils, individual hatred and malice can make in
+reality no appeal. This volume, on its historical side, as well as in
+its survey of the psychology of the various elements in the labor
+movement, is a contribution to the study of the reactions that affect
+various minds and temperaments in the face of modern social wrongs. If
+one's point of view is that of the anarchist, he is led inevitably to
+make his war upon individuals. The more sensitive and sincere he is, the
+more bitter and implacable becomes that war. If one's point of view is
+based on what is now called the economic interpretation of history, one
+is emancipated, in so far as that is possible for emotional beings, from
+all hatred of individuals, and one sees before him only the necessity of
+readjusting the economic basis of our common life in order to achieve a
+more nearly perfect social order.</p>
+
+<p>In contrasting the temperaments, the points of view, the philosophy, and
+the methods of these two antagonistic minds, I have been forced to take
+two extremes, the Bakouninist anarchist and the Marxian socialist. In
+the case of the former, it has been necessary to present the views of a
+particular school of anarchism, more or less<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii"></a>[<a href="images/016.png">xiii</a>]</span> regardless of certain
+other schools. Proudhon, Stirner, Warren, and Tucker do not advocate
+violent measures, and Tolstoi, Ibsen, Spencer, Thoreau, and
+Emerson&mdash;although having the anarchist point of view&mdash;can hardly be
+conceived of as advocating violent measures. It will be obvious to the
+reader that I have not dealt with the philosophical anarchism, or
+whatever one may call it, of these last. I have confined myself to the
+anarchism of those who have endeavored to carry out their principles in
+the democratic movement of their time and to the deeds of those who
+threw themselves into the active life about them and endeavored to
+impress both their ideas and methods upon the awakening world of labor.
+It is the anarchism of these men that the world knows. By deeds and not
+by words have they written their definition of anarchism, and I am
+taking and using the term in this volume in the sense in which it is
+used most commonly by people in general. If this offends the anarchists
+of the non-resistant or passive-resistant type, it cannot be helped. It
+is the meaning that the most active of the anarchists have themselves given it.</p>
+
+<p>I have sought to take my statements from first-hand sources only,
+although in a few cases I have had to depend on secondary sources. I am
+deeply indebted to Mr. Herman Schlueter, editor of the <i>New Yorker
+Volkszeitung</i>, for lending me certain rare books and pamphlets, and also
+for reading carefully and critically the entire manuscript. With his
+help I have managed to get every document that has seemed to me
+essential. At the end of the volume will be found a complete list of the
+authorities which I have consulted. I have to regret that I could not
+read, before sending this manuscript to the publisher, the four volumes
+just published of the correspondence between Marx and Engels <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv"></a>[<a href="images/016a.png">xiv</a>]</span>(<i>Der
+Briefwechsel zwischen Friedrich Engels und Karl Marx 1844 bis 1833,
+herausgegeben von A. Bebel und Ed. Bernstein</i>, J. H. W. Dietz,
+Stuttgart, 1913). I must also express here my gratitude to Mr. Morris
+Hillquit and to Miss Helen Phelps Stokes for making many valuable
+suggestions, as well as my indebtedness to Miss Helen Bernice Sweeney
+and Mr. Sidney S. Bobb&eacute; for their most capable secretarial assistance.
+Special appreciation is due my wife for her helpfulness and painstaking
+care at many difficult stages of the work.</p>
+
+<p>Highland Farm,<br />&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Noroton Heights,<br />
+&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Connecticut.<br />November 1, 1913.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A_1" id="Footnote_A_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A_1"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> P. 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_B_2" id="Footnote_B_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_B_2"><span class="label">[B]</span></a> P. 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_C_3" id="Footnote_C_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_C_3"><span class="label">[C]</span></a> The New York <i>Call</i>, November 20, 1911.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_D_4" id="Footnote_D_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_D_4"><span class="label">[D]</span></a> Article II, Section 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_E_5" id="Footnote_E_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_E_5"><span class="label">[E]</span></a> Quoted by Dawson, "German Socialism and Ferdinand
+Lassalle," p. 272.</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv"></a>[<a href="images/016b.png">xv</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<table class="tbrk" summary="CONTENTS">
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="smcap">Preface</span>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_vii">vii</a></td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<h3>PART I</h3>
+
+<h3>TERRORISM IN WESTERN EUROPE</h3>
+
+<table class="tbrk" summary="CONTENTS2">
+  <tr>
+    <td>CHAPTER</td>
+    <td class="right">PAGE</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;I.</span> <span class="smcap">The Father of Terrorism</span></td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;II.</span> <span class="smcap">A Series of Insurrections</span></td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_28">28</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="mono">&nbsp;III.</span> <span class="smcap">The Propaganda of the Deed</span>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;IV.</span> <span class="smcap">Johann Most in America</span></td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;V.</span> <span class="smcap">A Series of Tragedies</span></td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_77">77</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;VI.</span> <span class="smcap">Seeking the Causes</span></td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_90">90</a></td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<h3>PART II</h3>
+
+<h3>STRUGGLES WITH VIOLENCE</h3>
+
+<table class="tbrk" summary="CONTENTS3">
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="mono">&nbsp;VII.</span> <span class="smcap">The Birth of Modern Socialism</span></td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_125">125</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="mono">VIII.</span> <span class="smcap">The Battle Between Marx and Bakounin</span>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_154">154</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;IX.</span> <span class="smcap">The Fight for Existence</span></td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_194">194</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;X.</span> <span class="smcap">The Newest Anarchism</span></td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_229">229</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;XI.</span> <span class="smcap">The Oldest Anarchism</span></td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_276">276</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="mono">&nbsp;XII.</span> <span class="smcap">Visions of Victory</span></td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_327">327</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="smcap">Authorities</span></td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_357">357</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="smcap">Index</span></td>
+    <td class="right"><a href="#Page_375">375</a></td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi"></a>[<a href="images/016c.png">xvi</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1"></a>[<a href="images/016d.png">1</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>PART I</h2>
+
+<h2>TERRORISM IN WESTERN EUROPE</h2>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2"></a>[<a href="images/019.png">2</a>]</span></p>
+
+<div class="center"><img src="images/bakounin.jpg" width='467' height='700' alt="MICHAEL BAKOUNIN" /></div>
+
+<h4>MICHAEL BAKOUNIN</h4>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3"></a>[<a href="images/020.png">3</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h1>Violence and the Labor<br />Movement</h1>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER I</h2>
+
+<h3>THE FATHER OF TERRORISM</h3>
+
+<p>"Dante tells us," writes Macaulay, "that he saw, in Malebolge, a strange
+encounter between a human form and a serpent. The enemies, after cruel
+wounds inflicted, stood for a time glaring on each other. A great cloud
+surrounded them, and then a wonderful metamorphosis began. Each creature
+was transfigured into the likeness of its antagonist. The serpent's tail
+divided into two legs; the man's legs intertwined themselves into a
+tail. The body of the serpent put forth arms; the arms of the man shrank
+into his body. At length the serpent stood up a man, and spake; the man
+sank down a serpent, and glided hissing away." <a name="FNanchor_1_36" id="FNanchor_1_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_36" class="fnanchor">(1)</a> Something, I suppose,
+not unlike this appalling picture of Dante's occurs in the world
+whenever a man's soul becomes saturated with hatred. It will be
+remembered, for instance, that even Shelley's all-forgiving and sublime
+Prometheus was forced by the torture of the furies to cry out in anguish,</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<div>"Whilst I behold such execrable shapes,</div>
+<div>Methinks I grow like what I contemplate."</div></div></div>
+
+<p>It would not be strange, then, if here and there a man's entire nature
+were transfigured when he sees a monster<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4"></a>[<a href="images/021.png">4</a>]</span> appear, cruel, pitiless, and
+unyielding, crushing to the earth the weak, the weary, and the
+heavy-laden. Nor is it strange that in Russia&mdash;the blackest Malebolge in
+the modern world&mdash;a litter of avengers is born every generation of the
+savage brutality, the murderous oppression, the satanic infamy of the
+Russian government. And who does not love those innumerable Russian
+youths and maidens, driven to acts of defiance&mdash;hopeless, futile, yet
+necessary&mdash;if for no other reason than to fulfill their duty to humanity
+and thus perhaps quiet a quivering conscience? There is something truly
+Promethean in the struggle of the Russian youth against their
+overpowering antagonist. They know that the price of one single act of
+protest is their lives. Yet, to the eternal credit of humanity,
+thousands of them have thrown themselves naked on the spears of their
+enemy, to become an example of sacrificial revolt. And can any of us
+wonder that when even this tragic seeding of the martyrs proved
+unfruitful, many of the Russian youth, brooding over the irremediable
+wrongs of their people, were driven to insanity and suicide? And, if all
+that was possible, would it be surprising if it also happened that at
+least one flaming rebel should have developed a philosophy of warfare no
+less terrible than that of the Russian bureaucracy itself? I do not
+know, nor would I allow myself to suggest, that Michael Bakounin, who
+brought into Western Europe and planted there the seeds of terrorism,
+came to be like what he contemplated, or that his philosophy and tactics
+of action were altogether a reflection of those he opposed. Yet, if that
+were the case, one could better understand that bitter and bewildering character.</p>
+
+<p>That there is some justification for speculation on these grounds is
+indicated by the heroes of Bakounin. He always meant to write the story
+of Prometheus, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5"></a>[<a href="images/022.png">5</a>]</span> he never spoke of Satan without an admiration that
+approached adoration. They were the two unconquerable enemies of
+absolutism. He was "the eternal rebel," Bakounin once said of Satan,
+"the first free-thinker and emancipator of the worlds." <a name="FNanchor_2_37" id="FNanchor_2_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_37" class="fnanchor">(2)</a> In another
+place he speaks of Proudhon as having the instinct of a revolutionist,
+because "he adored Satan and proclaimed anarchy." <a name="FNanchor_3_38" id="FNanchor_3_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_38" class="fnanchor">(3)</a> In still another
+place he refers to the proletariat of Paris as "the modern Satan, the
+great rebel, vanquished, but not pacified." <a name="FNanchor_4_39" id="FNanchor_4_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_39" class="fnanchor">(4)</a> In the statutes of his
+secret organization, of which I shall speak again later, he insists that
+"principles, programs, and rules are not nearly as important as that the
+persons who put them into execution shall have the devil in them." <a name="FNanchor_5_40" id="FNanchor_5_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_40" class="fnanchor">(5)</a>
+Although an avowed and militant atheist, Bakounin could not subdue his
+worship of the king of devils, and, had anyone during his life said that
+Bakounin was not only a modern Satan incarnate, but the eight other
+devils as well, nothing could have delighted him more. And no doubt he
+was inspired to this demon worship by his implacable hatred of
+absolutism&mdash;whether it be in religion, which he considered as tyranny
+over the mind, or in government, which he considered as tyranny over the
+body. To Bakounin the two eternal enemies of man were the Government and
+the Church, and no weapon was unworthy of use which promised in any
+measure to assist in their entire and complete obliteration.</p>
+
+<p>Absolutism was to Bakounin a universal destroyer of the best and the
+noblest qualities in man. And, as it stands as an effective barrier to
+the only social order that can lift man above the beast&mdash;that of perfect
+liberty&mdash;so must the sincere warrior against absolutism become the
+universal destroyer of any and everything associated with tyranny. How
+far such a crusade leads one may<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6"></a>[<a href="images/023.png">6</a>]</span> be gathered from Bakounin's own words:
+"The end of revolution can be no other," he declares, "than the
+destruction of all powers&mdash;religious, monarchical, aristocratic, and
+bourgeois&mdash;in Europe. Consequently, the destruction of all now existing
+States, with all their institutions&mdash;political, juridical, bureaucratic,
+and financial." <a name="FNanchor_6_41" id="FNanchor_6_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_41" class="fnanchor">(6)</a> In another place he says: "It will be essential to
+destroy everything, and especially and before all else, all property and
+its inevitable corollary, the State." <a name="FNanchor_7_42" id="FNanchor_7_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_42" class="fnanchor">(7)</a> "We want to destroy all
+States," he repeats in still another place, "and all Churches, with all
+their institutions and their laws of religion, politics, jurisprudence,
+finance, police, universities, economics, and society, in order that all
+these millions of poor, deceived, enslaved, tormented, exploited human
+beings, delivered from all their official and officious directors and
+benefactors, associations, and individuals, can at last breathe with
+complete freedom." <a name="FNanchor_8_43" id="FNanchor_8_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_43" class="fnanchor">(8)</a>] All through life Bakounin clung tenaciously to
+this immense idea of destruction, "terrible, total, inexorable, and
+universal," for only after such a period of destructive terror&mdash;in which
+every vestige of "the institutions of tyranny" shall be swept from the
+earth&mdash;can "anarchy, that is to say, the complete manifestation of
+unchained popular life," <a name="FNanchor_9_44" id="FNanchor_9_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_44" class="fnanchor">(9)</a> develop liberty, equality, and justice.
+These were the means, and this was the end that Bakounin had in mind all
+the days of his life from the time he convinced himself as a young man
+that "the desire for destruction is at the same time a creative
+desire." <a name="FNanchor_10_45" id="FNanchor_10_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_45" class="fnanchor">(10)</a></p>
+
+<p>Even so brief a glimpse into Bakounin's mind is likely to startle the
+reader. But there is no fiction here; he is what Carlyle would have
+called "a terrible God's Fact." He was a very real product of Russia's
+infamy, and we need not be surprised if one with Bakounin's great
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7"></a>[<a href="images/024.png">7</a>]</span>talents, worshiping Satan and preaching ideas of destruction that
+comprehended Cosmos itself, should have performed in the world a unique
+and never-to-be-forgotten r&ocirc;le. It was inevitable that he should have
+stood out among the men of his time as a strange, bewildering figure. To
+his very matter-of-fact and much annoyed antagonist, Karl Marx, he was
+little more than a buffoon, the "amorphous pan-destroyer, who has
+succeeded in uniting in one person Rodolphe, Monte Cristo, Karl Moor,
+and Robert Macaire." <a name="FNanchor_11_46" id="FNanchor_11_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_46" class="fnanchor">(11)</a> On the other hand, to his circle of worshipers
+he was a mental giant, a flaming titan, a Russian Siegfried, holding out
+to all the powers of heaven and earth a perpetual challenge to combat.
+And, in truth, Bakounin's ideas and imagination covered a field that is
+not exhausted by the range of mythology. He juggled with universal
+abstractions as an alchemist with the elements of the earth or an
+astrologist with the celestial spheres. His workshop was the universe,
+his peculiar task the refashioning of Cosmos, and he began by declaring
+war upon the Almighty himself and every institution among men fashioned
+after what he considered to be the absolutism of the Infinite.</p>
+
+<p>It is, then, with no ordinary human being that we must deal in treating
+of him who is known as the father of terrorism. Yet, as he lived in this
+world and fought with his faithful circle to lay down the principles of
+universal revolution, we find him very human indeed. Of contradictions,
+for instance, there seems to be no end. Although an atheist, he had an
+idol, Satan. Although an eternal enemy of absolutism, he pleaded with
+Alexander to become the Czar of the people. And, although he fought
+passionately and superbly to destroy what he called the "authoritarian
+hierarchy" in the organization of the International, he planned for his
+own purpose<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8"></a>[<a href="images/025.png">8</a>]</span> the most complete hierarchy that can well be imagined. His
+only tactic, that of <i>lex talionis</i>, also worked out a perfect
+reciprocity even in those common affairs to which this prodigy stooped
+in order to conquer, for he seemed to create infallibly every
+institution he combated and to use every weapon that he execrated when
+employed by others. The most fertile of law-givers himself, he could not
+tolerate another. Pope of Popes in his little inner circle, he could
+brook no rival. Machiavelli's Prince was no richer in intrigue than
+Bakounin; yet he always fancied himself, with the greatest
+self-compassion, as the na&iuml;ve victim of the endless and malicious
+intrigues of others. However affectionate, generous, and open he seemed
+to be with those who followed him worshipfully, even they were not
+trusted with his secrets, and, if he was always cunning and crafty
+toward his enemies, he never had a friend that he did not use to his
+profit. Volatile in his fitful changes toward men and movements,
+rudderless as he often seemed to be in the incoherence of his ideas and
+of his policies, there nevertheless burned in his soul throughout life a
+great flaming, and perhaps redeeming, hatred of tyranny. At times he
+would lead his little bands into open warfare upon it, dreaming always
+that the world once in motion would follow him to the end in his great
+work of destruction. At other times he would go to it bearing gifts, in
+the hope, as we must charitably think, of destroying it by stealth.</p>
+
+<p>In general outline, this is the father of terrorism as I see him. How he
+developed his views is not entirely clear, as very little is known of
+his early life, and there are several broken threads at different
+periods both early and late in his career. The little known of his youth
+may be quickly told. He was born in Russia in 1814, of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9"></a>[<a href="images/026.png">9</a>]</span> a family of good
+position, belonging to the old nobility. He was well educated and began
+his career in the army. Shortly after the Polish insurrection had been
+crushed, militarism and despotism became abhorrent to him, and the
+spectacle of that terrorized country made an everlasting impression upon
+him. In 1834 he renounced his military career and returned to Moscow,
+where he gave himself up entirely to the study of philosophy, and, as
+was natural at the period, he saturated himself with Hegel. From Moscow
+he went to St. Petersburg and later to Berlin, constantly pursuing his
+studies, and in 1842 he published under the title, "<i>La r&eacute;action en
+Allemagne, fragment, par un Fran&ccedil;ais</i>," an article ending with the now
+famous line: "The desire for destruction is at the same time a creative
+desire." <a name="FNanchor_12_47" id="FNanchor_12_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_47" class="fnanchor">(12)</a> This article appeared in the <i>Deutsche Jahrb&uuml;cher</i>, in
+which publication he soon became a collaborator. The authorities,
+however, were hostile to the paper, and he went into Switzerland in
+1843, only to be driven later to Paris. There he made the acquaintance
+of Proudhon, "the father of anarchism," and spent days and nights with
+him discussing the problems of government, of society, and of religion.
+He also met Marx, "the father of socialism," and, although they were
+never sympathetic, yet they came frequently in friendly and unfriendly
+contact with each other. George Sand, George Herwegh, Arnold Ruge,
+Frederick Engels, William Weitling, Alexander Herzen, Richard Wagner,
+Adolf Reichel, and many other brilliant revolutionary spirits of the
+time, Bakounin knew intimately, and for him, as for many others, the
+period of the forties was one of great intellectual development.</p>
+
+<p>In the insurrectionary period that began in 1848 he became active, but
+he appears to have done little noteworthy before January, 1849, when he
+went secretly to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10"></a>[<a href="images/027.png">10</a>]</span> Leipsic in the hope of aiding a group of young Czechs
+to launch an uprising in Bohemia. Shortly afterward an insurrection
+broke out in Dresden, and he rushed there to become one of the most
+active leaders of the revolt. It is said that he was "the veritable soul
+of the revolution," and that he advised the insurrectionists, in order
+to prevent the Prussians from firing upon the barricades, to place in
+front of them the masterpieces from the art museum. <a name="FNanchor_13_48" id="FNanchor_13_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_48" class="fnanchor">(13)</a> When that
+insurrection was suppressed, he, Richard Wagner, and some others hurried
+to Chemnitz, where Bakounin was captured and condemned to death.
+Austria, however, demanded his extradition, and there, for the second
+time, he was condemned to be hanged. Eventually he was handed over to
+Russia, where he again escaped paying the death penalty by the pardon of
+the Czar, and, after six years in prison, he was banished to Siberia.
+Great efforts were made to secure a pardon for him, but without success.
+However, through his influential relatives, he was allowed such freedom
+of movement that in the end he succeeded in escaping, and, returning to
+Europe through Japan and America, he arrived in England in 1861.</p>
+
+<p>The next year is notable for the appearance of two of his brochures,
+"<i>Aux amis russes, polonais, et &agrave; tous les amis slaves</i>," and "<i>La Cause
+du Peuple, Romanoff, Pougatchoff, ou Pestel?</i>" One would have thought
+that twelve years in prison and in Siberia would have made him more
+bitter than ever against the State and the Czar; but, curiously, these
+writings mark a striking departure from his previous views. For almost
+the only time in his life he expressed a desire to see Russia develop
+into a magnificent "State," and he urged the Russians to drive the
+Tartars back to Asia, the Germans back to Germany, and to become a free
+people, exclusively<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11"></a>[<a href="images/028.png">11</a>]</span> Russian. By co&ouml;perative effort between the military
+powers of the Russian Government and the insurrectionary activities of
+the Slavs subjected to foreign governments, the Russian peoples could
+wage a war, he argued, that would create a great united empire. The
+second of the above-mentioned volumes was addressed particularly to
+Alexander II. In this Bakounin prophesies that Russia must soon undergo
+a revolution. It may come through terrible and bloody uprisings on the
+part of the masses, led by some fierce and sanguinary popular idol, or
+it will come through the Czar himself, if he should be wise enough to
+assume in person the leadership of the peasants. He declared that
+"Alexander II. could so easily become the popular idol, the first Czar
+of the peasants.... By leaning upon the people he could become the
+savior and master of the entire Slavic world." <a name="FNanchor_14_49" id="FNanchor_14_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_49" class="fnanchor">(14)</a> He then pictures in
+glowing terms a united Russia, in which the Czar and the people will
+work harmoniously together to build up a great democratic State. But he
+threatens that, if the Czar does not become the "savior of the Slavic
+world," an avenger will arise to lead an outraged and avenging people.
+He again declares, "We prefer to follow Romanoff (the family name of the
+Czar), if Romanoff could and would transform himself from the
+<i>Petersbourgeois</i> emperor into the Czar of the peasants." <a name="FNanchor_15_50" id="FNanchor_15_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_50" class="fnanchor">(15)</a> Despite
+much flattery and ill-merited praise, the Czar refused to be converted,
+and Bakounin rushed off the next year to Stockholm, in the hope of
+organizing a band of Russians to enter Poland to assist in the
+insurrection which had broken out there.</p>
+
+<p>The next few years were spent mostly in Italy, and it was here that he
+conceived his plan of a secret international organization of
+revolutionists. Little is known of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12"></a>[<a href="images/029.png">12</a>]</span> how extensive this secret
+organization actually became, but Bakounin said in 1864 that it included
+a number of Italian, French, Scandinavian, and Slavic revolutionists. As
+a scheme this secret organization is remarkable. It included three
+orders: I. The International Brothers; II. The National Brothers; III.
+The semi-secret, semi-public organization of the International Alliance
+of Social Democracy. Without Bakounin's intending it, doubtless, the
+International Brothers resembled the circle of gods in mythology; the
+National Brothers, the circle of heroes; while the third order resembled
+the mortals who were to bear the burden of the fighting. The
+International Brothers were not to exceed one hundred, and they were to
+be the guiding spirits of the great revolutionary storms that Bakounin
+thought were then imminent in Europe. They must possess above all things
+"revolutionary passion," and they were to be the supreme secret
+executive power of the two subordinate organizations. In their hands
+alone should be the making of the programs, the rules, and the
+principles of the revolution. The National Brothers were to be under the
+direction of the International Brothers, and were to be selected because
+of their revolutionary zeal and their ability to control the masses.
+They were "to have the devil in them." The semi-secret, semi-public
+organization was to include the multitude, and sections were to be
+formed in every country for the purpose of organizing the masses.
+However, the masses were not to know of the secret organization of the
+National Brothers, and the National Brothers were not to know of the
+secret organization of the International Brothers. In order to enable
+them to work separately but harmoniously, Bakounin, who had chosen
+himself as the supreme law-giver, wrote for each of the three orders a
+program of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13"></a>[<a href="images/030.png">13</a>]</span>principles, a code of rules, and a plan of methods all its
+own. The ultimate ends of this movement were not to be communicated to
+either the National Brothers or to the Alliance, and the masses were to
+know only that which was good for them to know, and which would not be
+likely to frighten them. These are very briefly the outlines of the
+extraordinary hierarchy that was to form throughout all Europe and
+America an invisible network of "the real revolutionists."</p>
+
+<p>This organization was "to accelerate the universal revolution," and what
+was understood by the revolution was "the unchaining of what is to-day
+called the bad passions and the destruction of what in the same language
+is called 'public order.' We do not fear, we invoke anarchy, convinced
+that from this anarchy, that is to say, from the complete manifestation
+of unchained popular life, must come forth liberty, equality, justice
+..." <a name="FNanchor_16_51" id="FNanchor_16_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_51" class="fnanchor">(16)</a> It was clearly foreseen by Bakounin that there would be
+opponents to anarchy among the revolutionists themselves, and he
+declared: "We are the natural enemies of these revolutionists ... who
+... dream already of the creation of new revolutionary States." <a name="FNanchor_17_52" id="FNanchor_17_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_52" class="fnanchor">(17)</a> It
+was admitted that the Brothers could not of themselves create the
+revolution. All that a secret and well-organized society can do is "to
+organize, not the army of the revolution&mdash;the army must always be the
+people&mdash;but a sort of revolutionary staff composed of individuals who
+are devoted, energetic, intelligent, and especially sincere friends of
+the people, not ambitious nor self-conceited&mdash;capable of serving as
+intermediaries between the revolutionary idea and the popular instincts.
+The number of these individuals does not have to be immense. For the
+international organization of all Europe, one hundred revolutionists,
+strongly and seriously bound<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14"></a>[<a href="images/031.png">14</a>]</span> together, are sufficient. Two or three
+hundred revolutionists will be sufficient for the organization of the
+largest country." <a name="FNanchor_18_53" id="FNanchor_18_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_53" class="fnanchor">(18)</a></p>
+
+<p>The idea of a secret organization of revolutionary leaders proved to be
+wholly repugnant to many of even the most devoted friends of Bakounin,
+and by 1868 the organization is supposed to have been dissolved,
+because, it was said, secrets had leaked out and the whole affair had
+been subjected to much ridicule. <a name="FNanchor_19_54" id="FNanchor_19_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_54" class="fnanchor">(19)</a> The idea of the third order,
+however, that of the International Alliance, was not abandoned, and it
+appears that Bakounin and a number of the faithful Brothers felt hopeful
+in 1867 of capturing a great "bourgeois" congress, called the "League of
+Peace and of Liberty," that had met that year in Geneva. Bakounin,
+&Eacute;lis&eacute;e Reclus, Aristide Rey, Victor Jaclard, and several others in the
+conspiracy undertook to persuade the league to pass some revolutionary
+resolutions. Bakounin was already a member of the central committee of
+the league, and, in preparation for the battle, he wrote the manuscript
+afterward published under the title, "<i>F&eacute;d&eacute;ralisme, Socialisme, et
+Antith&eacute;ologisme</i>." But the congress of 1868 dashed their hopes to the
+ground, and the revolutionists separated from the league and founded the
+same day, September 25th, a new association, called <i>L'Alliance
+Internationale de la D&eacute;mocratie Socialiste</i>. The program now adopted by
+the Alliance, although written by Bakounin, expressed quite different
+views from those of the International Brothers. But it, too, began its
+revolutionary creed by declaring itself atheist. Its chief and most
+important work was "to abolish religion and to substitute science for
+faith; and human justice for divine justice." Second, it declared for
+"the political, economic, and social equality of the classes" (which, it
+was assumed, were to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15"></a>[<a href="images/032.png">15</a>]</span> continue to exist), and it intended to attain this
+end by the destruction of government and by the abolition of the right
+of inheritance. Third, it assailed all forms of political action and
+proposed that, in place of the community, groups of producers should
+assume control of all industrial processes. Fourth, it opposed all
+centralized organization, believing that both groups and individuals
+should demand for themselves complete liberty to do in all cases
+whatever they desired. <a name="FNanchor_20_55" id="FNanchor_20_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_55" class="fnanchor">(20)</a> The same revolutionists who a short time
+before had planned a complete hierarchy now appeared irreconcilably
+opposed to any form of authority. They now argued that they must abolish
+not only God and every political State, but also the right of the
+majority to rule. Then and then only would the people finally attain perfect liberty.</p>
+
+<p>These were the chief ideas that Bakounin wished to introduce into the
+International Working Men's Association. That organization, founded in
+1864 in London, had already become a great power in Europe, and Bakounin
+entered it in 1869, not only for the purpose of forwarding the ideas
+just mentioned, but also in the hope of obtaining the leadership of it.
+Failing in 1862 to convert the Czar, in 1864-1867 to organize into a
+hierarchy the revolutionary spirits of Europe, in 1868 to capture the
+bourgeoisie, he turned in 1869 to seek the aid of the working class. On
+each of these occasions his views underwent the most magical of
+transformations. With more bitterness than ever he now declared war upon
+the political and economic powers of Europe, but he was unable to
+prosecute this war until he had destroyed every committee or group in
+the International which possessed, or sought to possess, any power. He
+assailed Marx, Engels, and all those who he thought wished to dominate
+the International. The beam in his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16"></a>[<a href="images/033.png">16</a>]</span> own eye he saw in theirs, and he now
+expressed an unspeakable loathing for all hierarchical tendencies and
+authoritarian methods. The story of the great battle between him and
+Marx must be left for a later chapter, and we must content ourselves for
+the present with following the history of Bakounin as he gradually
+developed in theory and in practice the principles and tactics of terrorism.</p>
+
+<p>While struggling to obtain the leadership of the working classes of
+Western Europe, Bakounin was also busy with Russian affairs. "I am
+excessively absorbed in what is going on in Russia," he writes to a
+friend, April 13, 1869. "Our youth, the most revolutionary in the world
+perhaps, in theory and in practice, are so stirred up that the
+Government has been forced to close the universities, academies, and
+several schools at St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Kazan. I have here now a
+specimen of these young fanatics, who hesitate at nothing and who fear
+nothing.... They are admirable, ... believers without God and heroes
+without phrase!" <a name="FNanchor_21_56" id="FNanchor_21_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_56" class="fnanchor">(21)</a> He who called forth this eulogy was the young
+Russian revolutionist, Sergei Nechayeff. Whether admirable or not we
+shall leave the reader to judge. But, if Bakounin bewilders one,
+Nechayeff staggers one. And, if Bakounin was the father of terrorism,
+Nechayeff was its living embodiment. He was not complex, mystical, or
+sentimental. He was truly a revolutionist without phrase, and he can be
+described in the simplest words. He was a liar, a thief, and a
+murderer&mdash;the incarnation of Hatred, Malice, and Revenge, who stopped at
+no crime against friend or foe that promised to advance what he was
+pleased to call the revolution. Bakounin had for a long time sought his
+co&ouml;peration, and now in Switzerland they began that collaboration which
+resulted in the most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17"></a>[<a href="images/034.png">17</a>]</span> extraordinary series of sanguinary revolutionary
+writings known to history.</p>
+
+<p>In the summer of 1869 there was printed at Geneva "Words Addressed to
+Students," signed by them both; the "Formula of the Revolutionary
+Question"; "The Principles of the Revolution"; and the "Publications of
+the People's Tribunal"&mdash;the three last appearing anonymously. All of
+them counsel the most infamous doctrines of criminal activity. In "Words
+Addressed to Students," the Russian youth are exhorted to leave the
+universities and go among the people. They are asked to follow the
+example of Stenka Razin, a robber chieftain who, in the time of Alexis,
+placed himself at the head of a popular insurrection.<a name="FNanchor_F_6" id="FNanchor_F_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_F_6" class="fnanchor">[F]</a> "Robbery,"
+declare Bakounin and Nechayeff, "is one of the most honorable forms of
+Russian national life. The brigand is the hero, the defender, the
+popular avenger, the irreconcilable enemy of the State, and of all
+social and civil order established by the State. He is the wrestler in
+life and in death against all this civilization of officials, of nobles,
+of priests, and of the crown.... He who does not understand robbery can
+understand nothing in the history of the Russian masses. He who is not
+sympathetic with it, cannot sympathize with the popular life, and has no
+heart for the ancient, unbounded sufferings of the people; he belongs in
+the camp of the enemy, the partisans of the State.... It is through
+brigandage only that the vitality, passion, and force of the people are
+established<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18"></a>[<a href="images/035.png">18</a>]</span> undeniably.... The brigand in Russia is the veritable and
+unique revolutionist&mdash;revolutionist without phrase, without rhetoric
+borrowed from books, a revolutionist indefatigable, irreconcilable, and
+irresistible in action.... The brigands scattered in the forests, the
+cities, and villages of all Russia, and the brigands confined in the
+innumerable prisons of the empire, form a unique and indivisible world,
+strongly bound together, the world of the Russian revolution. In it, in
+it alone, has existed for a long time the veritable revolutionary
+conspiracy." <a name="FNanchor_22_57" id="FNanchor_22_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_57" class="fnanchor">(22)</a></p>
+
+<p>Once again the principles of the revolution appear to be complete and
+universal destruction. "There must 'not rest ... one stone upon a
+stone.' It is necessary to destroy everything, in order to produce
+'perfect amorphism,' for, if 'a single one of the old forms' were
+preserved, it would become 'the embryo' from which would spring all the
+other old social forms." <a name="FNanchor_23_58" id="FNanchor_23_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_58" class="fnanchor">(23)</a> The same leaflet preaches systematic
+assassination and declares that for practical revolutionists all
+speculations about the future are "criminal, because they hinder <i>pure
+destruction</i> and trammel the march of the revolution. We have confidence
+only in those who show by their acts their devotion to the revolution,
+without fear of torture or of imprisonment, and we disclaim all words
+unless action should follow immediately." ... <a name="FNanchor_24_59" id="FNanchor_24_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_59" class="fnanchor">(24)</a> "Words have no value
+for us unless followed at once by action. But all is not action that
+goes under that name: for example, the modest and too-cautious
+organization of secret societies without some external manifestations is
+in our eyes merely ridiculous and intolerable child's play. By external
+manifestations we mean a series of actions that positively destroy
+something&mdash;a person, a cause, a condition that hinders the emancipation<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19"></a>[<a href="images/036.png">19</a>]</span>
+of the people. Without sparing our lives, without pausing before any
+threat, any obstacle, any danger, etc., we must break into the life of
+the people with a series of daring, even insolent, attempts, and inspire
+them with a belief in their own power, awake them, rally them, and drive
+them on to the triumph of their own cause." <a name="FNanchor_25_60" id="FNanchor_25_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_60" class="fnanchor">(25)</a></p>
+
+<p>The most remarkable of this series of writings is "The Revolutionary
+Catechism." This existed for several years in cipher, and was guarded
+most carefully by Nechayeff. Altogether it contained twenty-six
+articles, classified into four sections. Here it is declared that if the
+revolutionist continues to live in this world it is only in order to
+annihilate it all the more surely. "The object remains always the same:
+the quickest and surest way of destroying this filthy order." ... "For
+him exists only one single pleasure, one single consolation, one reward,
+one satisfaction: the success of the revolution. Night and day he must
+have but one thought, but one aim&mdash;implacable destruction." ... "For
+this end of implacable destruction a revolutionist can and often must
+live in the midst of society, feigning to be altogether different from
+what he really is. A revolutionist must penetrate everywhere: into high
+society as well as into the middle class, into the shops, into the
+church, into the palaces of the aristocracy, into the official,
+military, and literary worlds, <i>into the third section</i> (the secret
+police), and even into the imperial palace." <a name="FNanchor_26_61" id="FNanchor_26_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_61" class="fnanchor">(26)</a></p>
+
+<p>"All this unclean society must be divided into several categories, the
+first composed of those who are condemned to death without delay." (Sec.
+15.) ... "In the first place must be destroyed the men most inimical to
+the revolutionary organization and whose violent and sudden death can
+frighten the Government the most and break its power in depriving it of
+energetic and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20"></a>[<a href="images/037.png">20</a>]</span>intelligent agents." (Sec. 16.) "The second category must
+be composed of people to whom we concede life provisionally, in order
+that by a series of monstrous acts they may drive the people into
+inevitable revolt." (Sec. 17.) "To the third category belong a great
+number of animals in high position or of individuals who are remarkable
+neither for their mind nor for their energy, but who, by their position,
+have wealth, connections, influence, power. We must exploit them in
+every possible manner, overreach them, deceive them, and, <i>getting hold
+of their dirty secrets</i>, make them our slaves." (Sec. 18.) ... "The
+fourth class is composed of sundry ambitious persons in the service of
+the State and of liberals of various shades of opinion. With them we can
+conspire after their own program, pretending to follow them blindly. We
+must take them in our hands, <i>seize their secrets, compromise them
+completely</i>, in such a way that retreat becomes impossible for them, so
+as to make use of them in bringing about disturbances in the State."
+(Sec. 19.) "The fifth category is composed of doctrinaires,
+conspirators, revolutionists, and of those who babble at meetings and on
+paper. We must urge these on and draw them incessantly into practical
+and perilous manifestations, which will result in making the majority of
+them disappear, while making some of them genuine revolutionists." (Sec.
+20.) "The sixth category is very important. They are the women, who must
+be divided into three classes: the first, frivolous women, without mind
+or heart, which we must use in the same manner as the third and fourth
+categories of men; the second, the ardent, devoted, and capable women,
+but who are not ours because they have not reached a practical
+revolutionary understanding, without phrase&mdash;we must make use of these
+like the men of the fifth category; finally,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21"></a>[<a href="images/038.png">21</a>]</span> the women who are entirely
+with us, that is to say, completely initiated and having accepted our
+program in its entirety. We ought to consider them as the most precious
+of our treasures, without whose help we can do nothing." (Sec. 21.) <a name="FNanchor_27_62" id="FNanchor_27_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_62" class="fnanchor">(27)</a></p>
+
+<p>The last section of the "Catechism" treats of the duty of the
+association toward the people. "The Society has no other end than the
+complete emancipation and happiness of the people, namely, of the
+laborers. But, convinced that this emancipation and this happiness can
+only be reached by means of an all-destroying popular revolution, <i>the
+Society will use every means and every effort to increase and intensify
+the evils and sorrows</i>, which must at last exhaust the patience of the
+people and excite them to insurrection <i>en masse</i>. By a popular
+revolution the Society does not mean a movement regulated according to
+the classic patterns of the West, which, always restrained in the face
+of property and of the traditional social order of so-called
+civilization and morality, has hitherto been limited merely to
+exchanging one form of political organization for another, and to the
+creating of a so-called revolutionary State. The only revolution that
+can do any good to the people is that which utterly annihilates every
+idea of the State and overthrows all traditions, orders, and classes in
+Russia. With this end in view, the Society has no intention of imposing
+on the people any organization whatever coming from above. The future
+organization will, without doubt, proceed from the movement and life of
+the people; but that is the business of future generations. Our task is
+terrible, total, inexorable, and universal destruction." <a name="FNanchor_28_63" id="FNanchor_28_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_63" class="fnanchor">(28)</a> These are
+in brief the tactics and principles of terrorism, as understood by
+Bakounin and Nechayeff. As only the criminal world shared these views in
+any degree,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22"></a>[<a href="images/039.png">22</a>]</span> the "Catechism" ends: "We have got to unite ourselves with
+the adventurer's world of the brigands, who are the veritable and unique
+revolutionists of Russia." <a name="FNanchor_29_64" id="FNanchor_29_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_64" class="fnanchor">(29)</a></p>
+
+<p>It is customary now to credit most of these writings to Nechayeff,
+although Bakounin himself, I believe, never denied that they were his,
+and no one can read them without noting the ear-marks of both Bakounin's
+thought and style. In any case, Nechayeff was constantly with Bakounin
+in the spring and summer of 1869, and the most important of these
+brochures were published in Geneva in the summer of that year. And,
+while it may be said for Bakounin that he nowhere else advocates all the
+varied criminal methods advised in these publications, there is hardly
+an argument for their use that is not based upon his well-known views.
+Furthermore, Nechayeff was primarily a man of action, and in a letter,
+which is printed hereafter, it appears that he urgently requested
+Bakounin to develop some of his theories in a Russian journal.
+Evidently, then, Nechayeff had little confidence in his own power of
+expression. We must, however, leave the question of paternity undecided
+and follow the latter to Russia, where he went late in the summer,
+loaded down with his arsenal of revolutionary literature and burning to
+put into practice the principles of the "Catechism."</p>
+
+<p>Without following in detail his devious and criminal work, one brief
+tale will explain how his revolutionary activities were brought quickly
+to an end. There was in Moscow, so the story runs, a gentle, kindly, and
+influential member of Nechayeff's society. Of ascetic disposition, this
+Iwanof spent much of his time in freely educating the peasants and in
+assisting the poorer students. He starved himself to establish cheap
+eating houses, which became the centers of the revolutionary groups.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23"></a>[<a href="images/040.png">23</a>]</span>
+The police finally closed his establishments, because Nechayeff had
+placarded them with revolutionary appeals. Iwanof, quite unhappy at this
+ending of his usefulness, begged Nechayeff to permit him to retire from
+the secret society. Nechayeff was, however, in fear that Iwanof might
+betray the secrets of the society, and he went one night with two fellow
+conspirators and shot Iwanof and threw the corpse into a pond. The
+police, in following up the murder, sought out Nechayeff, who had
+already fled from Russia and was hurrying back to Bakounin in Switzerland.</p>
+
+<p>From January until July, 1870, he was constantly with Bakounin, but
+quarrels began to arise between them in June, and Bakounin writes in a
+letter to Ogaref: "Our <i>boy</i> (Nechayeff) is very stubborn, and I, when
+once I make a decision, am not accustomed to change it. Therefore, the
+break with him, on my side at least seems inevitable." <a name="FNanchor_30_65" id="FNanchor_30_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_65" class="fnanchor">(30)</a> In the middle
+of July it was discovered that Nechayeff was once more carrying out the
+ethics they had jointly evolved, and, in order to make Bakounin his
+slave, had recourse to all sorts of "Jesuitical maneuvers, of lies and
+of thefts." Suddenly he disappeared from Geneva, and Bakounin and other
+Russians discovered that they had been robbed of all their papers and
+confidential letters. Soon it was learned that Nechayeff had presented
+himself to Talandier in London, and Bakounin hastened to write to his
+friend an explanation of their relations. "It may appear strange to you
+that we advise you to repulse a man to whom we gave letters of
+recommendation, written in the most cordial terms. But these letters
+date from the month of May, and there have happened since some events so
+serious that they have forced us to break all connections with
+Nechayeff." ... "It is perfectly true that Nechayeff<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24"></a>[<a href="images/041.png">24</a>]</span> is more persecuted
+by the Russian Government than any other man.... It is also true that
+Nechayeff is one of the most active and most energetic men that I have
+ever met. When it is a question of serving what he calls <i>the</i> cause, he
+does not hesitate, he stops at nothing, and is as pitiless toward
+himself as toward all others. That is the principal quality which
+attracted me to him and which made me for a long time seek his
+co&ouml;peration. There are those who pretend that he is nothing but a
+sharper, but that is a lie. He is a devoted fanatic, but at the same
+time a dangerous fanatic, with whom an alliance could only prove very
+disastrous for everyone concerned. This is the reason: He first belonged
+to a secret society which, in reality, existed in Russia. This society
+exists no more; all its members have been arrested. Nechayeff alone
+remains, and alone he constitutes to-day what he calls the 'Committee.'
+The Russian organization in Russia having been destroyed, he is forced
+to create a new one in a foreign country. All that was perfectly
+natural, legitimate, very useful&mdash;but the means by which he undertakes
+it are detestable.... He will spy on you and will try to get possession
+of all your secrets, and to do that, in your absence, left alone in your
+room, he will open all your drawers, will read all your correspondence,
+and whenever a letter appears interesting to him, that is to say,
+compromising you or one of your friends from one point of view or
+another, he will steal it, and will guard it carefully as a document
+against you or your friend.... If you have presented him to a friend,
+his first care will be to sow between you seeds of discord, scandal,
+intrigue&mdash;in a word, to set you two at variance. If your friend has a
+wife or a daughter, he will try to seduce her, to lead her astray, and
+to force her away from the conventional morality<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25"></a>[<a href="images/042.png">25</a>]</span> and throw her into a
+revolutionary protest against society.... Do not cry out that this is
+exaggeration. It has all been fully developed and proved. Seeing himself
+unmasked, this poor Nechayeff is indeed so childlike, so simple, in
+spite of his systematic perversity, that he believed it possible to
+convert me. He has even gone so far as to beg me to consent to develop
+this theory in a Russian journal which he proposed to me to establish.
+He has betrayed the confidence of us all, he has stolen our letters, he
+has horribly compromised us&mdash;in a word, he has acted like a villain. His
+only excuse is his fanaticism. He is a terribly ambitious man without
+knowing it, because he has at last completely identified the
+revolutionary cause with his own person. But he is not an egoist in the
+worst sense of that word, because he risks his own person terribly and
+leads the life of a martyr, of privations, and of unheard-of work. He is
+a fanatic, and fanaticism draws him on, even to the point of becoming an
+accomplished Jesuit. At moments he becomes simply stupid. Most of his
+lies are sewn with white thread.... In spite of this relative na&iuml;vet&eacute;,
+he is very dangerous, because he daily commits acts, abuses of
+confidence, and treachery, against which it is all the more difficult to
+safeguard oneself because one hardly suspects the possibility. With all
+that, Nechayeff is a force, because he is an immense energy. It is with
+great pain that I have separated from him, because the service of our
+cause demands much energy, and one rarely finds it developed to such a
+point." <a name="FNanchor_31_66" id="FNanchor_31_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_66" class="fnanchor">(31)</a></p>
+
+<p>The irony of fate rarely executes itself quite so humorously. Although
+perfectly familiar with Nechayeff's philosophy of action for over a
+year, the viciousness of it appeared to Bakounin only when he himself
+became a victim. When Nechayeff arrived in London he began<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26"></a>[<a href="images/043.png">26</a>]</span> the
+publication of a Russian journal, the <i>Commune</i>, where he bitterly
+attacked Bakounin and his views. Early in the seventies, he was arrested
+and taken back to Russia, where he and over eighty others, mostly young
+men and women students, were tried for belonging to secret societies.
+For the first time in Russian history the court proceeding took place
+before a jury and in public. Most of those arrested were condemned for
+long periods to the mines of Siberia at forced labor, while Nechayeff
+was kept in solitary imprisonment until his death, some years later.</p>
+
+<p>Bakounin, on the other hand, remained in Switzerland and became the very
+soul of that element in Italy, Spain, and Switzerland which fought the
+policies of Marx in the International. At the same time he was training
+a group of youngsters to carry out in Western Europe the principles of
+revolution as laid down in his Russian publications. Over young
+middle-class youths, especially, Bakounin's magnetic power was
+extraordinary, and his followers were the faithful of the faithful. A
+very striking picture of Bakounin's hypnotic influence over this circle
+is to be found in the memoirs of Madame A. Bauler. She tells us of some
+Sundays she spent with Bakounin and his friends.</p>
+
+<p>"At the beginning," she says, "being unfamiliar with the Italian
+language, I did not even understand the general drift of the
+conversation, but, observing the faces of those present, I had the
+impression that something extraordinarily grave and solemn was taking
+place. The atmosphere of these conferences imbued me; it created in me a
+state of mind which I shall call, for want of a better term, an '<i>&eacute;tat
+de gr&acirc;ce</i>.' Faith increased; doubts vanished. The value of Bakounin
+became clear to me. His personality enlarged. I saw that his strength
+was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27"></a>[<a href="images/044.png">27</a>]</span> in the power of taking possession of human souls. Beyond a doubt,
+all these men who were listening to him were ready to undertake
+anything, at the slightest word from him. I could picture to myself
+another gathering, less intimate, that of a great crowd, and I realized
+that there the influence of Bakounin would be the same. Only the
+enthusiasm, here gentle and intimate, would become incomparably more
+intense and the atmosphere more agitated by the mutual contagion of the
+human beings in a crowd.</p>
+
+<p>"At bottom, in what did the charm of Bakounin consist? I believe that it
+is impossible to define it exactly. It was not by the force of
+persuasion that he agitated. It was not his thought which awakened the
+thought of others. But he aroused every rebellious heart and awoke there
+an 'elemental' anger. And this anger, transplendent with beauty, became
+creative and showed to the exalted thirst for justice and happiness an
+issue and a possibility of accomplishment. 'The desire for destruction
+is at the same time a creative desire,' Bakounin has repeated to the end
+of his life." <a name="FNanchor_32_67" id="FNanchor_32_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_67" class="fnanchor">(32)</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_F_6" id="Footnote_F_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_F_6"><span class="label">[F]</span></a> This formidable peasant insurrection occurred in 1669-1671.
+When Pougatchoff, a century later, in 1773-1775, urged the Cossacks and
+serfs to insurrection against Catherine II, the Russian people saw in
+him a new Stenka Razin; and they expected in Russia, in 1869 and the
+following years, a third centennial apparition of the legendary brigand
+who, in the minds of the oppressed people, personified revolt.</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28"></a>[<a href="images/045.png">28</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER II</h2>
+
+<h3>A SERIES OF INSURRECTIONS</h3>
+
+<p>At the beginning of the seventies Bakounin and his friends found opening
+before them a field of practical activity. On the whole, the sixties
+were spent in theorizing, in organizing, and in planning, but with the
+seventies the moment arrived "to unchain the hydra of revolution." On
+the 4th of September, 1870, the Third Republic was proclaimed in Paris,
+and a few days afterward there were many uprisings in the other cities
+of France. It was, however, only in Lyons that the Bakouninists played
+an important part. Bakounin had a fixed idea that, wherever there was an
+uprising of the people, there he must go, and he wrote to Adolphe Vogt
+on September 6: "My friends, the revolutionary socialists of Lyons, are
+calling me there. I am resolved to take my old bones thither and to play
+there what will probably be my last game. But, as usual, I have not a
+sou. Can you, I do not say lend me, but give me 500 or 400, or 300 or
+200, or even 100 francs, for my voyage?" <a name="FNanchor_1_68" id="FNanchor_1_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_68" class="fnanchor">(1)</a> Guillaume does not state
+where the money finally came from, but Bakounin evidently raised it
+somehow, for he left Locarno on September 9. The night of the 11th he
+spent in Neuch&acirc;tel, where he conferred with Guillaume regarding the
+publication of a manuscript. On the 12th he arrived in Geneva, and two
+days later set out for Lyons, accompanied by two revolutionary
+enthusiasts, Ozerof and the young Pole, Valence Lankiewicz.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29"></a>[<a href="images/046.png">29</a>]</span></p><p>Since the 4th of September a Committee of Public Safety had been
+installed at the H&ocirc;tel de Ville composed of republicans, radicals, and
+some militants of the International. Gaspard Blanc and Albert Richard,
+two intimate friends of Bakounin, were not members of this committee,
+and in a public meeting, September 8, Richard made a motion, which was
+carried, to name a standing commission of ten to act as the
+"intermediaries between the people of Lyons and the Committee of Public
+Safety." Three of these commissioners, Richard, Andrieux, and Jaclard,
+were then appointed to go as delegates to Paris in order to come to some
+understanding with the Government. Andrieux, in the days of the Empire,
+had acquired fame as a revolutionist by proposing at a meeting to burn
+the ledger of the public debt. It seems, however, that these close and
+trusted friends of Bakounin began immediately upon their arrival in
+Paris to solicit various public positions remunerative to themselves, <a name="FNanchor_2_69" id="FNanchor_2_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_69" class="fnanchor">(2)</a>
+and, although they succeeded in having General Cluseret sent to take
+command of the voluntary corps then forming in the department of the
+Rhone, that proved, as we shall see, most disastrous of all.</p>
+
+<p>This is about all that had happened previous to Bakounin's arrival in
+Lyons, and, when he came, there was confusion everywhere. Even the
+members of the Alliance had no clear idea of what ought to be done.
+Bakounin, however, was an old hand at insurrections, and in a little
+lodging house where he and his friends were staying a new uprising was
+planned. He lost no time in getting hold of all the men of action. Under
+his energetic leadership "public meetings were multiplied and assumed a
+character of unheard-of violence. The most sanguinary motions were
+introduced and welcomed with enthusiasm. They openly provoked revolt in
+order to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30"></a>[<a href="images/047.png">30</a>]</span> overthrow the laws and the established order of things." <a name="FNanchor_3_70" id="FNanchor_3_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_70" class="fnanchor">(3)</a> On
+September 19 Bakounin wrote to Ogaref: "There is so much work to do that
+it turns my head. The real revolution has not yet burst forth here, but
+it will come. Everything possible is being done to prepare for it. I am
+playing a great game. I hope to see the approaching triumph." <a name="FNanchor_4_71" id="FNanchor_4_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_71" class="fnanchor">(4)</a></p>
+
+<p>A great public meeting was held on the 24th, presided over by Eug&egrave;ne
+Saignes, a plasterer and painter, and a man of energy and influence
+among the Lyons workmen, at which various questions relative to proposed
+political changes were voted upon. But it was the following day, the
+25th, that probably the most notable event of the insurrection took
+place. "The next day, Sunday, was employed," Guillaume says, "in the
+drawing up and printing of a great red placard, containing the program
+of the revolution which the Central Committee of Safety of France
+proposed to the people...." <a name="FNanchor_5_72" id="FNanchor_5_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_72" class="fnanchor">(5)</a> The first article of the program
+declares: "The administrative and governmental machinery of the State,
+having become powerless, is abolished. The people of France once again
+enter into full possession of themselves." The second article suspends
+"all civil and criminal courts," and replaces them "by the justice of
+the people." The third suspends "the payment of taxes and of mortgages."
+The fourth declares that "the State, having decayed, can no longer
+intervene in the payment of private debts." The fifth states that "all
+existing municipal organizations are broken up and replaced in all the
+federated communes by Committees of Safety of France, which will
+exercise all powers under the immediate control of the people." The
+revolution was at last launched, and the placard ends, "<i>Aux
+Armes!!!</i>" <a name="FNanchor_6_73" id="FNanchor_6_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_73" class="fnanchor">(6)</a></p>
+
+<p>While the Bakouninists were decreeing the revolution<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31"></a>[<a href="images/048.png">31</a>]</span> by posters and
+vainly calling the people to arms, an event occurred in Lyons which
+brought to them a very useful contingent of fighters. The Lyons
+municipality had just reduced the pay of the workers in the national
+dock yards from three to two and a half francs a day, and, on this
+account, these laborers joined the ranks of the insurgents. On the
+evening of September 27 a meeting of the Central Committee of Safety of
+France took place, and there a definite plan of action for the next day
+was decided upon. Velay, a tulle maker and municipal councillor,
+Bakounin, and others advised an armed manifestation, but the majority
+expressed itself in favor of a peaceful one. An executive committee
+composed of eight members signed the following proclamation, drawn up by
+Gaspard Blanc, which was printed during the night and posted early the
+next morning: "The people of Lyons ... are summoned, through the organ
+of their assembled popular committees, to a popular manifestation to be
+held to-day, September 28, at noon, on the <i>Place des Terreaux</i>, in
+order to force the authority to take immediately the most energetic and
+efficacious measures for the national defense." <a name="FNanchor_7_74" id="FNanchor_7_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_74" class="fnanchor">(7)</a></p>
+
+<p>Turning again to Guillaume, we find "At noon many thousands of men
+pressed together on the <i>Place des Terreaux</i>. A delegation of sixteen of
+the national dock-yard workmen entered the H&ocirc;tel de Ville to demand of
+the Municipal Council the re&euml;stablishment of their wage to three francs
+a day, but the Council was not in session. Very soon a movement began in
+the crowd, and a hundred resolute men, Saignes at their head, forcing
+the door of the H&ocirc;tel de Ville, penetrated the municipal building. Some
+members of the Central Committee of Safety of France, Bakounin,
+Parraton, Bastelica, and others, went in with them. From the balcony,
+Saignes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32"></a>[<a href="images/049.png">32</a>]</span> announced that the Municipal Council was to be compelled to
+accept the program of the red proclamation of September 26 or to resign,
+and he proposed to name Cluseret general of the revolutionary army.
+Cluseret, cheered by the crowd, appeared in the balcony, thanked them,
+and announced that he was going to Croix-Rousse" (the working-class
+district). <a name="FNanchor_8_75" id="FNanchor_8_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_75" class="fnanchor">(8)</a> He went there, it is true, but not to call to arms the
+national guards of that quarter. Indeed, his aim appears to have been to
+avoid a conflict, and he simply asked the workers "to come down <i>en
+masse</i> and without arms." <a name="FNanchor_9_76" id="FNanchor_9_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_76" class="fnanchor">(9)</a> In the meantime the national guards of the
+wealthier quarters of the city hastened to the H&ocirc;tel de Ville and
+penetrated the interior court, while the Committee of Safety of France
+installed itself inside the building. There they passed two or three
+hours in drawing up resolutions, while Bakounin and others in vain
+protested: "We must act. We are losing time. We are going to be invaded
+by the national bourgeois guard. It is necessary to arrest immediately
+the prefect, the mayor, and General Mazure." <a name="FNanchor_10_77" id="FNanchor_10_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_77" class="fnanchor">(10)</a> But their words went
+unheeded. And all the while the bourgeois guards were massing themselves
+before the H&ocirc;tel de Ville, and Cluseret and his unarmed manifestants
+were yielding place to them. In fact, Cluseret even persuaded the
+members of the Committee of Safety to retire and those of the Municipal
+Council to return to their seats, which they consented to do.</p>
+
+<p>Bakounin made a last desperate effort to save the situation and to
+induce the insurgents to oppose force to force, but they would not. Even
+Albert Richard failed him. The Revolutionary committee, after parleying
+with the Municipal Councillors, then evacuated the H&ocirc;tel de Ville and
+contented itself with issuing a statement<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33"></a>[<a href="images/050.png">33</a>]</span> to the effect that "The
+delegates of the people have not believed it their duty to impose
+themselves on the Municipal Council by violence and have retired when it
+went into session, leaving it to the people to fully appreciate the
+situation." <a name="FNanchor_11_78" id="FNanchor_11_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_78" class="fnanchor">(11)</a> "At the moment," says Guillaume, "when ... Mayor H&eacute;non,
+with an escort of national bourgeois guards, re&euml;ntered the H&ocirc;tel de
+Ville, he met Bakounin in the hall of the <i>Pas-Perdus</i>. The mayor
+immediately ordered his companions to take him in custody and to confine
+him at once in an underground hiding-place." <a name="FNanchor_12_79" id="FNanchor_12_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_79" class="fnanchor">(12)</a> The Municipal
+Councillors then opened their session and pledged that no pursuit should
+be instituted in view of the happenings of the day. They voted to
+re&euml;stablish the former wage of the national dock-yard workers, but
+declared themselves unable to undertake the revolutionary measures
+proposed by the Committee of Safety of France, as these were outside
+their legal province.</p>
+
+<p>In the meantime Bakounin was undergoing an experience far from pleasant,
+if we are to judge from the account which he gives in a letter written
+the following day: "Some used me brutally in all sorts of ways, jostling
+me about, pushing me, pinching me, twisting my arms and hands. I must,
+however, admit that others cried: 'Do not harm him.' In truth the
+bourgeoisie showed itself what it is everywhere: brutal and cowardly.
+For you know that I was delivered by some sharpshooters who put to
+flight three or four times their number of these heroic shopkeepers
+armed with their rifles. I was delivered, but of all the objects which
+had been stolen from me by these gentlemen I was able to find only my
+revolver. My memorandum book and my purse, which contained 165 francs
+and some sous, without doubt stayed in the hands of these gentlemen....
+I<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34"></a>[<a href="images/051.png">34</a>]</span> beg you to reclaim them in my name. You will send them to me when you
+have recovered them." <a name="FNanchor_13_80" id="FNanchor_13_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_80" class="fnanchor">(13)</a></p>
+
+<p>As a matter of fact, it was at the instance of his follower, Ozerof,
+that Bakounin was finally delivered. When he came forth from the H&ocirc;tel
+de Ville, the Committee of Safety of France and its thousands of
+sympathizers had disappeared, and he found himself practically alone. He
+spent the night at the house of a friend, and departed for Marseilles
+the next day, after writing the following letter to Palix: "My dear
+friend, I do not wish to leave Lyons without having said a last word of
+farewell to you. Prudence keeps me from coming to shake hands with you
+for the last time. I have nothing more to do here. I came to Lyons to
+fight or to die with you. I came because I am profoundly convinced that
+the cause of France has become again, at this supreme hour, ... the
+cause of humanity. I have taken part in yesterday's movement, and I have
+signed my name to the resolutions of the Committee of Safety of France,
+because it is evident to me that, after the real and certain destruction
+of all the administrative and governmental machinery, there is nothing
+but the immediate and revolutionary action of the people which can save
+France.... The movement of yesterday, if it had been successful ...
+could have saved Lyons and France.... I leave Lyons, dear friend, with a
+heart full of sadness and somber forebodings. I begin to think now that
+it is finished with France.... She will become a viceroyalty of Germany.
+<i>In place of her living and real socialism,</i><a name="FNanchor_G_7" id="FNanchor_G_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_G_7" class="fnanchor">[G]</a> <i>we shall have the</i>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35"></a>[<a href="images/052.png">35</a>]</span><i>doctrinaire socialism of the Germans</i>, who will say no more than the
+Prussian bayonets will permit them to say. The bureaucratic and military
+intelligence of Prussia, combined with the knout of the Czar of St.
+Petersburg, are going to assure peace and public order for at least
+fifty years on the whole continent of Europe. Farewell, liberty!
+Farewell, socialism! Farewell, justice for the people and the triumph of
+humanity! All that could have grown out of the present disaster of
+France. All that would have grown out of it if the people of France, if
+the people of Lyons, had wished it." <a name="FNanchor_14_81" id="FNanchor_14_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_81" class="fnanchor">(14)</a></p>
+
+<p>The insurrection at Lyons and Bakounin's decree abolishing the State
+amounted to very little in the history of the French Republic. Writing
+afterward to Professor Edward Spencer Beesly, Karl Marx comments on the
+events that had taken place in Lyons: "At the beginning everything went
+well," he writes. "Under the pressure of the section of the
+International, the Republic had been proclaimed at Lyons before it had
+been at Paris. A revolutionary government was immediately established,
+namely the <i>Commune</i>, composed in part of workmen belonging to the
+International, in part of bourgeois radical republicans.... But those
+blunderers, Bakounin and Cluseret, arrived at Lyons and spoiled
+everything. Both being members of the International, they had
+unfortunately enough influence to lead our friends astray. The H&ocirc;tel de
+Ville was taken, for a moment<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36"></a>[<a href="images/053.png">36</a>]</span> only, and very ridiculous decrees on the
+<i>abolition of the State</i> and other nonsense were issued. You understand
+that the fact alone of a Russian&mdash;whom the newspapers of the bourgeoisie
+represented as an agent of Bismarck&mdash;pretending to thrust himself at the
+head of a <i>Committee of Safety of France</i> was quite sufficient to change
+completely public opinion. As to Cluseret, he behaved at once like an
+idiot and a coward. These two men left Lyons after their failure." <a name="FNanchor_15_82" id="FNanchor_15_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_82" class="fnanchor">(15)</a>
+Bakounin's so-called abolition of the State appealed to the humor of
+Marx. He speaks of it in another place in these words: "Then arrived the
+critical moment, the moment longed for since many years, when Bakounin
+was able to accomplish the most revolutionary act the world has ever
+seen: he decreed the <i>abolition of the State</i>. But the State, in the
+form and aspect of two companies of national bourgeois guards, entered
+by a door which they had forgotten to guard, swept the hall, and caused
+Bakounin to hasten back along the road to Geneva." <a name="FNanchor_16_83" id="FNanchor_16_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_83" class="fnanchor">(16)</a></p>
+
+<p>Such indeed was the humiliating and vexatious ending of Bakounin's dream
+of an immediate social revolution. His sole reward was to be jostled,
+pinched, and robbed. This was perhaps most tragic of all, especially
+when added to this injury there was the further indignity of allowing
+the father of terrorism to keep his revolver. The incident is one that
+George Meredith should have immortalized in another of his "Tragic
+Comedians." However, although the insurrection at Lyons was a complete
+failure, the Commune of Paris was really a spontaneous and memorable
+working-class uprising. The details of that insurrection, the
+legislation of the Commune itself, and its violent suppression on May
+28, 1871, are not strictly germane to this chapter, because, in fact,
+the Bakouninists played no part in it. In the case of Lyons,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37"></a>[<a href="images/054.png">37</a>]</span> the
+revolution maker was at work; in the case of Paris, "The working class,"
+says Marx, "did not expect miracles from the Commune. They have no
+ready-made utopias to introduce <i>par d&eacute;cret du peuple</i>. They know that
+in order to work out their own emancipation, and along with it that
+higher form to which present society is irresistibly tending, by its own
+economic agencies, they will have to pass through long struggles,
+through a series of historic processes, transforming circumstances and
+men."<a name="FNanchor_H_8" id="FNanchor_H_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_H_8" class="fnanchor">[H]</a> But, while Marx wrote in this manner of the Paris Commune, he
+evidently had in mind men of the type of Bakounin when he declared: "In
+every revolution there intrude, at the side of its true agents, men of a
+different stamp; some of them survivors of and devotees to past
+revolutions, ... others mere bawlers, who by dint of repeating year
+after year the same set of stereotyped declamations against the
+Government of the day have sneaked into the reputation of revolutionists
+of the first water. After the 18th of March some such men turned up, and
+in some cases contrived to play preeminent parts. As far as their power
+went, they hampered the real action of the working class, exactly as men
+of that sort have hampered the full development of every previous
+revolution. They are an unavoidable evil; with time they are shaken off;
+but time was not allowed to the Commune." <a name="FNanchor_17_84" id="FNanchor_17_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_84" class="fnanchor">(17)</a></p>
+
+<p>The despair of Bakounin over the miserable ending of his great plans for
+the salvation of France had, of course, disappeared long before the
+revolution broke out in Spain, and he easily persuaded himself that his
+presence<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38"></a>[<a href="images/055.png">38</a>]</span> there was absolutely necessary to insure its success. "I have
+always felt and thought," he wrote in the <i>M&eacute;moire justificatif</i>, "that
+the most desirable end for me would be to fall in the midst of a great
+revolutionary storm." <a name="FNanchor_18_85" id="FNanchor_18_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_85" class="fnanchor">(18)</a> Consequently, in the summer of the year 1873,
+when the uprising gave promise of victory to the insurgents, Bakounin
+decided that he must go and, to do so, that he must have money. Bakounin
+then wrote to his wealthy young disciple, Cafiero, in a symbolic
+language which they had worked out between them, declaring his intention
+of going to Spain and asking him to furnish the necessary money for his
+expenses. As usual, Bakounin became melodramatic in his effort to work
+upon the impressionable Cafiero, and, as he put it afterward in the
+<i>M&eacute;moire justificatif</i>, "I added a prayer that he would become the
+protector of my wife and my children, in case I should fall in
+Spain." <a name="FNanchor_19_86" id="FNanchor_19_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_86" class="fnanchor">(19)</a> Cafiero, who at this time worshiped Bakounin, pleaded with
+him not to risk his precious life in Spain. He promised to do everything
+possible for his family in case he persisted in going, but he sent no
+money, whether because he did not have it or because he did not wish
+Bakounin to go is not clear. Bakounin now wrote to Guillaume that he was
+greatly disappointed not to be able to take part in the Spanish
+revolution, but that it was impossible for him to do so without money.
+Guillaume admits that he was not convinced of the absolute necessity of
+Bakounin's presence in Spain, but, nevertheless, since he desired to go
+there, Guillaume offered to secure for him fifteen hundred francs to
+make the journey. On the receipt of this news, Bakounin answered
+Guillaume that the sum would be wholly insufficient.</p>
+
+<p>If, however, the Spanish revolution was forced to proceed without
+Bakounin, his influence in that country was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39"></a>[<a href="images/056.png">39</a>]</span> not wanting. In the year
+1873 the Spanish sections of the International were among the largest
+and most numerous in Europe. At the time of the congress of Cordova,
+which assembled at the close of the year 1872, three hundred and
+thirty-one sections with over twenty-five thousand members expressed
+themselves in favor of "anarchist and collectivist" principles. The
+trade unions were very active, and they formed the basis of the Spanish
+movement. They had numerous organs of propaganda, and the general
+unrest, both political and economic, led for a time to an extraordinary
+development in revolutionary ideas.</p>
+
+<p>On February 11, 1873, the king abdicated and a republic was proclaimed.
+Insurrections broke out in all parts of Spain. At Barcelona, Cartagena,
+Murcia, Cadiz, Seville, Granada, and Valencia there existed a state of
+civil war, while throughout the industrial districts strikes were both
+frequent and violent. Demands were made on all sides for shorter hours
+and increase of wages. At Alcoy ten thousand workingmen declared a
+general strike, and, when the municipal authorities opposed them, they
+took the town by storm. In some cases the strikers lent their support to
+the republicans; in other cases they followed the ideas of Bakounin, and
+openly declared they had no concern for the republic. The changes in the
+government were numerous. Indeed, for three years Spain, politically and
+industrially, was in a state of chaos. At times the revolt of the
+workers was suppressed with the utmost brutality. Their leaders were
+arrested, their papers suppressed, and their meetings dispersed with
+bloodshed. At other times they were allowed to riot for weeks if the
+turbulence promised to aid the intrigues of the politicians.</p>
+
+<p>A lively discussion took place as to the wisdom of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40"></a>[<a href="images/057.png">40</a>]</span> tactics employed
+by the anarchists in Spain. Frederick Engels severely criticised the
+position of the Bakouninists in two articles which he published in the
+<i>Volksstaat</i>. He reviewed the events that had taken place during the
+summer of 1873, and he condemned the folly of the anarchists, who had
+refused to co&ouml;perate with the other revolutionary forces in Spain. In
+his opinion, the workers were simply wasting their energy and lives in
+pursuit of a distant and unattainable end. "Spain is a country so
+backward industrially," he wrote, "that it cannot be a question there of
+the immediate complete emancipation of the workers. Before arriving at
+that stage, Spain will still have to pass through diverse phases of
+development and struggle against a whole series of obstacles. The
+republic furnished the means of passing through these phases most
+rapidly and of removing these obstacles most quickly. But, to accomplish
+that, the Spanish proletariat would have had to launch boldly into
+active <i>politics</i>. The mass of the working people realized this, and
+everywhere demanded that they should take part in what was happening,
+that they should profit by the opportunities to act, instead of leaving,
+as formerly, the field free to the action and intrigues of the
+possessing classes. The government ordered elections for the Cort&egrave;s
+members. What position should the International take? The leaders of the
+Bakouninists were in the greatest dilemma. A continued political
+inactivity appeared more ridiculous and more impossible from day to day.
+The workers wanted to 'see deeds.' On the other hand, the <i>alliancistes</i>
+(Bakouninists) had preached for years that one ought not to take part in
+any revolution that had not for its end the immediate and entire
+emancipation of the workers, that participation in any political action
+constituted an acceptance of the principle of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41"></a>[<a href="images/058.png">41</a>]</span> State, that source of
+all evil, and that especially taking part in any election was a mortal
+sin." <a name="FNanchor_20_87" id="FNanchor_20_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_87" class="fnanchor">(20)</a></p>
+
+<p>The anarchists were of course very bitter over this attack on their
+policies, and they concluded that the socialists had become
+reactionaries who no longer sought the emancipation of the working
+class. They were more than incensed at the reference Engels had made to
+an act of the insurgents of Cartagena, who, in order to gain allies in
+their struggle, had armed the convicts of a prison, "eighteen hundred
+villains, the most dangerous robbers and murderers of Spain." <a name="FNanchor_21_88" id="FNanchor_21_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_88" class="fnanchor">(21)</a>
+According to Engels' information, this infamous act had been undertaken
+upon the advice of Bakounin, but, whether or not that is true, it was a
+fatal mistake that brought utter disaster to the insurgents.</p>
+
+<p>Certainly of this fact there can be no question&mdash;the divisions among the
+revolutionary forces in Spain, which Engels deplored, resulted, after
+many months of fighting, in returning to power the most reactionary
+elements in Spain. And this was foreseen, as even before the end of the
+summer Bakounin had despaired of success. In his opinion, the Spanish
+revolution miscarried miserably, "for want," as he afterward wrote, "of
+energy and revolutionary spirit in the leaders as well as in the masses.
+And all the rest of the world was plunged," he lamented, "into the most
+dismal reaction." <a name="FNanchor_22_89" id="FNanchor_22_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_89" class="fnanchor">(22)</a></p>
+
+<p>France and Spain, having now failed to launch the universal revolution,
+Bakounin's hopes turned to Italy, where a series of artificial uprisings
+among the almost famished peasants was being stirred up by his
+followers. Their greatest activity was during the first two weeks in
+August of the next year, 1874, and the three main centers were Bologna,
+Romagna, and Apulia. In spite of the fact that the followers of Mazzini
+were opposed to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42"></a>[<a href="images/059.png">42</a>]</span> the International, an attempt was made in the summer of
+1874 by some Italian socialists (Celso Cerretti among others), to effect
+a union in order that by common action they might work more
+advantageously against the monarchy. Garibaldi, to whom these socialists
+appealed, at first disapproved of any reconciliation with Bakounin and
+his friends, but later allowed himself to be persuaded. A meeting of the
+Mazzinian leaders to discuss the matter convened August 2 at the village
+of Ruffi. The older members were opposed to all common action, while the
+younger elements desired it. However, before an agreement was reached,
+twenty-eight Mazzinians were arrested, among them Saffi, Fortis, and
+Valzania. Three days later, the police succeeded in arresting Andrea
+Costa, for whom they had been searching for more than a year on account
+of his participation in the International congress at Geneva. Although
+these events were something of a setback, the revolutionists decided
+that they had gone too far to retreat. It was then that Bakounin wrote:
+"And now, my friends, there remains nothing more for me but to die.
+Farewell!" <a name="FNanchor_23_90" id="FNanchor_23_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_90" class="fnanchor">(23)</a> On the way to Italy he wrote to his friend, Guillaume,
+saying good-by to him and announcing, without explanation, that he was
+journeying to Italy to take part in a struggle from which he would not
+return alive. On his arrival in that country, however, he carefully
+concealed himself in a small house where only the revolutionary
+"intimates" could see him.</p>
+
+<p>The nights of August 7 and 8 had been chosen for the insurrection which
+was to burst forth in Bologna and thence to extend, first to Romagna,
+and afterward to the Marches and Tuscany. A group of Bologna insurgents,
+reinforced by about three thousand others from Romagna, were to enter
+Bologna by the San Felice gate.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43"></a>[<a href="images/060.png">43</a>]</span> Another group would enter the arsenal,
+the doors of which would be opened by two non-commissioned officers, and
+take possession of the arms and ammunition, carrying them to the Church
+of Santa Annunziata, where all the guns should be stored. At certain
+places in the city material was already gathered with which to improvise
+barricades. One hundred republicans had promised to take part in the
+movement, not as a group, but individually. On the 7th copies of the
+proclamation of the Italian Committee for the Social Revolution were
+distributed throughout the city, calling the masses to arms and urging
+the soldiers to make common cause with the people. During the nights of
+the 7th and 8th, groups from Bologna assembled at the appointed places
+of meeting outside the walls, but the Romagna comrades did not come, or
+at least came in very small numbers. Those from Imola were surrounded in
+their march, some being arrested and others being forced to retreat. At
+dawn the insurgents who had gathered under the walls of Bologna
+dispersed, some taking refuge in the mountains. Bakounin had been alone
+during the night, and became convinced that the insurrection had failed.
+He was trying to make up his mind to commit suicide, when his friend,
+Silvio, arrived and told him that all was not lost and that perhaps
+other attempts might yet be made. The following day Bakounin was removed
+to another retreat of greater safety, as numerous arrests had been made
+at Bologna, Imola, Romagna, the Marches, as well as in Florence, Rome,
+and other parts of Italy.</p>
+
+<p>About the same time a conspiracy similar to that undertaken at Bologna
+was launched by Enrico Malatesta and some friends in Apulia. A heavy
+chest of guns had been dispatched from Tarentum to a station in the
+province of Bari, from which it was carried on a cart to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44"></a>[<a href="images/061.png">44</a>]</span> old
+ch&acirc;teau of <i>Castel del Monte</i>, which had been chosen as the rendezvous.
+"Many hundreds of conspirators," Malatesta recounts, "had promised to
+meet at <i>Castel del Monte</i>. I arrived, but of all those who had sworn to
+be there we found ourselves six. No matter. We opened the box of arms
+and found it was filled with old percussion guns, but that made no
+difference. We armed ourselves and declared war on the Italian army. We
+roamed the country for some days, trying to gain over the peasants, but
+meeting with no response. The second day we met eight <i>carabinieri</i>, who
+opened fire on us and imagined that we were very numerous. Three days
+later we discovered that we were surrounded by soldiers. There remained
+only one thing to do. We buried the guns and decided to disperse. I hid
+myself in a load of hay, and thus succeeded in escaping from the
+dangerous region." <a name="FNanchor_24_91" id="FNanchor_24_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_91" class="fnanchor">(24)</a> An attempt at insurrection also took place in
+Romagna, but it appears to have been limited to cutting the telegraph
+wires between Bologna and Imola.</p>
+
+<p>Back of all the Italian riots lay a serious economic condition. The
+peasants were in very deep distress, and it was not difficult for the
+Bakouninists to stir them to revolt. The <i>Bulletin</i> of the Jura
+Federation of August 16 informs us: "During the last two years there
+have been about sixty riots produced by hunger; but the rioters, in
+their ignorance, only bore a grudge against the immediate monopolists,
+and did not know how to discern the fundamental causes of their
+misery." <a name="FNanchor_25_92" id="FNanchor_25_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_92" class="fnanchor">(25)</a> This is all too plainly shown in the events of 1874. Beyond
+giving the Bakouninists a chance to play at revolution, there is little
+significance in the Italian uprisings of that year.</p>
+
+<p>The failure of the various insurrections in France, Spain, and Italy
+was, naturally enough, discouraging to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45"></a>[<a href="images/062.png">45</a>]</span> Bakounin and his followers. The
+Commune of Paris was the one uprising that had made any serious
+impression upon the people, and it was the one wherein the Bakouninists
+had played no important part. The others had failed miserably, with no
+other result than that of increasing the power of reaction, while
+discouraging and disorganizing the workers. Even Bakounin had now
+reached the point where he was thoroughly disillusioned, and he wrote to
+his friends that he was exhausted, disheartened, and without hope. He
+desired, he said, to withdraw from the movement which made him the
+object of the persecutions of the police and the calumnies of the
+jealous. The whole world was in the evening of a black reaction, he
+thought, and he wrote to the truest and most devoted of all that loyal
+circle of Swiss workmen, James Guillaume, that the time for
+revolutionary struggles was past and that Europe had entered into a
+period of profound reaction, of which the present generation would
+probably not see the end. "He urged me," relates Guillaume, "to imitate
+himself and 'to make my peace with the bourgeoisie.'" <a name="FNanchor_26_93" id="FNanchor_26_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_93" class="fnanchor">(26)</a> "It is
+useless," are Bakounin's words, "to wish obstinately to obtain the
+impossible. It is necessary to recognize reality and to realize that,
+for the moment, the popular masses do not wish socialism. And, if some
+tipplers of the mountains desire on this account to accuse you of
+treason, you will have for yourself the witness of your conscience and
+the esteem of your friends." <a name="FNanchor_27_94" id="FNanchor_27_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_94" class="fnanchor">(27)</a></p>
+
+<p>In July, 1873, Bakounin retired to an estate that had been bought for
+him through the generosity of Cafiero, on the route from Locarno to
+Bellinzona, and for the next few months lavish expenditures were made in
+the construction and reconstruction of an establishment where the
+"intimates" could be entertained. That fall<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46"></a>[<a href="images/063.png">46</a>]</span> Bakounin wrote to the Jura
+Federation, announcing his retreat from public life and requesting it to
+accept his resignation. "For acting in this way," he wrote, "I have many
+reasons. Do not believe that it is principally on account of the
+personal attacks of which I have been made the object these last years.
+I do not say that I am absolutely insensible to such. However, I would
+feel myself strong enough to resist them if I thought that my further
+participation in your work and in your struggles could aid in the
+triumph of the cause of the proletariat. But I do not think so.</p>
+
+<p>"By my birth and my personal position, and doubtless by my sympathies
+and my tendencies, I am only a bourgeois, and, as such, I could not do
+anything else among you but propaganda. Well, I have a conviction that
+the time for great theoretical discourses, whether printed or spoken, is
+past. In the last nine years there have been developed within the
+International more ideas than would be necessary to save the world, if
+ideas alone could save it, and I defy anybody to invent a new one." <a name="FNanchor_28_95" id="FNanchor_28_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_95" class="fnanchor">(28)</a></p>
+
+<p>This letter in reality marks the end of Bakounin's activity in the
+revolutionary movement. After squandering most of Cafiero's fortune,
+Bakounin sought a martyr's death in Italy, but in this, as in all his
+other exploits, he was unsuccessful. And from that time on to his death
+his life is a humiliating story as he sought here and there the
+necessary money for his livelihood. Nearly always he had been forced to
+live from hand to mouth. Money, money, money was the burden of hundreds
+of his letters. In order to obtain funds he had resorted to almost every
+possible plan. He had accepted money in advance from publishers for
+books which he had never had time to write. From time to time he would
+find an almoner to care for him, only in the end to lose him through
+his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47"></a>[<a href="images/064.png">47</a>]</span> importunate and exacting demands. An account is given by Guillaume
+of what I believe is the last meeting between Bakounin and certain of
+his old friends in September, 1874. Ross, Cafiero, Spichiger, and
+Guillaume met Bakounin in a hotel at Neuch&acirc;tel. Guillaume, it appears,
+was cold and unfeeling; Cafiero and Ross said nothing, while Spichiger
+wept silently in a corner. "The explicit declaration made by me ..."
+says Guillaume, "took away from Bakounin at the very beginning all hope
+of a change in our estimation of him. It was also a question of money in
+this last interview. We offered to assure to our old friend a monthly
+pension of 300 francs, expressing the hope that he would continue to
+write, but he refused to accept anything. As a set-off, he asked Cafiero
+to loan him 3,000 francs (no longer 5,000), ... and Cafiero replied that
+he would do it. Then we separated sadly." <a name="FNanchor_29_96" id="FNanchor_29_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_96" class="fnanchor">(29)</a></p>
+
+<p>On the first of July, 1876, Bakounin, after a brief illness, died at
+Bern at the house of his old friend, Dr. Vogt. The press of Europe
+printed various comments upon his life and work. The anarchists wrote
+their eulogies, while the socialists generally deplored the ruinous and
+disrupting tactics that Bakounin had employed in the International
+Working Men's Association. This story will be told later, but it is well
+to mention here that since 1869 an unbridgeable chasm had opened itself
+between the anarchists and the socialists. When they first came together
+in the International there was no clear distinction between them, but,
+after Bakounin was expelled from that organization in 1872, at The
+Hague, his followers frankly called themselves anarchists, while the
+followers of Marx called themselves socialists. In principles and
+tactics they were poles apart, and the bitterness between them was at
+fever heat. The anarchists<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48"></a>[<a href="images/065.png">48</a>]</span> took the principles of Bakounin and still
+further elaborated them, while his methods were developed from
+conspiratory insurrections to individual acts of violence. While the
+idea of the Propaganda of the Deed is to be found in the writings of
+Bakounin and Nechayeff, it was left to others to put into practice that
+doctrine. For the next thirty years the principles and ideals of
+anarchism made no appreciable headway, but the deeds of the anarchists
+became the talk and, to a degree, the terror of the world.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_G_7" id="Footnote_G_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_G_7"><span class="label">[G]</span></a> Previous to 1848, socialism was used by Robert Owen and his
+followers, as well as by many French idealists, to mean phalansteries,
+colonies, or other voluntary communal undertakings. Marx and Engels at
+first called themselves "communists," and were thus distinguished from
+these earlier socialists. During the period of the International all its
+members began more and more to call themselves "socialists." The word,
+anarchism, was rarely used. As a matter of fact, it was the struggle in
+the International which eventually clarified the views of both
+anarchists and socialists and made clear the distinctions now recognized
+between communism, anarchism, and socialism. See Chapter VIII, <i>infra</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_H_8" id="Footnote_H_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_H_8"><span class="label">[H]</span></a> This is from "The Commune of Paris," which was read by Marx
+to the General Council of the International on May 30, two days after
+the last of the combatants of the Commune were crushed by superior
+numbers on the heights of Belleville.</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49"></a>[<a href="images/066.png">49</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER III</h2>
+
+<h3>THE PROPAGANDA OF THE DEED</h3>
+
+<p>The insurrections in France and Spain were on the whole spontaneous
+uprisings, but those disturbances in Italy in which the anarchists
+played a part were largely the result of agitation. Of course, adverse
+political and economic conditions were the chief causes of that general
+spirit of unrest which was prevalent in the early seventies in all the
+Latin countries, but after 1874 the numerous riots in which the
+anarchists were active were almost entirely the work of enthusiasts who
+believed they could make revolutions. The results of the previous
+uprisings had a terribly depressing effect upon nearly all the older
+men, but there were four youths attached to Bakounin's insurrectionary
+ideas whose spirits were not bowed down by what had occurred. Carlo
+Cafiero, Enrico Malatesta, Paul Brousse, and Prince Kropotkin were at
+the period of life when action was a joyous thing, and they undertook to
+make history. Cafiero we know as a young Italian of very wealthy
+parents. Malatesta "had left the medical profession and also his fortune
+for the sake of the revolution." <a name="FNanchor_1_97" id="FNanchor_1_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_97" class="fnanchor">(1)</a> Paul Brousse was of French
+parentage, and had already distinguished himself in medicine, but he
+cast it aside in his early devotion to anarchism. He had rushed to Spain
+when the revolution broke out there, and he was always ready to go
+where-ever an opportunity offered itself for revolutionary activity. The
+Russian prince, Kropotkin, the fourth member<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50"></a>[<a href="images/067.png">50</a>]</span> of the group, was a
+descendant of the Ruriks, and it was said sometimes, in jest, that he
+had more right to the Russian throne than Czar Alexander II. The
+fascinating story of his life is told in the "Memoirs of a
+Revolutionist," but modesty forbade him to say that no one since
+Bakounin has exercised so great an influence as himself over the
+principles and tactics of anarchism. Kropotkin first visited Switzerland
+in 1872, when he came in close contact with the men of the Jura
+Federation. A week's stay with the Bakouninists converted him, he says,
+to anarchism. <a name="FNanchor_2_98" id="FNanchor_2_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_98" class="fnanchor">(2)</a> He then returned to St. Petersburg, and shortly after
+entered the famous circle of Tchaykovsky, and, as a result of his
+revolutionary activity, he was arrested and imprisoned in the Fortress
+of St. Peter and St. Paul. After his thrilling escape from prison, in
+1876, Kropotkin returned to Switzerland, and for several years gave
+himself up entirely to the cause of anarchism. These four young men, all
+far removed by training and position from the working class, after the
+death of Bakounin, devised the Propaganda of the Deed, a method of
+agitation that was destined to become famous throughout the world.</p>
+
+<p>Hitherto the Bakouninists had all been firmly convinced that the masses
+were ready to rise at a moment's notice in order to tear down the
+existing governments. They were obsessed with the idea that only a spark
+was needed to set the whole world into a general conflagration. But
+repeated failures taught them that the masses were inclined to make very
+little sacrifice for the sake of communism and that stupendous efforts
+were needed to create a revolution. It appeared to them, therefore, that
+the propaganda of words and of theories was of little avail.
+Consequently, these four youths, with their friends, set out to spread
+knowledge by acts of violence.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51"></a>[<a href="images/068.png">51</a>]</span> Of course, they had not entirely given
+up the hope that a minority could, by a series of well-planned assaults,
+gradually sweep in after them the masses. But even should they fail in
+that, they felt that they must strike at the enemy, though they stood
+alone. Whatever happened, they argued, the acts themselves would prove
+of great propaganda value. Even the trials would enable them to use the
+courts as a tribune, and the bourgeois press itself would print their
+words and spread throughout the world their doctrines.</p>
+
+<p>In the <i>Bulletin</i> of the Jura Federation, December 3, 1876, Cafiero and
+Malatesta wrote: "The great majority of Italian socialists are grouped
+about the program of the Italian Federation&mdash;a program which is
+anarchist, collectivist, and revolutionary. And the small number who, up
+to the present, have remained on the outside&mdash;the dupes of intrigues and
+lies&mdash;are all beginning to enter our organization. We do not refer to a
+small group who, influenced by personal considerations and reactionary
+ends, are trying to establish a propaganda which they call 'gradual and
+peaceful.' These have already been judged in the opinion of the Italian
+socialists and represent nothing but themselves.</p>
+
+<p>"The Italian Federation believes that the <i>insurrectionary deed</i>,
+destined to affirm socialist principles by acts, is the most efficacious
+means of propaganda." <a name="FNanchor_3_99" id="FNanchor_3_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_99" class="fnanchor">(3)</a> The next year Paul Brousse originated the
+famous phrase, the Propaganda of the Deed. He reviews in the <i>Bulletin</i>
+the various methods of propaganda which had previously been employed.
+"Propaganda from individual to individual, propaganda by mass meeting or
+conference, propaganda by newspaper, pamphlet, or book&mdash;these means," he
+declares, "are adapted only to theoretical propaganda. Besides, they
+become more and more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52"></a>[<a href="images/069.png">52</a>]</span> difficult to employ in any efficacious fashion in
+the presence of those means possessed by the bourgeoisie, with its
+orators, trained at the bar and knowing how to wheedle the popular
+assemblies, and with its venal press which calumniates and disguises
+everything." <a name="FNanchor_4_100" id="FNanchor_4_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_100" class="fnanchor">(4)</a> In the opinion of Brousse, the workers, "laboring most
+of the time eleven and twelve hours a day ... return home so exhausted
+by fatigue that they have little desire to read socialist books and
+newspapers." <a name="FNanchor_5_101" id="FNanchor_5_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_101" class="fnanchor">(5)</a> Rejecting thus all other methods of propaganda, Brousse
+concludes that "the Propaganda of the Deed is a powerful means of
+awakening the popular conscience." <a name="FNanchor_6_102" id="FNanchor_6_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_102" class="fnanchor">(6)</a></p>
+
+<p>Kropotkin was even more enthusiastic over this new method of education.
+"A single deed," he declared, "makes more propaganda in a few days than
+a thousand pamphlets. The government defends itself, it rages
+pitilessly; but by this it only causes further deeds to be committed by
+one or more persons, and drives the insurgents to heroism. One deed
+brings forth another; opponents join the mutiny; the government splits
+into factions; harshness intensifies the conflict; concessions come too
+late; the revolution breaks out." <a name="FNanchor_7_103" id="FNanchor_7_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_103" class="fnanchor">(7)</a> Here at last is the famous
+Propaganda of the Deed, destined to such tragic ends. It owes its
+inspiration, of course, to the teachings of Bakounin, and we find among
+these youths the same contempt for words and theories that Bakounin
+himself had, and they proposed, in the words of Bakounin, "to destroy
+something&mdash;a person, a cause, a condition that hinders the emancipation
+of the people." <a name="FNanchor_8_104" id="FNanchor_8_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_104" class="fnanchor">(8)</a> Consequently, they undertook immediately to carry
+into effect these new theories of propaganda, and during the year 1877
+they organized two important demonstrations, the avowed purpose of which
+was to show anarchism in action.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53"></a>[<a href="images/070.png">53</a>]</span></p><p>The first event, which occurred at Bern, March 18, under the leadership
+of Paul Brousse, was a manifestation to celebrate the anniversary of the
+proclamation of the Commune. All the members of the Jura Federation were
+invited to take part, and the red flag was to be unfurled. Among the
+most conspicuous in this demonstration were Brousse, Werner, Chopard,
+Schwitzgu&eacute;bel, Kropotkin, Pindy, Jeallot, Ferr&eacute;, Spichiger, Guillaume,
+and George Plechanoff, recently arrived from St. Petersburg. The
+participants became mixed up in a violent affray in the streets, blows
+were exchanged between them and the police, but in the effort to tear
+away the red flags many of the gendarmes were wounded. The climax came
+on August 16 of the same year, when twenty-five of the <i>manifestants</i>
+appeared before the correctional tribunal of Bern, accused "(1) of
+participation in a brawl with deadly instruments, (2) of resisting, by
+means of force, the employees of the police." Most of the prisoners were
+condemned to imprisonment, the terms varying from ten days to two
+months. James Guillaume was condemned to forty days, Brousse to a month.
+The latter and five other convicted foreigners were also banished for
+three years from the canton of Bern. <a name="FNanchor_9_105" id="FNanchor_9_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_105" class="fnanchor">(9)</a></p>
+
+<p>The second of these demonstrations took place in April in the form of an
+insurrectionary movement of the Internationalists of Italy. They chose
+the massive group of mountains which border on the Province of B&eacute;n&eacute;vent
+for the scene of their operations, and made Naples their headquarters.
+During the whole of the preceding winter they were occupied in making
+their preparations, and endeavoring to gain the support of the peasants
+of the near-by villages. They instructed all those who joined their
+cause from Emilia, Romagna, and Tuscany to be ready for action the
+beginning of April, as soon as the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54"></a>[<a href="images/071.png">54</a>]</span> snow disappeared from the summits of
+the Apennines. According to information furnished by Malatesta to
+Guillaume, on April 6 and 7 they journeyed from San Lupo (Province of
+B&eacute;n&eacute;vent) into the region at the south of the Malta Mountains (Province
+of Caserte). On the 8th they attacked the communes of Letino and Gallo,
+burned the archives of the first named, pillaged the treasury of the
+preceptor, and burned the parish house of the second. On the 9th and
+10th they tried to penetrate the other communes, but in vain, for they
+found them all occupied by troops sent directly by the government to
+oppose them. Their provisions were exhausted, and they would have bought
+a fresh supply in the village of Venafro, only the soldiers gave the
+alarm and pursued the band as far as a wood, in which they hid
+themselves. All of the 11th was spent in a long march through rain and
+snow. The jaded band was finally surprised and captured in a sheepfold,
+where they had sought shelter for that night. Two of the revolutionists
+escaped, but were recaptured a short time afterward. They were confined
+in the prison of Santa-Maria Capua Visere, to the number of
+thirty-seven, among them being Cafiero, Malatesta, Ceccarelli, Lazzari,
+Fortini (cur&eacute; of Letino), Tomburri Vincenzo (cur&eacute; of Gallo), Starnari,
+and others. On December 30 the Chamber of Arraignment of Naples rendered
+its decision. The two priests and a man who had served as guide to the
+insurgents were exempted from punishment, but the thirty-four others
+were sent before the court of assizes on the charge of conspiracy
+against the security of the State. As these were political crimes, which
+were covered by a recent amnesty, there remained only the murder of a
+carabineer, of which the court of assizes of B&eacute;n&eacute;vent finally acquitted
+Cafiero, Malatesta, and their friends in August, 1878. <a name="FNanchor_10_106" id="FNanchor_10_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_106" class="fnanchor">(10)</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55"></a>[<a href="images/072.png">55</a>]</span></p><p>By the above series of events the Propaganda of the Deed was launched,
+and from this day on it became a recognized method of propaganda.
+Neither money, nor organization, nor literature was any longer
+absolutely necessary. One human being in revolt with torch or dynamite
+was able to instruct the world. Bakounin and Nechayeff had written their
+principles, and had, in fact, in some measure, endeavored to carry them
+into effect. But the Propaganda of the Deed was no more evolved as a
+principle of action than these four daring youths put it into practice.
+In the next few years it became the chief expression of anarchism, and
+little by little it made the very name of anarchism synonymous with
+violence and crime. Surely these four zealous youths could hardly have
+devised a method of propaganda that could have served more completely to
+defeat their purpose.</p>
+
+<p>The year 1878 witnessed a series of violent acts which brought in their
+train serious consequences. In that year an attempt was made upon the
+life of King Humbert of Italy; and, while driving in Berlin with his
+daughter, the Grand Duchess of Baden, Emperor William was shot at by a
+half-witted youth named H&ouml;del. Three weeks later Dr. Karl Nobiling fired
+at the Emperor from an upper window overlooking the <i>Unter den Linden</i>.
+These assaults were made to serve as the pretext for a series of
+brutally repressive measures against the German socialists, although the
+authorities were unable to connect either H&ouml;del or Nobiling with the
+anarchists or with the socialists. An excellent opportunity, however,
+had arrived to deal a crushing blow to socialism, and "Bismarck used his
+powerful influence with the press," August Bebel says, "in order to lash
+the public into a fanatical hatred of the social-democratic party.
+Others who had an interest in the defeat of the party joined in,
+especially a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56"></a>[<a href="images/073.png">56</a>]</span> majority of the employers. Henceforth our opponents spoke
+of us exclusively as the party of assassins, or the 'Ruin all' party&mdash;a
+party that wished to rob the masses of their faith in God, the monarchy,
+the family, marriage, and property." <a name="FNanchor_11_107" id="FNanchor_11_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_107" class="fnanchor">(11)</a> The attempt to destroy the
+German socialist organization was only one of the many repressive
+measures that were taken by the governments of Europe in the midst of
+the panic. To the terrorism of the anarchists the governments responded
+by a terrorism of repression, and this in itself helped to establish
+murderous assaults as a method of propaganda.</p>
+
+<p>Up to this time Germany had been comparatively free from anarchist
+teachings. A number of the Lassalleans had advocated violent methods.
+Hasselmann had several years before launched the <i>Red Flag</i>, which
+advocated much that was not in harmony with socialism, and eventually
+the German socialist congress requested him to cease the publication of
+his paper. A few individuals without great influence had endeavored at
+various times to import Bakounin's philosophy and methods into Germany,
+but their propaganda bore no fruit whatever. It was only when the German
+Government began to imitate the terrorism of the Russian bureaucracy
+that a momentary passion for retaliation arose among the socialists. In
+fact, a few notable socialists went over to anarchism, frankly declaring
+their belief in terrorist tactics. And one of the most striking
+characters in the history of terrorism, Johann Most, was a product of
+Bismarck's man-hunting policies and legal tyranny. Nevertheless, those
+policies failed utterly to provoke the extensive retaliation which
+Bismarck expected, although it was a German who, after five attempts had
+been made on the life of Czar Alexander II. of Russia&mdash;the last being
+successful&mdash;proposed at an anarchist congress in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57"></a>[<a href="images/074.png">57</a>]</span> Paris, in 1881, the
+forcible removal of all the potentates of the earth. This was rejected
+by the Paris conference as "at present not yet suitable," <a name="FNanchor_12_108" id="FNanchor_12_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_108" class="fnanchor">(12)</a> although
+the idea proved attractive to some anarchists who even believed that a
+few daring assaults could so terrify the royal families of Europe that
+they would be forced to abdicate their power.</p>
+
+<p>During the same period the anarchist movement was developing in
+Austria-Hungary. A number of anarchist newspapers were launched, and a
+ceaseless agitation was in progress under the guidance of Peukert,
+Stellmacher, and Kammerer. Most's <i>Freiheit</i> was smuggled into the
+country in large quantities and was read greedily. At the trial of
+Merstallinger it was shown that the money for anarchist agitation was
+obtained by robbery. This discovery added to the bitterness of the fight
+going on between the socialists and the anarchists. The anarchists,
+however, overpowered their opponents, and everywhere secret printing
+presses were busily producing incendiary literature which advocated the
+murder of police officials and otherwise developed the tactics of
+terrorism. "At a secret conference at Lang Enzersdorf," says Zenker, "a
+new plan of action was discussed and adopted, namely, to proceed with
+all means in their power to take action against 'exploiters and agents
+of authority,' to keep people in a state of continual excitement by such
+acts of terrorism, and to bring about the revolution in every possible
+way. This program was immediately acted upon in the murder of several
+police agents. On December 15, 1883, at Floridsdorf, a police official
+named Hlubek was murdered, and the condemnation of Rouget, who was
+convicted of the crime, on June 23, 1884, was immediately answered the
+next day by the murder of the police agent Bl&ouml;ct. The Government now
+took energetic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58"></a>[<a href="images/075.png">58</a>]</span> measures. By order of the Ministry, a state of siege was
+proclaimed in Vienna and district from January 30, 1884, by which the
+usual tribunals for certain crimes and offences were temporarily
+suspended, and the severest repressive measures were exercised against
+the anarchists, so that anarchism in Austria rapidly declined, and at
+the same time it soon lost its leaders. Stellmacher and Kammerer were
+executed, Peukert escaped to England, most of the other agitators were
+fast in prison, the journals were suppressed and the groups broken
+up." <a name="FNanchor_13_109" id="FNanchor_13_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_109" class="fnanchor">(13)</a></p>
+
+<p>While these events were taking place in Austria, anarchist agitation was
+manifesting itself in several great strikes that broke out in the
+industrial centers of Southern France. At Lyons, Fournier, who shot his
+employer in the open street, was honored in a public meeting by the
+presentation of a revolver. A great demonstration was planned for Paris,
+but, as there happened to be a review of troops on the day set, the
+anarchists decided to abandon the demonstration. In the autumn of the
+same year (1882), troubles arose in Monceau-les-Mines and at Blanzy,
+where the workers were bent under a terrible capitalist and clerical
+domination. Under the circumstances, the anarchist propaganda was very
+welcome, and it was only a short time until it produced an
+anti-religious demonstration. Three or four hundred men, armed with
+pitchforks and revolvers, spread over the country, breaking the crosses
+and the statues of the Virgin which were placed at the junctions of the
+roads. They called the working classes to arms and took as hostages
+landlords, cur&eacute;s, and functionaries. These riots were the childlike
+manifestations of exasperated and miserable men, destined in advance to
+failure. Numerous arrests followed, and in the mines the workers
+suffered increased oppression.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59"></a>[<a href="images/076.png">59</a>]</span></p><p>In 1882 the great silk industry of Lyons was undergoing a serious
+crisis, and the misery among the weavers was intense. The anarchists
+were carrying on a big agitation led by Kropotkin, Gautier, Bordas,
+Bernard, and others. In the center of this city reduced almost to
+starvation there was, says Kropotkin, an "underground caf&eacute; at the
+Th&eacute;&acirc;tre Bellecour, which remained open all night, and where, in the
+small hours of the morning, one could see newspaper men and politicians
+feasting and drinking in company with gay women. Not a meeting was held
+but some menacing allusion was made to that caf&eacute;, and one night a
+dynamite cartridge was exploded in it by an unknown hand. A worker who
+was occasionally there, a socialist, jumped to blow out the lighted fuse
+of the cartridge, and was killed, while a few of the feasting
+politicians were slightly wounded. Next day a dynamite cartridge was
+exploded at the doors of a recruiting bureau, and it was said that the
+anarchists intended to blow up the huge statue of the Virgin which
+stands on one of the hills of Lyons." <a name="FNanchor_14_110" id="FNanchor_14_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_110" class="fnanchor">(14)</a> A panic seized the wealthier
+classes of the city, and some sixty anarchists were arrested, including
+Kropotkin. A great trial, known as the <i>Proc&egrave;s des Anarchistes de
+Lyons</i>, ensued, which lasted many weeks. At the conclusion only three
+out of the entire number were acquitted. Although nearly all the
+anarchists were condemned, the police of Lyons were still searching for
+the author of the explosion. At last, Cyvoct, a militant anarchist of
+Lyons, was identified as the one who had thrown the bomb. Cyvoct had
+first gone to Switzerland, then to Brussels, in the suburbs of which
+city he was finally arrested. He was given over to the French police,
+appeared before the court of assizes of the Rhone, and was condemned to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60"></a>[<a href="images/077.png">60</a>]</span>
+death. His sentence was afterward commuted to that of enforced labor,
+and in 1897 he was pardoned.</p>
+
+<p>On March 29, 1883, the carpenters' union of Paris called the unemployed
+to a meeting to be held on the <i>Esplanade des Invalides</i>. Two groups of
+anarchists formed. One started toward the <i>&Eacute;lys&eacute;e</i> and was scattered on
+its way by the police. The second went toward the suburb of
+Saint-Antoine. On the march many bakeries were robbed by the
+manifestants. Arrived at <i>Place Maubert</i>, they clashed with a large
+force of police. As a result, many arrests were made. Accused of
+inciting to pillage, Louise Michel and &Eacute;mile Pouget were condemned to
+several years' imprisonment. The same month, at Monceau-les-Mines and in
+Paris, great demonstrations of the "unemployed" took place in the
+streets, combined with robbery and dynamite outrages, while in July
+there were sanguinary encounters with the armed forces in Roubaix and
+elsewhere. Again and again the populace was incited to rise against the
+bourgeoisie, "who (it was said) were indulging in festivities while they
+had condemned Louise Michel, the champion of the proletariat, to a cruel
+imprisonment." <a name="FNanchor_15_111" id="FNanchor_15_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_111" class="fnanchor">(15)</a></p>
+
+<p>These are but a few instances of the activity of the anarchists at the
+end of the seventies and at the beginning of the eighties. They are
+perhaps sufficient to show that the Propaganda of the Deed was making
+headway in Western Europe. Certainly in Germany and Austria its course
+was soon run, but in France, Italy, Spain, and even in Belgium every
+strike was attended with violence. Insurrections, dynamite outrages,
+assassinations&mdash;all played their part. At the same time the governments
+carried on a ferocious persecution, and the chief anarchists were driven
+from place to place and hunted as wild animals. Police spies and <i>agents
+provocateurs</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61"></a>[<a href="images/078.png">61</a>]</span> swarmed over the labor, socialist, and anarchist
+movements, and at the slightest sign of an uprising the soldiers were
+brought out to shoot down the people. Hardly a month went by without
+some "anarchist trouble," and many harmless strikes resulted in dreadful
+massacres. It was a tragic period, that reminds one again of the picture
+in Dante in which the two bitter enemies inflict upon each other cruel
+wounds in a fight that on both sides was inspired by the deepest hatred.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62"></a>[<a href="images/079.png">62</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER IV</h2>
+
+<h3>JOHANN MOST IN AMERICA</h3>
+
+<p>While the above events were transpiring in the Latin countries, the
+Bakouninists were keeping a sharp eye on America as a land of hopeful
+possibilities. As early as 1874 Bakounin himself considered the matter
+of coming here, while Kropotkin and Guillaume followed with interest the
+labor disturbances that were at that time so numerous and so violent in
+this country. The panic of 1873 had caused widespread suffering among
+the working classes. For several years afterward hordes of unemployed
+tramped the country. The masses were driven to desperation and, in their
+hunger, to frequent outbreaks of violence. When later a measure of
+prosperity returned, both the trade-union and the socialist movements
+began to attract multitudes of the discontented. The news of two
+important events in the labor world of America reached the anarchists of
+the Jura and filled them, Guillaume says, "with a lively emotion." In
+June, 1877, Kropotkin called attention to the act of the Supreme Court
+of the United States in declaring unconstitutional the eight-hour law on
+Government work. He was especially pleased with an article in the <i>Labor
+Standard</i> of New York, which declared: "This will teach the workers not
+to put their confidence in Congress and to trust only in their own
+efforts. No law of Congress could be of any use to the worker if he is
+not so organized that he can enforce it. And, if the workers are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63"></a>[<a href="images/080.png">63</a>]</span> strong
+enough to do that, if they succeed in solidly forming the federation of
+their trade organizations, then they will be able, not only to force the
+legislators to make efficacious laws on the hours of work, on
+inspection, etc., but they will also be able to make the law themselves,
+deciding that henceforth no worker in the country shall work more than
+eight hours a day." "It is the good, practical sense of an American
+which says that," <a name="FNanchor_1_112" id="FNanchor_1_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_112" class="fnanchor">(1)</a> comments Kropotkin. This act of the Supreme Court
+and this statement of the <i>Labor Standard</i> were very welcome news to the
+anarchists. They were convinced that the Americans had abandoned
+political action and were turning to what they had already begun to call "direct action."</p>
+
+<p>Another event, a month later, added to this conviction. In its issue of
+July 29 the <i>Bulletin</i> published this article: "'Following a strike of
+the machinists of the Baltimore &amp; Ohio Railroad, a popular insurrection
+has burst forth in the states of Maryland, West Virginia, Pennsylvania,
+and Ohio. If at Martinsburg (West Virginia) the workmen have been
+conquered by the militia, at Baltimore (Maryland), a city of 300,000
+inhabitants, they have been victorious. They have taken possession of
+the station and have burned it, together with all the wagons of
+petroleum which were there. At Pittsburgh (Pennsylvania), a city of
+100,000 inhabitants, the workers are at the present time masters of the
+city, after having seized guns and cannon.... The strike is extending to
+the near-by railroads and is gaining in the direction of the Pacific.
+Great agitation reigns in New York. It is announced that the troops will
+concentrate, that Sheridan has been named commander, and that the
+Western States have offered their help.' In the following number, a
+detailed article, written by Kropotkin, recounted the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64"></a>[<a href="images/083.png">64</a>]</span><i>d&eacute;nouement</i> of
+the crisis, the recovery of Pittsburgh, where two thousand wagons loaded
+with merchandise had been burned, the repression and the disarray of the
+strikers following the treachery of the miserable false brothers, and
+the final miscarriage of the movement. But if there had been, in this
+attempt of popular insurrection, weak sides that had brought about the
+failure, Kropotkin rightly praised the qualities of which the American
+working people had just given proof: 'This movement will have certainly
+impressed profoundly the proletariat of Europe and excited its
+admiration. Its spontaneity, its simultaneousness at so many distant
+points communicating only by telegraph, the aid given by the workers of
+different trades, the resolute character of the uprising from the
+beginning, call forth all our sympathies, excite our admiration, and
+awaken our hopes.... But the blood of our brothers of America shall not
+have flowed in vain. Their energy, their union in action, their courage
+will serve as an example to the proletariat of Europe. But would that
+this flowing of noble blood prove once again the blindness of those who
+amuse the people with the plaything of parliamentarism when the powder
+magazine is ready to take fire, unknown to them, at the fall of the
+least spark.'" <a name="FNanchor_2_113" id="FNanchor_2_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_113" class="fnanchor">(2)</a></p>
+
+<p>The news of industrial troubles, such as the above, convinced the
+anarchist elements of Europe that America was ripe for direct action and
+the revolution. And it was indeed this period of profound industrial
+unrest that gave a forward impulse to all radical movements in the late
+seventies. Socialist newspapers sprang up in all parts of the country,
+and both socialist and trade-union organizations took on an immense
+development. Riots, minor insurrections, and strikes were symptoms of an
+all-pervading discontent. Simultaneously with this, many<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65"></a>[<a href="images/084.png">65</a>]</span>
+revolutionists, upon being expelled from Germany, were injected into the
+ferment. With many other refugees, the Germans then began to form
+revolutionary clubs, and, in 1882, Johann Most appeared in the United
+States scattering broadcast the terrorist ideas of Bakounin and Nechayeff.</p>
+
+<p>Most was perhaps the most fiery personality that appeared in the ranks
+of the anarchists after the death of Bakounin. A cruel stepmother, a
+pitiless employer, a long sickness, and an operation which left his face
+deformed forever are some of the incidents of his unhappy childhood. He
+received a poor education, but read extensively, and as a bookbinder
+worked at his trade in Germany, Austria, Italy, and Switzerland. He
+became attached to the labor movement toward the end of the sixties, and
+was elected to the German Reichstag in 1874. Forced to leave Germany as
+a result of the anti-socialist law, he went to London, where he
+established <i>Die Freiheit</i>, at first a social-democratic paper, which
+was smuggled into Germany. He became, however, more and more violent,
+and in 1880, at a secret gathering of the German socialists at Wyden in
+Switzerland, he and his friend Hasselmann were expelled from the Germany
+party. After this he no longer attempted to conceal his anarchist
+sympathies, and in the <i>Freiheit</i>, on the platform, and on every
+possible occasion he preached principles almost identical with those of
+Nechayeff and Bakounin. In a pamphlet on the scientific art of
+revolutionary warfare and of dynamiters he prescribes in detail where
+bombs should be placed in churches, palaces, and ball-rooms.<a name="FNanchor_I_9" id="FNanchor_I_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_I_9" class="fnanchor">[I]</a> He
+advises wholly individual action, in order that the groups may suffer as
+little harm as possible. His pamphlet also contains a dictionary of
+poisons<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66"></a>[<a href="images/085.png">66</a>]</span> which may be usefully employed against politicians, traitors,
+and spies. "Extirpate the miserable brood!" he writes in <i>Die Freiheit</i>;
+"extirpate the wretches! Thus runs the refrain of a revolutionary song
+of the working classes, and this will be the exclamation of the
+executive of a victorious proletariat army when the battle has been won.
+For at the critical moment the executioner's block must ever be before
+the eyes of the revolutionist. Either he is cutting off the heads of his
+enemies or his own is being cut off. Science gives us means which make
+it possible to accomplish the wholesale destruction of these beasts
+quietly and deliberately." Elsewhere he says, "Those of the reptile
+brood who are not put to the sword remain as a thorn in the flesh of the
+new society; hence it would be both foolish and criminal not to
+annihilate utterly this race of parasites." <a name="FNanchor_3_114" id="FNanchor_3_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_114" class="fnanchor">(3)</a></p>
+
+<p>It was this cheerful individual who, after being expelled from the
+German socialist party, made prodigious efforts to establish
+revolutionary organizations all over Europe. In London he captured the
+Communist Working Men's Educational Society, despite the protest of a
+considerable minority, and through it he undertook to launch other
+revolutionary clubs. The parliamentary socialists were bitterly
+assailed, and a congress was held in Paris and a later one in London for
+the purpose of uniting the revolutionists of all countries. According to
+Zenker, the headquarters of the association were at London, and
+sub-committees were formed to act in Paris, Geneva, and New York. Money
+was to be collected "for the purchase of poison and weapons, as well as
+to find places suitable for laying mines, and so on. To attain the
+proposed end, the annihilation of all rulers, ministers of State,
+nobility, the clergy, the most prominent capitalists, and other
+exploiters, any means are permissible, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67"></a>[<a href="images/086.png">67</a>]</span> therefore great attention
+should be given specially to the study of chemistry and the preparation
+of explosives, as being the most important weapons. Together with the
+chief committee in London there will also be established an executive
+bureau, whose duty is to carry out the decisions of the chief committee
+and to conduct correspondence." <a name="FNanchor_4_115" id="FNanchor_4_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_115" class="fnanchor">(4)</a></p>
+
+<p>After these attempts to establish an anarchist International, Most
+sailed for New York. Some of his ideas had preceded him, and when he
+arrived he was met and greeted by masses of German workingmen. Miss Emma
+Goldman, in "Anarchism and Other Essays," tells us of the impression he
+made upon her. "Some twenty-one years ago," she says, "I heard the first
+great anarchist speaker&mdash;the inimitable John Most. It seemed to me then,
+and for many years after, that the spoken word hurled forth among the
+masses with such wonderful eloquence, such enthusiasm and fire, could
+never be erased from the human mind and soul. How could any one of all
+the multitudes who flocked to Most's meetings escape his prophetic
+voice!" <a name="FNanchor_5_116" id="FNanchor_5_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_116" class="fnanchor">(5)</a> At the time of Most's arrival the American socialist movement
+was hopelessly divided over questions of methods and tactics. Already
+there had been bitter quarrels between those in the movement who had
+formed secret drilling organizations which were preparing for a violent
+revolution, and those others who sought by education, organization, and
+political action to achieve their demands. In the year 1880 a number of
+New York members had left the socialist organization and formed a
+revolutionary group, and in October of the following year a convention
+was held to organize the various revolutionary groups into a national
+organization. Everything was favorable for Most, and when he arrived it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68"></a>[<a href="images/087.png">68</a>]</span>
+was not long, with his magnetic personality and fiery agitation, until
+he had swept out of existence the older socialist organizations. In 1883
+representatives from twenty-six cities met in Pittsburgh to form the
+revolutionary socialist and anarchist groups into one body, called the
+"International Working People's Association." The same year a dismal
+socialist convention was held in Baltimore with only sixteen delegates
+attending. They attempted to stem the tide to terrorism by declaring:
+"We do not share the folly of the men who consider dynamite bombs as the
+best means of agitation. We know full well that a revolution must take
+place in the heads and in the industrial life of men before the working
+class can achieve lasting success." <a name="FNanchor_6_117" id="FNanchor_6_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_117" class="fnanchor">(6)</a></p>
+
+<p>The tide, however, was not stayed. The advocates of direct action
+continued headlong toward the bitter climax at the Haymarket in Chicago
+in 1886. Just previous to that fatal catastrophe, a series of great
+strikes had occurred in and about that city. At the McCormick Reaper
+Works a crowd of men was being addressed by Spies, an anarchist, when
+the "scabs" left the factory. A pitched battle ensued. The police were
+called, and, when they were assaulted with stones, they opened fire on
+the crowd, shooting indiscriminately men, women, and children, killing
+six and wounding many more. Spies, full of rage, hurried to the office
+of <i>Arbeiter Zeitung</i>, the anarchist paper, and composed the
+proclamation to the workingmen of Chicago which has since become famous
+as "the revenge circular." It called upon the workingmen to arm
+themselves and to avenge the brutal murder of their brothers. Five
+thousand copies of the circular, printed in English and German, were
+distributed in the streets. The next evening, May 4, 1886, a mass
+meeting was called at the Haymarket.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69"></a>[<a href="images/088.png">69</a>]</span> About two thousand working people
+attended the meeting. The mayor of the city went in person to hear the
+addresses, and later testified that he had reported to Captain Bonfield,
+at the nearest police station, that "nothing had occurred nor was likely
+to occur to require interference." Nevertheless, after Mayor Harrison
+had gone, Captain Bonfield sent one hundred and seventy-six policemen to
+march upon the little crowd that remained. Captain Ward, the officer in
+charge, commanded the meeting to disperse, and, as Fielden, one of the
+speakers, retorted that the meeting was a peaceable one, a dynamite bomb
+was thrown from an adjoining alley that killed several policemen and
+wounded many more.</p>
+
+<p>In the agitation that led up to the Haymarket tragedy, dynamite had
+always been glorified as the poor man's weapon. It was the power that
+science had given to the weak to protect them from injustice and
+tyranny. As powder and the musket had destroyed feudalism, so dynamite
+would destroy capitalism. In the issue of the <i>Freiheit</i>, March 18,
+1883, Most printed an article called "Revolutionary Principles." Many of
+the phrases are evidently taken from the "Catechism" of Bakounin and
+Nechayeff, and the sentiments are identical. During all this period
+great meetings were organized to glorify some martyr who, by the
+Propaganda of the Deed, had committed some great crime. For instance,
+vast meetings were organized in honor of Stellmacher and others who had
+murdered officers of the Viennese police. At one of these meetings Most
+declared that such acts should not be called murder, because "murder is
+the killing of a human being, and I have never heard that a policeman
+was a human being." <a name="FNanchor_7_118" id="FNanchor_7_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_118" class="fnanchor">(7)</a> When August Reinsdorf was executed for an attempt
+on the life of the German Emperor, Most's <i>Freiheit</i> appeared with a
+heavy black <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70"></a>[<a href="images/089.png">70</a>]</span>border. "One of our noblest and best is no more," he
+laments. "In the prison yard at Halle under the murderous sword of the
+criminal Hohenzollern band, on the 7th of February, August Reinsdorf
+ended a life full of battle and of self-sacrificing courage, as a martyr
+to the great revolution." <a name="FNanchor_8_119" id="FNanchor_8_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_119" class="fnanchor">(8)</a> It was inevitable that such views should
+lead sooner or later to a tragedy, and, while most of the Chicago
+anarchists were plain workingmen, simple and kindly, at least one
+fanatic in the group deserves to rank with Nechayeff and Most as an
+irreconcilable enemy of the existing order. This was Louis Lingg, whose
+last words as he was taken from the court were: "I repeat that I am the
+enemy of the 'order' of to-day, and I repeat that, with all my powers,
+so long as breath remains in me, I shall combat it. I declare again,
+frankly and openly, that I am in favor of using force. I have told
+Captain Schaack, and I stand by it, 'If you cannonade us, we shall
+dynamite you.' You laugh! Perhaps you think, 'You'll throw no more
+bombs'; but let me assure you that I die happy on the gallows, so
+confident am I that the hundreds and thousands to whom I have spoken
+will remember my words; and, when you shall have hanged us, then, mark
+my words, they will do the bomb-throwing! In this hope I say to you: I
+despise you. I despise your order, your laws, your force-propped
+authority. Hang me for it!" <a name="FNanchor_9_120" id="FNanchor_9_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_120" class="fnanchor">(9)</a></p>
+
+<p>There are many minor incidents now quite forgotten that played a part in
+this American terrorism. Benjamin R. Tucker, of New York, himself an
+anarchist, but not an advocate of terrorist tactics, had in the midst of
+this period to cry out in protest against the acts of those who called
+themselves anarchists. In his paper, <i>Liberty</i>, March 27, 1886, Tucker
+wrote on "The Beast of Communism." <a name="FNanchor_10_121" id="FNanchor_10_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_121" class="fnanchor">(10)</a> He began by quoting Henri
+Rochefort,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71"></a>[<a href="images/090.png">71</a>]</span> who was reported to have said: "Anarchists are merely
+criminals. They are robbers. They want no government whatever, so that,
+when they meet you on the street, they can knock you down and rob
+you." <a name="FNanchor_11_122" id="FNanchor_11_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_122" class="fnanchor">(11)</a></p>
+
+<p>"This infamous and libelous charge," says Tucker, "is a very sweeping
+one; I only wish that I could honestly meet it with as sweeping a
+denial. And I can, if I restrict the word anarchist as it always has
+been restricted in these columns, and as it ought to be restricted
+everywhere and always. Confining the word anarchist so as to include
+none but those who deny all external authority over the individual,
+whether that of the present State or that of some industrial
+collectivity or commune which the future may produce, I can look Henri
+Rochefort in the face and say: 'You lie!' For of all these men I do not
+recall even one who, in any ordinary sense of the term, can be justly styled a robber.</p>
+
+<p>"But unfortunately, in the minds of the people at large, this word
+anarchist is not yet thus restricted in meaning. This is due principally
+to the fact that within a few years the word has been usurped, in the
+face of all logic and consistency, by a party of communists who believe
+in a tyranny worse than any that now exists, who deny to the laborer the
+individual possession of his product, and who preach to their followers
+the following doctrine: 'Private property is your enemy; it is the beast
+that is devouring you; all wealth belongs to everybody; take it wherever
+you can find it; have no scruples about the means of taking it; use
+dynamite, the dagger, or the torch to take it; kill innocent people to
+take it; but, at all events, take it.' This is the doctrine which they
+call anarchy, and this policy they dignify with the name of
+'propagandism by deed.'</p>
+
+<p>"Well, it has borne fruit with most horrible fecundity.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72"></a>[<a href="images/091.png">72</a>]</span> To be sure, it
+has gained a large mass of adherents, especially in the Western cities,
+who are well-meaning men and women, not yet become base enough to
+practice the theories which they profess to have adopted. But it has
+also developed, and among its immediate and foremost supporters, a gang
+of criminals whose deeds for the past two years rival in 'pure
+cussedness' any to be found in the history of crime. Were it not,
+therefore, that I have first, last, and always repudiated these
+pseudo-anarchists and their theories, I should hang my head in shame
+before Rochefort's charge at having to confess that too many of them are
+not only robbers, but incendiaries and murderers. But, knowing as I do
+that no <i>real</i> anarchist has any part or lot in these infamies, I do not
+confess the facts with shame, but reiterate them with righteous wrath
+and indignation, in the interest of my cause, for the protection of its
+friends, and to save the lives and possessions of any more weak and
+innocent persons from being wantonly destroyed or stolen by cold-blooded
+villains parading in the mask of reform.</p>
+
+<p>"Yes, the time has come to speak. It is even well-nigh too late. Within
+the past fortnight a young mother and her baby boy have been burned to
+death under circumstances which suggest to me the possibility that, had
+I made this statement sooner, their lives would have been saved; and, as
+I now write these lines, I fairly shudder at the thought that they may
+not reach the public and the interested parties before some new
+holocaust has added to the number of those who have already fallen
+victims. Others who know the facts, well-meaning editors of leading
+journals of so-called communistic anarchism, may, from a sense of
+mistaken party fealty, bear longer the fearful responsibility of
+silence, if they will; for one I will not, cannot. I will take the other
+responsibility of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73"></a>[<a href="images/092.png">73</a>]</span> exposure, which responsibility I personally and
+entirely assume, although the step is taken after conference upon its
+wisdom with some of the most trusted and active anarchists in America.</p>
+
+<p>"Now, then, the facts. And they <i>are</i> facts, though I state them
+generally, without names, dates, or details.</p>
+
+<p>"The main fact is this: that for nearly two years a large number of the
+most active members of the German Group of the International Working
+People's Association in New York City, and of the Social Revolutionary
+Club, another German organization in that city, have been persistently
+engaged in getting money by insuring their property for amounts far in
+excess of the real value thereof, secretly removing everything that they
+could, setting fire to the premises, swearing to heavy losses, and
+exacting corresponding sums from the insurance companies. Explosion of
+kerosene lamps is usually the device which they employ. Some seven or
+eight fires, at least, of this sort were set in New York and Brooklyn in
+1884 by members of the gang, netting the beneficiaries an aggregate
+profit of thousands of dollars. In 1885 nearly twenty more were set,
+with equally profitable results. The record for 1886 has reached six
+already, if not more. The business has been carried on with the most
+astonishing audacity. One of these men had his premises insured, fired
+them, and presented his bill of loss to the company within twenty-four
+hours after getting his policy, and before the agent had reported the
+policy to the company. The bill was paid, and a few months later the
+same fellow, under another name, played the game over again, though not
+quite so speedily. In one of the fires set in 1885 a woman and two
+children were burned to death. The two guilty parties in this case were
+members of the Bohemian Group and are now <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74"></a>[<a href="images/093.png">74</a>]</span>serving life sentences in
+prison. Another of the fires was started in a six-story tenement house,
+endangering the lives of hundreds, but fortunately injuring no one but
+the incendiary. In one case in 1886 the firemen have saved two women
+whom they found clinging to their bed posts in a half-suffocated
+condition. In another a man, woman, and baby lost their lives. Three
+members of the gang are now in jail awaiting trial for murdering and
+robbing an old woman in Jersey City. Two others are in jail under heavy
+bail and awaiting trial for carrying concealed weapons and assaulting an
+officer. They were walking arsenals, and were found under circumstances
+which lead to the suspicion that they were about to perpetrate a
+robbery, if not a murder.</p>
+
+<p>"The profits accruing from this 'propagandism by deed' are not even used
+for the benefit of the movement to which the criminals belong, but go to
+fill their own empty pockets, and are often spent in reckless, riotous
+living. The guilty parties are growing bolder and bolder, and,
+anticipating detection ultimately, a dozen or so of them have agreed to
+commit perjury in order to involve the innocent as accomplices in their
+crimes. It is their boast that the active anarchists shall all go to the gallows together."</p>
+
+<p>The history of terrorist tactics in America largely centers about the
+career of Johann Most. In August Bebel's story of his life he speaks in
+high terms of the unselfish devotion and sterling character of Most in
+his early days. "If later on," says Bebel, "under the anti-socialist
+laws, he went astray and became an anarchist and an advocate of direct
+action, and finally, although he had been a model of abstinence, ended
+in the United States as a drunkard, it was all due to the anti-socialist
+laws, laws which drove<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75"></a>[<a href="images/094.png">75</a>]</span> him and many others from the country. Had he
+remained under the influence of the men who were able to guide him and
+restrain his passionate temper, the party would have possessed in him a
+most zealous, self-sacrificing, and indefatigable fighter." <a name="FNanchor_12_123" id="FNanchor_12_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_123" class="fnanchor">(12)</a> Most,
+then, was one of the victims of Bismarck's savage policies, as were also
+nearly all the other Germans who took part in the sordid crimes related
+by Tucker. And the Haymarket&mdash;the greatest of all American
+tragedies&mdash;leads directly back to the Iron Chancellor and his ferocious inquisition.</p>
+
+<p>A few minor incidents of anarchist activity may be recorded for the
+following years, but the only acts of importance were the shooting of
+President McKinley by Czolgosz and the shooting of Henry C. Frick by
+Alexander Berkman. In the "Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist," Berkman has
+now told us that as a youth he became a disciple of Bakounin and a fiery
+member of the Nihilist group. It was after the Homestead strike that
+Berkman saw a chance to propagate his gospel by a deed. Leaving his home
+in New York, he went to Pittsburgh for the purpose of killing Henry C.
+Frick, then head of the Carnegie Steel Company. Berkman made his way
+into Frick's office, shot at and slightly wounded him. In explanation of
+this act he says: "In truth, murder and <i>attentat</i> (that is, political
+assassination) are to me opposite terms. To remove a tyrant is an act of
+liberation, the giving of life and opportunity to an oppressed
+people." <a name="FNanchor_13_124" id="FNanchor_13_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_124" class="fnanchor">(13)</a> For this attempt on the life of Frick, Berkman was
+condemned to a term of imprisonment of twenty-two years. Despite a few
+isolated outbreaks, it may be said, therefore, that the seeds of
+anarchism have never taken root in America, just as they have never<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76"></a>[<a href="images/095.png">76</a>]</span>
+taken root in Germany or in England. To-day there are no active American
+terrorists and only a handful of avowed anarchists. In the Latin
+countries, however, the deeds of terrorism still played a tragic part in
+the history of the next few years.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_I_9" id="Footnote_I_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_I_9"><span class="label">[I]</span></a> See <i>Revolution&auml;re Kriegswissenschaft</i>.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77"></a>[<a href="images/096.png">77</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER V</h2>
+
+<h3>A SERIES OF TRAGEDIES</h3>
+
+<p>While Johann Most was sowing the seeds of terrorism in America, his
+comrades were actively at work in Europe. And, if the tactics of Most
+led eventually to petty thievery, somewhat the same degeneration was
+overtaking the Propaganda of the Deed in Europe. Up to 1886 robbery had
+not yet been adopted as a weapon of the Latin revolutionists. In
+America, in Austria, and in Russia, the doctrine had been preached and,
+to a certain extent, practiced, but <i>l'affaire Duval</i> was responsible
+for its introduction into France. Unlike most of the preceding
+demonstrations, the act of Duval was essentially an individual one. On
+October 5, 1886, a large house situated at 31 rue de Monceau, Paris, and
+occupied by Mme. Herbelin and her daughter, Mme. Madeleine Lemaire, the
+well-known artist, was robbed and half burned. Some days later, Cl&eacute;ment
+Duval and two accomplices, Didier and Houchard, were arrested as the
+perpetrators of this act. At first the matter was treated by the
+newspapers as an ordinary robbery. The <i>Cri du Peuple</i> called it a
+simple burglary, followed by an incendiary attempt. But after some days,
+Duval announced himself an anarchist and declared that his act was in
+harmony with his faith.</p>
+
+<p>On January 11 and 12, 1887, the case came before the court. The
+discussions were very heated. After M. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78"></a>[<a href="images/097.png">78</a>]</span>Fernand Labori, then a very
+young advocate, who had been appointed to defend Duval, had made his
+plea, Duval became anxious to defend himself. He threatened, in leaving
+the prison, to blow up with dynamite the jury and the court, and heaped
+upon them most abusive language. The president ordered that he should be
+removed from the court. An enormous tumult then ensued in that part of
+the hall where the anarchists were massed. "Help! Help! Comrades! Long
+live Anarchy!" cried Duval. "Long live Anarchy!" answered his comrades.
+Thirty guards led Duval away, and the verdict was read in the presence
+of an armed force with fixed bayonets. He was condemned to death and his
+two accomplices acquitted.</p>
+
+<p>Eight days afterward, on January 23, an indignation meeting against the
+condemnation of Duval was organized by the anarchists, at which nearly
+1,000 were present. Tennevin, Leboucher, and Louise Michel spoke in
+turn, glorifying Duval. The opposition was taken by a Blanquist, a
+Normandy citizen, who censured the act of Duval, because such acts, he
+said, throw discredit on the revolutionists and so retard the hour of
+the Social Revolution.</p>
+
+<p>Duval's case was appealed to the highest court in France, but the appeal
+was rejected. The President of the Republic, however, commuted his
+sentence of capital punishment to enforced labor. Then followed a long
+period of discussions and violent controversies between the anarchists
+and the socialists over the whole affair. The anarchists claimed the
+right of theft on the grounds that it was the beginning of capitalist
+expropriation and that stolen wealth could aid in propaganda and action.
+The socialists, on the other hand, protested against this theory with extreme vigor.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79"></a>[<a href="images/098.png">79</a>]</span></p><p>After Duval, there is little noteworthy in the terrorist movement for a
+period of four years, but with May 1, 1891, there began what is known as
+<i>La P&eacute;riode Tragique</i>. Five notable figures, Decamps, Ravachol,
+Vaillant, Henry, and Caserio, within a period of three years, performed
+a series of terrorist acts that cannot be forgotten. Their utter
+desperation and abandon, the terrible solemnity of their lives, and the
+almost superhuman efforts they made to bring society to its knees mark
+the most tragic and heroic period in the history of anarchism. At
+Levallois-Perret a demonstration was organized by the anarchists for May
+1. They brought out their red and black flags, and, when the police
+attempted to interfere and to take away their banners, they opened fire
+upon them. Several fell injured, while others returned the fire. The
+fight continued for some time, until finally reinforcements arrived and
+the anarchists were subdued. Six of the police and three of the
+anarchists were severely injured, one of the latter being Decamps, who
+had received severe blows from a sword. The trial took place in August,
+and, when Decamps attempted to defend himself, the judge refused to hear
+him. Finally he and his friends were condemned to prison.</p>
+
+<p>The next year, 1892, the avenger of Decamps appeared. It was the famous
+Ravachol, who for a time kept all Paris in a state of terror. In the
+night of February 14 there was a theft of dynamite from the
+establishment of <i>Soisy-sous-Etioles</i>. On March 11 an explosion shook
+the house on Boulevard Saint-Germain, in which lived M. Beno&icirc;t, the
+judge who had presided in August, 1891, at the trial of Decamps at
+Levallois. On March 15 a bomb was discovered on the window of the Lobau
+barracks. On March 27 a bomb was exploded on the first floor of a house
+on rue de Clichy, occupied by M. Bulot,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80"></a>[<a href="images/099.png">80</a>]</span> who had held the office of
+Public Minister at the trial in Levallois. It was only by chance, on the
+accusation of a boy by the name of Lh&eacute;rot, who was employed in a
+restaurant, that the police eventually captured Ravachol. He admitted
+having exploded the bombs in rue de Clichy and Boulevard Saint-Germain,
+"in order to avenge," he said, "the abominable violences committed
+against our friends, Decamps, L&eacute;veill&eacute;, and Dardare." <a name="FNanchor_1_125" id="FNanchor_1_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_125" class="fnanchor">(1)</a> On April 26 a
+bomb was exploded in the restaurant where Lh&eacute;rot, the informer, worked,
+killing the proprietor and severely wounding one of the patrons.</p>
+
+<p>The public was thrown into a state of dreadful alarm. The next day, when
+Ravachol was brought to trial, some awful foreboding seemed to possess
+those who were present. All Paris was guarded. In spite of the efforts
+of the Public Minister, the jury spared Ravachol on the ground of
+extenuating circumstances. It is difficult to say whether it was fear or
+pity that determined the decision of the jurors. In any case, Ravachol
+was acquitted, only to be condemned to death a few months later for
+strangling the hermit of Chambles, and he was then executed.</p>
+
+<p>"What shall one think of Ravachol?" says Prolo in <i>Les Anarchistes</i>. "He
+assassinated a mendicant, he broke into tombs in order to steal jewels,
+he manufactured counterfeit money, or, more exactly, substituting
+himself for the State, he cast five-franc pieces in silver, with the
+authentic standard, and put them in circulation. Lastly, he dynamited
+some property. He is of mystical origin. Profoundly religious in his
+early youth, he embraces with the same ardor, the same passion, and the
+same spirit of sacrifice the new political theory of equality. He throws
+himself deliberately outside the limits of the society which he
+abhors&mdash;kills, robs, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81"></a>[<a href="images/100.png">81</a>]</span> avenges his brothers. And let anyone question
+him, he replies: 'A begging hermit, he is a parasite and should be
+suppressed. One ought not to bury jewels when children are hungry, when
+mothers weep, and when men suffer from misery. The State makes money. Is
+it of good alloy? I make it as the State makes it and of the same alloy!
+As to dynamite, it is the arm of the weak who avenge themselves or
+avenge others for the humiliating oppression of the strong and their
+unconscious accomplices.'" <a name="FNanchor_2_126" id="FNanchor_2_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_126" class="fnanchor">(2)</a></p>
+
+<p>Although the anarchists accepted Duval and defended his acts, Ravachol
+was variously appreciated by them. Jean Grave, the French anarchist, and
+Merlino, the Italian anarchist, both condemned Ravachol. "He is not one
+of us," declared the latter, "and we repudiate him. His explosions lose
+their revolutionary character because of his personality, which is
+unworthy to serve the cause of humanity." <a name="FNanchor_3_127" id="FNanchor_3_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_127" class="fnanchor">(3)</a> &Eacute;lis&eacute;e Reclus, on the
+contrary, wrote of Ravachol in the <i>Sempre Avanti</i> as follows: "I admire
+his courage, his goodness of heart, his grandeur of soul, the generosity
+with which he has pardoned his enemies. I know few men who surpass him
+in generosity. I pass over the question of knowing up to what point it
+is always desirable to push one's own right to the extreme and whether
+other considerations, actuated by a sentiment of human solidarity, ought
+not to make it yield. But I am none the less of those who recognize in
+Ravachol a hero of a rare grandeur of soul." <a name="FNanchor_4_128" id="FNanchor_4_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_128" class="fnanchor">(4)</a></p>
+
+<p>In the <i>Entretiens politiques et litt&eacute;raires</i>, under the title, <i>Eloge
+de Ravachol</i>, Paul Adam wrote: "Whatever may have been the invectives of
+the bourgeois press and the tenacity of the magistrates in dishonoring
+the act of the victim, they have not succeeded in persuading us of his
+error. After so many judicial debates, chronicles,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82"></a>[<a href="images/101.png">82</a>]</span> and appeals to legal
+murder, Ravachol remains the propagandist of the grand idea of the
+ancient religions which extolled the quest of individual death for the
+good of the world, the abnegation of self, of one's life, and of one's
+fame for the exaltation of the poor and the humble. He is definitely the
+Renewer of the Essential Sacrifice." <a name="FNanchor_5_129" id="FNanchor_5_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_129" class="fnanchor">(5)</a> Museux, in <i>l'Art social</i>, said:
+"Ravachol has remained what he at first showed himself, a rebel. He has
+made the sacrifice of his life for an idea and to cause that idea to
+pass from a dream into reality. He has recoiled before nothing, claiming
+the responsibility for his acts. He has been logical from one end to the
+other. He has given example of a fine character and indomitable energy,
+at the same time that he has summed up in himself the vague anger of the
+revolutionists." <a name="FNanchor_6_130" id="FNanchor_6_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_130" class="fnanchor">(6)</a></p>
+
+<p>Hardly had the people of Paris gotten over their terror of the deeds of
+Ravachol when August Vaillant endeavored to blow up with dynamite the
+French Chamber of Deputies. He was a socialist, almost unknown among the
+anarchists. He said afterward that political-financial scandals were
+arousing popular anger and that it was necessary to thrust the sword
+into the heart of public powers, since they could not be conquered
+peaceably. In order to carry out his plan, he went to <i>Palais-Bourbon</i>,
+and, when the session opened, Vaillant arose in the gallery to throw his
+bomb. A woman, perceiving the intentions of the thrower, grasped his
+arm, causing the bomb to strike a chandelier, with the result that only
+Abb&eacute; Lemire and some spectators were injured. In the midst of commotion,
+with men stupefied with terror, the president of the Chamber, M. Charles
+Dupuy, called out the memorable words, "The session continues."</p>
+
+<p>Arraigned before the court, Vaillant was condemned to death. He said in
+explanation of his act, "I carried<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83"></a>[<a href="images/102.png">83</a>]</span> this bomb to those who are primarily
+responsible for social misery." <a name="FNanchor_7_131" id="FNanchor_7_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_131" class="fnanchor">(7)</a> "Gentlemen, in a few minutes you are
+to deal your blow, but in receiving your verdict I shall have at least
+the satisfaction of having wounded the existing society, that cursed
+society in which one may see a single man spending, uselessly, enough to
+feed thousands of families; an infamous society which permits a few
+individuals to monopolize all the social wealth, while there are
+hundreds of thousands of unfortunates who have not even the bread that
+is not refused to dogs, and while entire families are committing suicide
+for want of the necessities of life.... <a name="FNanchor_8_132" id="FNanchor_8_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_132" class="fnanchor">(8)</a></p>
+
+<p>"I conclude, gentlemen, by saying that a society in which one sees such
+social inequalities as we see all about us, in which we see every day
+suicides caused by poverty, prostitution flaring at every street
+corner&mdash;a society whose principal monuments are barracks and
+prisons&mdash;such a society must be transformed as soon as possible, on pain
+of being eliminated, and that speedily, from the human race. Hail to him
+who labors, by no matter what means, for this transformation! It is this
+idea that has guided me in my duel with authority, but as in this duel I
+have only wounded my adversary, it is now its turn to strike me." <a name="FNanchor_9_133" id="FNanchor_9_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_133" class="fnanchor">(9)</a></p>
+
+<p>The Abb&eacute; Lemire, Deputy from the North, the only member of the Chamber
+who had been slightly wounded by the explosion of the bomb, urged the
+pardon of the condemned man. The socialist Deputies likewise decided to
+appeal to the pardoning power of the President of the Republic and
+signed the following petition: "The undersigned, members of the Chamber
+of Deputies which was made the object of the criminal attempt of
+December 9, have the honor to address to the President of the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84"></a>[<a href="images/103.png">84</a>]</span>Republic
+a last appeal in favor of the condemned." <a name="FNanchor_10_134" id="FNanchor_10_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_134" class="fnanchor">(10)</a> It has long been the
+custom in France not to punish an abortive crime with the death penalty,
+and it was generally believed that Vaillant's sentence would be changed
+to life imprisonment. President Carnot, however, refused to extend any
+mercy, and Vaillant was guillotined.</p>
+
+<p>A few days after the execution of Vaillant, a bomb was thrown among some
+guests who were quietly assembled, listening to the music, in the caf&eacute;
+of the Hotel Terminus. Several persons were severely wounded. After a
+fierce struggle with the police, &Eacute;mile Henry was arrested. In the trial
+it was learned that he had been responsible for a number of other
+explosions that had taken place in the two or three years previous. He
+had attempted to avenge the miners who had been on strike at Carmaux by
+blowing up the manager of the company. He had deposited the bomb in the
+office of the company, where it was discovered by the porter. It was
+brought to the police, where it exploded, killing the secretary and
+three of his agents. Henry was a silent, lonely man, wholly unknown to
+the police. Mystical, sentimental, and brooding, he believed that the
+rich were individually responsible for misery and social wrong. "I had
+been told that life was easy and with abundant opportunity for all
+intellects and all energies," he declared at his trial, "but experience
+has shown me that only the cynics and the servile can make a place for
+themselves at the banquet. I had been told that social institutions were
+based on justice and equality, and I have seen about me only lies and
+deceit. Each day robbed me of an illusion. Everywhere I went I was
+witness of the same sorrows about us, of the same joys about others.
+Therefore I was not long in understanding that the words which I had
+been taught to reverence&mdash;honor, devotion, duty<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85"></a>[<a href="images/104.png">85</a>]</span>&mdash;were nothing but a
+veil concealing the most shameful baseness....</p>
+
+<p>"For an instant I was attracted by socialism; but I was not long in
+withdrawing myself from that party. I had too much love for liberty, too
+much respect for individual initiative, too much dislike for
+incorporation to take a number in the registered army of the Fourth
+Estate. I brought into the struggle a profound hatred, every day revived
+by the repugnant spectacle of this society in which everything is
+sordid, ... in which everything hinders the expansion of human passions,
+the generous impulses of the heart, the free flight of thought. I have,
+however, wished, as far as I was able, to strike forcibly and justly....
+In this pitiless war which we have declared on the bourgeoisie we ask no
+pity. We give death and know how to suffer it. That is why I await your
+verdict with indifference." <a name="FNanchor_11_135" id="FNanchor_11_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_135" class="fnanchor">(11)</a></p>
+
+<p>In the case of Henry appeals were also made to President Carnot for
+mercy, but they, too, were ignored, and Henry was guillotined a few days
+after Vaillant. A month or so later, June 25, President Carnot arrived
+at Lyons to open an exposition. That evening, while on his way to a
+theater, he was stabbed to death by the Italian anarchist, Caserio, on
+the handle of whose stiletto was engraved "Vaillant."</p>
+
+<p>This was the climax to the series of awful tragedies. It would be
+impossible to picture the utter consternation of the entire French
+nation. The characters that had figured in this terrible drama were not
+ordinary men. Their addresses before condemnation were so eloquent and
+impressive as to awaken lively emotions among the most thoughtful and
+brilliant men in France. They challenged society. The judge refused
+Decamps a hearing, and Ravachol undertook individually to destroy the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86"></a>[<a href="images/105.png">86</a>]</span>
+judge. Vaillant, deciding that the lawmakers were responsible for social
+injustice, undertook with one bomb to destroy them. Henry, feeling that
+it was not the lawmakers who were responsible, but the rich, careless,
+and sensual, who in their mastery over labor caused poverty, misery, and
+all suffering, sought with his bomb to destroy them. Utterly blind to
+the sentiments which moved these men, the President of the Republic
+allowed them to be guillotined, and Caserio, stirred to his very depths
+by what he considered to be the sublime acts of his comrades, stabbed to
+death the President.</p>
+
+<p>It is hard to pass judgment on lives such as these. One stands
+bewildered and aghast before men capable of such deeds; and, if they
+defy frivolous judgment, even to explain them seems beyond the power of
+one who, in the presence of the same wrongs that so deeply moved them,
+can still remain inert. Yet is there any escape to the conclusion that
+all this was utter waste of life and devotion? Far from awakening in
+their opponents the slightest thought of social wrong, these men, at the
+expense of their lives, awakened only a spirit of revenge. "An eye for
+an eye" was now the sentiment of the militants on both sides. All reason
+and sympathy disappeared, and, instead, every brutal passion had play.
+Politically and socially, the reactionaries were put in the saddle.
+Every progressive in France was placed on the defensive. Anyone who
+hinted of social wrong was ostracized. C&aelig;sarism ruled France, and,
+through <i>les lois sc&eacute;l&eacute;rates</i>, every bush was beaten, every hiding-place
+uncovered, until every anarchist was driven out. The acts of Vaillant
+and Henry, like the acts of the Chicago anarchists, not only failed
+utterly as propaganda, they even closed the ear and the heart of the
+world to everything<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87"></a>[<a href="images/106.png">87</a>]</span> and anything that was associated, or that could in
+any manner be connected, with anarchism. They served only one
+purpose&mdash;every malign influence and reactionary element took the acts of
+these misguided prodigies as a pretext to fasten upon the people still
+more firmly both social and political injustice. To no one were they so
+useful as to their enemy.</p>
+
+<p>For three years after this tragic period little noteworthy occurred in
+the history of terrorism. In Barcelona, Spain, a bomb was thrown, and
+immediately three hundred men and women were arrested. They were all
+thrown into prison and subjected to torture. Some were killed, others
+driven insane, although after a time some were released upon appeals
+made by the press and by many notables of other countries of Europe. The
+Prime Minister of Spain, Canovas del Castillo, was chiefly responsible
+for the torture of the victims. And in 1897 a young Italian, Angiolillo,
+went to Spain, and, at an interview which he sought with the Prime
+Minister, shot him. The same year an attempt was made on the life of the
+king of Greece, and in 1898 the Empress of Austria was assassinated in
+Switzerland by an Italian named Luccheni. The latter had gone there
+intending to kill the Duke of York, but, not finding him, decided to
+destroy the Empress. In 1900 King Humbert of Italy was assassinated by
+Gaetano Bresci. The latter had been working as a weaver in America,
+where he had also edited an anarchist paper. He was deeply moved when
+the story reached him of some soldiers who had shot and killed some
+peasants, who through hunger had been driven to riot. He demanded money
+of his comrades in Paterson, New Jersey, and, when he obtained it,
+hurried back to his native land, where, at Monza, on the 29th of July he
+shot the King. The next year on September 5,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88"></a>[<a href="images/107.png">88</a>]</span> President McKinley was
+shot in Buffalo by Leon Czolgosz.</p>
+
+<p>No other striking figure appears among the anarchists until 1912. In the
+early months of that year all Paris was terrified by a series of crimes
+unexampled, it is said, in Western history. The deeds of Bonnot and his
+confederates were so reckless, daring, and openly defiant, their escapes
+so miraculous, and the audacity of their assaults so incredible, that
+the people of Paris were put in a state bordering on frenzy. Just before
+the previous Christmas, in broad daylight, on a busy street, the band
+fell upon a bank messenger. They shot him and took from his wallet
+$25,000. They then jumped in an automobile and disappeared. A short time
+later a police agent called upon a chauffeur who was driving at excess
+speed to stop. It was in the very center of Paris, but instead of
+slackening his pace one of the occupants of the car drew a revolver,
+and, firing, killed the officer. A pursuit was organized, but the
+murderers escaped.</p>
+
+<p>Several other crimes were committed by the band in the next few days,
+but perhaps the most daring was that of March 25. In the forest of
+Senart, at eight o'clock in the morning, a band of five men stopped a
+chauffeur driving a powerful new motor car. They shot the chauffeur and
+injured his companion. The five men then took the car, and proceeded at
+great speed to the famous racing center of Chantilly. They went directly
+to a bank, descended from the car, and shot down the three men in charge
+of the bank. They then seized from the safe $10,000. A crowd which had
+gathered was kept back by one of the bandits with a rifle. The others
+came out, opened fire on the spectators, started the car at its utmost
+speed, and disappeared.</p>
+
+<p>Not long after, Monsieur Jouin, deputy chief of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89"></a>[<a href="images/108.png">89</a>]</span> S&ucirc;ret&eacute;, and Chief
+Inspector Colmar were making a domiciliary search in a house near Paris.
+Instead of finding what they thought, a man crouching beneath a bed
+sprang upon them, and in the fight Jouin was killed and Colmar severely
+injured. Bonnot, although injured, escaped by almost miraculous means.</p>
+
+<p>At last, on April 29, the band, which had defied the police force of
+Paris for four months, was discovered concealed in a garage said to
+belong to a wealthy anarchist. A body of police besieged the place, and
+after two police officers were killed a dynamite cartridge was exploded
+that destroyed the garage. Bonnot was then captured, fighting to the
+last. The police reported the finding of Bonnot's will, in which he
+says: "I am a celebrated man.... Ought I to regret what I have done?
+Yes, perhaps; but I must live my life. So much the worse for idiotic and
+imbecile society.... I am not more guilty," he continues, "than the
+sweaters who exploit poor devils." <a name="FNanchor_12_136" id="FNanchor_12_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_136" class="fnanchor">(12)</a> His final thought, it is said,
+was for his accomplices, both of whom were women, one his mistress, the
+other the manager of the <i>Journal Anarchie</i>.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90"></a>[<a href="images/109.png">90</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER VI</h2>
+
+<h3>SEEKING THE CAUSES</h3>
+
+<p>Such is the tragic story of barely forty years of terrorism in Western
+Europe. It reads far more like lurid fiction than the cold facts of
+history. Yet these amazing irreconcilables actually lived&mdash;in our
+time&mdash;and fought, at the cost of their lives, the entire organization of
+society. Surely few other periods in history can show a series of
+characters so daring, so bitter, so bent on destruction and
+annihilation. Bakounin, Nechayeff, Most, Lingg, Duval, Decamps,
+Ravachol, Henry, Vaillant, Caserio, and Luccheni&mdash;these bewildering
+rebels&mdash;individually waged their deadly conflict with the world. With
+the weakness of their one single life in revolt against
+society&mdash;protected as it is by countless thousands of police, millions
+of armed men, and all its machinery for defense&mdash;these amazing creatures
+fought their fight and wrote their page of protest in the world's
+history. Think of it as we will, this we know, that the world cannot
+utterly ignore men who lay down their lives for any cause. Men may write
+and agitate, they may scream never so shrilly about the wrongs of the
+world, but when they go forth to fight single-handed and to die for what
+they preach they have at least earned the right to demand of society an inquiry.</p>
+
+<p>What was it that drove these men to violence? Was it the teachings of
+Bakounin, of Nechayeff, and of Most? Their writings have been read and
+pondered over by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91"></a>[<a href="images/110.png">91</a>]</span> thousands of yearning and impressionable minds. They
+have been drink to the thirsty and food to the hungry. Yet one anarchist
+at least denies that the writings of these terrorists have moved men to
+violence. "My contention is," says Emma Goldman, "that they were
+impelled, not by the teachings of anarchism, but by the tremendous
+pressure of conditions, making life unbearable to their sensitive
+natures." <a name="FNanchor_1_137" id="FNanchor_1_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_137" class="fnanchor">(1)</a> Returning again to the same thought, she exclaims, "How
+utterly fallacious the stereotyped notion that the teachings of
+anarchism, or certain exponents of these teachings, are responsible for
+the acts of political violence." <a name="FNanchor_2_138" id="FNanchor_2_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_138" class="fnanchor">(21)</a> To this indefatigable propagandist
+of anarchist doctrine, those who have been led into homicidal violence
+are "high strung, like a violin string." "They weep and moan for life,
+so relentless, so cruel, so terribly inhuman. In a desperate moment the
+string breaks." <a name="FNanchor_3_139" id="FNanchor_3_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_139" class="fnanchor">(3)</a></p>
+
+<p>Yet, if it be true that doctrines have naught to do with the spread of
+terrorism, why is it that among many million socialists there are almost
+no terrorists, while among a few thousand anarchists there are many
+terrorists? The pressure of adverse social conditions is felt as keenly
+by the socialists as by the anarchists. The one quite as much as the
+other is a rebel against social ills. The indictment made by the
+socialists against political and economic injustice is as far-reaching
+as that of the anarchists. Why then does not the socialist movement
+produce terrorists? Is it not that the teachings of Marx and of all his
+disciples dwell upon the folly of violence, the futility of riots, the
+madness of assassination, while, on the other hand, the teachings of
+Bakounin, of Nechayeff, of Kropotkin, and of Most advocate destructive
+violence as a creative force? "Extirpate the wretches!" cries Most.
+"Make robbers our allies!" says Nechayeff.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92"></a>[<a href="images/111.png">92</a>]</span> "Propagate the gospel by a
+deed!" urges Kropotkin, and throughout Bakounin's writings there appears
+again and again the plea for "terrible, total, inexorable, and universal
+destruction." Both socialists and anarchists preach their gospel to the
+weary and heavy-laden, to the despondent and the outraged, who may
+readily be led to commit acts of despair. They have, after all, little
+to lose, and their life, at present unbearable, can be made little worse
+by punishment. Yet millions of the miserable have come into the
+socialist movement to hear the fiercest of indictments against
+capitalism, and it is but rare that one becomes a terrorist. What else
+than the teachings of anarchism and of socialism can explain this difference?</p>
+
+<p>Unquestionably, socialism and anarchism attract distinctly different
+types, who are in many ways alien to each other. Their mental processes
+differ. Their nervous systems jar upon each other. Even physically they
+have been known to repel each other. Born of much the same conditions,
+they fought each other in the cradle. From the very beginning they have
+been irreconcilable, and with perfect frankness they have shown their
+contempt for each other. About the kindest criticism that the socialist
+makes of the anarchist is that he is a child, while the anarchist is
+convinced that the socialist is a Philistine and an inbred conservative
+who, should he ever get power, would immediately hang the anarchists.<a name="FNanchor_J_10" id="FNanchor_J_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_J_10" class="fnanchor">[J]</a>
+They are traditional enemies, who seem utterly incapable of
+understanding each other. Intellectually, they fail to grasp the meaning
+of each other's philosophy. It is but rare that a socialist, no matter
+how conscientious a student, will confess he fully understands
+anarchism. On<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93"></a>[<a href="images/112.png">93</a>]</span> the other hand, no one understands the doctrines of
+socialism so little as the anarchist. It is possible, therefore, that
+the same conditions which drive the anarchist to terrorist acts lead the
+socialist to altogether different methods, but the reasonable and
+obvious conclusion would be that teachings and doctrines determine the
+methods that each employ.</p>
+
+<p>The anarchist is, as Emma Goldman says, "high strung." His ear is tuned
+to hear unintermittently the agonized cry. To follow the imagery of
+Shelley, he seems to be living in a "mind's hell," <a name="FNanchor_4_140" id="FNanchor_4_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_140" class="fnanchor">(4)</a> wherein hate,
+scorn, pity, remorse, and despair seem to be tearing out the nerves by
+their bleeding roots. Bj&ouml;rnstjerne Bj&ouml;rnson, Fran&ccedil;ois Copp&eacute;e, &Eacute;mile
+Zola, and many other great writers have sought to depict the psychology
+of the anarchist, but I think no one has approached the poet Shelley,
+who had in himself the heart of the anarchist. He was a son-in-law and a
+disciple of William Godwin, one of the fathers of anarchism. "Prometheus
+Unbound," "The Revolt of Islam," and "The Mask of Anarchy," are
+expressions of the very soul of Godwin's philosophy. Shelley was
+"cradled into poetry by wrong," as a multitude of other unhappy men are
+cradled into terrorism by wrong. He was "as a nerve o'er which do creep
+the else unfelt oppressions of this earth," and he "could moan for woes
+which others hear not." He, too, "could ... with the poor and trampled
+sit and weep." <a name="FNanchor_5_141" id="FNanchor_5_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_141" class="fnanchor">(5)</a> There is in nearly all anarchists this
+supersensitiveness, this hyper&aelig;sthesia that leads to ecstasy, to
+hysteria, and to fanaticism. It is a neuropathy that has led certain
+scientists, like Lombroso and Krafft-Ebbing, to suggest that some
+anarchist crimes can only be looked upon as a means to indirect suicide.
+They are outbursts that lead to a spectacular martyr-like ending to
+brains that "too<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94"></a>[<a href="images/113.png">94</a>]</span> much thought expands," to hearts overladen, and to
+nerves all unstrung. Life is a burden to them, though they lack the
+courage to commit suicide directly. Such is the view of these students
+of criminal pathology, and they cite a long list of political criminals
+who can only be explained as those who have sought indirectly
+self-destruction. It is a type of insanity that leads to acts which seem
+sublime to others in a state of like torture both of mind and of nerves.</p>
+
+<p>This explains no doubt the acts of some terrorists, and at the same time
+it condemns the present attitude of society toward the terrorist. Think
+of hanging the tormented soul who could say as he was taken to the
+gallows: "I went away from my native place because I was frequently
+moved to tears at seeing little girls of eight or ten years obliged to
+work fifteen hours a day for the paltry pay of twenty centimes. Young
+women of eighteen or twenty also work fifteen hours daily for a mockery
+of remuneration....</p>
+
+<p>"I have observed that there are a great many people who are hungry, and
+many children who suffer, while bread and clothes abound in the towns. I
+saw many and large shops full of clothing and woolen stuffs, and I also
+saw warehouses full of wheat and Indian corn, suitable for those who are
+in want." <a name="FNanchor_6_142" id="FNanchor_6_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_142" class="fnanchor">(6)</a> When such a tortured spirit is driven to homicide, how is
+it possible for society to demand and take that life? Shall we admit
+that there is a duel between society and these souls deranged by the
+wrongs of society? "In this duel," said Vaillant, "I have only wounded
+my adversary, it is now his turn to strike me." <a name="FNanchor_7_143" id="FNanchor_7_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_143" class="fnanchor">(7)</a> It is tragic enough
+that a poor and desperate soul, like Vaillant, should have felt himself
+in deadly combat with society, but how much more tragic it is for
+society to admit that fact, accept the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95"></a>[<a href="images/114.png">95</a>]</span> challenge, and take that life!
+"If you cannonade us, we shall dynamite you," said Louis Lingg. <a name="FNanchor_8_144" id="FNanchor_8_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_144" class="fnanchor">(8)</a> And
+we answer, "If you dynamite us, we shall cannonade you." And in so far
+as this is our sole attitude toward these rebels, wherein are we
+superior? For Lingg to say that was at least heroic. For us so to answer
+is not even heroic. Our paid men see to it. It is done as a matter of
+course and forgotten.</p>
+
+<p>These men say that justice exists only for the powerful, that the poor
+are robbed, and that "the lamp of their soul" is put out. They beg us to
+listen, and we will not. They ask us to read, and we will not. "It takes
+a loud voice to make the deaf hear," said Vaillant. They then give all
+they have to execute one dreadful deed of propaganda in order to awaken
+us. Must even this fail? We can hang them, but can we forget them? After
+every deed of the anarchists the press, the police, and the pulpit carry
+on for weeks a frenzied discussion over their atrocities. The lives of
+these Propagandists of the Deed are then crushed out, and in a few
+months even their names are forgotten. There seems to be an innate dread
+among us to seek the causes that lie at the bottom of these distressing
+symptoms of our present social r&eacute;gime. We prefer, it seems, to become
+like that we contemplate. We seek to terrorize them, as they seek to
+terrorize us. As the anarchist believes that oppression may be ended by
+the murder of the oppressor, so society cherishes the thought that
+anarchism may be ended by the murder of the anarchist. Are not our
+methods in truth the same, and can any man doubt that both are equally
+futile and senseless? Both the anarchy of the powerful and the anarchy
+of the weak are stupid and abortive, in that they lead to results
+diametrically <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96"></a>[<a href="images/115.png">96</a>]</span>opposed to the ends sought. Tennyson was never nearer a
+great social truth than when he wrote:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<div>"He that roars for liberty</div>
+<div>Faster binds a tyrant's power;</div>
+<div>And the tyrant's cruel glee</div>
+<div>Forces on the freer hour." <a name="FNanchor_9_145" id="FNanchor_9_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_145" class="fnanchor">(9)</a></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>No one perhaps is better qualified than Lombroso to speak on the present
+punitive methods of society as a direct cause of terrorism.
+"Punishment," he says, "far from being a palliative to the fanaticism
+and the nervous diseases of others, exalts them, on the contrary, by
+exciting their altruistic aberration and their thirst for martyrdom. In
+order to heal these anarchist wounds there is, according to some
+statesmen, nothing but hanging on the gallows and prison. For my part, I
+consider it just indeed to take energetic measures against the
+anarchists. However, it is not necessary to go so far as to take
+measures which are merely the result of momentary reactions, measures
+which thus become as impulsive as the causes which have produced them
+and in their turn a source of new violence.</p>
+
+<p>"For example, I am not an unconditional adversary of capital punishment,
+at least when it is a question of the criminal born, whose existence is
+a constant danger to worthy people. Consequently, I should not have
+hesitated to condemn Pini<a name="FNanchor_K_11" id="FNanchor_K_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_K_11" class="fnanchor">[K]</a> and Ravachol. On the other hand, I believe
+that capital punishment or severe or merely ignominious penalties are
+not suited to the crimes and the offenses of the anarchists in general.
+First,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97"></a>[<a href="images/116.png">97</a>]</span> many of them are mentally deranged, and for these it is the
+asylum, and not death or the gallows, that is fitting. It is necessary
+also to take account, in the case of some of these criminals, of their
+noble altruism which renders them worthy of certain regard. Many of
+these people are souls that have gone astray and are hysterical, like
+Vaillant and Henry, who, had they been engaged in some other cause, far
+from being a danger, would have been able to be of use in this society
+which they wished to destroy....</p>
+
+<p>"As to indirect suicides, is it not to encourage them and to make them
+attain the end that they desire when we inflict on all those so disposed
+a spectacular death?... For many criminals by passion, unbalanced by an
+inadequate education, and whose feeling is aroused by either their own
+misery or at the sight of the misery of others, we would no more award
+the death penalty if the motive has been exclusively political, because
+they are much less dangerous than the criminal born. On the other hand,
+commitment to the asylum of the epileptic and the hysteric would be a
+practical measure, especially in France, where ridicule kills them.
+Martyrs are venerated and fools are derided." <a name="FNanchor_10_146" id="FNanchor_10_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_146" class="fnanchor">(10)</a></p>
+
+<p>Of course, Lombroso is endeavoring to prescribe a method of treatment
+for the terrorist that will not breed more terrorists. He sees in the
+present punitive methods an active cause of violence. However, it is
+perhaps impossible to hope that society will adopt any different
+attitude than that which it has taken in the past toward these
+unbalanced souls. In fact, it seems that a savage <i>lex talionis</i> is
+wholly satisfying to the feudists on both sides. Neither the one nor the
+other seeks to understand the forces driving them both. They are bent on
+destroying each other, and they will probably continue in that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98"></a>[<a href="images/117.png">98</a>]</span> struggle
+for a long time to come. However, if we learn little from those actually
+engaged in the conflict, there are those outside who have labored
+earnestly to understand and explain the causes of terrorism. Ethics,
+religion, psychology, criminal pathology, sociology, economics,
+jurisprudence&mdash;all contribute to the explanation. And, while it is not
+possible to go into the entire matter as exhaustively as one could wish,
+there are several points which seem to make clear the cause of this
+almost individual struggle between the anarchists above and the
+anarchists below.</p>
+
+<p>Some of those who have written of the causes of terrorism have a
+partisan bias. There are those among the Catholic clergy, for instance,
+who have sought to place the entire onus on the doctrines of modern
+socialism. This has, in turn, led August Bebel to point out that the
+teachings of certain famous men in the Church have condoned
+assassination. He reminds us of Mariana, the Jesuit, who taught under
+what circumstances each individual has a right to take the life of a
+tyrant. His work, <i>De Rege et Rege Constitutione</i>, was famous in its
+time. Lombroso tells us that "the Jesuits ... who even to-day sustain
+the divine right of kings, when the kings themselves believe in it no
+longer, revolted at one time against the princes who were not willing to
+follow them in their <i>mison&eacute;ique</i> and retrograde fanaticism and hurled
+themselves into regicide. Thus three Jesuits were executed in England in
+1551 for complicity in a conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth, and
+two others in 1605 in connection with the powder plot. In France, P&egrave;re
+Guignard was beheaded for high treason against Henry IV. (1595). Some
+Jesuits were beheaded in Holland for the conspiracies against Maurice de
+Nassau (1598); and, later in Portugal, after the attempt to assassinate
+King<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99"></a>[<a href="images/118.png">99</a>]</span> Joseph (1757), three of the Jesuits were implicated; and in Spain
+(1766) still others were condemned for their conspiracy against Ferdinand IV.</p>
+
+<p>"During the same period two Jesuits were hanged in Paris as accomplices
+in the attempt against Louis XV. When they did not take an active part
+in political crimes, they exercised indirectly their influence by means
+of a whole series of works approving regicide or tyrannicide, as they
+were pleased to distinguish it in their books. Mariana, in his book, <i>De
+Rege et Rege Constitutione</i>, praises Cl&eacute;ment and apologizes for
+regicide; and that, in spite of the fact that the Council of Constance
+had condemned the maxim according to which it was permitted to kill a
+tyrant."<a name="FNanchor_L_12" id="FNanchor_L_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_L_12" class="fnanchor">[L]</a> <a name="FNanchor_11_147" id="FNanchor_11_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_147" class="fnanchor">(11)</a></p>
+
+<p>That the views of Mariana were very similar to those of the terrorists
+will be seen by the following quotation from his famous book: "It is a
+question," he writes, in discussing the best means of killing a king,
+"whether it is more expedient to use poison or the dagger. The use of
+poison in the food has a great advantage in that it produces its effect
+without exposing the life of the one who has recourse to this method.
+But such a death would be a suicide, and one is not permitted to become
+an accomplice to a suicide. Happily, there is another method available,
+that of poisoning the clothing, the chairs, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100"></a>[<a href="images/119.png">100</a>]</span> bed. This is the method
+that it is necessary to put into execution in imitation of the
+Mauritanian kings, who, under the pretext of honoring their rivals with
+gifts, sent them clothes that had been sprinkled with an invisible
+substance, with which contact alone has a fatal effect." <a name="FNanchor_12_148" id="FNanchor_12_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_148" class="fnanchor">(12)</a></p>
+
+<p>It has also been pointed out that, although Catholics have rarely been
+given to revolutionary political and economic theories, the Mafia and
+the Camorra in Italy, the Fenians in Ireland, and the Molly Maguires in
+America were all organizations of Catholics which pursued the same
+terrorist tactics that we find in the anarchist movement. These are
+unquestionable facts, yet they explain nothing. Certainly Zenker is
+justified in saying, "The deeds of people like Jacques Cl&eacute;ment,
+Ravaillac, Corday, Sand, and Caserio, are all of the same kind; hardly
+anyone will be found to-day to maintain that Sand's action followed from
+the views of the <i>Burschenschaft</i>, or Cl&eacute;ment's from Catholicism, even
+when we learn that Sand was regarded by his fellows as a saint, as was
+Charlotte Corday and Cl&eacute;ment, or even when learned Jesuits like Sa,
+Mariana, and others, <i>cum licentia et approbatione superiorum</i>, in
+connection with Cl&eacute;ment's outrage, discussed the question of regicide in
+a manner not unworthy of Nechayeff or Most." <a name="FNanchor_13_149" id="FNanchor_13_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_149" class="fnanchor">(13)</a> It therefore ill
+becomes the Catholic clergy to attack socialism on the ground of
+regicide, as not one socialist book or one socialist leader has ever yet
+been known to advocate even tyrannicide. On the other hand, while
+terrorism has been extraordinarily prevalent in Catholic countries, such
+as France, Italy, and Spain, no socialist will seriously seek to lay the
+blame on the Catholic Church. The truth is that the forces which produce
+terrorism affect the Catholic mind as they affect the Protestant mind.
+In<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101"></a>[<a href="images/120.png">101</a>]</span> every struggle for liberty and justice against religious, political,
+or industrial oppression, some men are moved to take desperate measures
+regardless of whether they are Catholics, Protestants, or pagans.</p>
+
+<p>Still other seekers after the causes of terrorism have pointed out that
+the ethics of our time appear to justify the terrorist and his tactics.
+History glorifies the deeds of numberless heroes who have destroyed
+tyrants. The story of William Tell is in every primer, and every
+schoolboy is thrilled with the tale of the hero who shot from ambush
+Gessler, the tyrant.<a name="FNanchor_M_13" id="FNanchor_M_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_M_13" class="fnanchor">[M]</a> From the Old Testament down to even recent
+history, we find story after story which make immortal patriots of men
+who have committed assassination in the belief that they were serving
+their country. And can anyone doubt that Booth when he shot President
+Lincoln<a name="FNanchor_N_14" id="FNanchor_N_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_N_14" class="fnanchor">[N]</a> or that Czolgosz when he murdered President McKinley was
+actuated by any other motive than the belief that he was serving a
+cause? It was the idea of removing an industrial tyrant that actuated
+young Alexander Berkman when he shot Henry C. Frick, of the Carnegie
+Company. These latter acts are not recorded in history as heroic, simply
+and solely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102"></a>[<a href="images/121.png">102</a>]</span> because the popular view was not in sympathy with those
+acts. Yet had they been committed at another time, under different
+conditions, the story of these men might have been told for centuries to
+admiring groups of children.</p>
+
+<p>In Carlyle's "Hero Worship" and in his philosophy of history, the
+progress of the world is summarized under the stories of great men.
+Certain individuals are responsible for social wrongs, while other
+individuals are responsible for the great revolutions that have righted
+those wrongs. In the building up, as well as in the destruction of
+empires, the individual plays stupendous r&ocirc;les. This egocentric
+interpretation of history has not only been the dominant one in
+explaining the great political changes of the past, it is now the
+reasoning of the common mind, of the yellow press, of the demagogue, in
+dealing with the causes of the evils of the present day. The Republican
+Party declared that President McKinley was responsible for prosperity;
+by equally sound reasoning Czolgosz may have argued that he was
+responsible for social misery. According to this theory, Rockefeller is
+the giant mind that invented the trusts; political bosses such as Croker
+and Murphy are the infamous creatures who fasten upon a helpless
+populace of millions of souls a Tammany Hall; Bismarck created modern
+Germany; Lloyd George created social reform in England; while Tom Mann
+in England and Samuel Gompers in America are responsible for strikes;
+and Keir Hardie and Eugene Debs responsible for socialism. The
+individual who with great force of ability becomes the foremost figure
+in social, political, or industrial development is immediately assailed
+or glorified. He becomes the personification of an evil thing that must
+be destroyed or of a good thing that must be protected. It<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103"></a>[<a href="images/122.png">103</a>]</span> is a result
+of such reasoning that men ignorant of underlying social, political, or
+industrial forces seek to obstruct the processes of evolution by
+removing the individual. On this ground the anarchists have been led to
+remove hundreds of police officials, capitalists, royalties, and others.
+They have been poisoned, shot, and dynamited, in the belief that their
+removal would benefit humanity. Yet nothing would seem to be quite so
+obvious as the fact that their removal has hardly caused a ripple in the
+swiftly moving current of evolution. Others, often more forceful and
+capable, have immediately stepped into their places, and the course of
+events has remained unchanged.</p>
+
+<p>Speaking on this subject, August Bebel refers to the hero-worship of
+Bismarck in Germany: "There is no other person whom the social democracy
+had so much reason to hate as him, and the social democracy was not more
+hated by anybody than by just that Bismarck. Our love and our hatred
+were, as you see, mutual. But one would search in vain the entire social
+democratic press and literature for an expression of the thought that it
+would be a lucky thing if that man were removed.... But how often did
+the capitalist press express the idea that, were it not for Bismarck, we
+would not, to this day, have a united Germany? There cannot be a more
+mistaken idea than this. The unity of Germany would have come without
+Bismarck. The idea of unity and liberty was in the sixties so powerful
+among all the German people that it would have been realized, with or
+without the assistance of the Hohenzollerns. The unity of Germany was
+not only a political but an <i>economic necessity</i>, primarily in the
+interests of the capitalist class and its development. The idea of unity
+would have ultimately broken through with elementary force. At this
+juncture Bismarck made use of the tendency, in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104"></a>[<a href="images/123.png">104</a>]</span><i>his own fashion, in the
+interest of the Hohenzollern dynasty</i>, and at the same time <i>in the
+interest of the capitalist class and of the Junkers</i>, the landed
+nobility. The offspring of this compromise is the Constitution of the
+German Empire, the provisions of which strive to reconcile the interests
+of these three factors. Finally, even a man like Bismarck had to leave
+his post. 'What a misfortune for Germany!' cried the press devoted to
+him. Well, what has happened to Germany since then? Even Bismarck
+himself could not have ruled it much differently than it has been ruled
+since his days." <a name="FNanchor_14_150" id="FNanchor_14_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_150" class="fnanchor">(14)</a></p>
+
+<p>This egoistic conception of history is carried to its most violent
+extreme by the anarchists. The principles of Nechayeff are a series of
+prescriptions by which fearless and reckless individuals may destroy
+other individuals. Ravachol, Vaillant, and Henry seemed obsessed with
+the idea that upon their individual acts rested the burden of
+deliverance. Bonnot's last words were, "I am a celebrated man." From the
+gallows in Chicago Fischer declared, "This is the happiest moment of my
+life." <a name="FNanchor_15_151" id="FNanchor_15_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_151" class="fnanchor">(15)</a> "Call your hangman!" exclaimed August Spies. "Truth crucified
+in Socrates, in Christ, in Giordano Bruno, in Huss, in Galileo, still
+lives&mdash;they and others whose name is legion have preceded us on this
+path. We are ready to follow!" <a name="FNanchor_16_152" id="FNanchor_16_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_152" class="fnanchor">(16)</a> Fielden said: "I have loved my
+fellowmen as I have loved myself. I have hated trickery, dishonesty, and
+injustice. The nineteenth century commits the crime of killing its best
+friend." <a name="FNanchor_17_153" id="FNanchor_17_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_153" class="fnanchor">(17)</a> It is singularly impressive, in reading the literature of
+anarchism, to weigh the last words of men who felt upon their souls the
+individual responsibility of saving humanity. They have uttered
+memorable words because of their inherent sincerity, their devout belief
+in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105"></a>[<a href="images/124.png">105</a>]</span> the individual, in his power for evil, and in his power to remove
+that evil.</p>
+
+<p>In many anarchists, however, this deification of the individual induces
+a morbid and diseased egotism which drives them to the most amazing
+excesses; among others, the yearning to commit some memorable act of
+revolt in order to be remembered. In fact, the ego in its worst, as well
+as in its best aspect, dominates the thought and the literature of
+anarchism. Max Stirner, considered by some the founder of philosophical
+anarchism, calls his book "The Ego and His Own." "Whether what I think
+and do is Christian," he writes, "what do I care? Whether it is human,
+liberal, humane, whether unhuman, illiberal, inhuman, what do I ask
+about that? If only it accomplishes what I want, if only I satisfy
+myself in it, then overlay it with predicates as you will; it is all
+alike to me." <a name="FNanchor_18_154" id="FNanchor_18_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_154" class="fnanchor">(18)</a> "Consequently my relation to the world is this: I no
+longer do anything for it 'for God's sake,' I do nothing 'for man's
+sake,' but what I do I do 'for my sake.'" <a name="FNanchor_19_155" id="FNanchor_19_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_155" class="fnanchor">(19)</a> "Where the world comes in
+my way&mdash;and it comes in my way everywhere&mdash;I consume it to quiet the
+hunger of my egoism. For me you are nothing but&mdash;my food, even as I,
+too, am fed upon and turned to use by you." <a name="FNanchor_20_156" id="FNanchor_20_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_156" class="fnanchor">(20)</a></p>
+
+<p>Here society is conceived of as merely a collection of egos. The world
+is a history of gods and of devils. All the evils of the time are
+embodied in individual tyrants. Some of these individuals control the
+social forces, others the political, still others the industrial forces.
+As individuals, they overpower and enslave their individual enemies.
+Remove a man and you destroy the source of tyranny. A judge commits a
+man to death, and the judge is dynamited. A Prime Minister sends the
+army to shoot down striking workmen and the Prime Minister<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106"></a>[<a href="images/125.png">106</a>]</span> is shot. A
+law is passed violating the rights of free speech, and, following that,
+an Emperor is shot. The rich exploit the poor, and a fanatic throws a
+bomb in the first caf&eacute; he passes to revenge the poor. Wicked and unjust
+laws are made, and Vaillant goes in person to the Chamber of Deputies to
+throw his bomb. The police of Chicago murder some hungry strikers, and
+an avenger goes to the Haymarket to murder the police. In all these acts
+we find a point of view in harmony with the dominant one of our day. It
+is the one taught in our schools, in our pulpits, on our political
+platforms, and in our press. It is the view, carried to an extreme, of
+that man or group of men who believes that the ideas of individuals
+determine social evolution. Nothing could be more logical to the
+revolutionist who holds this view than to seek to remove those
+individuals who are responsible for the existing order of society. As a
+rule, the socialist stands almost alone in combating this ideological
+interpretation of history and of social evolution.</p>
+
+<p>There is something in the nature of poetic irony in the fact that the
+anarchist should take the very ethics of capitalism and reduce them to
+an absurdity. It is something in the nature of a satire, sordid and
+terrible, which the realism of things has here written. The very most
+cherished ethical ideals of our society are used by the bitterest
+enemies of that society to arouse the wronged to individual acts of
+revenge. Quite a number of notable anarchists have been the product of
+misery and oppression. Their souls were warped, and their minds
+distorted in childhood by hunger and brutality. They were wronged
+terribly by the world, and anarchism came to them as a welcome spirit,
+breathing revenge. It taught that the world was wrong, that injustice
+rode over it like a nightmare, that misery flourished in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107"></a>[<a href="images/126.png">107</a>]</span> midst of
+abundance, that multitudes labored with bent backs to produce luxuries
+for the few. Their eyes were opened to the wrong of hunger, poverty,
+unemployment, of woman and child labor, and of all the miseries that
+press heavily upon human souls. And in their revolt they saw kings,
+judges, police officials, legislators, captains of industry, who were
+said to be directly responsible for these social ills. It was not
+society or a system or even a class that was to blame; it was McKinley,
+or Carnot, or Frick. And those whom some worshiped as heroes, these men
+loathed as tyrants.</p>
+
+<p>The powerful have thought to deprive the poor of souls. They have liked
+to think that they would forever bear their cross in peace. Yet when
+anarchism comes and touches the souls of the poor it finds not dead
+blocks of wood or mere senseless cogs in an industrial machine; it finds
+the living, who can pray and weep, love and hate. No matter how scared
+their souls become, there is yet a possibility that their whole beings
+may revolt under wrong. When the anarchist deifies even the veriest
+wreck of society&mdash;this individual, "this god, though in the germ"&mdash;when
+he inflames it with dignity and with pride, when he fills its whole
+being with a thirst for awful and incredible vengeance, you have Duval,
+Lingg, Ravachol, Luccheni, and Bonnot. Add to their desire for revenge
+the philosophy of anarchism and of our schoolbooks, that individuals are
+the makers of history, and the result is terrorism.</p>
+
+<p>Other students of terrorism have noted the prevalence of violence in
+those countries and times where the courts are corrupt, where the law is
+brutal and oppressive, or where men are convinced that no available
+machinery exists to execute the ends of justice. This latter is the
+explanation given for the numerous lynchings<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108"></a>[<a href="images/127.png">108</a>]</span> in America and also for
+the practices of "popular justice" that used to be a common feature of
+frontier life. In the absence of a properly constituted legal machinery
+groups of men undertake to shoot, hang, or burn those whom they consider
+dangerous to the public weal. In Russia it was inevitable that a
+terrorist movement should arise. The courts were corrupt, the
+bureaucracy oppressive. Furthermore, no form of freedom existed. Men
+could neither speak nor write their views. They could not assemble, and
+until recently they did not possess the slightest voice in the affairs
+of government. Borne down by a most hideous oppression, the terrorist
+was the natural product. The same conditions have existed to an extent
+in Italy, and probably no other country has produced so many violent
+anarchists. Caserio, Luccheni, Bresci, and Angiolillo have been
+mentioned, but there are others, such as Santoro, Mantica, Benedicti,
+although these latter are accused of being police agents. In Italy the
+people have for centuries individually undertaken to execute their
+conception of equity. Official justice was too costly to be available to
+the poor, and the courts were too corrupt to render them justice. For
+centuries, therefore, men have been considered justified in murdering
+their personal enemies. Among all classes it has long been customary to
+deal individually with those who have committed certain crimes. The
+horrible legal conditions existing in both Spain and Italy have
+developed among these peoples the idea of "self-help." They have taken
+law into their own hands, and, according to their lights and passions,
+have meted out their rude justice. Assassination has been defended in
+these countries, as lynching has been defended recently, as some will
+remember, by a most eminent American anarchist, the Governor of South Carolina.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109"></a>[<a href="images/128.png">109</a>]</span></p><p>Lombroso says in his exhaustive study of the causes of violence, <i>Les
+Anarchistes</i>: "History is rich in examples of the complicity of
+criminality and politics, and where one sees in turn political passion
+react on criminal instinct and criminal instinct on political passion.
+While Pompey has on his side all honest people&mdash;Cato, Brutus, Cicero;
+C&aelig;sar, more popular than he, has as his followers only
+degenerates&mdash;Antony, a libertine and drunkard; Curio, a bankrupt;
+Clelius, a madman; Dolabella, who made his wife die of grief and who
+wanted to annul all debts; and, above all, Catiline and Clodius. In
+Greece the Clefts, who are brigands in time of peace, have valiantly
+championed the independence of their country. In Italy, in 1860, the
+Papacy and the Bourbons hired brigands to oppose the national party and
+its troops; the Mafia of Sicily rose up with Garibaldi; and the Camorra
+of Naples co&ouml;perated with the liberals. And this shameful alliance with
+the Camorra of Naples is not yet dissolved; the last parliamentary
+struggles relative to the acts of the government of Naples have given us
+a sad echo of it&mdash;which, alas, proves that it still lasts without hope
+of change for the future. It is especially at the initial stages of
+revolutions that these sorts of people abound. It is then, indeed, that
+the abnormal and unhealthy spirits predominate over the faltering and
+the weak and drag them on to excesses by an actual epidemic of imitation." <a name="FNanchor_21_157" id="FNanchor_21_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_157" class="fnanchor">(21)</a></p>
+
+<p>Marx and Engels saw very clearly the part that the criminal elements
+would play in any uprising, and as early as 1847 they wrote in the
+Communist Manifesto: "The 'dangerous class,' the social scum, that
+passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society,
+may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian
+revolution; its conditions of life, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110"></a>[<a href="images/129.png">110</a>]</span>however, prepare it far more for
+the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue." <a name="FNanchor_22_158" id="FNanchor_22_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_158" class="fnanchor">(22)</a> The truth of
+this statement has been amply illustrated in the numerous outbreaks that
+have occurred since it was written. The use by the Bakouninists in Spain
+of the criminal elements there, the repeated exploits of the police
+agents in discrediting every uprising by encouraging the criminal
+elements to outrageous acts, and the terrible barbarities of the
+criminal classes at the time of the Paris Commune are all examples of
+how useful to reaction the rotting layers of old society may become.
+Even when they do not serve as a bribed tool of the reactionary
+elements, their atrocities, both cruel and criminal, repel the
+self-respecting and conscientious elements. They discredit the real
+revolutionists, who must bear the stigma that attaches to the inhuman
+acts of the "dangerous class."</p>
+
+<p>That the European governments have used the terrorists in exactly this
+manner in order to discredit popular movements, is not, I think, open to
+any question. The money of the anarchists' bitterest enemy has helped to
+make anarchy so well known. The politics of Machiavelli is the politics
+of nearly every old established European government. It is the politics
+of families who have been trained in the profession of rulership. And
+this mastership, as William Morris has said, has many shifts. And one
+that has been most useful to them is that of subsidizing those persons
+or elements who by their acts promote reaction. In Russia it is an old
+custom to foment and provoke minor insurrections. Police agents enter a
+discontented district and do all possible to irritate the troublesome
+elements and to force them "to come into the street." In this manner the
+agitators and leaders are brought to the front, where at one stroke they
+may all be shot. Furthermore, the police agents<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111"></a>[<a href="images/130.png">111</a>]</span> themselves commit or
+provoke such atrocious crimes that the people are terrified and welcome
+the strong arm of the Government. Literally scores of instances might be
+given where, by well-planned work of this sort, the active leaders are
+cut down, the sources of agitation destroyed, and through the robberies,
+murders, and dynamite outrages of police agents the people are so
+terrified that they welcome the intervention of even tyranny itself.</p>
+
+<p>An immense sensation throughout Europe was created by an address by
+Jules Guesde in the French Chamber of Deputies, the 19th of July, 1894.
+The deeds of Ravachol, Vaillant, and Henry were still the talk of
+Europe, and, three weeks before, the President of the Republic had been
+stabbed to death by Caserio. It was in that critical period, amidst
+commotions, interruptions, protests, and exclamations of amazement, that
+Guesde brought out his evidence that the chief of police of Paris had
+paid regular subsidies to promote and extend both the preaching and the
+practice of violent anarchism. He introduced, in support of his remarks,
+portions from the Memoirs of M. Andrieux, our old friend of Lyons and
+later the head of the Paris police. "The anarchists," says Andrieux,
+"wished to have a newspaper to spread their doctrines. If I fought their
+Propaganda of the Deed, I at least favored the spread of their doctrines
+by means of the press, and I have no reasons for depriving myself longer
+of their gratitude.<a name="FNanchor_O_15" id="FNanchor_O_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_O_15" class="fnanchor">[O]</a> The companions were looking for some one to
+advance funds, but infamous<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112"></a>[<a href="images/131.png">112</a>]</span> capital was in no hurry to reply to their
+appeal. I shook it up and succeeded in persuading it that it was for its
+own interest to aid in the publication of an anarchist newspaper....</p>
+
+<p>"But do not think that I boldly offered to the anarchists the
+encouragement of the Prefect of Police.... I sent a well-dressed
+bourgeois to one of the most active and intelligent of them. He
+explained that, having acquired a fortune in the drug business, he
+desired to devote a part of his income to help their propaganda. This
+bourgeois, anxious to be devoured, awakened no suspicion among the
+companions. Through his hands, I deposited the caution money in the
+coffers of the State, and the paper, <i>la R&eacute;volution Sociale</i>, made its
+appearance.... Every day, about the table of the editors, the authorized
+representatives of the party of action assembled; they looked over the
+international correspondence; they deliberated on the measures to be
+taken to end 'the exploitation of man by man'; they imparted to each
+other the recipes which science puts at the disposal of revolution. I
+was always represented in the councils, and I gave my advice in case of
+need.... The members had decided in the beginning that the
+Palais-Bourbon must be blown up. They deliberated on the question as to
+whether it would not be more expedient to commence with some more
+accessible monument. The Bank of France, the <i>palais de l'&Eacute;lys&eacute;e</i>, the
+house of the prefect of police, the office of the Minister of the
+Interior were all discussed, then abandoned, by reason of the too
+careful surveillance of which they were the object." <a name="FNanchor_23_159" id="FNanchor_23_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_159" class="fnanchor">(23)</a> Toward the end
+of his address, Guesde turned to the reactionaries, and said: "I have
+shown you that everywhere, from the beginning of the anarchist epidemic
+in France, you find either the hand or the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113"></a>[<a href="images/132.png">113</a>]</span> money of one of your
+prefects of police.... That is how you have fought in the past this
+anarchistic danger of which you make use to-day to commit, what shall I
+say?... real crimes, not only against socialism, but against the Republic itself." <a name="FNanchor_24_160" id="FNanchor_24_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_160" class="fnanchor">(24)</a></p>
+
+<p>For the last forty years police agents have swarmed into the socialist,
+the anarchist, and the trade-union movements for the purpose of
+provoking violence. The conditions grew so bad in Russia that every
+revolutionist suspected his comrade. Many loyal revolutionists were
+murdered in the belief that they were spies. In the belief that they
+were comrades, the faithful intrusted their innermost secrets to the
+agents of the police. Every plan they made was known. Every undertaking
+proved abortive, because the police knew everything in advance and
+frequently had in charge of every plot their own men. Criminals were
+turned into the movement under the surveillance of the police.<a name="FNanchor_P_16" id="FNanchor_P_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_P_16" class="fnanchor">[P]</a> All
+through the days of the International it was a common occurrence to
+expose police spies, and in every national party agents of the police
+have been discovered and driven out. It has become almost a rule, in
+certain sections of the socialist and labor movements, that the man who
+advocates violence must be watched, and there are numerous instances
+where such men have been proved to be paid agents of the police. Joseph
+Peukert was for many years one of the foremost leaders of the
+anarchists. He was in Vienna with Stellmacher and Kammerer, and devoted
+much of his time to translating into German the works of foreign
+anarchists.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114"></a>[<a href="images/133.png">114</a>]</span> It was only discovered toward the end of his life that
+during all this time he was in the employ of the Austrian police.</p>
+
+<p>These and similar startling facts were brought out by August Bebel in an
+address delivered in Berlin, November 2, 1898. Luccheni had just
+murdered the Empress of Austria, and the German reactionaries attempted,
+of course, to connect him with the socialists. Bebel created utter
+consternation in their camp when, as a part of his address, he showed
+the active participation of high officials in crimes of the anarchists.
+"And how often," said Bebel, "police agents have helped along in the
+attempted or executed assassinations of the last decades. When Bismarck
+was Federal Ambassador at Frankfort-on-the-Main he wrote to his wife:
+'For lack of material the police agents lie and exaggerate in a most
+inexcusable manner.' These agents are engaged to discover contemplated
+assassinations. Under these circumstances, the bad fellows among them
+... come easily to the idea: 'If other people don't commit
+assassinations, then we ourselves must help the thing along.' For, if
+they cannot report that there is something doing, they will be
+considered superfluous, and, of course, they don't want that to happen.
+So they 'help the thing along' by 'correcting luck,' as the French
+proverb puts it. Or they play politics on their own score.</p>
+
+<p>"To demonstrate this I need only to remind you of the 'reminiscences' of
+Andrieux, the former Chief of Police of Paris, in which he brags with
+the greatest cynicism of how he, by aid of police funds, subsidized
+extreme Anarchist papers and organized Anarchist assassinations, just to
+give a thorough scare to rich citizens. And then there is that notorious
+Police Inspector Melville, of London, who also operated on these lines.
+That<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115"></a>[<a href="images/134.png">115</a>]</span> was revealed by the investigation of the so-called Walsall attempt
+at assassination. Among the assassinations committed by the Fenians
+there were also some that were the work of the police, as was shown at
+the Parnell trial. Everybody remembers how much of such activity was
+displayed in Belgium during the eighties by that prince of scoundrels,
+Pourbaix. Even the Minister Bernaard himself was compelled to admit
+before the Parliament that Pourbaix was paid to arrange assassinations
+in order to justify violent persecutions of the <i>Social Democracy</i>.
+Likewise was Baron von Ungern-Sternberg, nicknamed the 'bomb-baron,'
+unmasked as a police agent at the trial of the Luttich Anarchists.</p>
+
+<p>"And then&mdash;our own good friends at the time of the [anti-] Socialist
+law. About them I myself could tell you some interesting stories, for I
+was among those who helped to unmask them. There is Schroeder-Brennwald,
+of Zurich, the chap who was receiving from Molkenmarkt, through police
+counsellor Krueger, a monthly salary of at first 200 and then 250 marks.
+At every meeting in Zurich this Schroeder was stirring up people and
+putting them up to commit acts of violence. But to guard against
+expulsion from Switzerland by the authorities of that country, he first
+acquired <i>citizenship in Switzerland</i>, presumably by means of funds
+furnished by the police of Prussia. During the summer of 1883 Schroeder
+and the police-Anarchist Kaufman called and held in Zurich a conference
+participated in by thirteen persons. Schroeder acted as chairman. At
+that conference plans were laid for the assassinations which were later
+committed in Vienna, Stuttgart, and Strassburg by Stellmacher, Kammerer,
+and Kumitzsch. I am not informed that these unscrupulous scoundrels,
+although they were in the service of the police, had informed the
+police<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116"></a>[<a href="images/135.png">116</a>]</span> commissioner that those murders were being contemplated.... Men
+like Stellmacher and Kammerer paid for their acts with their lives on
+the gallows. When [Johann] Most was serving a term in a prison in
+England, this same police spy Schroeder had Most's 'Freiheit' published
+at Schaffhausen, Switzerland, at his own expense. The money surely did
+not come out of his own pocket.</p>
+
+<p>"That was a glorious time when [we unmasked this Schroeder and the other
+police organizer of plots, Haupt, to whom] the police counsellor Krueger
+wrote that he knew the next attempt on the life of the Czar of Russia
+would be arranged in Geneva, and he should send in reports. Was this
+demand not remarkable in the highest degree? And now Herr von Ehrenberg,
+the former colonel of artillery of Baden!... This fellow was
+unquestionably for good reason suspected of having betrayed to the
+General Staff of Italy the fortifications of Switzerland at St.
+Gotthard. When his residence was searched it was brought to light that
+Herr von Ehrenberg worked also in the employ of the Prussian police. He
+gave regularly written reports of conversations which he claimed to have
+had with our comrades, including me. Only in those alleged conversations
+the characters were reversed. We were represented as advocating the most
+reckless criminal plans, which in reality he himself suggested and
+defended, while he pictured himself in those reports as opposing the
+plans.... What would have happened if some day those reports had fallen
+into the hands of certain persons&mdash;and that was undoubtedly the
+purpose&mdash;and, if accused, we had no witnesses to prove the spy committed
+perfidy? Thus, for instance, he attempted to convince me&mdash;but in his
+records claimed that it was I who proposed it&mdash;that it would be but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117"></a>[<a href="images/136.png">117</a>]</span>
+child's play to find out the residences of the higher military officers
+in all the greater cities of Germany, then, in one night, send out our
+best men and have all those officers murdered simultaneously. In four
+articles published in the 'Arbeiterstimme,' of Zurich, he explained in a
+truly classical manner how to conduct a modern street battle, what to do
+to get the best of artillery and cavalry. At meetings he urged the
+collection of funds to buy arms for our people. As soon as war broke out
+with France our comrades from Switzerland, according to him, should
+break into Baden and Wuerttemberg, should there tear up the tracks and
+confiscate the contents of the postal and railroad treasuries. And this
+man, who urged me to do all that, was, as I said, in the employ of the Prussian police.</p>
+
+<p>"Another police preacher and organizer of violent plots was that
+well-known Friedeman who was driven out of Berlin, and, at the
+gatherings of comrades in Zurich, appealed to them, in prose and poetry,
+to commit acts of violence. A certain Weiss, a journeyman tinsmith, was
+arrested in the vicinity of Basel for having put up posters in which the
+deeds of Kammerer and Stellmacher were glorified. He, too, was in the
+employ of the German police, as was afterward established during the court proceedings.</p>
+
+<p>"A certain Schmidt, who had to disappear from Dresden on account of his
+crooked conduct, came to Zurich and urged the establishment of a
+<i>special fund for assassinations</i>, contributing twenty francs to start
+the fund. Correspondence which he had carried on with Chief of Police
+Weller, of Dresden, and which later fell into our hands, proved that he
+was in the employ of the police, whom he kept informed of his actions.
+And then the unmasked secret police agent Ihring-Mahlow, here in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118"></a>[<a href="images/137.png">118</a>]</span>
+Berlin, who announced that he was prepared to teach the manufacture of
+explosives, for 'the parliamentary way is too slow.'" <a name="FNanchor_25_161" id="FNanchor_25_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_161" class="fnanchor">(25)</a></p>
+
+<p>Here certainly is a great source of violence and crime, and, in view of
+such revelations, no one can be sure that any anarchist outrage is
+wholly voluntary and altogether free from the manipulation of the secret
+police. With <i>agents provocateurs</i> swarming over the movement and
+working upon the minds of the weak, the susceptible, and the criminal,
+there is reason to believe that their influence in the tragedies of
+terrorism is far greater than will ever be known. To discredit starving
+men on strike, to defeat socialists in an election, to promote a
+political intrigue, to throw the entire legislature into the hands of
+the reaction, to conceal corruption, or to take the public mind from too
+intently watching the nefarious schemes of a political-financial
+conspiracy&mdash;for all these and a multitude of other purposes thousands of
+secret police agents are at work. The sordid facts of this infamous
+commerce are no longer in doubt, and one wonders how the anarchists can
+delude themselves into the belief that they are serving the weak and
+lowly when they commit exactly the same crimes that professional
+assassins are hired to commit. This certainly <i>is</i> madness. To be thus
+used by their bitterest enemies, the police and the State, to serve thus
+voluntarily the forces of intrigue, of reaction, and of tyranny&mdash;surely
+nothing can be so near to unreason as this. When Bismarck's personal
+organ declared again and again, "There is nothing left to be done but to
+provoke the social democrats to commit acts of despair, to draw them out
+into the open street, and there to shoot them down," <a name="FNanchor_26_162" id="FNanchor_26_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_162" class="fnanchor">(26)</a> a reasoning
+opponent would have seen that this was just what he would not allow
+himself to be drawn into. Yet Bismarck hardly says<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119"></a>[<a href="images/138.png">119</a>]</span> this and sets his
+police to work before the anarchist freely, voluntarily, and with
+tremendous exaltation of spirit attempts to carry it out.</p>
+
+<p>Strange to say, the desire of the powerful to promote anarchy seems to
+be well enough understood by the anarchists themselves. Kropotkin, in
+his "Memoirs," tells of two cases where police agents were sent to him
+with money to help establish anarchist papers, and there was hardly a
+moment of his revolutionary career when there were not police agents
+about him. Emma Goldman also appreciates the fact that the police are
+always ready to lend a hand in anarchist outrages. "For a number of
+years," she says, "acts of violence had been committed in Spain, for
+which the anarchists were held responsible, hounded like wild beasts,
+and thrown into prison. Later it was disclosed that the perpetrators of
+these acts were not anarchists, but members of the police department.
+The scandal became so widespread that the conservative Spanish papers
+demanded the apprehension and punishment of the gang leader, Juan Rull,
+who was subsequently condemned to death and executed. The sensational
+evidence, brought to light during the trial, forced Police Inspector
+Momento to exonerate completely the anarchists from any connection with
+the acts committed during a long period. This resulted in the dismissal
+of a number of police officials, among them Inspector Tressols, who, in
+revenge, disclosed the fact that behind the gang of police bomb-throwers
+were others of far higher position, who provided them with funds and
+protected them. This is one of the many striking examples of how
+anarchist conspiracies are manufactured." <a name="FNanchor_27_163" id="FNanchor_27_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_163" class="fnanchor">(27)</a> With knowledge such as
+this, is it possible that a sane mind can encourage the despairing to
+undertake riots and insurrections? Yet when we turn to the anarchists
+for our<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120"></a>[<a href="images/139.png">120</a>]</span> answer, they tell us "that the accumulated forces in our social
+and economic life, culminating in a political act of violence, are
+similar to the terrors of the atmosphere, manifested in storm and
+lightning. To thoroughly appreciate the truth of this view, one must
+feel intensely the indignity of our social wrongs; one's very being must
+throb with the pain, the sorrow, the despair millions of people are
+daily made to endure. Indeed, unless we have become a part of humanity,
+we cannot even faintly understand the just indignation that accumulates
+in a human soul, the burning, surging passion that makes the storm
+inevitable." <a name="FNanchor_28_164" id="FNanchor_28_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_164" class="fnanchor">(28)</a> Such explosions of rage one would expect from the
+unreasonable and the childlike. They are bursts of passion that end in
+the knocking of one's head against a stone wall. This may in truth be
+the psychology of the violent, yet it cannot be the psychology of a
+reasoning mind. This may explain the action of those who have lost all
+control over themselves or even the action of a class that has not
+advanced beyond the stages of futile outbursts of passion, of aimless
+and suicidal violence, and of self-destructive rage. But it is
+incredible that it should be considered by anyone as reasonable or
+intelligent, or, least of all, revolutionary.</p>
+
+<p>Probably still other causes of terrorism exist, but certainly the chief
+are those above mentioned. The writings of Bakounin, Nechayeff,
+Kropotkin, and Most; the miserable conditions which surround the life of
+a multitude of impoverished people; the often savage repression of any
+attempts on the part of the workers to improve their conditions; corrupt
+courts and parliaments and unjust laws; a false conception of ethics; a
+high-wrought nervous tension combined with compassion; the egocentric
+philosophy which deifies the individual and would press its claims even
+to the destruction of all else in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121"></a>[<a href="images/140.png">121</a>]</span> world; these are no doubt the
+chief underlying causes of the terrorism of the last forty years. Yet,
+as I have said, there is one force making for terrorism that throws a
+confusing light on the whole series of tragedies. Why should the
+governments of Europe subsidize anarchy? Why should their secret police
+encourage outrages, plant dynamite, and incite the criminal elements to
+become anarchists, and in that guise to burn, pillage, and commit
+murder? Why should that which assumes to stand for law and order work to
+the destruction of law and order? What is it that leads the corrupt,
+vicious, and reactionary elements in the official world to turn thus to
+its use even anarchy and terrorism? What end do the governments of Europe seek?</p>
+
+<p>I have already suggested the answers to the above questions, but they
+will not be understood by the reader unless he realizes that throughout
+all of last century the democratic movement has been to the privileged
+classes the most menacing spectacle imaginable. Again and again it arose
+to challenge existing society. In some form, however vague, it lay back
+of every popular movement. At moments the powerful seemed actually to
+fear that it was on the point of taking possession of the world, and
+repeatedly it has been pushed back, crushed, subdued, almost obliterated
+by their repressive measures. Yet again and again it arose responsive to
+the actual needs of the time, and became toward the end of the century
+one of the most impressive movements the world has ever known. Filled
+with idealism for a new social order, and determined to change
+fundamentally existing conditions, the working class has fought onward
+and upward toward a world State and a socialized industrial life. There
+can be no doubt that the amazing growth of the modern socialist movement
+has terrified the powers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122"></a>[<a href="images/141.png">122</a>]</span> of industrial and political tyranny. To them
+it is an incomparable menace, and superhuman efforts have been made to
+turn it from its path. They have endeavored to divide it, to
+misinterpret it, to divert it, to corrupt it, and the greatest of all
+their efforts has been made toward forcing it to become a movement of
+terrorists, in order ultimately to discredit and destroy it. "We have
+always been of the opinion," declared an unknown opponent of socialism,
+"that it takes the devil to drive out Beelzebub and that socialism must
+be fought with anarchy. As a corn louse and similar insects are driven
+out by the help of other insects that devour them and their eggs, so the
+Government should cultivate and rear anarchists in the principal nests
+of socialism, leaving it to the anarchists to destroy socialism. The
+anarchists will do that work more effectively than either police or
+district attorneys." <a name="FNanchor_29_165" id="FNanchor_29_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_165" class="fnanchor">(29)</a> Has this been the chief motive in helping to keep terrorism alive?</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_J_10" id="Footnote_J_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_J_10"><span class="label">[J]</span></a> Kropotkin, in "The Conquest of Bread," p. 73, suggests that
+in the Revolution the socialists will probably hang the anarchists.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_K_11" id="Footnote_K_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_K_11"><span class="label">[K]</span></a> Pini declared that he had committed robberies amounting to
+over three hundred thousand francs from the bourgeoisie in order to
+avenge the oppressed. Cf. Lombroso, "<i>Les Anarchistes</i>," p. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_L_12" id="Footnote_L_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_L_12"><span class="label">[L]</span></a> "The work of Mariana was afterward approved by Sola
+(<i>Tractus de legibus</i>), by Gretzer (<i>Opera omnia</i>), by Becano (<i>Opuscula
+theologica Summa Theologic&aelig; scholastic&aelig;</i>).
+</p><p>
+"P&egrave;re Emanuel (<i>Aphorismi confessariorum</i>), Gr&eacute;goire de Valence
+(<i>Comment. Theolog.</i>), Keller (<i>Tyrannicidium</i>), and Suarez (<i>Defentio
+fidei cathol.</i>) hold similar ideas, while Azor (<i>Institut. moral.</i>),
+Lorin (<i>Comm. in librum psalmorum</i>), Comitolo (<i>Responsa morala</i>), etc.,
+recognized the right of every individual to kill the prince for his own
+defense."&mdash;<i>Les Anarchistes</i>, p. 207.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_M_13" id="Footnote_M_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_M_13"><span class="label">[M]</span></a> Bakounin, when endeavoring to save Nechayeff from being
+arrested by the Swiss authorities and sent back to Russia, defends him
+on precisely these grounds, claiming that Nechayeff had taken the fable
+of William Tell seriously. Cf. <i>&OElig;uvres</i>, Vol. II, p. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_N_14" id="Footnote_N_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_N_14"><span class="label">[N]</span></a> Booth wrote, a day or so after killing Lincoln: "After
+being hunted like a dog through swamps and woods, and last night being
+chased by gunboats till I was forced to return, wet, cold, and starving,
+with every man's hand against me, I am here in despair. And why? For
+doing what Brutus was honored for&mdash;what made William Tell a hero; and
+yet I, for striking down an even greater tyrant than they ever knew, am
+looked upon as a common cutthroat." Cf. "The Death of Lincoln,"
+Laughlin, p. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_O_15" id="Footnote_O_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_O_15"><span class="label">[O]</span></a> Kropotkin tells of the effort made by the agents of
+Andrieux to persuade him and Elis&eacute;e Reclus to collaborate in the
+publication of this so-called anarchist paper. He also says it was a
+paper of "unheard-of violence; burning, assassination, dynamite
+bombs&mdash;there was nothing but that in it."&mdash;"Memoirs of a Revolutionist,"
+pp. 478-480.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_P_16" id="Footnote_P_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_P_16"><span class="label">[P]</span></a> In "The Terror in Russia" Kropotkin tells of bands of
+criminals who, under pretense of being revolutionists and wanting money
+for revolutionary purposes, forced wealthy people to contribute under
+menace of death. The headquarters of the bands were at the office of the
+secret police.</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123"></a>[<a href="images/142.png">123</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>PART II</h2>
+
+<h2>STRUGGLES WITH VIOLENCE</h2>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124"></a>[<a href="images/143.png">124</a>]</span></p>
+
+<div class="center"><img src="images/marx.jpg" width='472' height='700' alt="KARL MARX" /></div>
+
+<h4>KARL MARX</h4>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125"></a>[<a href="images/144.png">125</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER VII</h2>
+
+<h3>THE BIRTH OF MODERN SOCIALISM</h3>
+
+<p>While terrorism was running its tragic course, the socialists grew from
+a tiny sect into a world-wide movement. And, as terrorist acts were the
+expression of certain uncontrollably rebellious spirits, so
+co&ouml;peratives, trade unions, and labor parties arose in response to the
+conscious and constructive effort of the masses. As a matter of fact,
+the terrorist groups never exercised any considerable influence over the
+actual labor movement, except for a brief period in Spain and America.
+Indeed, they did not in the least understand that movement. The
+followers of Bakounin were largely young enthusiasts from the middle
+class, who were referred to scornfully at the time as "lawyers without
+cases, physicians without patients and knowledge, students of billiards,
+commercial travelers, and others." <a name="FNanchor_1_166" id="FNanchor_1_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_166" class="fnanchor">(1)</a> Yet it cannot be denied that
+violence has played, and still in a measure plays, a part in the labor
+movement. I mean the violence of sheer desperation. It rises and falls
+in direct relation to the lawlessness, the repression, and the tyranny
+of the governments. Furthermore, where labor organizations are weakest
+and the masses most ignorant and desperate, the very helplessness of the
+workers leads them into that violence. This is made clear enough by the
+historic fact that in the early days of the modern industrial system
+nearly every strike of the unorganized<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126"></a>[<a href="images/145.png">126</a>]</span> laborers was accompanied by
+riots, machine-breaking, and assaults upon men and property.</p>
+
+<p>No small part of this early violence was directly due to the brutal
+opposition of society to every form of labor organization. The workers
+were fought violently, and they answered violence with violence. It must
+not be forgotten that the trade unions and the socialist parties grew,
+in spite of every menace, in the very teeth of that which forbade them,
+and under the eye of that which sought to destroy them. And, like other
+living things in the midst of a hostile environment, they covered
+themselves with spurs to ward off the enemy. The early movements of
+labor were marked by a sullen, bitter, and destructive spirit; and some
+of the much persecuted propagandists of early trade unionism and
+socialism thought that "implacable destruction" was preferable to the
+tyranny which the workers then suffered. Not the philosophy, but the
+rancor of Bakounin, of Nechayeff, and of Most represented,
+three-quarters of a century ago, the feeling of great masses of
+workingmen. Riots, insurrections, machine-breaking, incendiarism,
+pillage, and even murder were then more truly expressive of the attitude
+of certain sections of the brutalized poor toward the society which had
+disinherited them than most of us to-day realize. In every industrial
+center, previous to 1850, the working-class movement, such as it was,
+yielded repeatedly to self-exhausting expressions of blind and sullen
+rage. The resentment of the workers was deep, and, without program or
+philosophy, a spirit of destruction often ran riot in nearly every
+movement of the workers.</p>
+
+<p>During the first fifty years, then, of last century, little building was
+done. A mob spirit prevailed, and the great body of toilers was divided
+into innumerable bands, who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127"></a>[<a href="images/146.png">127</a>]</span> fought their battles without aim, and,
+after weeks of rioting, left nothing behind them. Toward the middle of
+the century the real building of the labor movement commenced. In every
+country men soberly and seriously set to work, and everywhere throughout
+the entire industrial world the foundations were laid for the great
+movement that exists to-day. Yet the present world-wide movement, so
+harmonious in its principles and methods and so united in doctrines,
+could not have been all that it is had there not come to its aid in its
+most critical and formative period several of the ablest and
+best-schooled minds of Europe. At the period when the workers were
+finding their feet and beginning their task of organization on a large
+scale, there was also in Europe much revolutionary activity in
+"intellectual" circles. The forties was a germinating period for many
+new social and economic theories. In France, Germany, and England there
+were many groups discussing with heat and passion every theory of trade
+unionism, anarchism, and socialism. On the whole, they were middle-class
+"intellectuals," battling in their sectarian circles over the evils of
+our economic life, the problems of society, and the relations between
+the classes. Suddenly the revolution was upon them&mdash;the moment which
+they all instinctively felt was at hand&mdash;but, when it came, most of them
+were able to play no forceful part in it. It was a movement of vast
+masses, over which the social revolutionists had little influence, and
+the various groups found themselves incapable of any really effective
+action. To be sure, many of those seeking a social revolution played a
+creditable part in the uprisings throughout Europe during '48 and '49,
+but the time had not yet arrived for the working classes to achieve any
+striking reforms of their own. The only notable result of the period, so
+far as the social<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128"></a>[<a href="images/147.png">128</a>]</span> revolutionary element was concerned, was that it lost
+once again, nearly everywhere, its press, its liberty of speech, and its
+right of association. It was driven underground; but there germinated,
+nevertheless, in the innumerable secret societies, some of the most
+important principles and doctrines upon which the international labor
+movement was later to be founded.</p>
+
+<p>In France socialist theories had never been wholly friendless from the
+time of the great Revolution. The memory of the <i>enrag&eacute;s</i> of 1793 and of
+Babeuf and his conspiracy of 1795 had been kept green by Buonarotti and
+Mar&eacute;chal. The ruling classes had very cunningly lauded liberty and
+fraternity, but they rarely mentioned the struggle for equality, which,
+of course, appeared to them as a regrettable and most dangerous episode
+in the great Revolution. Yet, despite that fact, this early struggle for
+economic equality had never been wholly forgotten. Besides, there were
+Fourier and Saint-Simon, who, with very great scholarly attainments, had
+rigidly analyzed existing society, exposed its endless disorders, and
+advocated an entire social transformation. There were also Consid&eacute;rant,
+Leroux, Vidal, Pecqueur, and Cabet. All of these able and gifted men had
+kept the social question ever to the front, while Louis Blanc and
+Blanqui had actually introduced into politics the principles of
+socialism. Blanqui was an amazing character. He was an incurable,
+habitual insurrectionist, who came to be called <i>l'enferm&eacute;</i> because so
+much of his life was spent in prison.<a name="FNanchor_Q_17" id="FNanchor_Q_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_Q_17" class="fnanchor">[Q]</a> The authorities again and again
+released him, only to hear the next instant that he was leading a mob to
+storm the citadels of the Government. His life was a series of
+unsuccessful assaults upon <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129"></a>[<a href="images/148.png">129</a>]</span>authority, launched in the hope that, if the
+working class should once install itself in power, it would reorganize
+society on socialist lines. He was a man of the street, who had only to
+appear to find an army of thousands ready to follow him. Blanqui used to
+say&mdash;according to Kropotkin&mdash;that there were in Paris fifty thousand men
+ready at any moment for an insurrection. Again and again he arose like
+an apparition among them, and on one occasion, at the head of two
+hundred thousand people, he offered the dictatorship of France to Louis
+Blanc. The latter was an altogether different person. His stage was the
+parliamentary one. He was a powerful orator, who, throughout the
+forties, was preaching his practical program of social reform&mdash;the right
+to work, the organization of labor, and the final extinction of
+capitalism by the growth of co&ouml;perative production fostered by the
+State. In 1848 he played a great r&ocirc;le, and all Europe listened with
+astonishment to the revolutionary proposals of this man who, for a few
+months, occupied the most powerful position in France. At the same time
+Proudhon was developing the principles of anarchism and earning
+everlasting fame as the father of that philosophy. In truth, the whole
+gamut of socialist ideas and the entire range of socialist methods had
+been agitated and debated in peace and in war for half a century in France.</p>
+
+<p>In England the same questions had disturbed all classes for nearly fifty
+years. There had been no great revolutionary period, but from the
+beginning of the nineteenth century to the extinction of Chartism in
+1848 every doctrine of trade unionism, syndicalism, anarchism, and
+socialism had been debated passionately by groups of workingmen and
+their friends. The principles and methods of trade unionism were being
+worked out on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130"></a>[<a href="images/149.png">130</a>]</span> actual battlefield, amid riots, strikes,
+machine-breaking, and incendiarism. Instinctively the masses were
+associating for mutual protection and, almost unconsciously, working out
+by themselves programs of action. Nevertheless, Joseph Hume, Francis
+Place, Robert Owen, and a number of other brilliant men were lending
+powerful intellectual aid to the workers in their actual struggle. A
+group of radical economists was also defending the claims of labor.
+Charles Hall, William Thompson, John Gray, Thomas Hodgskin, and J. F.
+Bray were all seeking to find the economic causes of the wrongs suffered
+by labor and endeavoring, in some manner, to devise remedies for the
+immense suffering endured by the working classes. Together with Robert
+Owen, a number of them were planning labor exchanges, voluntary
+communities, and even at one time the entire reorganization of the world
+through the trade unions. In this ferment the co&ouml;perative movement also
+had its birth. The Rochdale Pioneers began to work out practically some
+of the co&ouml;perative ideas of Robert Owen. With &pound;28 a pathetic beginning
+was made that has led to the immensely rich co&ouml;perative movement of
+to-day. Furthermore, the Chartists were leading a vast political
+movement of the workers. In support of the suffrage and of parliamentary
+representation for workingmen, a wonderful group of orators and
+organizers carried on in the thirties and forties an immense agitation.
+William Lovett, Feargus O'Connor, Joseph Rayner Stephens, Ernest Jones,
+Thomas Cooper, and James Bronterre O'Brien were among the notable and
+gifted men who were then preaching throughout all England revolutionary
+and socialist ideas. Such questions as the abolition of inheritances,
+the nationalization of land, the right of labor to the full product of
+its toil, the necessity of breaking down class<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131"></a>[<a href="images/150.png">131</a>]</span> control of
+Parliament&mdash;these and other subversive ideas were germinating in all
+sections of the English labor movement. It was a heroic
+period&mdash;altogether the most heroic period in the annals of toil&mdash;in
+which the most advanced and varied revolutionary ideas were hurtling in
+the air. The causes of the ruin that overcame this magnificent beginning
+of a revolutionary working-class movement cannot be dwelt upon here.
+Quarrels between the leaders, the incoherence of their policies, and
+divisions over the use of violence utterly wrecked a movement that
+anticipated by thirty years the social democracy of Germany. The tragic
+fiasco in 1848 was the beginning of an appalling working-class reaction
+from years of popular excesses and mob intoxications, from which the
+wiser leadership of the German movement was careful to steer clear. And,
+after '48, solemn and serious men settled down to the quiet building of
+trade unions and co&ouml;peratives. Revolutionary ideas were put aside, and
+everywhere in England the responsible men of the movement were pleading
+with the masses to confine themselves to the practical work of education
+and organization.</p>
+
+<p>Although Germany was far behind England in industrial development and,
+consequently, also in working-class organization, the beginnings of a
+labor and socialist movement were discernible. A brief but delightful
+description of the early communist societies is given by Engels in his
+introduction to the <i>R&eacute;v&eacute;lations sur le Proc&egrave;s des Communistes</i>. As
+early as 1836 there were secret societies in Germany discussing
+socialist ideas. The "League of the Just" became later the "League of
+the Righteous," and that eventually developed into the "Communist
+League." The membership cards read, "All men are brothers." Karl
+Schapper, Heinrich Bauer, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132"></a>[<a href="images/151.png">132</a>]</span> Joseph Moll, all workingmen, were among
+those who made an imposing impression upon Engels. Even more notable was
+Weitling, a tailor, who traveled all over Germany preaching a mixture of
+Christian communism and French utopian socialism. He was a
+simple-hearted missionary, delivering his evangel. "The World As It Is
+and As It Might Be" was the moving title of one of his books that
+attracted to him not only many followers among the workers, but also
+notable men from other classes. Most of the communists were of course
+always under suspicion, and many of them were forced out of their own
+countries. As a result, a large number of foreigners&mdash;Scandinavians,
+Dutch, Hungarians, Germans, and Italians&mdash;found themselves in Paris and
+in London, and astonished each other by the similarity of their views.
+All Europe in this period was discussing very much the same things, and
+not only the more intelligent among the workers but the more idealistic
+among the youth from the universities were in revolt, discussing
+fervently republican, socialist, communist, and anarchist ideas. In
+"Young Germany," George Brandes gives a thrilling account of the
+spiritual and intellectual ferment that was stirring in all parts of the
+fatherland during the entire forties. <a name="FNanchor_2_167" id="FNanchor_2_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_167" class="fnanchor">(2)</a></p>
+
+<p>It was in this agitated period that Marx and Engels, both mere youths,
+began to press their ideas in revolutionary circles. They met each other
+in Paris in 1844, and there began their lifelong co&ouml;perative labors.
+Engels, although a German, was living in England, occupied in his
+father's cotton business at Manchester. He had taken a deep interest in
+the condition of the laboring classes, and had followed carefully the
+terrible and often bloody struggles that so frequently broke out between
+capital and labor in England during the thirties and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133"></a>[<a href="images/152.png">133</a>]</span>forties. Arriving
+by an entirely different route, he had come to opinions almost identical
+with those of Marx; and the next year he persuaded Marx to visit the
+factory districts of Lancashire, in order to acquaint himself actually
+with the enraged struggle then being fought between masters and men.
+Engels had not gone to a university, although he seems somehow to have
+acquired, despite his business cares and active association with the men
+and movements of his time, a thorough education. On the other hand, Marx
+was a university man, having studied at Jena, Bonn, and Berlin. Like
+most of the serious young men of the period, Marx was a devoted
+Hegelian. When his university days were over, he became the editor of
+the <i>Rheinische Zeitung</i> of Cologne, but at the age of twenty-four he
+found his paper suppressed because of his radical utterances. He went to
+Paris, only to be expelled in 1845. He found a refuge in Belgium until
+1848, when the Government evidently thought it wise that he should move
+on. Shortly after, he returned to Germany to take up his editorial work
+once more, but in 1849, his <i>Neue Rheinische Zeitung</i> was suppressed,
+and he was forced to return to Paris. The authorities, not wishing him
+there, sent him off to London, where he remained the rest of his life.
+By the irony of fate, even the governments of Europe seemed to be
+conspiring to force Marx to become the best equipped man of his time. To
+the leisure and travel enforced upon him by the European governments was
+due in no small measure his long schooling in economic theory,
+revolutionary political movements, and working-class methods of action.
+Both he and Engels penetrated into every nest of discontent. They came
+personally in touch with every group of dissidents. They spent many
+weary but invaluable weeks in the greatest libraries of Europe, with the
+result that they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134"></a>[<a href="images/153.png">134</a>]</span> became thoroughly schooled in philosophy, economics,
+science, and languages. They pursued, to the minutest detail, with an
+inexhaustible thirst, the theories not only of the "authorities" but
+also of nearly every obscure socialist, radical, and revolutionist in
+England, France, Russia, and Germany.</p>
+
+<p>In Brussels, Paris, and London, around the forties, a number of
+brilliant minds seemed somehow or other to come frequently in contact
+with each other. Many of them had been driven out of their own
+countries, and, as exiles abroad, they had ample leisure to plan their
+great conspiracies or to debate their great theories. Some of the
+notable radicals of the period were Heine, Freiligrath, Herwegh,
+Willich, Kinkel, Weitling, Bakounin, Ruge, Ledru-Rollin, Blanc, Blanqui,
+Cabet, Proudhon, Ernest Jones, Eccarius, Marx, Engels, and Liebknecht;
+and many of them came together from time to time and, in great
+excitement and passion, fought as "Roman to Roman" over their panaceas.
+Marx and Engels knew most of them and spent innumerable hours, not
+infrequently entire days and nights, at a sitting, in their intellectual battles.</p>
+
+<p>It was a most fortunate thing for Marx that the French Government should
+have driven him in 1849 to London. "Capital" might never have been
+written had he not been forced to study for a long period the first land
+in all Europe in which modern capitalism had obtained a footing. On his
+earlier visit in 1845 he had spent a few weeks with Engels in the great
+factory centers, and he had been deeply impressed with this new
+industrialism and no less, of course, with the English labor movement.
+Nothing to compare with it then existed in France or Germany. As early
+as 1840 many of the trades were well organized, and repeated efforts
+had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135"></a>[<a href="images/154.png">135</a>]</span> been made to bring them together into a national federation. How
+thoroughly Engels knew this movement and its varied struggles to better
+the status of labor is shown in his book, "The Condition of the Working
+Class in England in 1844." How thoroughly and fundamentally Marx later
+came to know not only the actual working-class movement, but every
+economic theory from Adam Smith to John Stuart Mill, and every insurgent
+economist and political theorist from William Godwin to Bronterre
+O'Brien, is shown in "Capital." In fact, not a single phase of insurgent
+thought seemed to escape Marx and Engels, nor any trace of revolt
+against the existing order, whether political or industrial. In Germany
+they were schooled in philosophy and science; in France they found
+themselves in a most amazing fermentation of revolutionary spirit and
+idealism; and in England they studied with the minutest care the
+co&ouml;perative movement and self-help, the trade-union movement with its
+purely economic aims and methods, the Chartist movement with its
+political action, and the Owenite movement, both in its purely utopian
+phases and in its later development into syndicalist socialism. This
+long and profound study placed Marx and Engels in a position infinitely
+beyond that of their contemporaries. Possessed as they were of unusual
+mental powers, it was inevitable that such a training should have placed
+them in a position of intellectual leadership in the then rapidly
+forming working-class organizations of Europe.</p>
+
+<p>The study of English capitalism convinced Marx of the truthfulness of
+certain generalizations which he had already begun to formulate in 1844.
+It became more and more evident to him that economic facts, to which
+history had hitherto attributed no r&ocirc;le or a very inferior one,
+constituted, at least in the modern world, a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136"></a>[<a href="images/155.png">136</a>]</span>decisive historic force.
+"They form the source from which spring the present class antagonisms.
+These antagonisms in countries where great industry has carried them to
+their complete development, particularly in England, are the bases on
+which parties are founded, are the sources of political struggles, are
+the reasons for all political history." <a name="FNanchor_3_168" id="FNanchor_3_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_168" class="fnanchor">(3)</a> Although Marx had arrived at
+this opinion earlier and had generalized this point of view in
+"French-German Annals," his study of English economics swept away any
+possible doubt that "in general it was not the State which conditions
+and regulates civil society, but civil society which conditions and
+regulates the State, that it was then necessary to explain politics and
+history by economic relations, and not to proceed inversely." <a name="FNanchor_4_169" id="FNanchor_4_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_169" class="fnanchor">(4)</a> "This
+discovery which revolutionized historical science was essentially the
+work of Marx," says Engels, and, with his customary modesty, he adds:
+"The part which can be attributed to me is very small. It concerned
+itself directly with the working-class movement of the period. Communism
+in France and Germany and Chartism in England appeared to be something
+more than mere chance which could just as well not have existed. These
+movements became now a movement of the oppressed class of modern times,
+the working class. Henceforth they were more or less developed forms of
+the historically necessary struggle which this class must carry on
+against the ruling class, the bourgeoisie. They were forms of the
+struggle of the classes, but which were distinguished from all preceding
+struggles by this fact: the class now oppressed, the proletariat, cannot
+effect its emancipation without delivering all society from its division
+into classes, without freeing it from class struggles. <i>No longer did
+Communism consist in the creation of a social ideal as perfect as
+possible;</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137"></a>[<a href="images/156.png">137</a>]</span> <i>it resolved itself into a clear view of the nature, the
+conditions, and the general ends of the struggle carried on by the
+working class.</i>" <a name="FNanchor_5_170" id="FNanchor_5_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_170" class="fnanchor">(5)</a></p>
+
+<p>It was not the intention of Marx and Engels to communicate their new
+scientific results to the intellectual world exclusively by means of
+large volumes. On the contrary, they plunged into the political
+movement. Besides having intercourse with well-known people,
+particularly in the western part of Germany, they were also in contact
+with the organized working classes. "Our duty was to found our
+conception scientifically, but it was just as important that we should
+win over the European, and especially the German, working classes to our
+convictions. When it was all clear in our eyes, we set to work." <a name="FNanchor_6_171" id="FNanchor_6_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_171" class="fnanchor">(6)</a> A
+new German working-class society was founded in Brussels, and the
+support was enlisted of the <i>Deutsche Br&uuml;sseler Zeitung</i>, which served
+as an organ until the revolution of February. They were in touch with
+the revolutionary faction of the English Chartists under the leadership
+of George Julian Harney, editor of <i>The Northern Star</i>, to which Engels
+contributed. They also had intercourse with the democrats of Brussels
+and with the French social democrats of <i>la R&eacute;forme</i>, to which Engels
+contributed news of the English and German movements. In short, the
+relations that Marx and Engels had established with the radical and
+working-class organizations fully served the great purposes they had in mind.</p>
+
+<p>It was in the Communist League that Marx and Engels saw their first
+opportunity to impress their ideas on the labor movement. At the urgent
+request of Joseph Moll, a watchmaker and a prominent member of the
+League, Marx consented, in 1847, to present to that organization his
+views, and the result was the famous <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138"></a>[<a href="images/157.png">138</a>]</span>Communist Manifesto. Every
+essential idea of modern socialism is contained in that brief
+declaration. Unfortunately, however, outside of Germany, the Communist
+League was an exotic organization that could make little use of such a
+program. Its members were mostly exiles, who, by the very nature of
+their position, were hopelessly out of things. Little groups, surrounded
+by a foreign people, exiles are rarely able to affect the movement at
+home or influence the national movement amid which they are thrust.
+There is little, therefore, noteworthy about the Communist League. It
+had, to be sure, gathered together a few able and energetic spirits, and
+some of these in later years exercised considerable influence in the
+International. But, as a rule, the groups of the Communist League were
+little more than debating societies whose members were filled with
+sentimental, visionary, and insurrectionary ideas. Marx himself finally
+lost all patience with them, because he could not drive out of their
+heads the idea that they could revolutionize the entire world by some
+sudden dash and through the exercise of will power, personal sacrifice,
+and heroic action. The Communist League, therefore, is memorable only
+because it gave Marx and Engels an opportunity for issuing their
+epoch-making Manifesto, that even to-day is read and reread by the
+workers in all lands of the world. Translated into every language, it is
+the one pamphlet that can be found in every country as a part of the
+basic literature of socialism.</p>
+
+<p>There are certain principles laid down in the Communist Manifesto which
+time cannot affect, although the greater part of the document is now of
+historic value only. The third section, for instance, is a critique of
+the various types of socialism then existing in Europe, and this part
+can hardly be understood to-day by those <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139"></a>[<a href="images/158.png">139</a>]</span>unacquainted with those
+sectarian movements. It deals with Reactionary Socialism, Feudal
+Socialism, Clerical Socialism, Petty Bourgeois Socialism, German
+Socialism, Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism, Critical-Utopian
+Socialism, and Communism. The mere enumeration of these types of
+socialist doctrine indicates what a chaos of doctrine and theory then
+existed, and it was in order to distinguish themselves from these
+various schools that Marx and Engels took the name of communists.
+Beginning with the statement, "The history of all hitherto existing
+society is the history of class struggles," <a name="FNanchor_7_172" id="FNanchor_7_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_172" class="fnanchor">(7)</a> the Manifesto treats at
+length the modern struggle between the working class and the capitalist
+class. After tracing the rise of capitalism, the development of a new
+working class, and the consequences to the people of the new economic
+order, Marx and Engels outline the program of the communists and their
+relation to the then existing working-class organizations and political
+parties. They deny any intention of forming a new sect, declaring that
+they throw themselves whole-heartedly into the working-class movement of
+all countries, with the one aim of encouraging and developing within
+those groups a political organization for the conquest of political
+power. They outline certain measures which, in their opinion, should
+stand foremost in the program of labor, all of them having to do with
+some modification of the institution of property.</p>
+
+<p>In order to achieve these reforms, and eventually "To wrest, by degrees,
+all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of
+production in the hands of the State," <a name="FNanchor_8_173" id="FNanchor_8_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_173" class="fnanchor">(8)</a> they urge the formation of
+labor parties as soon as proper preparations have been made and the time
+is ripe for effective class action. All through the Manifesto runs the
+motif that every class struggle is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140"></a>[<a href="images/159.png">140</a>]</span> a political struggle. Again and
+again Marx and Engels return to that thought in their masterly survey of
+the historical conflicts between the classes. They show how the
+bourgeoisie, beginning as "an oppressed class under the sway of the
+feudal nobility," gradually ... "conquered for itself, in the modern
+representative State, exclusive political sway," until to-day "the
+executive of the modern State is but a committee for managing the common
+affairs of the whole bourgeoisie." <a name="FNanchor_9_174" id="FNanchor_9_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_174" class="fnanchor">(9)</a> Tracing the rise of the modern
+working class, they tell of its purely retaliative efforts against the
+capitalists; how at first "they smash to pieces machinery, they set
+factories ablaze"; how they fight in "incoherent" masses, "broken up by
+their mutual competition"; <a name="FNanchor_10_175" id="FNanchor_10_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_175" class="fnanchor">(10)</a> even their unions are not so much a
+result of their conscious effort as they are the consequence of
+oppression. Furthermore, the workers "do not fight their enemies, but
+the enemies of their enemies." <a name="FNanchor_11_176" id="FNanchor_11_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_176" class="fnanchor">(11)</a> "Now and then the workers are
+victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lies
+not in the immediate result, but in the ever-expanding union of the
+workers." <a name="FNanchor_12_177" id="FNanchor_12_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_177" class="fnanchor">(12)</a> It is when their unions grow national in character and the
+struggle develops into a national struggle between the classes that it
+naturally takes on a political character. Then begins the struggle for
+conquering political power. But, while "all previous historical
+movements were movements of minorities, or in the interests of
+minorities, the proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent
+movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense
+majority." <a name="FNanchor_13_178" id="FNanchor_13_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_178" class="fnanchor">(13)</a> Returning again to the underlying thought, it is pointed
+out that the working class must "win the battle of democracy." <a name="FNanchor_14_179" id="FNanchor_14_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_179" class="fnanchor">(14)</a> It
+must acquire "political supremacy." It must raise itself to "the
+position of ruling class," in order that it may sweep away<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141"></a>[<a href="images/160.png">141</a>]</span> "the
+conditions for the existence of class antagonisms, and of classes generally." <a name="FNanchor_15_180" id="FNanchor_15_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_180" class="fnanchor">(15)</a></p>
+
+<p>Such were the doctrines and tactics proclaimed by Marx and Engels in
+1847. The Manifesto is said to have been received with great enthusiasm
+by the League, but, whatever happened at the moment, it is clear that
+the members never understood the doctrines manifested. In any case,
+various factions in the movement were still clamoring for insurrection
+and planning their conspiracies, wholly faithful to the
+revolution-making artifices of the period. Two of the most prominent,
+Willich and Schapper, were carried away with revolutionary passion, and
+"the majority of the London workers," Engels says, "refugees for the
+most part, followed them into the camp of the bourgeois democrats, the
+revolution-makers." <a name="FNanchor_16_181" id="FNanchor_16_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_181" class="fnanchor">(16)</a> They declined to listen to protests. "They
+wanted to go the other way and to make revolutions," continues Engels.
+"We refused absolutely to do this and the schism followed." <a name="FNanchor_17_182" id="FNanchor_17_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_182" class="fnanchor">(17)</a></p>
+
+<p>On the 15th of September, 1850, Marx decided to resign from the central
+council of the organization, and, feeling that such an act required some
+justification, he prepared the following written declaration: "The
+minority<a name="FNanchor_R_18" id="FNanchor_R_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_R_18" class="fnanchor">[R]</a> [<i>i. e.</i>, his opponents] have substituted the dogmatic
+spirit for the critical, the idealistic interpretation of events for the
+materialistic. Simple will power, instead of the true relations of
+things, has become the motive force of revolution. While we say to the
+working people: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty
+years of civil wars and wars between nations not only to change existing
+conditions, but to change yourselves and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142"></a>[<a href="images/161.png">142</a>]</span> make yourselves worthy of
+political power,' you, on the contrary, say, 'We ought to get power at
+once, or else give up the fight.' While we draw the attention of the
+German workman to the undeveloped state of the proletariat in Germany,
+you flatter the national spirit and the guild prejudices of the German
+artisans in the grossest manner, a method of procedure without doubt the
+more popular of the two. Just as the democrats made a sort of fetish of
+the words 'the people,' so you make one of the word 'proletariat.' Like
+them, you substitute revolutionary phrases for revolutionary
+evolution." <a name="FNanchor_18_183" id="FNanchor_18_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_183" class="fnanchor">(18)</a> This statement of Marx is one of the most significant
+documents of the period and certainly one of the most illuminating we
+possess of Marx's determination to disavow the insurrectionary ideas
+then so prevalent throughout Europe. Although he had said the same thing
+before in other words, there could be no longer any doubt that he
+cherished no dreams of a great revolutionary cataclysm, nor fondled the
+then prevalent theory that revolutions could be organized, planned, and
+executed by will power alone.</p>
+
+<p>It is clear, therefore, that Marx saw, as early as 1850, little
+revolutionary promise in sectarian organizations, secret societies, and
+political conspiracies. The day was past for insurrections, and a real
+revolution could only arrive as a result of economic forces and class
+antagonisms. And it is quite obvious that he was becoming more and more
+irritated by the sentimentalism and dress-parade revolutionism of the
+socialist sects. He looked upon their projects as childish and
+theatrical, that gave as little promise of changing the world's history
+as battles between tin soldiers on some nursery floor. He seemed no
+longer concerned with ideals, abstract rights, or "eternal verities."
+Those who misunderstood him or were little<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143"></a>[<a href="images/162.png">143</a>]</span> associated with him were
+horrified at what they thought was his cynical indifference to such
+glorious visions as liberty, fraternity, and equality. Like Darwin, Marx
+was always an earnest seeker of facts and forces. He was laying the
+foundations of a scientific socialism and dissecting the anatomy of
+capitalism in pursuit of the laws of social evolution. The gigantic
+intellectual labors of Marx from 1850 to 1870 are to-day receiving due
+attention, and, while one after another of the later economists has been
+forced reluctantly to acknowledge his genius, few now will take issue
+with Professor Albion W. Small when he says, "I confidently predict that
+in the ultimate judgment of history Marx will have a place in social
+science analogous with that of Galileo in physical science." <a name="FNanchor_19_184" id="FNanchor_19_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_184" class="fnanchor">(19)</a> In
+exile, and often desperate poverty, Marx worked out with infinite care
+the scientific basis of the generalization&mdash;first given to the world in
+the Communist Manifesto&mdash;that social and political institutions are the
+product of economic forces. In all periods there have been antagonistic
+economic classes whose relative power is determined by struggles between
+them. "Freedman and slave," he says, "patrician and plebeian, lord and
+serf, guild master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed,
+stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an
+uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended
+either in a revolutionary reconstruction of society at large, or in the
+common ruin of the contending classes." <a name="FNanchor_20_185" id="FNanchor_20_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_185" class="fnanchor">(20)</a> Here is a summary of that
+conflict which Professor Small declares "is to the social process what
+friction is to mechanics." <a name="FNanchor_21_186" id="FNanchor_21_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_186" class="fnanchor">(21)</a> It may well be that "the fact of class
+struggle is as axiomatic to-day as the fact of gravitation," <a name="FNanchor_22_187" id="FNanchor_22_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_187" class="fnanchor">(22)</a> yet,
+when Marx first elaborated his theory, it was not only a revolutionary
+doctrine among<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144"></a>[<a href="images/163.png">144</a>]</span> the socialist sects, but like Darwin's theory of
+evolution it was assailed from every angle by every school of
+economists. The important practical question that arises out of this
+scientific work, and which particularly concerns us here, is that this
+theory of the class struggle forever destroyed the old ideas of
+revolution, scrap-heaped conspiracies and insurrections, and laid the
+theoretical foundations for the modern working-class movement.</p>
+
+<p>Actually, it was utopian socialism that was destroyed by this new
+theory. It expressed itself in at least three diverse ways. There were
+groups of conspirators and revolutionists who believed that the world
+was on the eve of a great upheaval and that the people should prepare
+for the moment when suddenly they could seize the governments of Europe,
+destroy ancient institutions, and establish a new social order. Another
+form of utopianism was the effort to persuade the capitalists themselves
+to abolish dividends, profits, rent, and interest, to turn the factories
+over to the workers, to become themselves toilers, and to share equally,
+one with another, the products of their joint labor. Still another form
+of utopian socialism was that of Owen, Fourier, and Cabet, who
+contemplated the establishment of ideal communities in which a new world
+should be built, where all should be free and equal, and where
+fraternity would be based upon a perfect economic communism. Some really
+noble spirits in France, England, and America had devoted time, love,
+energy, and wealth to this propaganda and in actual attempts to
+establish these utopias. But after '48 the upper classes were despaired
+of. Their brutal reprisals, their suppression of every working-class
+movement, their ferocious repression of the unions, of the press, and of
+the right of assembly&mdash;all these materially aided Marx's theory in
+disillusioning many of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145"></a>[<a href="images/164.png">145</a>]</span> philanthropic and tender-hearted utopians.
+And from then on the hope of every sincere advocate of fundamental
+social changes rested on the working class&mdash;on its organizations, its
+press, and its labors&mdash;for the establishment of the new order.</p>
+
+<p>The most striking characteristic of the period which follows was the
+attempt of all the socialist and anarchist sects to inject their ideas
+into the rising labor movement. With the single exception of Robert Owen
+in England, the earlier socialists had ignored the working classes. All
+their appeals were made to well-to-do men, and some of them even hoped
+that the monarchs of Europe might be induced to take the initiative. But
+Marx and Engels made their appeal chiefly to the working class. The
+profound reaction which settled over Europe in the years following '48
+ended all other dreams, and from this time on every proposal for a
+radical change in the organization of society was presented to the
+workers as the only class that was really seeking, by reason of its
+economic subjection, basic alterations in the institutions of property
+and the constitution of the State. The working classes of Germany,
+France, England, and other countries had already begun to form groups
+for the purpose of discussing political questions, and the ideas of Marx
+began to be propagated in all the centers of working-class activity.</p>
+
+<p>The blending of labor and socialism in most of the countries of Europe
+was not, however, a work of months, but of decades. The first great
+effort to accomplish that task occurred in 1864, when the International
+Working Men's Association was launched in St. Martin's Hall in London.
+During the years from '47 to '64, Marx and Engels, with their little
+coterie in London and their correspondents in other countries, spent
+most of their time in study, reading, and writing, with little
+opportunity to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146"></a>[<a href="images/165.png">146</a>]</span> participate in the actual struggles of labor. Marx was
+at work on "Capital" and schooling, in his leisure hours, a few of the
+notable men who were later to become leaders of the working class in
+Europe. It was a dull period, wearisome and vexatious enough to men who
+were boldly prophesying that industrial conditions would create a
+world-wide solidarity of labor. The first glimmer of hope came with the
+London International Exhibition of 1862, which brought together by
+chance groups of workingmen from various countries. The visit to London
+enabled them to observe the British trade unions, and they left deeply
+impressed by their strength. Furthermore, the Exhibition brought the
+English workers and those of other nationalities into touch with each
+other. How much this meant was shown in 1863. When the Polish uprising
+was being suppressed, the English workers sent to their French comrades
+a protest, in answer to which the Paris workmen sent a delegation to
+London. This gathering in sympathy with Poland laid the foundations for
+the International. Nearly every important revolutionary sect in Europe
+was represented: the German communists, the French Blanquists and
+Proudhonians, and the Italian Mazzinians; but the only delegates who
+represented powerful working-class organizations were the English trade
+unionists. The other organizations, even as late as this, were still
+little more than coteries, of hero-worshiping tendencies, fast
+developing into sectarian organizations that seemed destined to divide
+hopelessly and forever the labor movement.</p>
+
+<p>It was perhaps inevitable that the more closely the sects were brought
+together, the more clearly they should perceive their differences,
+although Marx had exercised every care to draft a policy that would
+allay strife. Mazzini and his followers could not long endure the
+policies<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147"></a>[<a href="images/166.png">147</a>]</span> of the International, and they soon withdrew. The Proudhonians
+never at any time sympathized with the program and methods adopted by
+the International. The German organizations were not able to affiliate,
+by reason of the political conditions in that country, although numerous
+individuals attended the congresses. Nearly all the Germans were
+supporters of the policies of Marx, while most of the leading trade
+unionists of England completely understood and sympathized with Marx's
+aim of uniting the various working-class organizations of Europe into an
+international association. They all felt that such a movement was an
+historic and economic necessity and that the time for it had arrived.
+They intended to set about that work and to knit together the
+innumerable little organizations then forming in all countries. They
+sought to institute a meeting ground where the social and political
+program of the workers could be formulated, where their views could be
+clarified, and their purposes defined. It was not to be a secret
+organization, but entirely open and above board. It was not for
+conspiratory action, but for the building up of a great movement. It was
+not intended to encourage insurrection or to force ahead of time a
+revolution. In the opinion of Marx, as we know, a social revolution was
+thought to be inevitable, and the International was to bide its time,
+preparing for the day of its coming, in order to make that revolution as
+peaceable and as effective as possible.</p>
+
+<p>The Preamble of the Provisional Rules of the International&mdash;entirely the
+work of Marx&mdash;expresses with sufficient clearness the position of the
+International. It was there declared: "That the emancipation of the
+working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves;
+that the struggle for the emancipation of the working classes means not
+a struggle for class privileges<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148"></a>[<a href="images/167.png">148</a>]</span> and monopolies, but for equal rights
+and duties, and the abolition of all class rule;</p>
+
+<p>"That the economic subjection of the man of labor to the monopolizer of
+the means of labor, that is, the sources of life, lies at the bottom of
+servitude in all its forms, of all social misery, mental degradation,
+and political dependence;</p>
+
+<p>"That the economic emancipation of the working classes is therefore the
+great end to which every political movement ought to be subordinate as a
+means;</p>
+
+<p>"That all efforts aiming at that great end have hitherto failed from the
+want of solidarity between the manifold divisions of labor in each
+country, and from the absence of a fraternal bond of union between the
+working classes of different countries;</p>
+
+<p>"That the emancipation of labor is neither a local nor a national, but a
+social problem, embracing all countries in which modern society exists,
+and depending for its solution on the concurrence, practical and
+theoretical, of the most advanced countries;</p>
+
+<p>"That the present revival of the working classes in the most industrial
+countries of Europe, while it raises a new hope, gives solemn warning
+against a relapse into the old errors and calls for the immediate
+combination of the still disconnected movements." <a name="FNanchor_23_188" id="FNanchor_23_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_188" class="fnanchor">(23)</a></p>
+
+<p>In this brief declaration we find the essence of Marxian socialism: that
+the working classes must themselves work out their own salvation; that
+their servitude is economic; and that all workers must join together in
+a political movement, national and international, in order to achieve
+their emancipation. Unfortunately, the Proudhonian anarchists were never
+able to comprehend the position of Marx, and in the first congress at
+Geneva, in 1866, the quarrels between the various elements gave<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149"></a>[<a href="images/168.png">149</a>]</span> Marx no
+little concern. He did not attend that congress, and he afterward wrote
+to his young friend, Dr. Kugelmann: "I was unable to go, and I did not
+wish to do so, but it was I who wrote the program of the London
+delegates. I limited it on purpose to points which admit of an immediate
+understanding and common action by the workingmen, and which give
+immediately strength and impetus to the needs of the class struggle and
+to the organization of the workers as a class. The Parisian gentlemen
+had their heads filled with the most empty Proudhonian phraseology. They
+chatter of science, and know nothing of it. They scorn all revolutionary
+action, that is to say, proceeding from the class struggle itself, every
+social movement that is centralized and consequently obtainable by
+legislation through political means (as, for example, the legal
+shortening of the working day)." <a name="FNanchor_24_189" id="FNanchor_24_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_189" class="fnanchor">(24)</a> These words indicate that Marx
+considered the chief work of the International to be the building up of
+a working-class political movement to obtain laws favorable to labor.
+Furthermore, he was of the opinion that such work was of a revolutionary nature.</p>
+
+<p>The clearest statement, perhaps, of Marx's idea of the revolutionary
+character of political activity is to be found in the address which he
+prepared at the request of the public meeting that launched the
+International. He traces there briefly the conditions of the working
+class in England. After depicting the misery of the masses, he hastily
+reviews the growth of the labor movement that ended with the Chartist
+agitation. Although from 1848 to 1864 was a period when the English
+working class seemed, he says, "thoroughly reconciled to a state of
+political nullity," <a name="FNanchor_25_190" id="FNanchor_25_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_190" class="fnanchor">(25)</a> nevertheless two encouraging developments had
+taken place. One was the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150"></a>[<a href="images/169.png">150</a>]</span>victory won by the working classes in carrying
+the Ten Hours Bill. It was "not only a great practical success; it was
+the victory of a principle; it was the first time that in broad daylight
+the political economy of the middle class succumbed to the political
+economy of the working class." <a name="FNanchor_26_191" id="FNanchor_26_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_191" class="fnanchor">(26)</a> The other victory was the growth of
+the co&ouml;perative movement. "The value of these great social experiments
+cannot be overrated," he says. "By deed, instead of by argument, they
+have shown that production on a large scale, and in accord with the
+behests of modern science, may be carried on without the existence of a
+class of masters employing a class of hands." <a name="FNanchor_27_192" id="FNanchor_27_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_192" class="fnanchor">(27)</a> Arguing that
+co&ouml;perative labor should be developed to national dimensions and be
+fostered by State funds, he urges working-class political action as the
+means to achieve this end. "To conquer political power has therefore
+become the great duty of the working classes." <a name="FNanchor_28_193" id="FNanchor_28_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_193" class="fnanchor">(28)</a> This is the
+conclusion of Marx concerning revolutionary methods; and it is clear
+that his conception of "revolutionary action" differed not only from
+that of the Proudhonians and Mazzinians, but also from that of "the
+bourgeois democrats, the revolution-makers," <a name="FNanchor_29_194" id="FNanchor_29_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_194" class="fnanchor">(29)</a> who "extemporized
+revolutions." <a name="FNanchor_30_195" id="FNanchor_30_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_195" class="fnanchor">(30)</a></p>
+
+<p>At the end of Marx's letter to Kugelmann, he tells of the beginning
+already made by the International in London in actual political work.
+"The movement for electoral reform here," he writes, "which our General
+Council (<i>quorum magna pars</i>) created and launched, has assumed
+dimensions that have kept on growing until now they are
+irresistible." <a name="FNanchor_31_196" id="FNanchor_31_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_196" class="fnanchor">(31)</a> The General Council threw itself unreservedly into
+this agitation. An electoral reform conference was held in February,
+1867, attended by two hundred delegates from all parts of England,
+Scotland, and Ireland. Later, gigantic mass meetings<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151"></a>[<a href="images/170.png">151</a>]</span> were held
+throughout the country to bring pressure upon the Government. Frederic
+Harrison and Professor E. S. Beesly, well known for their sympathy with
+labor, were appealing to the working classes to throw their energies
+into the fight. "Nothing will compel the ruling classes," wrote Harrison
+in 1867, "to recognize the rights of the working classes and to pay
+attention to their just demands until the workers have obtained
+political power." <a name="FNanchor_32_197" id="FNanchor_32_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_197" class="fnanchor">(32)</a> Professor Beesly, the intimate friend of Marx, was
+urging the unions to enter politics as an independent force, on the
+ground that the difference between the Tories and the Liberals was only
+the difference between the upper and nether millstones. In all this
+agitation Marx saw, of course, the working out of his own ideas for the
+upbuilding of a great independent political organization of the working
+class. All the energies of the General Council of the International
+were, therefore, devoted to the political struggle of the British
+workers. However, in all this campaign, emphasis was placed upon the
+central idea of the association&mdash;that political power was wanted, in
+order, peaceably and legally, to remedy economic wrongs. The wretched
+condition of the workers in the industrial towns and the even greater
+misery of the Irish peasants and English farm laborers were the bases of
+all agitation. While occupied at this time chiefly with the economic and
+political struggles in Britain, the General Council was also keeping a
+sharp eye on similar conditions in Europe and America. When Lincoln was
+chosen President for the second time, a warm address of congratulation
+was sent to the American people, expressing joy that the sworn enemy of
+slavery had been again chosen to represent them. More than once the
+International communicated with Lincoln, and perhaps no words more
+perfectly <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152"></a>[<a href="images/171.png">152</a>]</span>express the ideal of the labor movement than those that
+Lincoln once wrote to a body of workingmen: "<i>The strongest bond of
+human sympathy, outside of the family relation, should be one uniting
+all working people, of all nations, and tongues, and kindreds.</i>" <a name="FNanchor_33_198" id="FNanchor_33_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_198" class="fnanchor">(33)</a></p>
+
+<p>To unite thus the workers of all lands and to organize them into great
+political parties were the chief aims of Marx in the International. And
+in 1869 it seemed that this might actually be accomplished in a few
+years. In France, Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Austria, Italy, and
+other countries the International was making rapid headway. Nearly all
+the most important labor bodies of Europe were actually affiliated, or
+at least friendly, to the new movement. At all the meetings held there
+was enthusiasm, and the future of the International seemed very
+promising indeed. It was recognized as the vehicle for expressing the
+views of labor throughout Europe. It had formulated its principles and
+tactics, and had already made a creditable beginning in the gigantic
+task before it of systematically carrying on its agitation, education,
+and organization. Marx's energies were being taxed to the utmost. Nearly
+all the immense executive work of the International fell on him, and
+nearly every move made was engineered by him. Yet at that very time he
+was on the point of publishing the first volume of "Capital," the result
+of gigantic researches into industrial history and economic theory. This
+great work was intended to be, in its literal sense, the Bible of the
+working class, as indeed it has since become. Certainly, Jaur&egrave;s' tribute
+to Marx is well deserved and fairly sums up the work accomplished by him
+in the period 1847-1869. "To Marx belongs the merit," he says, " ... of
+having drawn together and unified the labor movement and the socialist
+idea.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153"></a>[<a href="images/172.png">153</a>]</span> In the first third of the nineteenth century labor struggled and
+fought against the crushing power of capital; but it was not conscious
+itself toward what end it was straining; it did not know that the true
+objective of its effort was the common ownership of property. And, on
+the other hand, socialism did not know that the labor movement was the
+living form in which its spirit was embodied, the concrete practical
+force of which it stood in need. Marx was the most clearly convinced and
+the most powerful among those who put an end to the empiricism of the
+labor movement and the utopianism of the socialist thought, and this
+should always be remembered to his credit. By a crowning application of
+the Hegelian method, he united the Idea and the Fact, thought and
+history. He enriched the practical movement by the idea, and to the
+theory he added practice; he brought the socialist thought into
+proletarian life, and proletarian life into socialist thought. From that
+time on socialism and the proletariat became inseparable." <a name="FNanchor_34_199" id="FNanchor_34_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_199" class="fnanchor">(34)</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_Q_17" id="Footnote_Q_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_Q_17"><span class="label">[Q]</span></a> The dramatic story of his life is wonderfully told in
+<i>L'Enferm&eacute;</i> by Gustave Geffroy. (Paris, 1904.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_R_18" id="Footnote_R_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_R_18"><span class="label">[R]</span></a> In the authority cited below this appears as "the
+minority," but I notice that in Jaur&egrave;s' "Studies in Socialism," p. 44,
+it appears as "the majority."</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154"></a>[<a href="images/173.png">154</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER VIII</h2>
+
+<h3>THE BATTLE BETWEEN MARX AND BAKOUNIN</h3>
+
+<p>At the moment when the future of the International seemed most promising
+and the political ideas of Marx were actually taking root in nearly all
+countries, an application was received by the General Council in London
+to admit the Alliance of Social Democracy. This, we will remember, was
+the organization that Bakounin had formed in 1868 and was the popular
+section of that remarkable secret hierarchy which he had endeavored to
+establish in 1864. The General Council declined to admit the Alliance,
+on grounds which proved later to be well founded, namely, that schisms
+would undoubtedly be encouraged if the International should permit an
+organization with an entirely different program and policies to join it
+in a body. Nevertheless, the General Council declared that the members
+of the Alliance could affiliate themselves as individuals with the
+various national sections. After considerable debate, Bakounin and his
+followers decided to abandon the Alliance and to join the International.
+Whether the Alliance was in fact abolished is still open to question,
+but in any case Bakounin appeared in the International toward the end of
+the sixties, to challenge all the theories of Marx and to offer, in
+their stead, his own philosophy of universal revolution. Anarchism as
+the end and terrorism as the means were thus injected into the
+organization at its most formative period, when the laboring classes of
+all Europe had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155"></a>[<a href="images/174.png">155</a>]</span> just begun to write their program, evolve their
+principles, and define their tactics. With great force and magnetism,
+Bakounin undertook his war upon the General Council, and those who
+recall the period will realize that nothing could have more nearly
+expressed the occasional spirit of the masses&mdash;the very spirit that Marx
+and Engels were endeavoring to change&mdash;than exactly the methods proposed by Bakounin.</p>
+
+<p>Whether it were better to move gradually and peacefully along what
+seemed a never-ending road to emancipation or to begin the revolution at
+once by insurrection and civil war&mdash;this was in reality the question
+which, from that moment on, agitated the International. It had always
+troubled more or less the earlier organizations of labor, and now, aided
+by Bakounin's eloquence and fiery revolutionism, it became the great
+bone of contention throughout Europe. The struggles in the International
+between those who became known later as the anarchists and the
+socialists remind one of certain Greek stories, in which the outstanding
+figures seem to impersonate mighty forces, and it is not impossible that
+one day they may serve as material for a social epic. We all know to-day
+the interminable study that engages the theologians in their attempts to
+describe the battles and schisms in the early Christian Church. And
+there can be no doubt that, if socialism fulfills the purpose which its
+advocates have in mind, these early struggles in its history will become
+the object of endless research and commentary. The calumnies, the feuds,
+the misunderstandings, the clashing of doctrines, the antagonism of the
+ruling spirits, the plots and conspiracies, the victories and
+defeats&mdash;all these various phases of this war to the death between
+socialists and anarchists&mdash;will in that case present to history the most
+vital struggle of this age.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156"></a>[<a href="images/175.png">156</a>]</span> But, whatever may be the outcome of the
+socialist movement, it is hardly too much to say that to both anarchists
+and socialists these struggles seemed, at the time they were taking
+place, of supreme importance to the destinies of humanity.</p>
+
+<p>The contending titans of this war were, of course, Karl Marx and Michael
+Bakounin. It is hardly necessary to go into the personal feud that
+played so conspicuous a part in the struggle between them. Perhaps no
+one at this late day can prove what Marx and his friends themselves were
+unable to prove&mdash;although they never ceased repeating the
+allegations&mdash;that Bakounin was a spy of the Russian Government, that his
+life had been thrice spared through the influence of that Government,
+that he was treacherous and dishonest, and that his sole purpose was to
+disrupt and destroy the International Working Men's Association. Nor is
+it necessary to consider the charges made against Marx&mdash;some of them
+time has already taken care of&mdash;that he was domineering, malicious, and
+ambitious, that his spirit was actuated by intrigue, and that, when he
+conceived a dislike for anyone, he was merciless and conscienceless in
+his warfare on that one. Incompatibility of temperament and of
+personality played its part in the battles between these two, but, even
+had there been no mutual dislike, the differences between their
+principles and tactics would have necessitated a battle <i>&agrave; outrance</i>.</p>
+
+<p>For twenty years before the birth of the International, Marx and
+Bakounin had crossed and recrossed each other's circle. They had always
+quarreled. There was a mutual fascination, due perhaps to an innate
+antagonism, that brought them again and again together at critical
+periods. At times there seemed a chance of reconciliation, but they no
+more touched each other than <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157"></a>[<a href="images/176.png">157</a>]</span>immediately there flared forth the old
+animosity. When Bakounin left Russia in 1843, he met Proudhon and Marx
+in Paris. At that period the doctrines of all three were germinating.
+Bakounin had already written, "The desire for destruction is at the same
+time a creative desire." <a name="FNanchor_1_200" id="FNanchor_1_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_200" class="fnanchor">(1)</a> Proudhon had begun to formulate the
+principles of anarchism, and Marx the principles of socialism. "He was
+much more advanced than I was," wrote Bakounin of Marx at this period.
+"I knew nothing then of political economy, I was not yet freed from
+metaphysical abstraction, and my socialism was only instinctive.... It
+was precisely at this epoch that he elaborated the first fundamentals of
+his present system. We saw each other rather often, for I respected him
+deeply for his science and for his passionate and serious devotion,
+although always mingled with personal vanity, to the cause of the
+proletariat, and I sought with eagerness his conversation, which was
+always instructive and witty&mdash;when it was not inspired with mean hatred,
+which, too often, alas, was the case. Never, however, was there frank
+intimacy between us. Our temperaments did not allow that. He called me a
+sentimental idealist, and he was right; I called him a vain man,
+perfidious and artful, and I was right also." <a name="FNanchor_2_201" id="FNanchor_2_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_201" class="fnanchor">(2)</a> This mutual dislike and
+even distrust subsisted to the end.</p>
+
+<p>Certain events in 1848 widened the gulf between them. At the news of the
+outbreak of the revolution in Paris, hundreds of the restless spirits
+hurried there to take a hand in the situation. And after the
+proclamation of the Republic they began to consider various projects of
+carrying the revolution into their own countries. Plans were being
+discussed for organizing legions to invade foreign countries, and a
+number of the German communists entered heartily into the plan of
+Herwegh, the erratic <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158"></a>[<a href="images/177.png">158</a>]</span>German poet&mdash;"the iron lark"&mdash;who led a band of
+revolutionists into Baden. "We arose vehemently against these attempts
+to play at revolution," says Engels, speaking for himself and Marx. "In
+the state of fermentation which then existed in Germany, to carry into
+our country an invasion which was destined to import the revolution by
+force, was to injure the revolution in Germany, to consolidate the
+governments, and ... to deliver the legions over defenseless to the
+German troops." <a name="FNanchor_3_202" id="FNanchor_3_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_202" class="fnanchor">(3)</a> Wilhelm Liebknecht, then twenty-two years of age, who
+was in favor of Herwegh's project, wrote afterward of Marx's opposition.
+Marx "understood that the plan of organizing 'foreign legions' for the
+purpose of carrying the revolution into other countries emanated from
+the French bourgeois-republicans, and that the 'movement' had been
+artificially inspired with the twofold intention of getting rid of
+troublesome elements and of carrying off the foreign laborers whose
+competition made itself doubly felt during this grave business
+crisis." <a name="FNanchor_4_203" id="FNanchor_4_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_203" class="fnanchor">(4)</a></p>
+
+<p>Undeterred by Marx, Herwegh marshaled his "legions" and entered Baden,
+to be utterly crushed, exactly as Marx had foreseen. A quarrel then
+arose between Marx and Bakounin over Herwegh's project. Far from
+changing Marx's mind, however, it made him suspect Bakounin as perhaps
+in the pay of the reactionaries. In any case, he made no effort to
+prevent the <i>Neue Rheinische Zeitung</i> from printing shortly after the
+following: "Yesterday it was asserted that George Sand was in possession
+of papers which seriously compromised the Russian who has been banished
+from here, <i>Michael Bakounin</i>, and represented him as an instrument or
+an <i>agent of Russia</i>, newly enrolled, to whom is attributed the leading
+part in the recent arrest of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159"></a>[<a href="images/178.png">159</a>]</span> unfortunate Poles. George Sand has
+shown these papers to some of her friends." <a name="FNanchor_5_204" id="FNanchor_5_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_204" class="fnanchor">(5)</a> Marx later printed
+Bakounin's answer to these charges&mdash;which were, in fact, groundless&mdash;and
+in his letters to the New York <i>Tribune</i> (1852) even commended Bakounin
+for his services in the Dresden uprising of 1849. <a name="FNanchor_6_205" id="FNanchor_6_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_205" class="fnanchor">(6)</a> Nevertheless, there
+is no doubt that to the end Marx believed Bakounin to be a tool of the
+enemy. These quarrels are important only as they are prophetic in thus
+early disclosing the gulf between Marx and Bakounin in their conception
+of revolutionary activity. Although profoundly revolutionary, Marx was
+also rigidly rational. He had no patience, and not an iota of mercy, for
+those who lost their heads and attempted to lead the workers into
+violent outbreaks that could result only in a massacre. On this point he
+would make no concessions, and anyone who attempted such suicidal
+madness was in Marx's mind either an imbecile or a paid <i>agent
+provocateur</i>. The failure of Herwegh's project forced Bakounin to admit
+later that Marx had been right. Yet, as we know, with Bakounin's
+advancing years the passion for insurrections became with him almost a mania.</p>
+
+<p>If this quarrel between Bakounin and Marx casts a light upon the causes
+of their antagonism, a still greater illumination is shed by the
+differences between them which arose in 1849. Bakounin, in that year,
+had written a brochure in which he developed a program for the union of
+the revolutionary Slavs and for the destruction of the three monarchies,
+Russia, Austria, and Prussia. He advocated pan-Slavism, and believed
+that the Slavic people could once more be united and then federated into
+a great new nation. When Marx saw the volume, he wrote in the <i>Neue
+Rheinische Zeitung</i> (February 14, 1849), "Aside from the Poles, the
+Russians, and perhaps<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160"></a>[<a href="images/179.png">160</a>]</span> even the Slavs of Turkey, no Slavic people has a
+future, for the simple reason that there are lacking in all the other
+Slavs the primary conditions&mdash;historical, geographical, political, and
+industrial&mdash;of independence and vitality." <a name="FNanchor_7_206" id="FNanchor_7_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_206" class="fnanchor">(7)</a> This cold-blooded
+statement infuriated Bakounin. He absolutely refused to look at the
+facts. Possessed of a passion for liberty, he wanted all nations, all
+peoples&mdash;civilized, semi-civilized, or savage&mdash;to be entirely free. What
+had historical, geographical, political, or industrial conditions to do
+with the matter? All this is typical of Bakounin's revolutionary
+sentimentalism. He clashed again with Marx on very similar grounds when
+the latter insisted that only in the more advanced countries is there a
+possibility of a social revolution. Modern capitalist production,
+according to Marx, must attain a certain degree of development before it
+is possible for the working class to hope to carry out any really
+revolutionary project. Bakounin takes issue with him here. He declares
+his own aim to be "the complete and real emancipation of all the
+proletariat, not only of some countries, but of all nations, civilized
+and non-civilized." <a name="FNanchor_8_207" id="FNanchor_8_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_207" class="fnanchor">(8)</a> In these declarations the differences between
+Marx and Bakounin stand forth vividly. Marx at no time states what he
+wishes. He expresses no sentiment, but confines himself to a cold
+statement of the facts as he sees them. Bakounin, the dreamer, the
+sentimentalist, and the revolution-maker, wants the whole world free.
+Whether or not Marx wants the same thing is not the question. He rigidly
+confines himself to what he believes is possible. He says certain
+conditions must exist before a people can be free and independent. Among
+them are included historical, geographical, political, and industrial
+conditions. Marx further states that, before the working-class
+revolution can be successful, certain economic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161"></a>[<a href="images/180.png">161</a>]</span> conditions must exist.
+Marx is not stating here conclusions which are necessarily agreeable to
+him. He states only the results of his study of history, based on his
+analysis of past events. In the one case we find the idealist seeking to
+set the world violently right; in the other case we find the historian
+and the scientist&mdash;influenced no doubt, as all men must be, by certain
+hopes, yet totally regardless of personal desire&mdash;stating the antecedent
+conditions which must exist previous to the birth of a new historic or economic period.</p>
+
+<p>In speaking of the antagonism between Marx and Bakounin in this earlier
+period, I do not mean to convey the impression that it was the cause of
+the dissensions that arose later. The slightest knowledge of Bakounin's
+philosophy and methods is enough to make one realize that neither the
+International nor any considerable section of the labor or socialist
+movements had anything in common with those ideas. Certainly the thought
+and policies of Marx were directly opposed to everything from first to
+last that Bakounin stood for. Nothing could be more grotesque than the
+idea that Marxism and Bakouninism could be blended, or indeed exist
+together, in any semblance of harmony. Every thought, policy, and method
+of the two clashed furiously. It would be impossible to conceive of two
+other minds that were on so many points such worlds apart. Both Bakounin
+and Marx instinctively felt this essential antagonism, yet the former
+wrote Marx, in December, 1868, when he was preparing to enter the
+International, assuring him that he had had a change of heart and that
+"my country, now, <i>c'est l'Internationale</i>, of which you are one of the
+principal founders. You see then, dear friend, that I am your disciple
+and I am proud to be it." <a name="FNanchor_9_208" id="FNanchor_9_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_208" class="fnanchor">(9)</a> He then signs himself affectionately, "Your
+devoted M. Bakounin." <a name="FNanchor_10_209" id="FNanchor_10_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_209" class="fnanchor">(10)</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162"></a>[<a href="images/181.png">162</a>]</span></p><p>With an olive branch such as that arrived the new "disciple" of Marx.
+He then set to work without a moment's delay to capture the
+International congress which was to be held at Basel, September, 1869.
+And it was there that the first battle occurred. From the very moment
+that the congress opened it was clear that on every important question
+there was to be a division. Most unexpectedly, the first struggle arose
+over a question that seemed not at all fundamental at the time, but
+which, as the later history of socialism shows, was really basic. The
+father of direct legislation, Rittinghausen, was a delegate to the
+congress from Germany. He begged the congress for an opportunity to
+present his ideas, and he won the support, quite naturally, of the
+Marxian elements. In his preliminary statement to the congress he said:
+"You are going to occupy yourselves at length with the great social
+reforms that you think necessary in order to put an end to the
+deplorable situation of the labor world. Is it then less necessary for
+you to occupy yourselves with methods of execution by which you may
+accomplish these reforms? I hear many among you say that you wish to
+attain your end by <i>revolution</i>. Well, comrades, revolution, as a matter
+of fact, accomplishes nothing. If you are not able to formulate, after
+the revolution, by legislation, your legitimate demands, the revolution
+will perish miserably like that of 1848. You will be the prey of the
+most violent reaction and you will be forced anew to suffer years of oppression and disgrace.</p>
+
+<p>"What, then, are the means of execution that democracy will have to
+employ in order to realize its ideas? Legislation by an individual
+functions only to the advantage of that individual and his family.
+Legislation by a group of capitalists, called representatives, serves
+only<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163"></a>[<a href="images/182.png">163</a>]</span> the interests of this class. It is only by taking their interests
+into their own hands, by direct legislation, that the people can ...
+establish the reign of social justice. I insist, then, that you put on
+the program of this congress the question of direct legislation by the
+people." <a name="FNanchor_11_210" id="FNanchor_11_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_210" class="fnanchor">(11)</a></p>
+
+<p>The forces led by Bakounin and Professor Hins, of Belgium, opposed any
+consideration of this question. The latter, in elaborating the remarks
+of Bakounin, declared: "They wish, they say, to accomplish, by
+representation or direct legislation, the transformation of the present
+governments, the work of our enemies, the bourgeois. They wish, in order
+to do this, to enter into these governments, and, by persuasion, by
+numbers, and by new laws, to establish a new State. Comrades, do not
+follow this line of march, for we would perish in following it in
+Belgium or in France as elsewhere. Rather let us leave these governments
+to rot away and not prop them up with our morality. This is the reason:
+the International is and must be a State within States. Let these States
+march on as they like, even to the point where our State is the
+strongest. Then, on their ruins, we will place ours, all prepared, all
+made ready, such as it exists in each section." <a name="FNanchor_12_211" id="FNanchor_12_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_211" class="fnanchor">(12)</a> The result of this
+debate was that the father of direct legislation was not allowed time to
+present his views, and it is significant that this first clash of the
+congress resulted in a victory for the anarchists, despite all that
+could be done by Liebknecht and the other socialists.</p>
+
+<p>The chief question on the program was the consideration of the right of
+inheritance. This was the main economic change desired by the Alliance.
+For years Bakounin had advocated the abolition of the right of
+inheritance as the most revolutionary of his economic <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164"></a>[<a href="images/183.png">164</a>]</span>demands. "The
+right of inheritance," declared Bakounin, "after having been the natural
+consequence of the violent appropriation of natural and social wealth,
+became later the basis of the political state and of the legal
+family.... It is necessary, therefore, to vote the abolition of the
+right of inheritance." <a name="FNanchor_13_212" id="FNanchor_13_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_212" class="fnanchor">(13)</a> It was left to George Eccarius, delegate of
+the Association of Tailors of London, to present to that congress the
+views of Marx and the General Council. The report of the General Council
+was, of course, prepared in advance, but Bakounin's views were well
+known, and it was intended as a crushing rejoinder. "<i>Inheritance</i>," it
+declared, "does not <i>create</i> that power of transferring the produce of
+one man's labor into another man's pocket&mdash;it only relates to the change
+in the individuals who yield (<i>sic</i>) that power. Like all other civil
+legislation, the laws of inheritance are not the <i>cause</i>, but the
+<i>effect</i>, the <i>juridical consequence</i> of the <i>existing economical
+organization of society</i>, based upon private property in the means of
+production, that is to say, in land, raw material, machinery, etc. In
+the same way the right of inheritance in the slave is not the cause of
+slavery, but, on the contrary, slavery is the cause of inheritance in
+slaves.... To proclaim the abolition of the <i>right of inheritance</i> as
+the <i>starting point</i> of the social revolution would only tend to lead
+the working class away from the true point of attack against present
+society. It would be as absurd a thing as to abolish the laws of
+contract between buyer and seller, while continuing the present state of
+exchange of commodities. It would be a thing false in theory and
+reactionary in practice." <a name="FNanchor_14_213" id="FNanchor_14_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_213" class="fnanchor">(14)</a> Despite the opposition of the Marxians at
+the congress, the proposition of Bakounin received thirty-two votes as
+against twenty-three given to the proposition of the General Council. As
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165"></a>[<a href="images/184.png">165</a>]</span>thirteen of the delegates abstained from voting, Bakounin's resolution
+did not obtain an absolute majority, and the question was thus left undecided.</p>
+
+<p>Another important discussion at the congress was on landed property.
+Some of the delegates were opposed to the collective ownership of land,
+believing that it should be divided into small sections and left to the
+peasants to cultivate. Others advocated a kind of communism, in which
+associations of agriculturists were to work the soil. Still others
+believed that the State should own the land and lease it to individuals.
+Indeed, almost every phase of the question was touched, including the
+means of obtaining the land from the present owners and of distributing
+it among the peasants or of owning it collectively while allowing them
+the right to cultivate it for their profit. On this subject, again,
+Eccarius presented the views of Marx. To Bakounin, who expressed his
+terror of the State, no matter of what character, Eccarius said "that
+his relations with the French have doubtless communicated to him this
+conception (for it appears that the French workingmen can never think of
+the State without seeing a Napoleon appear, accompanied by a flock of
+cannon), and he replied that the State can be reformed by the coming of
+the working class into power. All great transformations have been
+inaugurated by a change in the form of landed property. The allodial
+system was replaced by the feudal system, the feudal system by modern
+private ownership, and the social transformation to which the new state
+of things tends will be inaugurated by the abolition of individual
+property in land. As to compensations, that will depend on the
+circumstances. If the transformation is made peacefully, the present
+owners will be indemnified.... If the owners of slaves had yielded when
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166"></a>[<a href="images/185.png">166</a>]</span>Lincoln was elected, they would have received a compensation for their
+slaves. Their resistance led to the abolition of slavery without
+compensation...." <a name="FNanchor_15_214" id="FNanchor_15_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_214" class="fnanchor">(15)</a> The congress, after debating the question at
+length, contented itself with voting the general proposition that
+"society has the right to abolish private property in land and to make
+land the property of the community." <a name="FNanchor_16_215" id="FNanchor_16_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_215" class="fnanchor">(16)</a></p>
+
+<p>The last important question considered by the congress was that dealing
+with trade unions. The debate aroused little interest, although
+Liebknecht opened the discussion. He pointed out the great extension of
+trade-union organization in England, Germany, and America, and he tried
+to impress upon the congress the necessity for vastly extending this
+form of solidarity. And, indeed, it seems to have been generally
+admitted that trade-union organization was necessary. No practical
+proposals were, however, made for actually developing such
+organizations. The interesting part of the discussion came upon the
+function of trade unionism in future society. The socialists were little
+concerned as to what might happen to the trade unions in future society,
+but Professor Hins outlined at that congress the program of the modern
+syndicalists. It is, therefore, especially interesting to read what
+Professor Hins said as early as 1869: "Societies <i>de r&eacute;sistance</i> (trade
+unions) will subsist after the suppression of wages, not in name, but in
+deed. They will then be the organization of labor, ... operating a vast
+distribution of labor from one end of the world to the other. They will
+replace the ancient political systems: in place of a confused and
+heterogeneous representation, there will be the representation of labor.</p>
+
+<p>"They will be at the same time agents of decentralization, for the
+centers will differ according to the industries which will form, in some
+manner, each one a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167"></a>[<a href="images/186.png">167</a>]</span>separate State, and will prevent forever the return
+to the ancient form of centralized State, which will not, however,
+prevent another form of government for local purposes. As is evident, if
+we are reproached for being indifferent to every form of government, it
+is ... because we detest them all in the same way, and because we
+believe that it is only on their ruins that a society conforming to the
+principles of justice can be established."<a name="FNanchor_S_19" id="FNanchor_S_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_S_19" class="fnanchor">[S]</a> <a name="FNanchor_17_216" id="FNanchor_17_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_216" class="fnanchor">(17)</a></p>
+
+<p>The congress at Basel was the turning point in the brief history of the
+International. Although the Marxists were reluctant to admit it, the
+Bakouninists had won a complete victory on every important issue. Some
+of the decisions future congresses might remedy, but in refusing even to
+discuss the question of direct legislation<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168"></a>[<a href="images/187.png">168</a>]</span> many of the delegates
+clearly showed their determination to have nothing to do with politics
+or with any movement aiming at the conquest of political power. In all
+the discussions the anarchist tendencies of the congress were
+unmistakable, and the immense gulf between the Marxists and the
+Bakouninists was laid bare. The very foundation principles upon which
+the International was based had been overturned. Political action was to
+be abandoned, while the discussion on trade unions introduced for the
+first time in the International the idea of a purely economic struggle
+and a conception of future society in which groups of producers, and not
+the State or the community, should own the tools of production. This
+syndicalist conception of socialism was not new. Developed for the first
+time by Robert Owen in 1833, it had led the working classes into the
+most violent and bitter strikes, that ended in disaster for all
+participants. Born again in 1869, it was destined to lie dormant for
+thirty years, then to be taken up once more&mdash;this time with immense
+enthusiasm&mdash;by the French trade unions.</p>
+
+<p>Needless to say, the decisive victory of the Bakouninists at Basel was
+excessively annoying and humiliating to Marx. He did not attend in
+person, but it was evident before the congress that he fully expected
+that his forces would, on that occasion, destroy root and branch the
+economic and political fallacies of Bakounin. He rather welcomed the
+discussion of the differences between the program of the Alliance and
+that of the International, in order that Eccarius, Liebknecht, and
+others might demolish, once and for all, the reactionary proposals of
+Bakounin. To Marx, much of the program of the Alliance seemed a remnant
+of eighteenth-century philosophy, while the rest was pure utopianism,
+consisting of unsound and impractical reforms, mixed with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169"></a>[<a href="images/188.png">169</a>]</span> atheism and
+schoolboy declamation. Altogether, the policies and projects of Bakounin
+seemed so vulnerable that the General Council evidently felt that little
+preparation was necessary in order to defeat them. They seemed to have
+forgotten, for the moment, that Bakounin was an old and experienced
+conspirator. In any case, he had left no stone unturned to obtain
+control of the congress. Week by week, previous to the congress,
+<i>l'Egalit&eacute;</i>, the organ of the Swiss federation, had published articles
+by Bakounin which, while professedly explaining the principles of the
+International, were in reality attacking them; and most insidiously
+Bakounin's own program was presented as the traditional position of the
+organization. Liberty, fraternity, and equality were, of course, called
+into service. The treason of certain working-class politicians was
+pointed out as the natural and inevitable result of political action,
+while to those who had given little thought to economic theory the
+abolition of inheritances seemed the final word. Nor did Bakounin limit
+his efforts to his pen. All sections of the Alliance undertook to see
+that friends of Bakounin were sent as delegates to the congress, and it
+was charged that credentials were obtained in various underhanded ways.
+However that may have been, the "practical," "cold-blooded" Marx was
+completely outwitted by his "sentimental" and "visionary" antagonist.
+Instead of a great victory, therefore, the Marxists left the congress of
+Basel utterly dejected, and Eccarius is reported to have said, "Marx
+will be terribly annoyed." <a name="FNanchor_18_217" id="FNanchor_18_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_217" class="fnanchor">(18)</a></p>
+
+<p>That Marx was annoyed is to put it with extraordinary moderation, and
+from that moment the fight on Bakouninism, anarchism, and terrorism
+developed to a white heat. Immediately after the adjournment of the
+congress, Moritz Hess, a close friend of Marx and a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170"></a>[<a href="images/189.png">170</a>]</span> delegate to the
+congress, published in the <i>R&eacute;veil</i> of Paris what he called "the secret
+history" of the congress, in which he declared that "between the
+collectivists of the International and the Russian communists [meaning
+the Bakouninists] there was all the difference which exists between
+civilization and barbarism, between liberty and despotism, between
+citizens condemning every form of violence and slaves addicted to the
+use of brutal force." <a name="FNanchor_19_218" id="FNanchor_19_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_218" class="fnanchor">(19)</a> Even this gives but a faint idea of the
+bitterness of the controversy. Marx, Engels, Liebknecht, Hess, Outine,
+the General Council in London, and every newspaper under the control of
+the Marxists began to assail Bakounin and his circle. They no longer
+confined themselves to a denunciation of the "utopian and bourgeois"
+character of the anarchist philosophy. They went into the past history
+of Bakounin, revived all the accusations that had been made against him,
+and exposed every particle of evidence obtainable concerning his
+"checkered" career as a revolutionist. It will be remembered that it was
+in 1869 that Nechayeff appeared in Switzerland. When the Marxists got
+wind of him and his doctrine, their rage knew no bounds. And later they
+obtained and published in <i>L'Alliance de la D&eacute;mocratie Socialiste</i> the
+material from which I have already quoted extensively in my first chapter.</p>
+
+<p>No useful purpose, however, would be served in dealing with the personal
+phases of the struggle. Bakounin became so irate at the attacks upon
+him, several of which happened to have been written by Jews, that he
+wrote an answer entitled "Study Upon the German Jews." He feared to
+attack Marx; and this "Study," while avoiding a personal attack, sought
+to arouse a racial prejudice that would injure him. He writes to Herzen,
+a month after the congress at Basel, that he fully realizes that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171"></a>[<a href="images/190.png">171</a>]</span> Marx
+is "the instigator and the leader of all this calumnious and infamous
+polemic." <a name="FNanchor_20_219" id="FNanchor_20_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_219" class="fnanchor">(20)</a> He was reluctant, however, to attack him personally, and
+even refers to Marx and Lassalle as "these two Jewish giants," but
+besides them, he adds, "there was and is a crowd of Jewish pigmies." <a name="FNanchor_21_220" id="FNanchor_21_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_220" class="fnanchor">(21)</a>
+"Nevertheless," he writes, "it may happen, and very shortly, too, that I
+shall enter into conflict with him, not over any personal offense, of
+course, but over a question of principle, regarding State communism, of
+which he himself and the English and German parties which he directs are
+the most ardent partisans. Then it will be a fight to the finish. But
+there is a time for everything, and the hour for this struggle has not
+yet sounded.... Do you not see that all these gentlemen who are our
+enemies are forming a phalanx, which must be disunited and broken up in
+order to be the more easily routed? You are more erudite than I; you
+know, therefore, better than I who was the first to take for principle:
+<i>Divide and rule</i>. If at present I should undertake an open war against
+Marx himself, three-quarters of the members of the International would
+turn against me, and I would be at a disadvantage, for I would have lost
+the ground on which I must stand. But by beginning this war with an
+attack against the rabble by which he is surrounded, I shall have the
+majority on my side.... But, ... if he wishes to constitute himself the
+defender of their cause, it is he who would then declare war openly. In
+this case, I shall take the field also and I shall play the star
+r&ocirc;le." <a name="FNanchor_22_221" id="FNanchor_22_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_221" class="fnanchor">(22)</a></p>
+
+<p>This was written in October, 1869, a month after the Basel congress. On
+the 1st of January, 1870, the General Council at London sent a private
+communication to all sections of the International, and on the 28th of
+March it was followed by another. These, together with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172"></a>[<a href="images/191.png">172</a>]</span> various
+circulars dealing with questions of principle, but all consisting of
+attacks upon Bakounin personally or upon his doctrines, finally goaded
+him into open war upon Marx, the General Council, all their doctrines,
+and even upon the then forming socialist party of Germany, with Bebel
+and Liebknecht at its head. During the year 1870 Bakounin was preparing
+for the great controversy, but his friends of Lyons interrupted his work
+by calling him there to take part in the uprising of that year. He
+hastened to Lyons, but, as we know, he was soon forced to flee and
+conceal himself in Marseilles. It was there, in the midst of the
+blackest despair, that Bakounin wrote: "I have no longer any faith in
+the Revolution in France. This nation is no longer in the least
+revolutionary. The people themselves have become doctrinaire, as
+insolent and as bourgeois as the bourgeois.... The bourgeois are
+loathsome. They are as savage as they are stupid&mdash;and as the police
+blood flows in their veins&mdash;they should be called policemen and
+attorneys-general in embryo. I am going to reply to their infamous
+calumnies by a good little book in which I shall give everything and
+everybody its proper name. I leave this country with deep despair in my
+heart." <a name="FNanchor_23_222" id="FNanchor_23_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_222" class="fnanchor">(23)</a> He then set to work at last to state systematically his own
+views and to annihilate utterly those of the socialists. Many of these
+documents are only fragmentary. Some were started and abandoned; others
+ended in hopeless confusion. With the most extraordinary gift of
+inspirited statement, he passes in review every phase of history,
+leaping from one peak to another of the great periods, pointing his
+lessons, issuing his warnings, but all the time throwing at the reader
+such a Niagara of ideas and arguments that he is left utterly dazed and
+bewildered as by some startling military display or the rushing here and
+there of a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173"></a>[<a href="images/192.png">173</a>]</span>military maneuver. In <i>Lettres &agrave; un Fran&ccedil;ais</i>; <i>Manuscrit de
+114 Pages, &eacute;crit &agrave; Marseille</i>; <i>Lettre &agrave; Esquiros</i>; <i>Pr&eacute;ambule pour la
+Seconde Livraison de l'Empire Knouto-Germanique</i>; <i>Avertissement pour
+l'Empire Knouto-Germanique</i>; <i>Au Journal La Libert&eacute;, de Bruxelles</i>; and
+<i>Fragment formant une Suite de l'Empire Knouto-Germanique</i>, he returns
+again and again to the charge, always seeking to deal some fatal blow to
+Marxian socialism, but never apparently satisfying himself that he has
+accomplished his task. He touches the border of practical criticism of
+the socialist program in the fragment entitled <i>Lettres &agrave; un Fran&ccedil;ais</i>.
+It ends, however, before the task is done. Again he takes it up in the
+<i>Manuscrit &eacute;crit &agrave; Marseille</i>. But here also, as soon as he arrives at
+the point of annihilating the socialists, his task is discontinued. In
+truth, he himself seems to have realized the inconclusive character of
+his writings, as he refused in some cases to complete them and in other
+cases to publish them. Nevertheless, we find in various places of his
+fragmentary writings not only a statement of his own views, but his
+entire critique upon socialism.</p>
+
+<p>As I have made clear enough, I think, in my first chapter, there are in
+Bakounin's writings two main ideas put forward again and again, dressed
+in innumerable forms and supported by an inexhaustible variety of
+arguments. These ideas are based upon his antagonism to religion and to
+government. It was always <i>Dieu et l'Etat</i> that he was fighting, and not
+until both the ideas and the institutions which had grown up in support
+of "these monstrous oppressions" had been destroyed and swept from the
+earth could there arise, thought Bakounin, a free society, peopled with
+happy and emancipated human souls. When one has once obtained this
+conception of Bakounin's fundamental views, there is little necessity
+for <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174"></a>[<a href="images/193.png">174</a>]</span>dealing with the infinite number of minor points upon which he was
+forced to attack the men and movements of his time. On the one hand, he
+was assailing Mazzini, whose every move in life was actuated by his
+intense religious and political faith, while, on the other hand, he was
+attacking Marx as the modern Moses handing down to the enslaved
+multitudes his table of infamous laws as the foundation for a new
+tyranny, that of State socialism. In 1871 Bakounin ceased all
+maneuvering. Bringing out his great guns, he began to bombard both
+Mazzini and Marx. Never has polemic literature seen such another battle.
+With a weapon in each hand, turning from the one to the other of his
+antagonists, he battled, as no man ever before battled, to crush "these
+enemies of the entire human race."</p>
+
+<p>There is, of course, no possibility of adequately summarizing, in such
+limited space as I have allotted to it, the thought of one who traversed
+the history of the entire world of thought and action in pursuit of some
+crushing argument against the socialism of Marx. This perverted form of
+socialism, Bakounin maintained, contemplated the establishment of a
+<i>communisme autoritaire</i>, or State socialism. "The State," he says,
+"having become the sole owner&mdash;at the end of a certain period of
+transition which will be necessary in order to transform society,
+without too great economic and political shocks, from the present
+organization of bourgeois privilege to the future organization of
+official equality for all&mdash;the State will also be the sole capitalist,
+the banker, the money lender, the organizer, the director of all the
+national work, and the distributor of its products. Such is the ideal,
+the fundamental principle of modern communism." <a name="FNanchor_24_223" id="FNanchor_24_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_223" class="fnanchor">(24)</a> This is, of all
+Bakounin's criticisms of socialism, the one that has had the greatest
+vitality. It<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175"></a>[<a href="images/194.png">175</a>]</span> has gone the round of the world as a crushing blow to
+socialist ideals. The same thought has been repeated by every
+politician, newspaper, and capitalist who has undertaken to refute
+socialism. And every socialist will admit that of all the attempts to
+misrepresent socialism and to make it abhorrent to most people the idea
+expressed in these words of Bakounin has been the most effective. To
+state thus the ideal of socialism is sufficient in most cases to end all
+argument. Add to this program military discipline for the masses,
+barracks for homes, and a ruling bureaucracy, and you have complete the
+terrifying picture that is held up to the workers of every country, even
+to-day, as the nefarious, world-destroying design of the socialists.</p>
+
+<p>It is, therefore, altogether proper to inquire if these were in reality
+the aims of the Marxists. Many sincere opponents of socialism actually
+believe that these are the ends sought, while the casual reader of
+socialist literature may see much that appears to lead directly to the
+dreadful State tyranny that Bakounin has pictured. But did Marx actually
+advocate State socialism? In the Communist Manifesto Marx proposed a
+series of reforms that the State alone was capable of instituting. He
+urged that many of the instruments of production should be centralized
+in the hands of the State. Moreover, nothing is clearer than his
+prophecy that the working class "will use its political supremacy to
+wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all
+instruments of production in the hands of the State." <a name="FNanchor_25_224" id="FNanchor_25_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_224" class="fnanchor">(25)</a> Indeed, in
+this program, as in all others that have developed out of it, the end of
+socialism would seem to be State ownership. "With trusts or without,"
+writes Engels, "the official representative of capitalist society&mdash;the
+State&mdash;will ultimately have to undertake the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176"></a>[<a href="images/195.png">176</a>]</span> direction of production."
+Commenting himself upon this statement, he adds in a footnote: "I say
+'have to.' For only when the means of production and distribution have
+actually outgrown the form of management by joint-stock companies, and
+when, therefore, the taking them over by the State has become
+economically inevitable, only then&mdash;even if it is the State of to-day
+that effects this&mdash;is there an economic advance, the attainment of
+another step preliminary to the taking over of all productive forces by
+society itself." "This necessity," he continues, "for conversion into
+State property is felt first in the great institutions for intercourse
+and communication&mdash;the post-office, the telegraphs, the railways." <a name="FNanchor_26_225" id="FNanchor_26_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_225" class="fnanchor">(26)</a></p>
+
+<p>Here is the entire position in a nutshell. But Engels says the State
+will "have to." Thus Engels and Marx are not stating necessarily what
+they desire. And it must not be forgotten that in all such statements
+both were outlining only what appeared to them to be a natural and
+inevitable evolution. In State ownership they saw an outcome of the
+necessary centralization of capital and its growth into huge monopolies.
+Society would be forced to use the power of the State to control, and
+eventually to own, these menacing aggregations of capital in the hands
+of a few men. Both Marx and Engels saw clearly enough that State
+monopoly does not destroy the capitalistic nature of the productive
+forces. "The modern State, no matter what its form, is essentially a
+capitalist machine.... The more it proceeds to the taking over of
+productive forces, ... the more citizens does it exploit. The workers
+remain wage workers&mdash;proletarians. The capitalist relation is not done
+away with. It is rather brought to a head. But, brought to a head, it
+topples over. <i>State ownership of the</i> <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177"></a>[<a href="images/196.png">177</a>]</span><i>productive forces is not the
+solution of the conflict, but concealed within it are the technical
+conditions that form the elements of that solution.</i>" <a name="FNanchor_27_226" id="FNanchor_27_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_226" class="fnanchor">(27)</a></p>
+
+<p>State ownership, then, was not considered by Marx and Engels in itself a
+solution of the problem. It is only a necessary preliminary to the
+solution. The essential step, either subsequent or precedent, is the
+capture of political power by the working class. By this act the means
+of production are freed "from the character of capital they have thus
+far borne, ..." and their "socialized character" is given "complete
+freedom to work itself out." <a name="FNanchor_28_227" id="FNanchor_28_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_227" class="fnanchor">(28)</a> "Socialized production upon a
+predetermined plan becomes henceforth possible. The development of
+production makes the existence of different classes of society
+thenceforth an anachronism. In proportion as anarchy in social
+production vanishes, the political authority of the State dies out. Man,
+at last the master of his own form of social organization, becomes at
+the same time the lord over Nature, his own master&mdash;free.</p>
+
+<p>"To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical
+mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the
+historical conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart to
+the new oppressed proletarian class a full knowledge of the conditions
+and of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon to accomplish,
+this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian
+movement, scientific socialism." <a name="FNanchor_29_228" id="FNanchor_29_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_228" class="fnanchor">(29)</a></p>
+
+<p>Engels declares that the State, such as we have known it in the past,
+will die out "as soon as there is no longer any social class to be held
+in subjection; as soon as class rule, and the individual struggle for
+existence based upon our present anarchy in production, with the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178"></a>[<a href="images/197.png">178</a>]</span>collisions and excesses arising from these, are removed, nothing more
+remains to be repressed, and a special repressive force, a State, is no
+longer necessary. The first act by virtue of which the State really
+constitutes itself the representative of the whole of society&mdash;the
+taking possession of the means of production in the name of
+society&mdash;this is, at the same time, its last independent act as a State.
+State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain after
+another, superfluous, and then dies out of itself; the government of
+persons is replaced by the administration of things, and by the conduct
+of processes of production. The State is not 'abolished.' <i>It dies out.</i>
+This gives the measure of the value of the phrase 'a free State,' both
+as to its justifiable use at times by agitators, and as to its ultimate
+scientific insufficiency; and also of the demands of the so-called
+anarchists for the abolition of the State out of hand." <a name="FNanchor_30_229" id="FNanchor_30_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_229" class="fnanchor">(30)</a></p>
+
+<p>This conception of the r&ocirc;le of the State is one that no anarchist can
+comprehend. He is unwilling to admit that social evolution necessarily
+leads through State socialism to industrial democracy, or even that such
+an evolution is possible. To him the State seems to have a corporeal,
+material existence of its own. It is a tyrannical machine that exists
+above all classes and wields a legal, military, and judicial power all
+its own. That the State is only an agency for representing in certain
+fields the power of a dominant economic class&mdash;this is something the
+anarchist will not admit. In fact, Bakounin seems to have been utterly
+mystified when Eccarius answered him at Basel in these words: "The State
+can be reformed by the coming of the working class into power." <a name="FNanchor_31_230" id="FNanchor_31_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_230" class="fnanchor">(31)</a> That
+the State is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the
+capitalist class can<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179"></a>[<a href="images/198.png">179</a>]</span> neither be granted nor understood by the
+anarchists. Nor can it be comprehended that, when the capitalist class
+has no affairs of its own to manage, the coercive character of the State
+will gradually disappear. State ownership undermines and destroys the
+economic power of private capitalists. When the railroads, the mines,
+the forests, and other great monopolies are taken out of their hands,
+their control over the State is by this much diminished. The only power
+they possess to control the State resides in their economic power, and
+anything that weakens that tends to destroy the class character of the
+State itself. The inherent weakness of Bakounin's entire philosophy lay
+in this fact, that it begins with the necessity of abolishing God and
+the State, and that it can never get beyond that or away from that. And,
+as a necessary consequence, Bakounin had to oppose every measure that
+looked toward any compromise with the State, or that might enable the
+working class to exercise any influence in or through the State.</p>
+
+<p>When, therefore, the German party at its congress at Eisenach demanded
+the suffrage and direct legislation, when it declared that political
+liberty is the most urgent preliminary condition for the economic
+emancipation of the working class, Bakounin could see nothing
+revolutionary in such a program. When, furthermore, the party declared
+that the social question is inseparable from the political question and
+that the problems of our economic life could be solved only in a
+democratic State, Bakounin, of course, was forced to oppose such
+heresies with all his power. And these were indeed the really vital
+questions, upon which the anarchists and the socialists could not be
+reconciled. It is in his <i>Lettres &agrave; un Fran&ccedil;ais</i>, written just after the
+failure of his own "practical" efforts at Lyons, that Bakounin
+undertakes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180"></a>[<a href="images/199.png">180</a>]</span> his criticism of the program of the German socialists.
+Preparatory to this task, he first terrifies his French readers with the
+warning that if the German army, then at their doors, should conquer
+France, it would result in the destruction of French socialism (by which
+he means anarchism), in the utter degradation and complete slavery of
+the French people, and make it possible for the Knout of Germany and
+Russia to fall upon the back of all Europe. "If, in this terrible
+moment, ... [France] does not prefer the death of all her children and
+the destruction of all her goods, the burning of her villages, her
+cities, and of all her houses to slavery under the yoke of the
+Prussians, if she does not destroy, by means of a popular and
+revolutionary uprising, the power of the innumerable German armies
+which, victorious on all sides up to the present, threaten her dignity,
+her liberty, and even her existence, if she does not become a grave for
+all those six hundred thousand soldiers of German despotism, if she does
+not oppose them with the one means capable of conquering and destroying
+them under the present circumstances, if she does not reply to this
+insolent invasion by the social revolution no less ruthless and a
+thousand times more menacing&mdash;it is certain, I maintain, that then
+France is lost, her masses of working people will be slaves, and French
+socialism will have lived its life." <a name="FNanchor_32_231" id="FNanchor_32_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_231" class="fnanchor">(32)</a></p>
+
+<p>Approaching his subject in this dramatic manner, Bakounin turns to
+examine the degenerate state of socialism in Italy, Switzerland, and
+Germany to see "what will be the chances of working-class emancipation
+in all the rest of Europe." <a name="FNanchor_33_232" id="FNanchor_33_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_232" class="fnanchor">(33)</a> In the first country socialism is only
+in its infancy. The Italians are wholly ignorant of the true causes of
+their misery. They are crushed, maltreated, and dying of hunger. They
+are "led blindly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181"></a>[<a href="images/200.png">181</a>]</span> by the liberal and radical bourgeois." <a name="FNanchor_34_233" id="FNanchor_34_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_233" class="fnanchor">(34)</a> Altogether,
+there is no immediate hope of socialism there. In Switzerland the people
+are asleep. "If the human world were on the point of dying, the Swiss
+would not resuscitate it." <a name="FNanchor_35_234" id="FNanchor_35_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_234" class="fnanchor">(35)</a> Only in Germany is socialism making
+headway, and Bakounin undertakes to examine this socialism and to put it
+forward as a horrible example. To be sure, the German workers are
+awakening, but they are under the leadership of certain cunning
+politicians, who have abandoned all revolutionary ideas, and are now
+undertaking to reform the State, hoping that that could be done as a
+result of "a great peaceful and legal agitation of the working
+class." <a name="FNanchor_36_235" id="FNanchor_36_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_235" class="fnanchor">(36)</a> The very name Liebknecht had taken for his paper, the
+<i>Volksstaat</i>, was infamous in Bakounin's eyes, while all the leaders of
+the labor party had become merely appendages to "their friends of the
+bourgeois <i>Volkspartei</i>." <a name="FNanchor_37_236" id="FNanchor_37_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_236" class="fnanchor">(37)</a> He then passes in review the program of
+the German socialists, and points to their aim of establishing a
+democratic State by the "direct and secret suffrage for all men" and its
+guidance by direct legislation, as the utter abandonment of every
+revolutionary idea. He dwells upon the folly of the suffrage and of
+every effort to remodel, recast, and change the State, as "purely
+political and bourgeois." <a name="FNanchor_38_237" id="FNanchor_38_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_237" class="fnanchor">(38)</a></p>
+
+<p>Democracies and republics are no less tyrannical than monarchies. The
+suffrage cannot alter them. In England, Switzerland, and America, he
+declares, the masses now have political power, yet they remain in the
+deepest depths of misery. Universal suffrage is only a new superstition,
+while the referendum, already existing in Switzerland, has failed
+utterly to improve the condition of the people. The working-class
+slaves, even in the most democratic countries, "have neither the
+instruction; nor<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182"></a>[<a href="images/201.png">182</a>]</span> the leisure, nor the independence necessary to
+exercise freely and with full knowledge of the case their rights as
+citizens. They have, in the most democratic countries, which are
+governed by representatives elected by all the people, a ruling day or
+rather a day of Saturnalian celebration: that is election day. Then the
+bourgeois, their oppressors, their every-day exploiters, and their
+masters, come to them, with hats off, talk to them of equality and of
+fraternity, and call them the ruling people, of whom they (the
+bourgeois) are only very humble servants, the representatives of their
+will. This day over, fraternity and equality evaporate in smoke, the
+bourgeois become bourgeois once more, and the proletariat, the sovereign
+people, remain slaves.</p>
+
+<p>"Such is the real truth about the system of representative democracy, so
+much praised by the radical bourgeois, even when it is amended,
+completed, and developed, with a popular intention, by the <i>referendum</i>
+or by that 'direct legislation of the people' which is extolled by a
+German school that wrongly calls itself socialist. For very nearly two
+years, the <i>referendum</i> has been a part of the constitution of the
+canton of Zurich, and up to this time it has given absolutely no
+results. The people there are called upon to vote, by yes or by no, on
+all the important laws which are presented to them by the representative
+bodies. They could even grant them the initiative without real liberty
+winning the least advantage." <a name="FNanchor_39_238" id="FNanchor_39_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_238" class="fnanchor">(39)</a></p>
+
+<p>It is a discouraging picture that Bakounin draws here of the ignorance
+and stupidity of the people as they are led in every election to vote
+their enemies into power. What, then, is to be done? What shall these
+hordes of the illiterate and miserable do? If by direct legislation they
+cannot even vote laws in their own interest, how,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183"></a>[<a href="images/202.png">183</a>]</span> then, will it be
+possible for them ever to improve their condition? Such questions do not
+in the least disturb Bakounin. He has one answer, Revolution! As he said
+in the beginning, so he repeats: "To escape its wretched lot, the
+populace has three ways, two imaginary and one real. The first two are
+the rum shop and the church, ... the third is the social
+revolution." <a name="FNanchor_40_239" id="FNanchor_40_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_239" class="fnanchor">(40)</a> "A cure is possible only through the social
+revolution," <a name="FNanchor_41_240" id="FNanchor_41_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_240" class="fnanchor">(41)</a> that is, through "the destruction of all institutions
+of inequality, and the establishment of economic and social
+equality." <a name="FNanchor_42_241" id="FNanchor_42_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_241" class="fnanchor">(42)</a></p>
+
+<p>However, if Bakounin's idea of the social revolution never altered, the
+methods by which it was to be carried out suffered a change as a result
+of his experience in the International. In 1871 he no longer advocated,
+openly at any rate, secret conspiracies, the "loosening of evil
+passions," or some vague "unchaining of the hydra." He begins then to
+oppose to political action what he calls economic action. <a name="FNanchor_43_242" id="FNanchor_43_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_242" class="fnanchor">(43)</a> In the
+fragment&mdash;not published during Bakounin's life&mdash;the <i>Protestation de
+l'Alliance</i>, he covers for the hundredth time his arguments against the
+<i>Volksstaat</i>, which is a "ridiculous contradiction, a fiction, a
+lie." <a name="FNanchor_44_243" id="FNanchor_44_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_243" class="fnanchor">(44)</a> "The State ... will always be an institution of domination and
+of exploitation ... a permanent source of slavery and of misery." <a name="FNanchor_45_244" id="FNanchor_45_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_244" class="fnanchor">(45)</a>
+How, then, shall the State be destroyed? Bakounin's answer is "first, by
+the organization and the federation of strike funds and the
+international solidarity of strikes; secondly, by the organization and
+international federation of trade unions; and, lastly, by the
+spontaneous and direct development of philosophical and sociological
+ideas in the International....</p>
+
+<p>"Let us now consider these three ways in their special action, differing
+one from another, but, as I have just<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184"></a>[<a href="images/203.png">184</a>]</span> said, inseparable, and let us
+commence with the organization of strike funds and strikes.</p>
+
+<p>"Strike funds have for their sole object to provide the necessary money
+in order to make possible the costly organization and maintenance of
+strikes. And the strike is the beginning of the social war of the
+proletariat against the bourgeoisie, while still within the limits of
+legality.<a name="FNanchor_T_20" id="FNanchor_T_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_T_20" class="fnanchor">[T]</a> Strikes are a valuable weapon in this twofold connection;
+first, because they electrify the masses, give fresh impetus to their
+moral energy, and awaken in their hearts the profound antagonism which
+exists between their interests and those of the bourgeoisie, by showing
+them ever clearer the abyss which from this time irrevocably separates
+them from that class; and, second, because they contribute in large
+measure to provoke and to constitute among the workers of all trades, of
+all localities, and of all countries the consciousness and the fact
+itself of solidarity: a double action, the one negative and the other
+positive, which tends to constitute directly the new world of the
+proletariat by opposing it, almost absolutely, to the bourgeois
+world." <a name="FNanchor_46_245" id="FNanchor_46_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_245" class="fnanchor">(46)</a></p>
+
+<p>In another place he says: "Once this solidarity is seriously accepted
+and firmly established, it brings forth all the rest&mdash;all the
+principles&mdash;the most sublime and the most subversive of the
+International, the most destructive of religion, of juridical right, and
+of the State, of authority divine as well as human&mdash;in a word, the most
+revolutionary from the socialist point of view, being nothing but the
+natural and necessary developments of this economic solidarity. And the
+immense practical <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185"></a>[<a href="images/204.png">185</a>]</span>advantage of the trade sections over the central
+sections consists precisely in this&mdash;that these developments and these
+principles are demonstrated to the workers not by theoretical reasoning,
+but by the living and tragic experience of a struggle which each day
+becomes larger, more profound, and more terrible. In such a way that the
+worker who is the least instructed, the least prepared, the most gentle,
+always dragged further by the very consequences of this conflict, ends
+by recognizing himself to be a revolutionist, an anarchist, and an
+atheist, without often knowing himself how he has become such." <a name="FNanchor_47_246" id="FNanchor_47_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_246" class="fnanchor">(47)</a></p>
+
+<p>This is as far as Bakounin gets in the statement of his new program of
+action, as this article, like many others, was discontinued and thrown
+aside at the moment when he comes to clinching his argument. The
+mountain, however, had labored, and this was its mouse. It is chiefly
+remarkable as a forecast of the methods adopted by the syndicalists a
+quarter of a century later. Nevertheless, one cannot escape the thought
+that Bakounin's advocacy of a purely economic struggle was only a last
+desperate effort on his part to discover some method of action, aside
+from his now discredited riots and insurrections, that could serve as an
+effective substitute for political action. In reality, Bakounin found
+himself in a vicious circle. Again and again he tried to find his way
+out, but invariably he returned to his starting point. In despair he
+tore to pieces his manuscript, immediately, however, to start a new one;
+then once more to rush round the circle that ended nowhere.</p>
+
+<p>Marx and Engels ignored utterly the many and varied assaults that
+Bakounin made upon their theoretical views. They were not the least
+concerned over his attacks upon <i>their</i> socialism. They had not invented
+it, and economic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186"></a>[<a href="images/205.png">186</a>]</span> evolution was determining its form. It was not,
+indeed, until 1875 that Engels deals with the tendencies to State
+socialism, and then it was in answer to Dr. Eugene Duehring, <i>privat
+docent</i> at Berlin University, who had just announced that he had become
+"converted" to socialism. Like many another distinguished convert, he
+immediately began to remodel the whole theory and to create what he
+supposed were new and original doctrines of his own. But no sooner were
+they put in print than they were found to be a restatement of the old
+and choicest formulas of Proudhon and Bakounin. Engels therefore took up
+the cudgels once again, and, no doubt to the stupefaction of Duehring,
+denied that property is robbery, <a name="FNanchor_48_247" id="FNanchor_48_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_247" class="fnanchor">(48)</a> that slaves are kept in slavery by
+force, <a name="FNanchor_49_248" id="FNanchor_49_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_248" class="fnanchor">(49)</a> and that the root of social and economic inequality is
+political tyranny. <a name="FNanchor_50_249" id="FNanchor_50_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_249" class="fnanchor">(50)</a> Furthermore, he deplored this method of
+interpreting history, and pointed out that capitalism would exist "if we
+exclude the possibility of force, robbery, and cheating absolutely...."
+Furthermore, "the monopolization of the means of production ... in the
+hands of a single class few in numbers ... rests on purely economic
+grounds without robbery, force, or any intervention of politics or the
+government being necessary." To say that property rests on force
+"<i>merely serves to obscure the understanding of the real development of
+things</i>." <a name="FNanchor_51_250" id="FNanchor_51_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_250" class="fnanchor">(51)</a> I mention Engels' argument in answer to Dr. Duehring,
+because word for word it answers also Bakounin. Of course, Bakounin was
+a much more difficult antagonist, because he could not be pinned down to
+any systematic doctrines or to any clear and logical development or
+statement of his thought. Indeed, Marx and Engels seemed more amused
+than concerned and simply treated his essays as a form of
+"hyper-revolutionary dress-parade oratory,"<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187"></a>[<a href="images/206.png">187</a>]</span> to use a phrase of
+Liebknecht's. They ridiculed him as an "amorphous pan-destroyer," and
+made no attempt to refute his really intangible social and economic theories.</p>
+
+<p>However, they met Bakounin's attacks on the International at every
+point. On the method of organization which Bakounin advocated, namely,
+that of a federalism of autonomous groups, which was to be "in the
+present a faithful image of future society," Marx replied that nothing
+could better suit the enemies of the International than to see such
+anarchy reign amidst the workers. Furthermore, when Bakounin advocated
+insurrections, uprisings, and riots, or even indeed purely economic
+action as a substitute for political action, Marx undertook
+extraordinary measures to deal finally with Bakounin and his program of
+action. A conference was therefore called of the leading spirits of the
+International, to be held in London in September, 1871. The whole of
+Bakounin's activity was there discussed, and a series of resolutions was
+adopted by the conference to be sent to every section of the
+International movement. A number of these resolutions dealt directly
+with Bakounin and the Alliance, which it was thought still existed,
+despite Bakounin's statement that it had been dissolved.<a name="FNanchor_U_21" id="FNanchor_U_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_U_21" class="fnanchor">[U]</a> But by far
+the most important work of the conference was a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188"></a>[<a href="images/207.png">188</a>]</span>resolution dealing with
+the question of political action. It is perhaps as important a document
+as was issued during the life of the International, and it stands as the
+answer of Marx to what Bakounin called economic action and to what the
+syndicalists now call direct action. The whole International
+organization is here pleaded with to maintain its faith in the efficacy
+of political means. Political action is pointed out as the fundamental
+principle of the organization, and, in order to give authority to this
+plea, the various declarations that had been made during the life of the
+International were brought together. Once again, the old motif of the
+Communist Manifesto appeared, and every effort was made to give it the
+authority of a positive law. Although rather long, the resolution is too
+important a document not to be printed here almost in full.</p>
+
+<p>"Considering the following passage of the preamble to the rules: 'The
+economic emancipation of the working classes is the great end to which
+every political movement ought to be subordinate <i>as a means</i>;'</p>
+
+<p>"That the Inaugural Address of the International Working Men's
+Association (1864) states: 'The lords of land and the lords of capital
+will always use their political privileges for the defense and
+perpetuation of their economic monopolies. So far from promoting, they
+will continue to lay every possible impediment in the way of the
+emancipation of labor.... To conquer political power has therefore
+become the great duty of the working classes;'</p>
+
+<p>"That the Congress of Lausanne (1867) has passed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189"></a>[<a href="images/208.png">189</a>]</span> this resolution: 'The
+social emancipation of the workmen is inseparable from their political emancipation;'</p>
+
+<p>"That the declaration of the General Council relative to the pretended
+plot of the French Internationals on the eve of the pl&eacute;biscite (1870)
+says: 'Certainly by the tenor of our statutes, all our branches in
+England, on the Continent, and in America have the special mission not
+only to serve as centers for the militant organization of the working
+class, but also to support, in their respective countries, every
+political movement tending toward the accomplishment of our ultimate
+end&mdash;the economic emancipation of the working class;'</p>
+
+<p class="center">*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;*</p>
+
+<p>"Considering that against this collective power of the propertied
+classes the working class cannot act, as a class, except by constituting
+itself into a political party, distinct from, and opposed to, all old
+parties formed by the propertied classes;</p>
+
+<p>"That this constitution of the working class into a political party is
+indispensable in order to insure the triumph of the social revolution
+and its ultimate end&mdash;the abolition of classes;</p>
+
+<p>"That the combination of forces which the working class has already
+effected by its economic struggles ought at the same time to serve as a
+lever for its struggles against the political power of landlords and capitalists.</p>
+
+<p>"The Conference recalls to the members of the <i>International</i>:</p>
+
+<p>"That, in the militant state of the working class, its economic movement
+and its political action are indissolubly united." <a name="FNanchor_52_251" id="FNanchor_52_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_251" class="fnanchor">(52)</a></p>
+
+<p>From the congress at Basel in 1869 to the conference at The Hague in
+1872, little was done by the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190"></a>[<a href="images/209.png">190</a>]</span>International to realize its great aim of
+organizing politically the working class of Europe. It had been
+completely sidetracked, and all the energies of its leading spirits were
+wasted in controversy and in the various struggles of the factions to
+control the organization. It was a period of incessant warfare. Nearly
+every local conference was a scene of dissension; many of the branches
+were dissolved; and disruption in the Latin countries was gradually
+obliterating whatever there was of actual organization. It all resolved
+itself into a question of domination between Bakounin and Marx. The war
+between Germany and France prevented an international gathering, and it
+was not until September, 1872, that another congress of the
+International was held. It was finally decided that it should gather at
+The Hague. The Commune had flashed across the sky for a moment.
+Insurrection had broken out and had been crushed in various places in
+Europe. Strikes were more frequent than had ever been known before. And,
+because of these various disturbances, the International had become the
+terror of Europe. Its strength and influence were vastly overestimated
+by the reactionary powers. Its hand was seen in every act of the
+discontented masses. It became the "Red Spectre," and all the powers of
+Europe were now seeking to destroy it. Looming thus large to the outside
+world, those within the International knew how baseless were the fears
+of its opponents. They realized that internecine war was eating its
+heart out. During all this time, when it was credited and blamed for
+every revolt in Europe, there were incredible plotting and intrigue
+between the factions. Endless documents were printed, assailing the
+alleged designs of this or that group, and secret circulars were issued
+denouncing the character of this or that leader. Sections were formed
+and dissolved<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191"></a>[<a href="images/210.png">191</a>]</span> in the maneuvers of the two factions to control the
+approaching congress. And, when finally the congress gathered at The
+Hague, there was a gravity among the delegates that foreboded what was
+to come. The Marxists were in absolute control. On the resolution to
+expel Michael Bakounin from the International the vote stood
+twenty-seven for and six against, while seven abstained. The expulsion
+of Bakounin, however, occurred only after a long debate upon his entire
+history and that of his secret Alliance. Nearly all the amazing
+collection of "documentary proof," afterward published in <i>L'Alliance de
+la D&eacute;mocratie Socialiste</i>, was submitted to the congress, and a
+resolution was passed that all the documents should be published,
+together with such others as might tend to enlighten the membership
+concerning the purposes of Bakounin's organization.</p>
+
+<p>Two other important actions were taken at the congress. One was to
+introduce into the actual rules of the Association part of the
+resolution, which was passed by the conference in London the year
+before, dealing with political action, and this was adopted by
+thirty-six votes against five. The other action was to remove the seat
+of the General Council from London to New York. Although this was
+suggested by Marx, it was energetically fought on the ground that it
+meant the destruction of the International. By a very narrow vote the
+resolution was carried, twenty-six to twenty-three, a number of Marx's
+oldest and most devoted followers voting against the proposition. No
+really satisfactory explanation is given for this extraordinary act,
+although it has been thought since that Marx had arrived at the
+decision, perhaps the hardest of his life, to destroy the International
+in order to save it from the hands of the anarchists. To be sure,
+Bakounin was now out of it, and there was little to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192"></a>[<a href="images/211.png">192</a>]</span> feared from his
+faction, segregated and limited to certain places in the Latin
+countries; but everywhere the name of the International was being used
+by all sorts of elements that could only injure the actual labor
+movement. The exploits of Nechayeff, of Bakounin, and of certain Spanish
+and Italian sections had all conveyed to the world an impression of the
+International which perhaps could never be altogether erased.
+Furthermore, in Germany and other countries the seeds of an actual
+working-class political movement had been planted, and there was already
+promise of a huge development in the national organizations. What moved
+Marx thus to destroy his own child, the concrete thing he had dreamed of
+in his thirty years of incessant labor, profound study, and ceaseless
+agitation, will perhaps never be fully known, but in any case no act of
+Marx was ever of greater service to the cause of labor. It was a form of
+surgery that cut out of the socialist movement forever an irreconcilable
+element, and from then on the distinction between anarchist and
+socialist was indisputably clear. They stood poles apart, and everyone
+realized that no useful purpose would be served in trying to bring them together again.</p>
+
+<p>Largely because of Bakounin, the International as an organization of
+labor never played an important r&ocirc;le; but, as a melting pot in which the
+crude ideas of many philosophies were thrown&mdash;some to be fused, others
+to be cast aside, and all eventually to be clarified and purified&mdash;the
+International performed a memorable service. During its entire life it
+was a battlefield. In the beginning there were many separate groups, but
+at the end there were only two forces in combat&mdash;socialists and
+anarchists. When the quarrel began there was among the masses no sharply
+dividing line; their ideas were <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193"></a>[<a href="images/212.png">193</a>]</span>incoherent; and their allegiance was to
+individuals rather than to principles. Without much discrimination, they
+called themselves "communists," "Internationalists," "collectivists,"
+"anarchists," "socialists." Even these terms they had not defined, and
+it was only toward the end of the International that the two combatants
+classified their principles into two antagonistic schools, socialism and
+anarchism. Anarchism was no longer a vague, undefined philosophy of
+human happiness; it now stood forth, clear and distinct from all other
+social theories. After this no one need be in doubt as to its meaning
+and methods. On the other hand, no thoughtful person need longer remain
+in doubt as to the exact meaning and methods of socialism. This work of
+definition and clarification was the immense service performed by the
+International in its eight brief years of life. Throughout Europe and
+America, after 1872, these two forces openly declared that they had
+nothing in common, either in method or in philosophy. To them at least
+the International had been a university.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_S_19" id="Footnote_S_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_S_19"><span class="label">[S]</span></a> In the English report of the discussion Professor Hins's
+remarks are summarized as follows: "Hins said he could not agree with
+those who looked upon trade societies as mere strike and wages'
+societies, nor was he in favor of having central committees made up of
+all trades. The present trades unions would some day overthrow the
+present state of political organization altogether; they represented the
+social and political organization of the future. The whole laboring
+population would range itself, according to occupation, into different
+groups, and this would lead to a new political organization of society.
+He wanted no intermeddling of the State; they had enough of that in
+Belgium already. As to the central committees, every trade ought to have
+its central committee at the principal seat of manufacture. The central
+committee of the cotton trades ought to be at Manchester; that of the
+silk trades at Lyons, etc. He did not consider it a disadvantage that
+trade unions kept aloof more or less from politics, at least in his
+country. By trying to reform the State, or to take part in its councils,
+they would virtually acknowledge its right of existence. Whatever the
+English, the Swiss, the Germans, and the Americans might hope to
+accomplish by means of the present political State the Belgians
+repudiated theirs."&mdash;pp. 31-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_T_20" id="Footnote_T_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_T_20"><span class="label">[T]</span></a> These are almost the exact words that Aristide Briand uses
+in his argument for the general strike. See "<i>La Gr&egrave;ve G&eacute;n&eacute;rale</i>,"
+compiled by Lagardelle, p. 95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_U_21" id="Footnote_U_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_U_21"><span class="label">[U]</span></a> One of the resolutions prohibited the formation of
+sectarian groups or separatist bodies within the International, such as
+the <i>Alliance de la D&eacute;mocratie Socialiste</i>, that pretended "to
+accomplish special missions, distinct from the common purposes of the
+Association." Another resolution dealt with what was called the "split"
+among the workers in the French-speaking part of Switzerland. Still
+another resolution formally declared that the International had nothing
+in common with the infamies of Nechayeff, who had fraudulently usurped
+and exploited the name of the International. Furthermore, Outine was
+instructed to prepare a report from the Russian journals on the work of
+Nechayeff. Cf. <i>Resolutions</i> II, XVII, XIII, XIV, respectively, of the
+Conference of Delegates of the International Working Men's Association,
+Assembled at London from 17th to 23d September, 1871.</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194"></a>[<a href="images/213.png">194</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER IX</h2>
+
+<h3>THE FIGHT FOR EXISTENCE</h3>
+
+<p>After The Hague congress the socialists and anarchists, divided into
+separate and antagonistic groups&mdash;with principles as well as methods of
+organization that were diametrically opposed to each other&mdash;were forced
+to undergo a terrific struggle for existence. Marx had clearly enough
+warned the followers of Bakounin that their methods were suicidal. "The
+Alliance proceeds the wrong way," he declared. "It proclaims anarchy in
+the working-class ranks as the surest means of destroying the powerful
+concentration of social and political forces in the hands of the
+exploiters. On this pretext it asks the International, at the moment
+when the old world is striving to crush it, to replace its organization
+by anarchy." <a name="FNanchor_1_252" id="FNanchor_1_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_252" class="fnanchor">(1)</a> And, as strange as it may seem, this was in fact what
+Bakounin was actually striving for. In the name of liberty he was
+demanding that the International be broken up into thousands of
+isolated, autonomous groups, which were to do whatever they pleased, in
+any way they pleased, at any time they pleased. This may have been, and
+doubtless was, in perfect harmony with the philosophy of anarchism, but
+it had nothing in harmony with the idea of a solidified, international
+organization of workingmen that Marx was striving to bring into
+existence. Anarchism when advocated as an ideal for some distant social
+order of the future, concerned Marx and Engels very little; indeed, they
+did not even<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195"></a>[<a href="images/214.png">195</a>]</span> discuss it from this point of view. It was only when
+Bakounin counseled anarchy as a method of working-class organization
+that both Marx and Engels protested, on the ground that such tactics
+could lead only to self-destruction. Neither Bakounin nor his followers
+were convinced, however, and they set out bravely after 1872 to put into
+practice their ideas. Their revolt against authority was carried to its
+ultimate extreme. How far the anarchists were prepared to go in their
+revolt is indicated by a letter which Bakounin wrote to <i>La Libert&eacute;</i> of
+Brussels a few days after his expulsion from the International. Although
+not finished, and consequently not sent to that journal, it is
+especially interesting because he attacks the General Council as a new
+incarnation of the State. Here his lively imagination pictures the
+International as the germ of a new despotic social order, already fallen
+under the domination of a group of dictators, and he exclaims: "A State,
+a government, a universal dictatorship! The dream of Gregory VII., of
+Boniface VIII., of Charles V., and of Napoleon is reproduced in new
+forms, but ever with the same pretensions, in the camp of social
+democracy." <a name="FNanchor_2_253" id="FNanchor_2_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_253" class="fnanchor">(2)</a> This is an altogether new point of view as to the
+character of the State. We now learn that it means any form of
+centralized organization; a committee, a chairman, an executive body of
+any sort is a State. The General Council in London was a State. Marx and
+Engels were a State. Any authority&mdash;no matter what its form, nor how
+controlled, appointed, or elected&mdash;is a State.</p>
+
+<p>I am not sure that this marks the birth of the repugnance of the
+anarchists to even so innocent a form of authority as that of a
+chairman. Nor am I certain that this was the origin of those ideas of
+organization that make of an anarchist meeting a modern Babel, wherein<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196"></a>[<a href="images/215.png">196</a>]</span>
+all seems to be utter confusion. In any case, the Bakouninists, after
+The Hague congress, undertook to revive the International and to base
+this new organization on these ideas of anarchism. After a conference at
+Saint-Imier in the Jura, where Bakounin and his friends outlined the
+policies of a new International, a call was sent out for a congress to
+be held in Geneva in 1873. The congress that assembled there was not a
+large one, but, with no exaggeration whatever, it was one of the most
+remarkable gatherings ever held. For six entire days and nights the
+delegates struggled to create by some magic means a world-wide
+organization of the people, without a program, a committee, a chairman,
+or a vote. No longer oppressed by the "tyranny" of Marx, or baffled by
+his "abominable intrigues," they set out to create their "faithful
+image" of the new world&mdash;an organization that was not to be an
+organization; a union that was to be made up of fleeting and constantly
+shifting elements, agreeing at one moment to unite, at the next moment
+to divide. This was the insolvable problem that now faced the first
+congress of the anarchists. There were only two heretics among them.
+Both had come from England; but Hales was a "voice crying in the
+wilderness," while Eccarius sat silent throughout the congress.</p>
+
+<p>The first great debate took place upon whether there should be any
+central council. The English delegates believed that there should be
+one, but that its power should be limited. Other delegates believed that
+there might be various commissions to perform certain necessary
+executive services. John Hales declared, in support of a central
+commission, that it will promote economy and facilitate the work, and
+that it will be easy to prevent such a commission from usurping
+power. <a name="FNanchor_3_254" id="FNanchor_3_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_254" class="fnanchor">(3)</a> Paul<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197"></a>[<a href="images/216.png">197</a>]</span> Brousse, Guillaume, and others opposed this view with
+such heat, however, that Hales was forced to respond: "I combat anarchy
+because the word and the thing that it represents are the synonyms of
+dissolution. Anarchy spells individualism, and individualism is the
+basis of the existing society that we desire to destroy.... Let us
+suppose, for example, a strike. Can one hope to triumph with an
+anarchist organization? Under this r&eacute;gime each one, being able to do
+what he pleases, can, according to his will, work or not work. The
+general interest will be sacrificed to individual caprice. The veritable
+application of the anarchist principle would be the dissolution of the
+International, and this congress has precisely an opposite end, which is
+to reorganize the International. One should not confound authority and
+organization. We are not authoritarians, but we must be organizers. Far
+from approving anarchy, which is the present social state, we ought to
+combat it by the creation of a central commission and by the
+organization of collectivism. Anarchy is the law of death; collectivism,
+that of life." <a name="FNanchor_4_255" id="FNanchor_4_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_255" class="fnanchor">(4)</a> This was, as Hales soon discovered, the very essence
+of heresy, and, when the vote was taken, he was overwhelmed by those
+opposed to any centralized organization.</p>
+
+<p>The anarchists were not, however, content merely with having no central
+council, and they began to discuss whether or not the various
+federations should vote upon questions of principle. The commission that
+was dealing with the revision of the by-laws recommended that views
+should be harmonized by discussion and that any decisions made by the
+congress should be enforced only among those federations which accepted
+its decisions. Costa of Italy approved of these ideas. "For that which
+concerns theory, we can only discuss and seek to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198"></a>[<a href="images/217.png">198</a>]</span>persuade each other,
+... but we cannot enforce, for example, ... a certain political
+program." <a name="FNanchor_5_256" id="FNanchor_5_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_256" class="fnanchor">(5)</a> Brousse vigorously opposed the process of voting in any
+form. It appeared to him that the true means of action was to obtain the
+opinion of everyone. "The vote," he declared, "simply divides an
+assembly into a majority and a minority.... The only truly practical
+means of obtaining a consensus of opinions is to have them placed in the
+minutes without voting." <a name="FNanchor_6_257" id="FNanchor_6_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_257" class="fnanchor">(6)</a> That view seemed to prevail, and the
+amendment to this question suggested by Hales of England was <i>voted down
+by the majority</i>!</p>
+
+<p>These two decisions of the congress will convey an idea of the anarchist
+conception of organization. There was to be no executive or
+administrative body. Nor were the decisions of the congress to have any
+authority. Anybody could join, believing anything he liked and doing
+anything he liked. Only those federations which voluntarily accepted the
+decisions of the congress were expected to obey them. Matters of
+principle were in no-wise to be voted upon, and each individual was
+allowed to accept or reject them according to his wishes. The actual
+rules, adopted unanimously, ran as follows: "Federations and sections,
+composing the Association, will conserve their complete autonomy, that
+is to say, the right to organize themselves according to their will, to
+administer their own affairs without any exterior interference, and to
+determine themselves the path they wish to follow in order to arrive at
+the emancipation of labor." <a name="FNanchor_7_258" id="FNanchor_7_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_258" class="fnanchor">(7)</a></p>
+
+<p>It was fully expected that, in addition to its work of reorganization,
+if we may so speak of it, the congress would definitely devise some
+method, other than a political one, for the emancipation of labor. The
+general<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199"></a>[<a href="images/218.png">199</a>]</span> strike had been put down upon the agenda for discussion. In the
+report of the Jura section it was declared: "If the workers affiliated
+with the Association could fix a certain day for the general strike, not
+only to obtain a reduction of hours and a diminution<a name="FNanchor_V_22" id="FNanchor_V_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_V_22" class="fnanchor">[V]</a> of wages, but
+also to find the means of living in the co&ouml;perative workshops, by groups
+and by colonies, we could not decline to lend them our assistance, and
+we would make appeal to the members of all nations to lend them both
+moral and material aid." <a name="FNanchor_8_259" id="FNanchor_8_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_259" class="fnanchor">(8)</a> Unfortunately, the congress had little time
+to discuss this part of its program. In the <i>Compte-Rendu Officiel</i>
+there is no report of whatever discussion took place. But Guillaume, in
+his <i>Documents et Souvenirs</i>, gives us a brief account of what occurred.
+After two resolutions had been put on the subject they were withdrawn
+because of opposition, and finally Guillaume introduced the following:</p>
+
+<p>"Whereas partial strikes can only procure for the workers momentary and
+illusory relief, and whereas, by their very nature, wages will always be
+limited to the strictly necessary means of subsistence in order to keep
+the worker from dying of hunger,</p>
+
+<p>"The Congress, without believing in the possibility of completely
+renouncing partial strikes, recommends the workers to devote their
+efforts to achieving an international organization of trade bodies,
+which will enable them to undertake some day a general strike, the only
+really efficacious strike to realize the complete emancipation of
+labor." <a name="FNanchor_9_260" id="FNanchor_9_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_260" class="fnanchor">(9)</a> All the delegates approved the resolution, excepting Hales,
+who voted against it, and Van den Abeele, who abstained from voting
+because the matter would be later discussed in Holland.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200"></a>[<a href="images/219.png">200</a>]</span></p><p>It was of course inevitable that such an "organization" should soon
+disappear. Vigorous efforts were made by a few of the devoted to keep
+the movement alive, but it is easy to see that an aggregation so loosely
+united, and without any really definite purpose, was destined to
+dissolution. During the next few years various small congresses were
+held, but they were merely beating a corpse in the effort to keep it
+alive. And, while the Bakouninists were engaged in this critical
+struggle with death, the spirit that had animated all their battles with
+Marx withdrew himself. Bakounin was tired and discouraged, and he left
+his friends of the Jura without advice or assistance in their now
+impossible task. Thus precipitately ended the efforts of the anarchists
+to build up a new International. George Plechanoff illuminates the
+insolvable problem of the anarchists with his powerful statement: "Error
+has its logic as well as truth. Once you reject the political action of
+the working class, you are fatally driven&mdash;provided you do not wish to
+serve the bourgeois politicians&mdash;to accept the tactics of the Vaillants
+and the Henrys." <a name="FNanchor_10_261" id="FNanchor_10_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_261" class="fnanchor">(10)</a> That this is terribly true is open to no question
+whatever. And the anarchists now found themselves in a veritable
+<i>cul-de-sac</i>. Like the poor in Sidney Lanier's poem, they were pressing</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<div>"Against an inward-opening door</div>
+<div>That pressure tightens evermore."</div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>The more they fretted and stormed and crushed each other, the more
+hopelessly impossible became the chance of egress. The more desperately
+they threw themselves against that door, the more securely they
+imprisoned themselves. It was the very logic of their tactics that they
+could not circumvent so small an obstacle as that inward-opening door.
+It meant self-destruction. And<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201"></a>[<a href="images/220.png">201</a>]</span> that, of course, was exactly what
+happened, as we know, to those who followed the vicious round of logic
+from which Bakounin could not extricate himself. Their struggle for an
+organized existence was brief, and at the end of the seventies it was
+entirely over.</p>
+
+<p>Naturally, the complete failure of all their projects did not improve
+their temper, and they lost no opportunity to assail the Marxists. The
+Jura <i>Bulletin</i> of December 10, 1876, translated an article entitled
+<i>Poco &agrave; Poco</i>, written by Andrea Costa, who labeled the "pacific"
+socialists "apostles of conciliation and ambiguity." They wish, said
+Costa, to march slowly on the road of progress. "Otherwise, indeed, what
+would become of them and their newspapers? For them the field of
+fruitful study and of profound observations on the phenomena of
+industrial life would be closed. For the journalists the means of
+earning money would have likewise disappeared.... Finding the
+satisfaction of their own aspirations in the present state of misery,
+they end by becoming, often without wishing it, profoundly egotistic and
+bad.... While calling themselves socialists, they are more dangerous
+than the declared enemies of the popular cause." <a name="FNanchor_11_262" id="FNanchor_11_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_262" class="fnanchor">(11)</a> About this time a
+new journal appeared at Florence under the name of <i>l'Anarchia</i> and
+announced the following program: "We are not <i>armchair (Katheder)
+socialists</i>. We will speak a simple language in order that the
+proletariat may understand once for all what road it must follow in
+order to arrive at its complete emancipation. <i>L'Anarchia</i> will fight
+without truce not only the exploiting bourgeoisie, but also <i>the new
+charlatans of socialism</i>, for the latter are the most dangerous enemies
+of the working class." <a name="FNanchor_12_263" id="FNanchor_12_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_263" class="fnanchor">(12)</a></p>
+
+<p>The following year Kropotkin wrote two articles in the <i>Bulletin</i>, July
+22 and 29, which vigorously attacked<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202"></a>[<a href="images/221.png">202</a>]</span> socialist parliamentary tactics.
+"At what price does one succeed in leading the people to the ballot
+boxes?" he asks in the first article. "Have the frankness to
+acknowledge, gentlemen politicians, that it is by inculcating this
+illusion, that in sending members to parliament the people will succeed
+in freeing themselves and in bettering their lot, that is to say, by
+telling them what one knows to be an absolute lie. It is certainly not
+for the pleasure of getting their education that the German people give
+their pennies for parliamentary agitation. It is because, from hearing
+it repeated each day by hundreds of 'agitators,' they come to believe
+that truly by this method they will be able to realize, in part at
+least, if not completely, their hopes. Acknowledge it for once,
+politicians of to-day, formerly socialists, that we may say aloud what
+you think in silence: 'You are liars!' Yes, liars, I insist upon the
+word, since you lie to the people when you tell them that they will
+better their lot by sending you to parliament. You lie, for you
+yourselves, but a few years since, have maintained absolutely the
+contrary." <a name="FNanchor_13_264" id="FNanchor_13_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_264" class="fnanchor">(13)</a></p>
+
+<p>What infuriated the anarchists was the amazing growth of the socialist
+political parties. It was only after The Hague congress that the
+socialist movement was in reality free to begin its actual work. With
+ideas diametrically opposed to those of the anarchists, the socialists
+set out to build up their national movements by uniting the various
+elements in the labor world. There were now devoted disciples of Marx in
+every country of Europe, and in the next few years, in France, Belgium,
+Holland, Norway, Sweden, and Germany, the foundations were laid for the
+great national movements that exist to-day. In France, Jules Guesde,
+Paul Lafargue, and Gabriel Deville launched a socialist labor party in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203"></a>[<a href="images/222.png">203</a>]</span>
+1878. A Danish socialist labor party was formed the same year by an
+agreement with the trade unions. In the early eighties the
+Social-Democratic Federation was founded in England, and in 1881 a
+congress of various groups of radicals, socialists, and republicans
+launched a political movement in Italy. In Germany the socialists had
+already built up a great political organization. This had been done
+directly under the guidance of Marx and Engels through Liebknecht and
+Bebel. Marx's ideas were there perfectly worked out, and nothing so much
+as that living, growing thing incensed the anarchists. Indeed, they
+seemed to be convinced that there was more of menace to the working
+class in these growing organizations of the socialists than in the power
+of the bourgeoisie itself.</p>
+
+<p>The controversial literature of this period is not pleasant reading. The
+socialists and anarchists were literally at each other's throats, and
+the spirit of malignity that actuated many of their assaults upon each
+other is revolting to those of to-day who cannot appreciate the
+intensity of this battle for the preservation of their most cherished
+ideas. And in all this period the socialist and labor movement was
+overrun with <i>agents provocateurs</i>, and every variety of paid police
+agents sent to disrupt and destroy these organizations. And, as has
+always been the case, these "reptiles," as they were called, were
+advocating among the masses those deeds which the chief anarchists were
+proclaiming as revolutionary methods. Riots, insurrections, dynamite
+outrages, the shooting of individuals, and all forms of violence were
+being preached to the poor and hungry men who made up the mass of the
+labor movement. Under the guise of anarchists, these "reptiles" were
+often looked upon as heroic figures, and everywhere, even when they did
+not <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204"></a>[<a href="images/223.png">204</a>]</span>succeed in winning the confidence of the masses, they were able to
+awaken suspicion and distrust that demoralized the movement. The
+socialists were assailed as traitors to the cause of labor, because they
+were preaching peaceable methods. They were accused of alliances with
+other parties, because they sought to elect men to parliament. They were
+denounced as in league with the Government and even the police, because
+they disapproved of dynamite.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the socialists were equally bitter in their attacks
+upon the anarchists. They denounced their methods as suicidal and the
+Propaganda of the Deed as utter madness. In <i>La P&eacute;riode Tragique</i>, when
+Duval, Decamps, Ravachol, and the other anarchists in France were
+committing the most astounding crimes, Jules Guesde and other socialist
+leaders condemned these outrages and protested against being associated
+in the public mind with those who advocated theft and murder as a method
+of propaganda. Indeed, the anarchists in the late seventies and in the
+eighties lost many who had been formerly friendly to them. Guesde and
+Plechanoff, both of whom had been influenced in their early days by the
+Bakouninists, had broken with them completely. Later Paul Brousse and
+Andrea Costa left them. And, in fact, the anarchists were now incapable
+of any effective action or even education. Without committees,
+executives, laws, votes, or chairmen, they could not undertake any work
+which depended on organized effort, and, except as they managed from
+time to time to gain a prominent position in some labor or radical
+organization built up by others, they had no influence over any large
+body of people. They were fighting desperately to prevent extinction,
+and in their struggle a number of extraordinarily brilliant and daring
+characters came to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205"></a>[<a href="images/224.png">205</a>]</span> front. But during the next decade their tragic
+desperation, instead of advancing anarchism, served only to strengthen
+the reactionary elements of Europe in their effort to annihilate the now
+formidable labor and socialist movements.</p>
+
+<p>Turning now to the struggle for existence of the socialist parties of
+the various countries, there is one story that is far too important in
+the history of socialism to be passed over. It was a magnificent battle
+against the terrorists above and the terrorists below, that ended in
+complete victory for the socialists. Strangely enough, the greatest
+provocation to violence that has ever confronted the labor movement and
+the greatest opportunity that was ever offered to anarchy occurred in
+precisely that country where it was least expected. Nowhere else in all
+Europe had socialism made such advances as in Germany; and nowhere else
+was the movement so well organized, so intelligently led, or so clear as
+to its aims and methods. An immense agitation had gone on during the
+entire sixties, and working-class organizations were springing up
+everywhere. Besides possessing the greatest theorists of socialism, Marx
+and Engels, the German movement was rich indeed in having in its service
+three such matchless agitators as Lassalle, Bebel, and Liebknecht.
+Lassalle certainly had no peer, and those who have written of him
+exhaust superlatives in their efforts to describe this prodigy. He,
+also, was a product of that hero-producing period of '48. He had been
+arrested in D&uuml;sseldorf at the same time that Marx and his circle had
+been arrested at Cologne. He was then only twenty-three years of age.
+Yet his defense of his actions in court is said to have been a
+masterpiece. Even the critic George Brandes has spoken of it as the most
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206"></a>[<a href="images/225.png">206</a>]</span>wonderful example of manly courage and eloquence in a youth that the
+history of the world has given us.</p>
+
+<p>Precocious as a child, proud and haughty as a youth, gifted with a
+critical, penetrating, and brilliant mind, and moved by an ambition that
+knew no bounds, Lassalle, with all his powerful passion and dramatic
+talents, could not have been other than a great figure. When a man
+possesses qualities that call forth the wonder of Heine, Humboldt,
+Bismarck, and Brandes, when Bakounin calls him a "giant," and even
+George Meredith turns to him as a personality almost unequaled in
+fiction and makes a novel out of his career, the plain ordinary world
+may gain some conception of this "father of the German labor movement."
+This is no place to deal with certain deplorable and contradictory
+phases of his life nor even with some of his mad dreams that led
+Bismarck, after saying that "he was one of the most intellectual and
+gifted men with whom I have ever had intercourse, ..." to add "and it
+was perhaps a matter of doubt to him whether the German Empire would
+close with the Hohenzollern dynasty or the Lassalle dynasty." <a name="FNanchor_14_265" id="FNanchor_14_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_265" class="fnanchor">(14)</a> Such
+was the proud, unruly, ambitious spirit of the man, who, in 1862, came
+actively to voice the claims of labor.</p>
+
+<p>Setting out to regenerate society and appealing directly to the working
+classes, Lassalle lashed them with scorn. "You German workingmen are
+curious people," he said. "French and English workingmen have to be
+shown how their miserable condition may be improved; but you have first
+to be shown that you <i>are</i> in a miserable condition. So long as you have
+a piece of bad sausage and a glass of beer, you do not notice that you
+want anything. That is a result of your accursed absence of needs. What,
+you will say, is this, then, a virtue? Yes, in the eyes of the Christian
+preacher of morality it is <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207"></a>[<a href="images/226.png">207</a>]</span>certainly a virtue. Absence of needs is the
+virtue of the Indian pillar saint and of the Christian monk, but in the
+eyes of the student of history and the political economist it is quite a
+different matter. Ask all political economists what is the greatest
+misfortune for a nation? The absence of wants. For these are the spurs
+of its development and of civilization. The Neapolitan lazaroni are so
+far behind in civilization, because they have no wants, because they
+stretch themselves out contentedly and warm themselves in the sun when
+they have secured a handful of macaroni. Why is the Russian Cossack so
+backward in civilization? Because he eats tallow candles and is happy
+when he can fuddle himself on bad liquor. To have as many needs as
+possible, but to satisfy them in an honorable and respectable way, that
+is the virtue of the present, of the economic age! And, so long as you
+do not understand and follow that truth, I shall preach in vain." <a name="FNanchor_15_266" id="FNanchor_15_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_266" class="fnanchor">(15)</a>
+Other nations may be slaves, he added, recalling the words of Ludwig
+B&ouml;rne; they may be put in chains and be held down by force, but the
+Germans are flunkies&mdash;it is not necessary to lay chains on them&mdash;they
+may be allowed to wander free about the house. Yet, while thus shaming
+the working classes, he pleaded their cause as no other one has pleaded
+it, and, after humiliating them, he held them spellbound, as he traced
+the great r&ocirc;le the working classes were destined to play in the
+regeneration of all society.</p>
+
+<p>The socialism of Lassalle had much in common with that of Louis Blanc,
+and his theory of co&ouml;perative enterprises subsidized by the State was
+almost identical. Chiefly toward this end he sought to promote
+working-class organization, although he also believed that the working
+classes would eventually gain control of the entire State and, through
+it, reorganize production. He<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208"></a>[<a href="images/227.png">208</a>]</span> agitated for universal suffrage and even
+plotted with Bismarck to obtain it. He was confident that an industrial
+revolution was inevitable. The change "will either come in complete
+legality," he said, "and with all the blessings of peace&mdash;if people are
+only wise enough to resolve that it shall be introduced in time and from
+above&mdash;or it will one day break in amid all the convulsions of violence,
+with wild, flowing hair, and iron sandals upon its feet. In one way or
+the other it will come at all events, and when, shutting myself from the
+noise of the day, I lose myself in history&mdash;then I hear its tread. But
+do you not see, then, that, in spite of this difference in what we
+believe, our endeavors go hand in hand? You do not believe in
+revolution, and therefore you want to prevent it. Good, do that which is
+your duty. But I do believe in revolution, and, because I believe in it,
+I wish, not to precipitate it&mdash;for I have already told you that
+according to my view of history the efforts of a tribune are in this
+respect necessarily as impotent as the breath of my mouth would be to
+unfetter the storm upon the sea&mdash;but in case it should come, and from
+below, I will humanize it, civilize it beforehand." <a name="FNanchor_16_267" id="FNanchor_16_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_267" class="fnanchor">(16)</a> Thus Lassalle
+saw that "to wish to make a revolution is the foolishness of immature
+men who have no knowledge of the laws of history." <a name="FNanchor_17_268" id="FNanchor_17_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_268" class="fnanchor">(17)</a> Yet he stated
+also that, if a revolution is imminent, it is equally childish for the
+powerful to think they can stem it. "Revolution is an overturning, and a
+revolution always takes place&mdash;whether it be with or without force is a
+matter of no importance ... when an entirely new principle is introduced
+in the place of the existing order. Reform, on the other hand, takes
+place when the principle of the existing order is retained, but is
+developed to more liberal or more consequent and just conclusions.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209"></a>[<a href="images/228.png">209</a>]</span>
+Here, again, the question of means is of no importance. A reform may be
+effected by insurrection and bloodshed, and a revolution may take place
+in the deepest peace." <a name="FNanchor_18_269" id="FNanchor_18_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_269" class="fnanchor">(18)</a></p>
+
+<p>Through the agitation of Lassalle, the Universal German Working Men's
+Association was organized, and it was his work for that body that won
+him fame as the founder of the German labor movement. Not a laborer
+himself, nor indeed speaking to them as one of themselves, he led a life
+that would probably have ended disastrously, even to the cause itself,
+had it not been for his dramatic ending through the love affair and the
+duel. Fate was kind to Lassalle in that he lived only so long as his
+influence served the cause of the workers, and in that death took him
+before life shattered another idol of the masses. "One of two things,"
+said Lassalle once before his judges. "Either let us drink Cyprian wine
+and kiss beautiful maidens&mdash;in other words, indulge in the most common
+selfishness of pleasure&mdash;or, if we are to speak of the State and
+morality, let us dedicate all our powers to the improvement of the dark
+lot of the vast majority of mankind, out of whose night-covered floods
+we, the propertied class, only rise like solitary pillars, as if to show
+how dark are those floods, how deep is their abyss." <a name="FNanchor_19_270" id="FNanchor_19_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_270" class="fnanchor">(19)</a> With such
+marvelous pictures as this Lassalle created a revolution in the thought
+and even in the action of the working classes of Germany. At times he
+drank Cyprian wines, and what might have happened had he lived no one
+can tell. But he was indeed at the time a "solitary pillar," rising out
+of "night-covered floods," a heroic figure, who is even to-day an
+unforgettable memory.</p>
+
+<p>Bebel and Liebknecht appeared in the German movement as influential
+figures only after the disappearance<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210"></a>[<a href="images/229.png">210</a>]</span> of Lassalle. And, while the labor
+movement was already launched, it was in a deplorable condition when
+these two began their great work of uniting the toilers and organizing a
+political party. One of the first difficult tasks placed before them was
+to root out of the labor movement the corruption which Bismarck had
+introduced into it. That great and rising statesman was a practical
+politician not excelled even in America. In the most cold-blooded manner
+he sought to buy men and movements. For various reasons of his own he
+wanted the support of the working-class; and, as early as 1864, he
+employed Lothar Bucher, an old revolutionist who had been intimately
+associated with Marx. Possessed of remarkable intellectual gifts and an
+easy conscience, Bucher was of invaluable service to Bismarck, both in
+his knowledge of the inside workings of the labor and socialist movement
+and as a go-between when the Iron Chancellor had any dealings with the
+socialists. Through Bucher, Bismarck tried to bribe even Marx, and
+offered him a position on the Government official newspaper, the <i>Staats
+Anzeiger</i>. Bucher was also an intimate friend of Lassalle's, and it was
+doubtless through him that Bismarck arranged his secret conferences with
+Lassalle. The latter left no account of their relations, and it is
+difficult now to know how intimate they were or who first sought to
+establish them. About all that is known is what Bismarck himself said in
+the Reichstag when Bebel forced him to admit that he had conferred
+frequently with Lassalle: "Lassalle himself wanted urgently to enter
+into negotiations with me." <a name="FNanchor_20_271" id="FNanchor_20_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_271" class="fnanchor">(20)</a> It is known that Lassalle sent to the
+Chancellor numerous communications, and that one of his letters to the
+secretary of the Universal Association reads, "The things sent to
+Bismarck should go in an envelope" marked <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211"></a>[<a href="images/230.png">211</a>]</span>"Personal." <a name="FNanchor_21_272" id="FNanchor_21_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_272" class="fnanchor">(21)</a> Liebknecht
+later exposed August Brass as in the employ of Bismarck, although he was
+a "red republican," who had started a journal and had obtained
+Liebknecht's co&ouml;peration. Furthermore, when he was tried for high
+treason in 1872, Liebknecht declared that Bismarck's agents had tried to
+buy him. "Bismarck takes not only money, but also men, where he finds
+them. It does not matter to what party a man belongs. That is immaterial
+to him. He even prefers renegades, for a renegade is a man without honor
+and, consequently, an instrument without will power&mdash;as if dead&mdash;in the
+hands of the master." <a name="FNanchor_22_273" id="FNanchor_22_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_273" class="fnanchor">(22)</a> "I do not need to say ... that I repelled
+Bismarck's offers of corruption with the scorn which they merited,"
+Liebknecht continues. "If I had not done so, if I had been infamous
+enough to sacrifice my principles to my personal interest, I would be in
+a brilliant position, instead of on the bench of the accused where I
+have been sent by those who, years ago, tried in vain to buy me." <a name="FNanchor_23_274" id="FNanchor_23_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_274" class="fnanchor">(23)</a> As
+early as 1865 Marx and Engels had to withdraw from their collaboration
+with Von Schweitzer in his journal, the <i>Sozialdemokrat</i>, because it was
+suspected that he had sold out to Bismarck. This was followed by Bebel's
+and Liebknecht's war on Von Schweitzer because of his relations to
+Bismarck. Von Schweitzer, as the successor of Lassalle at the head of
+the Universal Working Men's Association, occupied a powerful position,
+and the quarrels between the various elements in the labor movement were
+at this time almost fatal to the cause. However, various representatives
+of the working class already sat in Parliament, and among them were
+Bebel and Liebknecht.</p>
+
+<p>The exposures of Liebknecht and Bebel proved not only ruinous to Von
+Schweitzer, but excessively annoying to Bismarck, and as early as 1871
+he wanted to begin a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212"></a>[<a href="images/231.png">212</a>]</span> war upon the Marxian socialists. In 1874 he
+actually began his attempts to crush what he could no longer corrupt or
+control. He became more and more enraged at the attitude of the
+socialists toward him personally. Moreover, they were no longer
+advocating co&ouml;perative associations subsidized by the State; they were
+now propagating everywhere republican and socialist ideas. He tried in
+various ways to rid the country of the two chief malcontents, Bebel and
+Liebknecht, but even their arrests seemed only to add to their fame and
+to spread more throughout the masses their revolutionary views. He says
+himself that he was awakened to the iniquity of their doctrines when
+they defended the republican principles of the Paris workmen in 1871. At
+his trial in 1872 Liebknecht stated with perfect frankness his
+republican principles. "Gentlemen Judges and Jurors, I do not disown my
+past, my principles, and my convictions. I deny nothing; I conceal
+nothing. And, in order to show that I am an adversary of monarchy and of
+present society, and that when duty calls me I do not recoil before the
+struggle, there was truly no need of the foolish inventions of the
+policemen of Giessen. I say here freely and openly: <i>Since I have been
+capable of thinking I have been a republican, and I shall die a
+republican.</i> <a name="FNanchor_24_275" id="FNanchor_24_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_275" class="fnanchor">(24)</a> ... If I have had to undergo unheard of persecutions
+and if I am poor, that is nothing to be ashamed of&mdash;no, I am proud of
+it, for that is the most eloquent witness of my political integrity.
+Yet, once more, I am not a conspirator by profession. <i>Call me, if you
+will, a soldier of the Revolution&mdash;I do not object to that.</i></p>
+
+<p>"From my youth a double ideal has soared above me: Germany free and
+united and the emancipation of the working people, that is to say, the
+suppression of class<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213"></a>[<a href="images/232.png">213</a>]</span> domination, which is synonymous with the
+liberation of humanity. For this double end I have struggled with all my
+strength, and for this double end I will struggle as long as a breath of
+life remains in me. Duty wills it!" <a name="FNanchor_25_276" id="FNanchor_25_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_276" class="fnanchor">(25)</a></p>
+
+<p>Such doctrines must of course be suppressed, and the exposure of those
+who had relations with Bismarck made it impossible for him longer to
+deal even with a section of the labor movement. The result was that
+persecutions were begun on both the Lassalleans and the Marxists. And it
+was largely this new policy of repression that forced the warring labor
+groups in 1875 to meet in conference at Gotha and to unite in one
+organization. In the following election, 1877, the united party polled
+nearly five hundred thousand votes, or about ten per cent. of all the
+votes cast in Germany. It now had twelve members in the Reichstag, and
+Bismarck saw very clearly that a force was rising in Germany that
+threatened not only him but his beloved Hohenzollern dynasty itself.</p>
+
+<p>For years most of its opponents comforted themselves with the belief
+that socialism was merely a temporary disturbance which, if left alone,
+would run its course and eventually die out. Again and again its
+militant enemies had discussed undertaking measures against it, but the
+wiser heads prevailed until 1877, when the socialists polled a great
+vote. And, of course, when it was once decided that socialism must be
+stamped out, a really good pretext was soon found upon which repressive
+measures might be taken. I have already mentioned that on May 11, 1878,
+Emperor William was shot at by H&ouml;del. It was, of course, natural that
+the reactionaries should make the most possible of this act of the
+would-be assassin, and, when photographs of several prominent
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214"></a>[<a href="images/233.png">214</a>]</span>socialists were found on his person, a great clamor arose for a
+coercive law to destroy the social democrats. The question was
+immediately discussed in the Reichstag, but the moderate forces
+prevailed, and the bill was rejected. Hardly, however, had the
+discussion ended before a second attempt was made on the life of the
+aged sovereign. This time it was Dr. Karl Nobiling who, on June 2, 1878,
+fired at the Emperor from an upper window in the main street of Berlin.
+In this case, the Emperor was severely wounded, and, in the panic that
+ensued, even the moderate elements agreed that social democracy must be
+suppressed. Various suggestions were made. Some proposed the
+blacklisting of all workmen who avowed socialist principles, while
+others suggested that all socialists should be expelled from the
+country. To exile half a million voters was, however, a rather large
+undertaking, and, in any case, Bismarck had his own plans. First he
+precipitated a general election, giving the socialists no time to
+prepare their campaign. As a result, their members in the Reichstag were
+diminished in number, and their vote throughout the country decreased by
+over fifty thousand. When the Reichstag again assembled, Bismarck laid
+before it his bill against "the publicly dangerous endeavors of
+social-democracy." The statement accompanying the bill sought to justify
+its repressive measures by citing in the preamble the two attempts made
+upon the Emperor, and by stating the conviction of the Federal
+Government that extraordinary measures must be taken. A battle royal
+occurred in the Reichstag between Bismarck on the one side and Bebel and
+Liebknecht on the other. Nevertheless, the bill became a law in October
+of that year.</p>
+
+<p>The anti-socialist law was intended to cut off every legal and peaceable
+means of advancing the socialist<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215"></a>[<a href="images/234.png">215</a>]</span> cause. It was determined that the
+German social democrats must be put mentally, morally, and physically
+upon the rack. Even the briefest summary of the provisions of the
+anti-socialist law will illustrate how determined the reactionaries were
+to annihilate utterly the socialist movement. The chief measures were as follows:</p>
+
+<p><i>I. Prohibitory</i></p>
+
+<blockquote><p>1. The formation or existence of organizations which sought by
+social-democratic, socialistic, or communistic movements to subvert
+the present State and social order was prohibited. The prohibition
+was also extended to organizations exhibiting tendencies which
+threatened to endanger the public peace and amity between classes.</p>
+
+<p>2. The right of assembly was greatly restricted. All meetings in
+which social-democratic, socialistic, or communistic tendencies
+came to light were to be dissolved. Public festivities and
+processions were regarded as meetings.</p>
+
+<p>3. Social-democratic, socialistic, and communistic publications of
+all kinds were to be interdicted, the local police dealing with
+home publications and the Chancellor with foreign ones.</p>
+
+<p>4. Stocks of prohibited works were to be confiscated, and the type,
+stones, or other apparatus used for printing might be likewise
+seized, and, on the interdict being confirmed, be made unusable.</p>
+
+<p>5. The collection of money in behalf of social-democratic,
+socialistic, or communistic movements was forbidden, as were public
+appeals for help.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p><i>II. Penal</i></p>
+
+<blockquote><p>1. Any person associating himself as member or otherwise with a
+prohibited organization was liable<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216"></a>[<a href="images/235.png">216</a>]</span> to a fine of 500 marks or three
+months' imprisonment, and a similar penalty was incurred by anyone
+who gave a prohibited association or meeting a place of assembly.</p>
+
+<p>2. The circulation or printing of a prohibited publication entailed
+a fine not exceeding one thousand marks or imprisonment up to six months.</p>
+
+<p>3. Convicted agitators might be expelled from a certain locality or
+from a governmental district, and foreigners be expelled from federal territory.</p>
+
+<p>4. Innkeepers, printers, booksellers, and owners of lending
+libraries and reading rooms who circulated interdicted publications
+might, besides being imprisoned, be deprived of their vocations.</p>
+
+<p>5. Persons who were known to be active socialists, or who had been
+convicted under this law, might be refused permission publicly to
+circulate or sell publications, and any violation of the provision
+against the circulation of socialistic literature in inns, shops,
+libraries, and newsrooms was punishable with a fine of one thousand
+marks or imprisonment for six months.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p><i>III. Power conferred upon authorities.</i></p>
+
+<blockquote><p>1. Meetings may only take place with the previous sanction of the
+police, but this restriction does not extend to meetings held in
+connection with elections to the Reichstag or the Diets.</p>
+
+<p>2. The circulation of publications may not take place without
+permission in public roads, streets, squares, or other public places.</p>
+
+<p>3. Persons from whom danger to the public security or order is
+apprehended may be refused residence in a locality or governmental district.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217"></a>[<a href="images/236.png">217</a>]</span></p><p>4. The possession, carrying, introduction, and sale of weapons
+within the area affected are forbidden, restricted, or made
+dependent on certain conditions. All ordinances issued on the
+strength of this section were to be notified at once to the
+Reichstag and to be published in the official <i>Gazette</i>. <a name="FNanchor_26_277" id="FNanchor_26_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_277" class="fnanchor">(26)</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p>When this law went into effect, the outlook for the labor movement
+seemed utterly black and hopeless. Every path seemed closed to it except
+that of violence. Immediately many places in Germany were put under
+martial law. Societies were dissolved, newspapers suppressed, printing
+establishments confiscated, and in a short time fifty agitators had been
+expelled from Berlin alone. A reign of official tyranny and police
+persecution was established, and even the employers undertook to
+impoverish and to blacklist men who were thought to hold socialist
+views. Within a few weeks every society, periodical, and agitator
+disappeared, and not a thing seemed left of the great movement of half a
+million men that had existed a few weeks before. There have been many
+similar situations that have faced the socialist and labor movements of
+other countries. England and France had undergone similar trials. Even
+to-day in America we find, at certain times and in certain places, a
+situation altogether similar. In Colorado during the recent labor wars
+and in West Virginia during the early months of 1913 every tyranny that
+existed in Germany in 1879 was repeated here. Infested with spies
+seeking to encourage violence, brutally maltreated by the officials of
+order, their property confiscated by the military, masses thrown into
+prison and other masses exiled, even the right of assemblage and of free
+speech denied them&mdash;these are the exactly similar conditions which have
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218"></a>[<a href="images/237.png">218</a>]</span>existed in all countries when efforts have been made to crush the labor
+movement.</p>
+
+<p>And in all countries where such conditions exist certain minds
+immediately clamor for what is called "action." They want to answer
+violence with violence; they want to respond to the terrorism of the
+Government with a terrorism of their own. And in Germany at this time
+there were a number who argued that, as they were in fact outlaws, why
+should they not adopt the tactics of outlaws? Should men peaceably and
+quietly submit to every insult and every form of tyranny&mdash;to be thrown
+in jail for speaking the dictates of their conscience and even to be
+hung for preaching to their comrades the necessity of a nobler and
+better social order? If Bismarck and his police forces have the power to
+outlaw us, have we not the right to exercise the tactics of outlaws?
+"All measures," cried Most from London, "are legitimate against
+tyrants;" <a name="FNanchor_27_278" id="FNanchor_27_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_278" class="fnanchor">(27)</a> while Hasselmann, his friend, advised an immediate
+insurrection, which, even though it should fail, would be good
+propaganda. It was inevitable that in the early moments of despair some
+of the German workers should have listened gladly to such proposals.
+And, indeed, it may seem somewhat of a miracle that any large number of
+the German workers should have been willing to have listened to any
+other means of action. What indeed else was there to do?</p>
+
+<p>It is too long a story to go into the discussions over this question.
+Perhaps a principle of Bebel's gives the clearest explanation of the
+thought which eventually decided the tactics of the socialists. Bebel
+has said many times that he always considered it wise in politics to
+find out what his opponent wanted him to do, and then not to do it. And,
+to the minds of Bebel, Liebknecht, and others of the more clear-headed
+leaders, there was no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219"></a>[<a href="images/238.png">219</a>]</span> doubt whatever that Bismarck was trying to force
+the socialists to commit crimes and outrages. Again and again Bismarck's
+press declared: "What is most necessary is to provoke the
+social-democrats to commit acts of despair, to draw them into the open
+street, and there to shoot them down." <a name="FNanchor_28_279" id="FNanchor_28_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_279" class="fnanchor">(28)</a> Well, if this was actually
+what Bismarck wanted, he failed utterly, because, as a matter of fact,
+and despite every provocation, no considerable section of the socialist
+party wavered in the slightest from its determination to carry on its
+work. There was a moment toward the end of '79 when the situation seemed
+to be getting out of hand, and a secret conference was held the next
+year at Wyden in Switzerland to determine the policies of the party. In
+the report published by the congress no names were given, as it was, of
+course, necessary to maintain complete secrecy. However, it seemed clear
+to the delegates that, if they resorted to terrorist methods, they would
+be destroyed as the Russians, the French, the Spanish, and the Italians
+had been when similar conditions confronted them. In view of the present
+state of their organization, violence, after all, could be merely a
+phrase, as they were not fitted in strength or in numbers to combat
+Bismarck. One of the delegates considered that Johann Most had exercised
+an evil influence on many, and he urged that all enlightened German
+socialists turn away from such men. "Between the people of violence and
+the true revolutionists there will always be dissension." <a name="FNanchor_29_280" id="FNanchor_29_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_280" class="fnanchor">(29)</a> Another
+speaker maintained that Most could be no more considered a socialist. He
+is at best a Blanquist and, indeed, one in the worst sense of the word,
+who had no other aim than to pursue the bungling work of a revolution.
+It is, therefore, necessary that the congress should declare itself
+decidedly against Most and should expel him<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220"></a>[<a href="images/239.png">220</a>]</span> from the party. <a name="FNanchor_30_281" id="FNanchor_30_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_281" class="fnanchor">(30)</a> The
+word "revolution" has been misunderstood, and the socialist members of
+the Reichstag have been reproved because they are not revolutionary. As
+a matter of fact, every socialist is a revolutionist, but one must not
+understand by revolution the expression of violence. The tactics of
+desperation, as the Nihilists practice them, do not serve the purpose of
+Germany. <a name="FNanchor_31_282" id="FNanchor_31_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_282" class="fnanchor">(31)</a> As a result of the Wyden congress, Most and Hasselmann were
+ejected from the party, and the tactics of Bebel and Liebknecht were adopted.</p>
+
+<p>After 1880 there developed an underground socialist movement that was
+most baffling and disconcerting to the police. Socialist papers, printed
+in other countries, were being circulated by the thousands in all parts
+of Germany. Funds were being raised in some mysterious manner to support
+a large body of trusted men in all parts of the country who were
+devoting all their time to secret organization and to the carrying on of
+propaganda. The socialist organizations, which had been broken up,
+seemed somehow or other to maintain their relations. And, despite all
+that could be done by the authorities, socialist agitation seemed to be
+going on even more successfully than ever before. There was one loophole
+which Bismarck had not been able to close, and this of course was
+developed to the extreme by the socialists. Private citizens could not
+say what they pleased, nor was it allowed to newspapers to print
+anything on socialist lines. Nevertheless, parliamentary speeches were
+privileged matter, and they could be sent anywhere and be published
+anywhere. Bismarck of course tried to suppress even this form of
+propaganda, and two of the deputies were arrested on the ground that
+they were violating the new law. However, the Reichstag could not be
+induced to sanction this interference with the freedom<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221"></a>[<a href="images/240.png">221</a>]</span> of deputies.
+Bismarck then introduced a bill into the Reichstag asking for power to
+punish any member who abused his parliamentary position. There was to be
+a court established consisting of thirteen deputies, and this was to
+have power to punish refractory delegates by censuring them, by obliging
+them to apologize to the House, and by excluding them from the House. It
+was also proposed that the Reichstag should in certain instances prevent
+the publicity of its proceedings. This bill of Bismarck's aroused
+immense opposition. It was called "the Muzzle Bill," and, despite all
+his efforts, it was defeated.</p>
+
+<p>The anti-socialist law had been passed as an exceptional measure, and it
+was fully expected that at the end of two years there would be nothing
+left of the socialists in Germany. But, when the moment came for the law
+to expire, Emperor Alexander II. of Russia was assassinated by
+Nihilists. The German Emperor wrote to the Chancellor urging him to do
+his utmost to persuade the governments of Europe to combine against the
+forces of anarchy and destruction. Prince Bismarck immediately opened up
+negotiations with Russia, Austria, France, Switzerland, and England. The
+Russian Government, being asked to take the initiative, invited the
+powers to a council at Brussels. As England did not accept the
+invitation, France and Switzerland also declined. Austria later withdrew
+her acceptance, with the result that Germany and Russia concluded an
+extradition and dynamite treaty for themselves, while on March 31, 1881,
+the anti-socialist law was re&euml;nacted for another period. In 1882 the
+Niederwald plot against the Imperial family was discovered. Various
+arrests were made, and three men avowedly anarchists were sentenced to
+death in December, 1884. In 1885 a high police official at Frankfort was
+murdered, and an anarchist named Lieske was <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222"></a>[<a href="images/241.png">222</a>]</span>executed as an accomplice.
+These terrorist acts materially aided Bismarck in his warfare on the
+social democrats. Again and again large towns were put in a minor state
+of siege, with the military practically in control. Meetings were
+dispersed, suspected papers suppressed, and all tyranny that can be
+conceived of exercised upon all those suspected of sympathy with the
+socialists. Yet everyone had to admit that the socialists had not been
+checked. Not only did their organization still exist, but it was all the
+time carrying on a vigorous agitation, both by meetings and by the
+circulation of literature. Papers printed abroad were being smuggled
+into the country in great quantities; socialist literature was even
+being introduced into the garrisons; and there seemed to be no dealing
+with associations, because no more was one dissolved than two arose to
+take its place.</p>
+
+<p>Von Puttkamer himself reported to the Reichstag in 1882, "It is
+undoubted that it has not been possible by means of the law of October,
+1878, to wipe social-democracy from the face of the earth or even to
+shake it to the center." <a name="FNanchor_32_283" id="FNanchor_32_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_283" class="fnanchor">(32)</a> Indeed, Liebknecht was bold enough to say
+in 1884: "You have not succeeded in destroying our organization, and I
+am convinced that you will never succeed. I believe, indeed, it would be
+the greatest misfortune for you if you did succeed. The anarchists, who
+are now carrying on their work in Austria, have no footing in
+Germany&mdash;and why? Because in Germany the mad plans of those men are
+wrecked on the compact organization of social-democracy, because the
+German proletariat, in view of the fruitlessness of your socialist law,
+has not abandoned hope of attaining its ends peacefully by means of
+socialistic propaganda and agitation. If&mdash;and I have said this
+before&mdash;if your law were not <i>pro nihilo</i>, it would be <i>pro nihilismo</i>.
+If the German<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223"></a>[<a href="images/242.png">223</a>]</span> proletariat no longer believed in the efficacy of our
+present tactics; if we found that we could no longer maintain intact the
+organization and cohesion of the party, what would happen? We should
+simply declare&mdash;we have no more to do with the guidance of the party; we
+can no longer be responsible. The men in power do not wish that the
+party should continue to exist; it is hoped to destroy us&mdash;well, no
+party allows itself to be destroyed, for there is above all things the
+law of self-defense, of self-preservation, and, if the organized
+direction fails, you will have a condition of anarchy, in which
+everything is left to the individual. And do you really believe&mdash;you who
+have so often praised the bravery of the Germans up to the heavens, when
+it has been to your interest to do so&mdash;do you really believe that the
+hundreds of thousands of German social-democrats are cowards? Do you
+believe that what has happened in Russia would not be possible in
+Germany if you succeeded in bringing about here the conditions which
+exist there?" <a name="FNanchor_33_284" id="FNanchor_33_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_284" class="fnanchor">(33)</a> Both Bebel and Liebknecht taunted the Chancellor with
+his failure to drive the socialists to commit acts of violence. "The
+Government may be sure," said Liebknecht in 1886, "that we shall not,
+now or ever, go upon the bird-lime, that we shall never be such fools as
+to play the game of our enemies by attempts ... the more madly you carry
+on, the sooner you will come to the end; the pitcher goes to the well
+until it breaks." <a name="FNanchor_34_285" id="FNanchor_34_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_285" class="fnanchor">(34)</a></p>
+
+<p>At the end of this year the reports given from the several states of the
+working out of the anti-socialist law were most discouraging to the
+Chancellor. From everywhere the report came that agitation was
+unintermittent, and being carried on with zeal and success. And Bebel
+said publicly that nowhere was the socialist party more numerous or
+better organized than in the districts<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224"></a>[<a href="images/243.png">224</a>]</span> where the minor state of siege
+had been proclaimed. The year 1886 was a sensational one. Nine of the
+socialists, including Bebel, Dietz, Auer, Von Vollmar, Frohme&mdash;all
+deputies&mdash;were charged with taking part in a secret and illegal
+organization. All the accused were sentenced to imprisonment for six or
+nine months, Bebel and his parliamentary associates receiving the
+heavier penalty. The Reichstag asked for reports upon the working of the
+law. Again the discouraging news came that the movement seemed to be
+growing faster than ever before.</p>
+
+<p>The crushing by repressive measures did not, however, exhaust Bismarck's
+plans for annihilating the socialists. At the same time he outlined an
+extraordinary program for winning the support of the working classes.
+Early in the eighties he proposed his great scheme of social
+legislation, intended to improve radically the lot of the toilers.
+Compulsory insurance against accident, illness, invalidity, and old age
+was instituted as a measure for giving more security in life to the
+working classes. Insurance against unemployment was also proposed, and
+Bismarck declared that the State should guarantee to the toilers the
+right to work. This began an era of immense social reforms that actually
+wiped out some of the worst slums in the great industrial centers,
+replaced them with large and beautiful dwellings for the working
+classes, and made over entire cities. The discussions in the Reichstag
+now seemed to be largely concerned with the problem of the working
+classes and with devising plans to obliterate the influence of the
+socialists over the workers and to induce them once more to ally
+themselves to the monarchy and to the <i>Junkers</i>.</p>
+
+<p>For some reason wholly mysterious to Bismarck, all his measures against
+the socialists failed. Every assault<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225"></a>[<a href="images/244.png">225</a>]</span> made upon them seemed to increase
+their power, while even the great reforms he was instituting seemed
+somehow to be credited to the agitation of the socialists. Instead of
+proving the good will of the ruling class, these reforms seemed only to
+prove its weakness; and they were looked upon generally as belated
+efforts to remedy old and grievous wrongs which, in fact, made necessary
+the protests of the socialists. The result was that tens of thousands of
+workingmen were flocking each year into the camp of the socialists, and
+at each election the socialist votes increased in a most dreadful and
+menacing manner. When the anti-socialist law was put into effect, the
+party polled under 450,000 votes. After twelve years of underground work
+as outlaws, the party polled 1,427,000 votes. Despite all the efforts of
+Bismarck and all the immense power of the Government, socialism, instead
+of being crushed, was 1,000,000 souls stronger after twelve years of
+suffering under tyranny than it was in the beginning. This of course
+would not do at all, and everyone saw it clearly enough except the Iron
+Chancellor. Infuriated by his own failure and unwilling to confess
+defeat, he pleaded once more, in 1890, for the re&euml;nactment of the
+anti-socialist law and, indeed, that it should be made a permanent part
+of the penal code of the Empire. He even sought further powers and asked
+the Reichstag to give him a law that would enable him to expel not only
+from districts proclaimed to be in a state of siege, but from Germany
+altogether, those who were known to hold socialist views. The Reichstag,
+however, refused to grant him either request, and on September 30, 1890,
+just twelve years after its birth, the anti-socialist law was repealed.</p>
+
+<p>That night was a glorious one for the socialists, as well as a very
+dreadful one for Bismarck and those<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226"></a>[<a href="images/245.png">226</a>]</span> others who had made prodigious but
+futile efforts to destroy socialism. Berlin was already a socialist
+stronghold, and its entire people that night came into the streets to
+sing songs of thanksgiving. Streets, parks, public places, caf&eacute;s,
+theaters were filled with merrymakers, rejoicing with songs, with toasts
+to the leading socialists, and with boisterous welcomes to the exiles
+who were returning. All night long the red flag waved, and the
+Marseillaise was sung, as all that passion of love, enthusiasm, and
+devotion for a great cause, which, for twelve long years, had been
+brutally suppressed, burst forth in floods of joy. "He [Bismarck] has
+had at his entire disposal for more than a quarter of a century," said
+Liebknecht, "the police, the army, the capital, and the power of the
+State&mdash;in brief, all the means of mechanical force. <i>We had only our
+just right, our firm conviction, our bared breasts to oppose him with,
+and it is we who have conquered! Our arms were the best. In the course
+of time brute power must yield to the moral factors, to the logic of
+things.</i> Bismarck lies crushed to the earth&mdash;and social democracy is the
+strongest party in Germany!... <i>The essence of revolution lies not in
+the means, but in the end. Violence has been, for thousands of years, a
+reactionary factor.</i>" <a name="FNanchor_35_286" id="FNanchor_35_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_286" class="fnanchor">(35)</a> Certainly, the moral victory was immense.
+There had been a twelve-years-long torture of a great party, in which
+every man who was known to be sympathetic was looked upon as a criminal
+and an outlaw. Yet, despite every effort made to drive the socialists
+into outrages, they never wavered the slightest from their grim
+determination to depend solely upon peaceable methods. It is indeed
+marvelous that the German socialists should have stood the test and
+that, despite the most barbarous persecution, they should have been able
+to hold their forces together, to restrain their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227"></a>[<a href="images/246.png">227</a>]</span> natural anger, and to
+keep their faith in the ultimate victory of peaceable, legal, and
+political methods. Prometheus, bound to his rock and tortured by all the
+furies of a malignant Jupiter, did not rise superior to his tormentor
+with more grandeur than did the social democracy of Germany.</p>
+
+<p>Violence does indeed seem to be a reactionary force. The use of it by
+the anarchists against the existing r&eacute;gime seems to have deprived them
+of all sympathy and support. More and more they became isolated from
+even those in whose name they claimed to be fighting. So the violence of
+Bismarck, intended to uproot and destroy the deepest convictions of a
+great body of workingmen, deprived him and his circle of all popular
+sympathy and support. Year by year he became weaker, and the futility of
+his efforts made him increasingly bitter and violent. At last even those
+for whom he had been fighting had to put him aside. On the other hand,
+those he fought with his poisoned weapons became stronger and stronger,
+their spirit grew more and more buoyant, their confidence in success
+more and more certain. And, when at last the complete victory was won,
+it was heralded throughout the world, and from thousands of great
+meetings, held in nearly every civilized country, there came to the
+German social democracy telegrams and resolutions of congratulation. The
+mere fact that the Germany party polled a million and a half votes was
+in itself an inspiration to the workers of all lands, and in the
+elections which followed in France, Italy, Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, and
+other countries the socialists vastly increased their votes and more
+firmly established their position as a parliamentary force. In 1892
+France polled nearly half a million votes, little Belgium followed with
+three hundred and twenty thousand, while<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228"></a>[<a href="images/247.png">228</a>]</span> in Denmark and Switzerland the
+strength of the socialists was quadrupled. Instead of a mere handful of
+theorists, the socialists were now numbered by the million. Their
+movement was world-wide, and the program of every political party in the
+various countries was based upon the principles laid down by Marx. The
+doctrines which he had advocated from '47 to '64, and fought desperately
+to retain throughout all the struggles with Bakounin, were now the
+foundation principles of the movement in Germany, France, Italy,
+Austria, Switzerland, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden,
+Britain, and even in other countries east and west of Europe.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_V_22" id="Footnote_V_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_V_22"><span class="label">[V]</span></a> Probably intended for "increase of wages," but this is as
+it reads in the official report.</p></div></div>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229"></a>[<a href="images/248.png">229</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER X</h2>
+
+<h3>THE NEWEST ANARCHISM</h3>
+
+<p>At the beginning of the nineties the socialists were jubilant. Their
+great victory in Germany and the enormous growth of the movement in all
+countries assured them that the foundations had at last been laid for
+the great world-wide movement that they had so long dreamed of. Internal
+struggles had largely disappeared, and the mighty energies of the
+movement were being turned to the work of education and of organization.
+Great international socialist congresses were now the natural outgrowth
+of powerful and extensive national movements. Yet, almost at this very
+moment there was forming in the Latin countries a new group of
+dissidents who were endeavoring to resurrect what Bakounin called in
+1871 French socialism, and what our old friend Guillaume recognized to
+be a revival of the principles and methods of the anarchist
+International.<a name="FNanchor_W_23" id="FNanchor_W_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_W_23" class="fnanchor">[W]</a> And, indeed, in 1895, what may perhaps be best
+described as the renascence of anarchism appeared in France under an old
+and influential name. Up to that time syndicalism signified nothing more
+than trade unionism, and the French <i>syndicats</i> were merely associations
+of workmen struggling to obtain higher wages and shorter hours of labor.
+But in 1895 the term began to have a different<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230"></a>[<a href="images/249.png">230</a>]</span> meaning, and almost
+immediately it made the tour of the world as a unique and dreadful
+revolutionary philosophy. It became a new "red specter," with a menacing
+and subversive program, that created a veritable furore of discussion in
+the newspapers and magazines of all countries. Rarely has a movement
+aroused such universal agitation, awakened such world-wide discussions,
+and called forth such expressions of alarm as this one, that seemed
+suddenly to spring from the depths of the underworld, full-armed and
+ready for battle. Everywhere syndicalism was heralded as an entirely new
+philosophy. Nothing like it had ever been known before in the world.
+Multitudes rushed to greet it as a kind of new revelation, while other
+multitudes instinctively looked upon it with suspicion as something that
+promised once more to introduce dissension into the world of labor.</p>
+
+<p>What is syndicalism? Whence came it and why? The first question has been
+answered in a hundred books written in the last ten years. In all
+languages the meaning of this new philosophy of industrial warfare has
+been made clear. There is hardly a country in the world that has not
+printed several books on this new movement, and, although the word
+itself cannot be found in our dictionaries, hardly anyone who reads can
+have escaped gaining some acquaintance with its purport. The other
+question, however, has concerned few, and almost no one has traced the
+origin of syndicalism to that militant group of anarchists whom the
+French Government had endeavored to annihilate. After the series of
+tragedies which ended with the murder of Carnot, the French police
+hunted the anarchists from pillar to post. Their groups were broken up,
+their papers suppressed, and their leaders kept constantly under the
+surveillance of police agents. Every man with anarchist sympathies was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231"></a>[<a href="images/250.png">231</a>]</span>
+hounded as an outlaw, and in 1894 they were broken, scattered, and
+isolated. Scorning all relations with the political groups and indeed
+excluded from them, as from other sections of the labor movement, by
+their own tactics, they found themselves almost alone, without the
+opportunity even of propagating their views. Facing a blank wall, they
+began then to discuss the necessity of radically changing their tactics,
+and in that year one of the most militant of them, &Eacute;mile Pouget, who had
+been arrested several times for provoking riots, undertook to persuade
+his associates to enter actively into the trade unions. In his peculiar
+argot he wrote in <i>P&egrave;re Peinard</i>: "If there is a group into which the
+anarchists should thrust themselves, it is evidently the trade union.
+The coarse vegetables would make an awful howl if the anarchists, whom
+they imagine they have gagged, should profit by the circumstance to
+infiltrate themselves in droves into the trade unions and spread their
+ideas there without any noise or blaring of trumpets." <a name="FNanchor_1_287" id="FNanchor_1_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_287" class="fnanchor">(1)</a> This plea had
+its effect, and more and more anarchists began to join the trade unions,
+while their friends, already in the unions, prepared the way for their
+coming. Pelloutier, a zealous and efficient administrator, had already
+become the dominant spirit in one entire section of the French labor
+movement, that of the <i>Bourses du Travail</i>. In another section, the
+carpenter Tortellier, a roving agitator and militant anarchist, had
+already persuaded a large number of unions to declare for the general
+strike as the <i>sole</i> effective weapon for revolutionary purposes.
+Moreover, Gu&eacute;rard, Griffuelhes, and other opponents of political action
+were preparing the ground in the unions for an open break with the
+socialists. By 1896 the strength of the anarchists in the trade unions
+was so great that the French delegates to the international <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232"></a>[<a href="images/251.png">232</a>]</span>socialist
+congress at London were divided into two sections: one in sympathy with
+the views of the anarchists, the other hostile to them. Such notable
+anarchists as Tortellier, Malatesta, Grave, Pouget, Pelloutier,
+Delesalle, Hamon, and Gu&eacute;rard were sent to London as the representatives
+of the French trade unions. Although the anarchists had been repeatedly
+expelled from socialist congresses, and the rules prohibited their
+admittance, these men could not be denied a hearing so long as they came
+as the representatives of <i>bona fide</i> trade unions. As a result, the
+anarchists, speaking as trade unionists, fought throughout the congress
+against political action. A typical declaration was that of Tortellier,
+when he said: "If only those in favor of political action are admitted
+to congresses, the Latin races will abandon the congresses. The Italians
+are drifting away from the idea of political action. Properly organized,
+the workers can settle their affairs without any intervention on the
+part of the legislature." <a name="FNanchor_2_288" id="FNanchor_2_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_288" class="fnanchor">(2)</a> Gu&eacute;rard, of the railway workers, holding
+much the same views, urged the congress to adopt the general strike, on
+the ground that it is "the most revolutionary weapon we have." <a name="FNanchor_3_289" id="FNanchor_3_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_289" class="fnanchor">(3)</a>
+Despite their threats and demands, the anarchists were completely
+ignored, although they were numerous in the French, Italian, Spanish,
+and Dutch delegations. At last it became clear to the anarchists that
+the international socialist congresses would not admit them, if it were
+possible to keep them out, nor longer discuss with them the wisdom of
+political action. Consequently, the anarchists left London, clear at
+last on this one point, that the socialists were firmly determined to
+have no further dealings with them. The same decision had been made at
+The Hague in 1872, again in 1889 at the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233"></a>[<a href="images/252.png">233</a>]</span>international congress at
+Paris, then in 1891 at Brussels, again in 1893 at Zurich, and finally at London in 1896.</p>
+
+<p>The anarchists that returned to Paris from the London congress were not
+slow in taking their revenge. They had already threatened in London to
+take the workers of the Latin countries out of the socialist movement,
+but no one apparently had given much heed to their remarks. In reality,
+however, they were in a position to carry out their threats, and the
+insults which they felt they had just suffered at the hands of the
+socialists made them more determined than ever to induce the unions to
+declare war on the socialist parties of France, Italy, Spain, and
+Holland. Plans were also laid for the building up of a trade-union
+International based largely on the principles and tactics of what they
+now called "revolutionary syndicalism."</p>
+
+<p>The year before (1895) the General Confederation of Labor had been
+launched at Limoges. Except for its declaration in favor of the general
+strike as a revolutionary weapon, the congress developed no new
+syndicalist doctrines. It was at Tours, in 1896, that the French unions,
+dominated by the anarchists, declared they would no longer concern
+themselves with reforms; they would abandon childish efforts at
+amelioration; and instead they would constitute themselves into a
+conscious fighting minority that was to lead the working class with no
+further delay into open rebellion. In their opinion, it was time to
+begin the bitter, implacable fight that was not to end until the working
+class had freed itself from wage slavery. The State was not worth
+conquering, parliaments were inherently corrupt, and, therefore,
+political action was futile. Other means, more direct and revolutionary,
+must be employed to destroy capitalism. As the very existence of society
+depends<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234"></a>[<a href="images/253.png">234</a>]</span> upon the services of labor, what could be more simple than for
+labor to cease to serve society until its rights are assured? Thus
+argued the French trade unionists, and the strike was adopted as the
+supreme war measure. Partial strikes were to broaden into industrial
+strikes, and industrial strikes into general strikes. The struggle
+between the classes was to take the form of two hostile camps, firmly
+resolved upon a war that would finish only when the one or the other of
+the antagonists had been utterly crushed. When John Brown marched with
+his little band to attack the slave-owning aristocracy of the South, he
+became the forerunner of our terrible Civil War. It was the same spirit
+that moved the French trade unionists. Although pitiably weak in numbers
+and poor in funds, they decided to stop all parleyings with the enemy
+and to fire the first gun.</p>
+
+<p>The socialist congress in London was held in July, and the French
+trade-union congress at Tours was held in September of the same year.
+The anarchists were out in their full strength, prepared to make
+reprisals on the socialists. It was after declaring: "The conquest of
+political power is a chimera," <a name="FNanchor_4_290" id="FNanchor_4_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_290" class="fnanchor">(4)</a> that Gu&eacute;rard launched forth in his
+fiery argument for the revolutionary general strike: "The partial
+strikes fail because the workingmen become demoralized and succumb under
+the intimidation of the employers, protected by the government. The
+general strike will last a short while, and its repression will be
+impossible; as to intimidation, it is still less to be feared. The
+necessity of defending the factories, workshops, manufactories, stores,
+etc., will scatter and disperse the army.... And then, in the fear that
+the strikers may damage the railways, the signals, the works of art, the
+government will be obliged to protect the 39,000 kilometers of railroad
+lines by drawing up the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235"></a>[<a href="images/254.png">235</a>]</span> troops all along them. The 300,000 men of the
+active army, charged with the surveillance of 39 million meters, will be
+isolated from one another by 130 meters, and this can be done only on
+the condition of abandoning the protection of the depots, of the
+stations, of the factories, etc. ... and of abandoning the employers to
+themselves, thus leaving the field free in the large cities to the
+rebellious workingmen. The principal force of the general strike
+consists in its power of imposing itself. A strike in one branch of
+industry must involve other branches. The general strike cannot be
+decreed in advance; it will burst forth suddenly; a strike of the
+railway men, for instance, if declared, will be the signal for the
+general strike. It will be the duty of militant workingmen, when this
+signal is given, to make their comrades in the trade unions leave their
+work. Those who continue to work on that day will be compelled, or
+forced, to quit.... The general strike will be the Revolution, peaceful
+or not." <a name="FNanchor_5_291" id="FNanchor_5_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_291" class="fnanchor">(5)</a></p>
+
+<p>Here is a new program of action, several points of which are worthy of
+attention. It is clear that the general strike is here conceived of as a
+panacea, an unfailing weapon that obviates the necessity of political
+parties, parliamentary work, or any action tending toward the capture of
+political power. It is granted that it must end in civil war, but it is
+thought that this war cannot fail; it must result in a complete social
+revolution. Even more significant is the thought that it will burst
+forth suddenly, without requiring any preliminary education, extensive
+preparations, or even widespread organization. In one line it is
+proposed as an automatic revolution; in another it is said that the
+militant workingmen are expected to force the others to quit work. Out
+of 11,000,000 toilers in France, about 1,000,000 are organized. Out<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236"></a>[<a href="images/255.png">236</a>]</span> of
+this million, about 400,000 belong to the Confederation, and, out of
+this number, it is doubtful if half are in favor of a general strike.
+The proposition of Gu&eacute;rard then presents itself as follows: that a
+minority of organized men shall force not only the vast majority of
+their fellow unionists but twenty times their number of unorganized men
+to quit work in order to launch the war for emancipation. Under the
+compulsion of 200,000 men, a nation of 40,000,000 is to be forced
+immediately, without palaver or delay, to revolutionize society.</p>
+
+<p>The next year, at Toulouse, the French unions again assembled, and here
+it was that Pouget and Delesalle, both anarchists, presented the report
+which outlined still another war measure, that of sabotage. The newly
+arrived was there baptized, and received by all, says Pouget, with warm
+enthusiasm. This sabotage was hardly born before it, too, made a tour of
+the world, creating everywhere the same furore of discussion that had
+been aroused by syndicalism. It presents itself in such a multitude of
+forms that it almost evades definition. If a worker is badly paid and
+returns bad work for bad pay, he is a <i>saboteur</i>. If a strike is lost,
+and the workmen return only to break the machines, spoil the products,
+and generally disorganize a factory, they are <i>saboteurs</i>. The idea of
+sabotage is that any dissatisfied workman shall undertake to break the
+machine or spoil the product of the machines in order to render the
+conduct of industry unprofitable, if not actually impossible. It may
+range all the way from machine obstruction or destruction to dynamiting,
+train wrecking, and arson. It may be some petty form of malice, or it
+may extend to every act advocated by our old friends, the terrorists.</p>
+
+<p>The work of one other congress must be mentioned. At Lyons (1901) it was
+decided that an inquiry should<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237"></a>[<a href="images/256.png">237</a>]</span> be sent out to all the affiliated unions
+to find out exactly how the proposed great social revolution was to be
+carried out. For several years the Confederation had sought to launch a
+revolutionary general strike, but so many of the rank and file were
+asking, "What would we do, even if the general strike were successful?"
+that it occurred to the leaders it might be well to find out. As a
+result, they sent out the following list of questions:</p>
+
+<p>"(1) How would your union act in order to transform itself from a group
+for combat into a group for production?</p>
+
+<p>"(2) How would you act in order to take possession of the machinery
+pertaining to your industry?</p>
+
+<p>"(3) How do you conceive the functions of the organized shops and
+factories in the future?</p>
+
+<p>"(4) If your union is a group within the system of highways, of
+transportation of products or of passengers, of distribution, etc., how
+do you conceive of its functioning?</p>
+
+<p>"(5) What will be your relations to your federation of trade or of
+industry after your reorganization?</p>
+
+<p>"(6) On what principle would the distribution of products take place,
+and how would the productive groups procure the raw material for
+themselves?</p>
+
+<p>"(7) What part would the <i>Bourses du Travail</i> play in the transformed
+society, and what would be their task with reference to the statistics
+and to the distribution of products?" <a name="FNanchor_6_292" id="FNanchor_6_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_292" class="fnanchor">(6)</a></p>
+
+<p>The report dealing with the results of this inquiry contains such a
+variety of views that it is not easy to summarize it. It seems, however,
+to have been more or less agreed that each group of producers was to
+control the industry in which it was engaged. The peasants were to take
+the land. The miners were to take the mines. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238"></a>[<a href="images/257.png">238</a>]</span> railway workers were
+to take the railroads. Every trade union was to obtain possession of the
+tools of its trade, and the new society was to be organized on the basis
+of a trade-union ownership of industry. In the villages, towns, and
+cities the various trades were then to be organized into a federation
+whose duty would be to administer all matters of joint interest in their
+localities. The local federations were then to be united into a General
+Confederation, to whose administration were to be left only those public
+services which were of national importance. The General Confederation
+was also to serve as an intermediary between the various trades and
+locals and as an agency for representing the interests of all the unions
+in international relations.</p>
+
+<p>This is in brief the meaning of syndicalism. It differs from socialism
+in both aim and methods. The aim of the latter is the control by the
+community of the means of production. The aim of syndicalism is the
+control by autonomous trade unions of that production carried on by
+those trades. It does not seek to refashion the State or to aid in its
+evolution toward social democracy. It will have nothing to do with
+political action or with any attempt to improve the machinery of
+democracy. The masses must arise, take possession of the mines,
+factories, railroads, fields, and all industrial processes and natural
+resources, and then, through trade unions or industrial unions,
+administer the new economic system. Furthermore, the syndicalists differ
+from the socialists in their conception of the class struggle. To the
+socialist the capitalist is as much the product of our economic system
+as the worker. No socialist believes that the capitalist is individually
+to blame for our economic ills. The syndicalist dissents from this view.
+To him the capitalist is an individual enemy. He must be fought<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239"></a>[<a href="images/258.png">239</a>]</span> and
+destroyed. There is no form of mediation or conciliation possible
+between the worker and his employer. Conditions must, therefore, be made
+intolerable for the capitalist. Work must be done badly. Machines must
+be destroyed. Industrial processes must be subjected to chaos. Every
+worker must be inspired with the one end and aim of destruction. Without
+the co&ouml;peration of the worker, capitalist production must break down.
+Therefore, the revolutionary syndicalist will fight, if possible, openly
+through his union, or, if that is impossible, by stealth, as an
+individual, to ruin his employer. The world of to-day is to be turned
+into incessant civil war between capital and labor. Not only the two
+classes, but the individuals of the two classes, must be constantly
+engaged in a deadly conflict. There is to be no truce until the fight is
+ended. The loyal workman is to be considered a traitor. The union that
+makes contracts or participates in collective bargaining is to be
+ostracized. And even those who are disinclined to battle will be forced
+into the ranks by compulsion. "Those who continue to work will be
+compelled to quit," says Gu&eacute;rard. The strike is not to be merely a
+peaceable abstention from work. The very machines are to be made to
+strike by being rendered incapable of production. These are the methods
+of the militant revolutionary syndicalists.<a name="FNanchor_X_24" id="FNanchor_X_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_X_24" class="fnanchor">[X]</a></p>
+
+<p>Toward the end of the nineties another element came to the aid of the
+anarchists. It is difficult to class this group with any certainty. They
+are neither socialists nor<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240"></a>[<a href="images/259.png">240</a>]</span> anarchists. They remind one of those
+Bakouninists that Marx once referred to as "lawyers without cases,
+physicians without patients and knowledge, students of billiards,
+etc." <a name="FNanchor_7_293" id="FNanchor_7_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_293" class="fnanchor">(7)</a> "They are good-natured, gentlemanly, cultured people," says
+Sombart; "people with spotless linen, good manners and fashionably
+dressed wives; people with whom one holds social intercourse as with
+one's equals; people who would at first sight hardly be taken as the
+representatives of a new movement whose object it is to prevent
+socialism from becoming a mere middle-class belief." <a name="FNanchor_8_294" id="FNanchor_8_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_294" class="fnanchor">(8)</a> In a word, they
+appear to be individuals wearied with the unrealities of life and
+seeking to overcome their <i>ennui</i> by, at any rate, discussing the making
+of revolutions. With their "myths," their "reflections on violence,"
+their appeals to physical vigor and to the glory of combat, as well as
+with their incessant attacks on the socialist movement, they have given
+very material aid to the anarchist element in the syndicalist movement.
+For a number of years I have read faithfully <i>Le Mouvement Socialiste</i>,
+but I confess that I have not understood their dazzling metaphysics, and
+I am somewhat comforted to see that both Levine <a name="FNanchor_9_295" id="FNanchor_9_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_295" class="fnanchor">(9)</a> and Lewis <a name="FNanchor_10_296" id="FNanchor_10_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_296" class="fnanchor">(10)</a> find
+them frequently incomprehensible.</p>
+
+<p>Without injustice to this group of intellectuals, I think it may be
+truthfully said that they have contributed nothing essential to the
+doctrines of syndicalism as developed by the trades unionists
+themselves; and Edward Berth, in <i>Les Nouveaux Aspects du Socialisme</i>,
+has partially explained why, without meaning to do so. "It has often
+been observed," he says, "that the anarchists are by origin artisan,
+peasant, or aristocrat. Rousseau represents, obviously, the anarchism of
+the artisan. His republic is a little republic of free and independent
+craftsmen.... Proudhon is a peasant in his heart ... and,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241"></a>[<a href="images/260.png">241</a>]</span> if we finally
+take Tolstoi, we find here an anarchism of worldly or aristocratic
+origin. Tolstoi is a <i>blas&eacute;</i> aristocrat, disgusted with civilization by
+having too much eaten of it." <a name="FNanchor_11_297" id="FNanchor_11_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_297" class="fnanchor">(11)</a> Whether or not this characterization
+of Tolstoi is justified, there can be no question that many of this type
+rushed to the aid of syndicalism. Its savage vigor appeals to some
+artists, decadents, and <i>d&eacute;class&eacute;s</i>. Neurotic as a rule, they seem to
+hunger for the stimulus which comes by association with the merely
+physical power and vigor of the working class. The navvy, the
+coalheaver, or "yon rower ... the muscles all a-ripple on his back," <a name="FNanchor_12_298" id="FNanchor_12_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_298" class="fnanchor">(12)</a>
+awakens in them a worshipful admiration, even as it did in the effete
+Cleon. Such a theory as syndicalism, declares Sombart, "could only have
+grown up in a country possessing so high a culture as France; that it
+could have been thought out only by minds of the nicest perception, by
+people who have become quite <i>blas&eacute;</i>, whose feelings require a very
+strong stimulus before they can be stirred; people who have something of
+the artistic temperament, and, consequently, look disdainfully on what
+has been called 'Philistinism'&mdash;on business, on middle-class ideals, and
+so forth. They are, as it were, the fine silk as contrasted with the
+plain wool of ordinary people. They detest the common, everyday round as
+much as they hate what is natural; they might be called 'Social
+Sybarites.' Such are the people who have created the syndicalist
+system." <a name="FNanchor_13_299" id="FNanchor_13_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_299" class="fnanchor">(13)</a> On one point Sombart is wrong. All the essential doctrines
+of revolutionary syndicalism, as a matter of fact, originated with the
+anarchists in the unions, and the most that can be said for the
+"Sybarites" is that they elaborated and mystified these doctrines.</p>
+
+<p>There are those, of course, who maintain that syndicalism is wholly a
+natural and inevitable product of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242"></a>[<a href="images/261.png">242</a>]</span>economic forces, and, so far as the
+actual syndicalist movement is concerned, that is unquestionably true.
+But in all the maze of philosophy and doctrine that has been thrown
+about the actual French movement, we find the traces of two extraneous
+forces&mdash;the anarchists who availed themselves of the opportunity that an
+awakening trade unionism gave them, and those intellectuals of leisure,
+culture, and refinement who found the methods of political socialism too
+tame to satisfy their violent revolt against things bourgeois. And the
+philosophical syndicalism that was born of this union combines
+utopianism and anarchism. The yearning esthetes found satisfaction in
+the rugged energy and physical daring of the men of action, while the
+latter were astonished and flattered to find their simple war measures
+adorned with metaphysical abstractions and arousing an immense furore
+among the most learned and fashionable circles of Europe.</p>
+
+<p>However, something in addition to personality is needed to explain the
+rise of syndicalist socialism in France. Like anarchism, syndicalism is
+a natural product of certain French and Italian conditions. It is not
+strange that the Latin peoples have in the past harbored the ideas of
+anarchism, or that now they harbor the ideas of syndicalism. The
+enormous proportion of small property owners in the French nation is the
+economic basis for a powerful individualism. Anything which interferes
+with the liberty of the individual is abhorred, and nothing awakens a
+more lively hatred than centralization and State power. The vast extent
+of small industry, with the apprentice, journeyman, and master-workman,
+has wielded an influence over the mentality of the French workers.
+Berth, for instance, follows Proudhon in conceiving of the future
+commonwealth as a federation of innumerable little workshops. Gigantic
+industries, such<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243"></a>[<a href="images/262.png">243</a>]</span> as are known in Germany, England, and America, seem to
+be problems quite foreign to the mind of the typical Latin worker. He
+believes that, if he can be left alone in his little industry, and freed
+from exploitation, he, like the peasant, will be supreme, possessing
+both liberty and abundance. He will, therefore, tolerate willingly
+neither the interference of a centralized State nor favor a centralized
+syndicalism. Industry must be given into the hands of the workers, and,
+when he speaks of industry, he has in mind workshops, which, in the
+socialism of the Germans, the English, and the Americans, might be left
+for a long time to come in private hands.</p>
+
+<p>In harmony with the above facts, we find that the strongest centers of
+syndicalism in France, Italy, and Spain are in those districts where the
+factory system is very backward. Where syndicalism and anarchism prevail
+most strongly, we find conditions of economic immaturity which
+strikingly resemble those of England in the time of Owen. In all these
+districts trade unionism is undeveloped. When it exists at all, it is
+more a feeling out for solidarity than the actual existence of
+solidarity. It is the first groping toward unity that so often brings
+riots and violence, because organization is absent and the feeling of
+power does not exist. Carl Legien, the leader of the great German
+unions, said at the international socialist congress at Stuttgart
+(1907): "As soon as the French have an actual trade-union organization,
+they will cease discussing blindly the general strike, direct action,
+and sabotage." <a name="FNanchor_14_300" id="FNanchor_14_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_300" class="fnanchor">(14)</a> Vliegen, the Dutch leader, went even further when he
+declared at the previous congress, at Amsterdam (1904), that it is not
+the representatives of the strong organizations of England, Germany, and
+Denmark who wish the general strike; it is the representatives of
+France, Russia, and Holland,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244"></a>[<a href="images/263.png">244</a>]</span> where the trade-union organization is
+feeble or does not exist. <a name="FNanchor_15_301" id="FNanchor_15_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_301" class="fnanchor">(15)</a></p>
+
+<p>Still another factor forces the French trade unions to rely upon
+violence, and that is their poverty. The trade-unionists in the Latin
+countries dislike to pay dues, and the whole organized labor movement as
+a result lives constantly from hand to mouth. "The fundamental condition
+which determines the policy of direct action," says Dr. Louis Levine in
+his excellent monograph on "The Labor Movement in France," "is the
+poverty of French syndicalism. Except for the <i>F&eacute;d&eacute;ration du Livre</i>,
+only a very few federations pay a more or less regular strike benefit;
+the rest have barely means enough to provide for their administrative
+and organizing expenses and cannot collect any strike funds worth
+mentioning.... The French workingmen, therefore, are forced to fall back
+on other means during strikes. Quick action, intimidation, sabotage, are
+then suggested to them by their very situation and by their desire to
+win." <a name="FNanchor_16_302" id="FNanchor_16_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_302" class="fnanchor">(16)</a> That this is an accurate analysis is, I think, proved by the
+fact that the biggest strikes and the most unruly are invariably to be
+found at the very beginning of the attempts to organize trade unions.
+That is certainly true of England, and in our own country the great
+strikes of the seventies were the birth-signs of trade unionism. In
+France, Italy, and Spain, where trade unionism is still in its infancy,
+we find that strikes are more unruly and violent than in other
+countries. It is a mistake to believe that riots, sabotage, and crime
+are the result of organization, or the product of a philosophy of
+action. They are the acts of the weak and the desperate; the product of
+a mob psychology that seems to be roused to action whenever and wherever
+the workers first begin to realize the faintest glimmering of
+solidarity. History clearly proves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245"></a>[<a href="images/264.png">245</a>]</span> that turbulence in strikes tends to
+disappear as the workers develop organized strength. In most countries
+violence has been frankly recognized as a weakness, and tremendous
+efforts have been made by the workers themselves to render violence
+unnecessary by developing power through organization. But in France the
+very acts that result from weakness and despair have been greeted with
+enthusiasm by the anarchists and the effete intellectuals as the
+beginning of new and improved revolutionary methods.</p>
+
+<p>Both, then, in their philosophy and in their methods, anarchism and
+syndicalism have much in common, but there also exist certain
+differences which cannot be overlooked. Anarchism is a doctrine of
+individualism; syndicalism is a doctrine of working-class action.
+Anarchism appeals only to the individual; syndicalism appeals also to a
+class. Furthermore, anarchism is a remnant of eighteenth-century
+philosophy, while syndicalism is a product of an immature factory
+system. Marx and Engels frequently spoke of anarchism as a
+petty-bourgeois philosophy, but in the early syndicalism of Robert Owen
+they saw more than that, considering it as the forerunner of an actual
+working-class movement. When these differences have been stated, there
+is little more to be said, and, on the whole, Yvetot was justified in
+saying at the congress of Toulouse (1910): "I am reproached with
+confusing syndicalism and anarchism. It is not my fault if anarchism and
+syndicalism have the same ends in view. The former pursues the integral
+emancipation of the individual; the latter the integral emancipation of
+the workingman. I find the whole of syndicalism in anarchism." <a name="FNanchor_17_303" id="FNanchor_17_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_303" class="fnanchor">(17)</a> When
+we leave the theories of syndicalism to study its methods, we find them
+identical with those of the anarchists. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246"></a>[<a href="images/265.png">246</a>]</span> general strike is, after
+all, exactly the same method that Bakounin was constantly advocating in
+the days of the old International. The only difference is this, that
+Bakounin sought the aid of "the people," while the syndicalists rely
+upon the working class. Furthermore, when one places the statement of
+Gu&eacute;rard on the general strike<a name="FNanchor_Y_25" id="FNanchor_Y_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_Y_25" class="fnanchor">[Y]</a> alongside of the statement of Kropotkin
+on the revolution,<a name="FNanchor_Z_26" id="FNanchor_Z_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_Z_26" class="fnanchor">[Z]</a> one can observe no important difference.</p>
+
+<p>While it is true that some syndicalists believe that the general strike
+may be solely a peaceable abstention from work, most of them are
+convinced that such a strike would surely meet with defeat. As Buisson
+says: "If the general strike remains the revolution of folded arms, if
+it does not degenerate into a violent insurrection, one cannot see how a
+cessation of work of fifteen, thirty, or even sixty days could bring
+into the industrial r&eacute;gime and into the present social system changes
+great enough to determine their fall." <a name="FNanchor_18_304" id="FNanchor_18_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_304" class="fnanchor">(18)</a> To be sure, the syndicalists
+do not lay so much emphasis on the abolition of government as do the
+anarchists, but their plan leads to nothing less than that. If "the
+capitalist class is to be locked out"&mdash;whatever that may mean&mdash;one must
+conclude that the workers intend in some manner without the use of
+public powers to gain control of the tools of production. In any case,
+they will be forced, in order to achieve any possible success, to take
+the factories, the mines, and the mills and to put the work of
+production into the hands of the masses. If the State interferes, as it
+undoubtedly will in the most vigorous manner, the strikers will be
+forced to fight the State. In other words, the general strike will
+necessarily become an insurrection, and the people without arms will be
+forced to carry on a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247"></a>[<a href="images/266.png">247</a>]</span> civil war against the military powers of the
+Government.</p>
+
+<p>If the general strike, therefore, is only insurrection in disguise,
+sabotage is but another name for the Propaganda of the Deed. Only, in
+this case, the deed is to be committed against the capitalist, while
+with the older anarchists a crowned head, a general, or a police
+official was the one to be destroyed. To-day property is to be assailed,
+machines broken and smashed, mines flooded, telegraph wires cut, and any
+other methods used that will render the tools of production unusable.
+This deed may be committed <i>en masse</i>, or it may be committed by an
+individual. It is when Pouget grows enthusiastic over sabotage that we
+find in him the same spirit that actuated Brousse and Kropotkin when
+they despaired of education and sought to arouse the people by
+committing dramatic acts of violence. In other words, the <i>saboteur</i>
+abandons mass action in favor of ineffective and futile assaults upon
+men or property.</p>
+
+<p>This brief survey of the meaning of syndicalism, whence it came, and
+why, explains the antagonism that had to arise between it and
+socialism.<a name="FNanchor_AA_27" id="FNanchor_AA_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_AA_27" class="fnanchor">[AA]</a> Not only was it frankly intended to displace the
+socialist political parties<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248"></a>[<a href="images/267.png">248</a>]</span> of Europe, but every step it has taken was
+accompanied with an attack upon the doctrines and the methods of modern
+socialism. And, in fact, the syndicalists are most interesting when they
+leave their own theories and turn their guns upon the socialist parties
+of the present day. In reading the now extensive literature on
+syndicalism, one finds endless chapters devoted to pointing out the
+weaknesses and faults of political socialism. Like the Bakouninists, the
+chief strength of the revolutionary unionists lies in criticism rather
+than in any constructive thought or action of their own. The battle of
+to-day is, however, a very unequal one. In the International, two
+groups&mdash;comparatively alike in size&mdash;fought over certain theories that,
+up to that time, were not embodied in a movement. They quarreled over
+tactics that were yet untried and over theories that were then purely
+speculative. To-day the syndicalists face a foe that embraces millions
+of loyal adherents. At the international gatherings of trade-union
+officials, as well as at the immense international congresses of the
+socialist parties, the syndicalists find themselves in a hopeless
+minority.<a name="FNanchor_AB_28" id="FNanchor_AB_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_AB_28" class="fnanchor">[AB]</a> Socialism is no longer an unembodied project of Marx. It
+is a throbbing, moving, struggling force. It is in a daily fight with
+the evils of capitalism. It is at work in every strike, in every great
+agitation, in every parliament, in every council. It is a thing of
+incessant action, whose mistakes are many and whose failures stand out
+in relief. Those<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249"></a>[<a href="images/268.png">249</a>]</span> who have betrayed it can be pointed out. Those who
+have lost all revolutionary fervor and all notion of class can be held
+up as a tendency. Those who have fallen into the traps of the
+bureaucrats and have given way to the flattery or to the corruption of
+the bourgeoisie can be listed and put upon the index. Even working-class
+political action can be assailed as never before, because it now exists
+for the first time in history, and its every weakness is known.
+Moreover, there are the slowness of movement and the seemingly
+increasing tameness of the multitude. All these incidents in the growth
+of a vast movement&mdash;the rapidity of whose development has never been
+equaled in the history of the world&mdash;irritate beyond measure the
+impatient and ultra-revolutionary exponents of the new anarchism.</p>
+
+<p>Naturally enough, the criticisms of the syndicalists are leveled chiefly
+against political action, parliamentarism, and Statism. It is Professor
+Arturo Labriola, the brilliant leader of the Italian syndicalists, who
+has voiced perhaps most concretely these strictures against socialism,
+although they abound in all syndicalist writings. According to Labriola,
+the socialist parties have abandoned Marx. They have left the field of
+the class struggle, foresworn revolution, and degenerated into weaklings
+and ineffectuals who dare openly neither to advocate "State socialism"
+nor to oppose it. In the last chapter of his "Karl Marx" Labriola traces
+some of the tendencies to State socialism. He observes that the State is
+gradually taking over all the great public utilities and that cities and
+towns are increasingly municipalizing public services. In the more
+liberal and democratic countries "the tendency to State property was
+greeted," he says, "as the beginning of the socialist transformation.
+To-day, in France, in Italy, and in Austria socialism<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250"></a>[<a href="images/269.png">250</a>]</span> is being
+confounded with Statism (<i>l'&eacute;tatisme</i>).... The socialist party, almost
+everywhere, has become the party of State capitalism." It is "no more
+the representative of a movement which ranges itself against existing
+institutions, but rather of an evolution which is taking place now in
+the midst of present-day society, and by means of the State itself. The
+socialist party, by the very force of circumstances, is becoming a
+conservative party which is declaring for a transformation, the agent of
+which is no longer the proletariat itself, but the new economic organism
+which is the State.... Even the desire of the workingmen themselves to
+pass into the service of the State is eager and spontaneous. We have a
+proof of it in Italy with the railway workers, who, however, represent
+one of the best-informed and most advanced sections of the working class.</p>
+
+<p>" ... Where the Marxian tradition has no stability, as in Italy, the
+socialist party refused to admit that the State was an exclusively
+capitalist organism and that it was necessary to challenge its action.
+And with this pro-State attitude of the socialist party all its ideas
+have unconsciously changed. The principles of State enterprise (order,
+discipline, hierarchy, subordination, maximum productivity, etc.) are
+the same as those of private enterprise. Wherever the socialist party
+openly takes its stand on the side of the State&mdash;contrary even to its
+intentions&mdash;it acquires an entirely capitalist viewpoint. Its
+embarrassed attitude in regard to the insubordination of the workers in
+private manufacture becomes each day more evident, and, if it were not
+afraid of losing its electoral support, it would oppose still more the
+spirit of revolt among the workers. It is thus that the socialist
+party&mdash;the conservative party of the future transformed State&mdash;is
+becoming the conservative party of the present<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251"></a>[<a href="images/270.png">251</a>]</span> social organization. But
+even where, as in Germany, the Marxian tradition still assumes the form
+of a creed to all outward appearance, the party is very far from keeping
+within the limits of pure Marxian theory. Its anti-State attitude is not
+one of inclination. It is imposed by the State itself, ... the
+adversary, through its military and feudal vanity, of every concession
+to working-class democracy." <a name="FNanchor_19_305" id="FNanchor_19_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_305" class="fnanchor">(19)</a></p>
+
+<p>All this sounds most familiar, and I cannot resist quoting here our old
+friend Bakounin in order to show how much this criticism resembles that
+of the anarchists. If we turn to "Statism and Anarchy" we find that
+Bakounin concluded this work with the following words: "Upon the
+Pangermanic banner" (<i>i. e.</i>, also upon the banner of German social
+democracy, and, consequently, upon the socialist banner of the whole
+civilized world) "is inscribed: The conservation and strengthening of
+the State at all costs; on the socialist-revolutionary banner" (read
+Bakouninist banner) "is inscribed in characters of blood, in letters of
+fire: the abolition of all States, the destruction of bourgeois
+civilization; free organization from the bottom to the top, by the help
+of free associations; the organization of the working populace (<i>sic!</i>)
+freed from all the trammels, the organization of the whole of
+emancipated humanity, the creation of a new human world."<a name="FNanchor_AC_29" id="FNanchor_AC_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_AC_29" class="fnanchor">[AC]</a> Thus
+frantically Bakounin exposed the antagonism between his philosophy and
+that of the Marxists. It would seem, therefore, that if Labriola knew
+his Marx, he would hardly undertake at this late date to save socialism
+from a tendency that Marx himself gave it. The State, it appears, is the
+same bugaboo to the syndicalists that it is to the anarchists. It is
+almost something personal, a kind of monster that, in all ages and
+times, must be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252"></a>[<a href="images/271.png">252</a>]</span> oppressive. It cannot evolve or change its being. It
+cannot serve the working class as it has previously served feudalism, or
+as it now serves capitalism. It is an unchangeable thing, that,
+regardless of economic and social conditions, must remain eternally the
+enemy of the people.</p>
+
+<p>Evidently, the syndicalist identifies the revolutionist with the
+anti-Statist&mdash;apparently forgetting that hatred of the State is often as
+strong among the bourgeoisie as among the workers. The determination to
+limit the power of the Government was not only a powerful factor in the
+French and American Revolutions, but since then the slaveholders of the
+Southern States in America, the factory owners of all countries, and the
+trusts have exhausted every means, fair and foul, to limit and to weaken
+the power of the State. What difference is there between the theory of
+<i>laissez-faire</i> and the antagonism of the anarchists and the
+syndicalists to every activity of the State? However, it is noteworthy
+that antagonism to the State disappears on the part of any group or
+class as soon as it becomes an agency for advancing their material
+well-being; they not only then forsake their anti-Statism, they even
+become the most ardent defenders of the State. Evidently, then, it is
+not the State that has to be overcome, but the interests that control the State.</p>
+
+<p>It must be admitted that Labriola sketches accurately enough the
+prevailing tendency toward State ownership, but he misunderstands or
+willfully misinterprets, as Bakounin did before him, the attitude of the
+avowed socialist parties toward such evolution. When he declares that
+they confuse their socialism with Statism, he might equally well argue
+that socialists confuse their socialism with monopoly or with the
+aggregation of capital in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253"></a>[<a href="images/272.png">253</a>]</span> hands of the few. Because socialists
+recognize the inevitable evolution toward monopoly is no reason for
+believing that they advocate monopoly. Nowhere have the socialists ever
+advised the destruction of trusts, nor have they anywhere opposed the
+taking over of great industries by the State. They realize that, as
+monopoly is an inevitable outcome of capitalism, so State capitalism,
+more or less extended, is an inevitable result of monopoly. That the
+workers remain wage earners and are exploited in the same manner as
+before has been pointed out again and again by all the chief socialists.
+However, if socialists prefer monopoly to the chaos of competition and
+to the reactionary tendencies of small property, and if they lend
+themselves, as they do everywhere, to the promotion of the State
+ownership of monopoly, it is not because they confuse monopoly, whether
+private or public, with socialism. It is of little consequence whether
+the workers are exploited by the trusts or by the Government. As long as
+capitalism exists they will be exploited by the one or the other. If
+they themselves prefer to be exploited by the Government, as Labriola
+admits, and if that exploitation is less ruinous to the body and mind of
+the worker, the socialist who opposed State capitalism in favor of
+private capitalism would be nothing less than a reactionary.</p>
+
+<p>Without, however, leaving the argument here, it must be said that there
+are various reasons why the socialist prefers State capitalism to
+private capitalism. It has certain advantages for the general public. It
+confers certain benefits upon the toilers, chief of all perhaps the
+regularity of work. And, above and beyond this, State capitalism is
+actually expropriating private capitalists. The more property the State
+owns, the fewer will be the number of capitalists to be dealt with, and
+the easier it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254"></a>[<a href="images/273.png">254</a>]</span> will be eventually to introduce socialism. Indeed, to
+proceed from State capitalism to socialism is little more than the grasp
+of public powers by the working class, followed by the administrative
+measures of industrial democracy. All this, of course, has been said
+before by Engels, part of whose argument I have already quoted.
+Unfortunately, no syndicalist seems to follow this reasoning or excuse
+what he considers the terrible crime of extending the domain of the
+State. Not infrequently his revolutionary philosophy begins with the
+abolition of the State, and often it ends there. Marx, Engels, and
+Eccarius, as we know, ridiculed Bakounin's terror of the State; and how
+many times since have the socialists been compelled to deal with this
+bugaboo! It rises up in every country from time to time. The anarchist,
+the anarchist-communist, the <i>Lokalisten</i>, the anarcho-socialist, the
+young socialist, and the syndicalist have all in their time solemnly
+come to warn the working class of this insidious enemy. But the workers
+refuse to be frightened, and in every country, including even Russia,
+Italy, and France, they have less fear of State ownership of industry
+than they have of that crushing exploitation which they know to-day.</p>
+
+<p>Even in Germany, where Labriola considers the socialists to be more or
+less free from the taint of State capitalism, they have from the very
+beginning voted for State ownership. As early as 1870 the German
+socialists, upon a resolution presented by Bebel, adopted by a large
+majority the proposition that the State should retain in its hands the
+State lands, Church lands, communal lands, the mines, and the
+railroads.<a name="FNanchor_AD_30" id="FNanchor_AD_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_AD_30" class="fnanchor">[AD]</a> When adopting the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255"></a>[<a href="images/274.png">255</a>]</span> new party program at Erfurt in 1891,
+the Congress struck out the section directed against State socialism and
+adopted a number of propositions leading to that end. Again, at Breslau
+in 1895, the Germans adopted several State-socialist measures. "At this
+time," says Paul Kampffmeyer, "a proposition of the agrarian commission
+on the party program, which had a decided State-socialist stamp, was
+discussed. It contained, among other things, the retaining and the
+increase of the public land domain; the management of the State and
+community lands on their own account; the giving of State credit to
+co&ouml;perative societies; the socialization of mortgages, debts, and loans
+on land; the socialization of chattel and real estate insurance, etc.
+Bebel agreed to all these State-socialist propositions. He recalled the
+fact, that the nationalizing of the railroads had been accomplished with
+the agreement of the social-democracy." <a name="FNanchor_21_307" id="FNanchor_21_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_307" class="fnanchor">(21)</a> "That which applies to the
+railways applies also to the forestry," said Bebel. "Have we any
+objections to the enlarging of the State forests and thereby the
+employment of workers and officials? The same thing applies to the
+mines, the salt industry, road-making, the post office, and the
+telegraphs. In all of these industries we have hundreds of thousands of
+dependent people, and yet we do not want to advocate their abolition but
+rather their extension. In this direction we must break with all our
+prejudices. We ought only to oppose State industry where it is
+antagonistic to culture and where it restricts development, as, for
+instance, is the case in military matters. Indeed, we must even compel
+the State constantly to take over means of culture, because by that
+means we will finally put the present State out of joint. And, lastly,
+even the strongest State power fails in that degree in which the State
+drives its own officers and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256"></a>[<a href="images/275.png">256</a>]</span> workers into opposition to itself, as has
+occurred in the case of the postal service. The attitude which would
+refuse to strengthen the power of the State, because this would entrust
+to it the solution of the problems of culture, smacks of the Manchester
+school. We must strip off these Manchesterian egg-shells." <a name="FNanchor_22_308" id="FNanchor_22_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_308" class="fnanchor">(22)</a></p>
+
+<p>Wilhelm Liebknecht also dealt with those who opposed the strengthening
+of the class State. "We are concerned," he said, " ... first of all
+about the strengthening of the State power. In all similar cases we have
+decided in favor of practical activity. We allowed funds for the
+Northeast Sea Canal; we voted for the labor legislation, although the
+proposed laws did decidedly extend the State power. We are in favor of
+the State railways, although we have thereby brought about ... the
+dependence of numerous livings upon the State." <a name="FNanchor_23_309" id="FNanchor_23_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_309" class="fnanchor">(23)</a> As early, indeed, as
+1881 Liebknecht saw that the present State was preparing the way for
+socialism. Speaking of the compulsory insurance laws proposed by
+Bismarck, he refers to such legislation as embodying "in a decisive
+manner the principle of State regulation of production as opposed to the
+<i>laissez-faire</i> system of the Manchester school. The right of the State
+to regulate production supposes the duty of the State to interest itself
+in labor, and State control of the labor of society leads directly to
+State organization of the labor of society." <a name="FNanchor_24_310" id="FNanchor_24_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_310" class="fnanchor">(24)</a> Further even than this
+goes Karl Kautsky, who has been called the "acutest observer and thinker
+of modern socialism." "Among the social organizations in existence
+to-day," he says, "there is but one that possesses the requisite
+dimensions, and may be used as the framework for the establishment and
+development of the socialist commonwealth, and that is the <i>modern
+State</i>." <a name="FNanchor_25_311" id="FNanchor_25_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_311" class="fnanchor">(25)</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257"></a>[<a href="images/276.png">257</a>]</span></p><p>Without going needlessly far into this subject, it seems safe to
+conclude that the State is no more terrifying to the modern socialist
+than it was to Marx and Engels. There is not a socialist party in any
+country that has not used its power to force the State to undertake
+collective enterprise. Indeed, all the immediate programs of the various
+socialist parties advocate the strengthening of the economic power of
+the State. They are adding more and more to its functions; they are
+broadening its scope; and they are, without question, vastly increasing
+its power. But, at the same time, they are democratizing the State. By
+direct legislation, by a variety of political reforms, and by the power
+of the great socialist parties themselves, they are really wresting the
+control of the State from the hands of special privilege.
+Furthermore&mdash;and this is something neither the anarchists nor the
+syndicalists will see&mdash;State socialism is in itself undermining and
+slowly destroying the class character of the State. According to the
+view of Marx, the State is to-day "but a committee for managing the
+common affairs of the whole capitalist class." <a name="FNanchor_26_312" id="FNanchor_26_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_312" class="fnanchor">(26)</a> And it is this
+because the economic power of the capitalist class is supreme. But by
+the growth of State socialism the economic power of the private
+capitalists is steadily weakened. The railroads, the mines, the forests,
+and other great monopolies are taken out of their hands, and, to the
+extent that this happens, their control over the State itself
+disappears. Their only power to control the State is their economic
+power, and, if that were entirely to disappear, the class character of
+the State would disappear also. "The State is not abolished. <i>It dies
+out</i>"; to repeat Engels' notable words. "As soon as there is no longer
+any social class to be held in subjection, ... nothing more remains to
+be repressed, and a special<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258"></a>[<a href="images/277.png">258</a>]</span> repressive force, a State, is no longer
+necessary." <a name="FNanchor_27_313" id="FNanchor_27_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_313" class="fnanchor">(27)</a></p>
+
+<p>The syndicalists are, of course, quite right when they say that State
+socialism is an attempt to allay popular discontent, but they are quite
+wrong when they accept this as proof that it must inevitably sidetrack
+socialism. They overlook the fact that it is always a concession granted
+grudgingly to the growing power of democracy. It is a point yielded in
+order to prevent if possible the necessity of making further
+concessions. Yet history shows that each concession necessitates
+another, and that State socialism is growing with great rapidity in all
+countries where the workers have developed powerful political
+organizations. Even now both friends and opponents see in the growth of
+State socialism the gradual formation of that transitional stage that
+leads from capitalism to socialism. The syndicalist and anarchist alone
+fail to see here any drift toward socialism; they see only a growing
+tyranny creating a class of favored civil servants, who are divorced
+from the actual working class. At the same time, they point out that the
+condition of the toilers for the State has not improved, and that they
+are exploited as mercilessly by the State as they were formerly
+exploited by the capitalist. To dispute this would be time ill spent. If
+it be indeed true, it defeats the argument of the syndicalist. If the
+State in its capitalism outrageously exploits its servants, tries to
+prevent them from organizing, and penalizes them for striking, it will
+only add to the intensity of the working-class revolt. It will aid more
+and more toward creating a common understanding between the workers for
+the State and the workers for the private capitalist. In any case, it
+will accelerate the tendency toward the democratization of the State
+and, therefore, toward socialism.</p>
+
+<p>As an alternative to this actual evolution toward <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259"></a>[<a href="images/278.png">259</a>]</span>socialism, the
+syndicalists propose to force society to put the means of production
+into the hands of the trade unions. It is perhaps worth pointing out
+that Owen, Proudhon, Blanc, Lassalle, and Bakounin all advocated what
+may be called "group socialism." <a name="FNanchor_28_314" id="FNanchor_28_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_314" class="fnanchor">(28)</a> This conception of future society
+contemplates the ownership of the mines by the miners, of the railroads
+by the railway workers, of the land by the peasants. All the workers in
+the various industries are to be organized into unions and then brought
+together in a federation. Several objections are made to this outline of
+a new society. In the first place, it is artificial. Except for an
+occasional co&ouml;perative undertaking, there is not, nor has there ever
+been, any tendency toward trade-union ownership of industry. In
+addition, it is an idea that is to-day an anachronism. It is conceivable
+that small federated groups might control and conduct countless little
+industries, but it is not conceivable that groups of "self-governing,"
+"autonomous," and "independent" workmen could, or would, be allowed by a
+highly industrialized society to direct and manage such vast enterprises
+as the trusts have built up. If each group is to run industry as it
+pleases, the Standard Oil workers or the steel workers might menace
+society in the future as the owners of those monopolies menace it in the
+present. There is no indication in the literature of the syndicalists,
+and certainly no promise in a system of completely autonomous groups of
+producers, of any solution of the vast problems of modern trustified
+industry. It may be that such ideas corresponded to the state of things
+represented in early capitalism. But the socialist ideas of the present
+are the product of a more advanced state of capitalism than Owen,
+Proudhon, Lassalle, and Bakounin knew, or than the syndicalists of
+France, Italy, and Spain have yet been forced seriously<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260"></a>[<a href="images/279.png">260</a>]</span> to deal with.
+Indeed, it was necessary for Marx to forecast half a century of
+capitalist development in order to clarify the program of socialism and
+to emphasize the necessity for that program.</p>
+
+<p>It is a noteworthy and rather startling fact that Sidney and Beatrice
+Webb had pointed out the economic fallacies of syndicalism before the
+French Confederation of Labor was founded or Sorel, Berth, and
+Lagardelle had written a line on the subject. In their "History of Trade
+Unionism" they tell most interestingly the story of Owen's early
+trade-union socialism. The book was published in 1894, two or three
+years before the theories of the French school were born. Nevertheless,
+their critique of Owenism expresses as succinctly and forcibly as
+anything yet written the attitude of the socialists toward the economics
+of modern syndicalism. "Of all Owen's attempts to reduce his socialism
+to practice," write the Webbs, "this was certainly the very worst. For
+his short-lived communities there was at least this excuse: that within
+their own area they were to be perfectly homogeneous little socialist
+States. There were to be no conflicting sections, and profit-making and
+competition were to be effectually eliminated. But in 'the Trades
+Union,' as he conceived it, the mere combination of all the workmen in a
+trade as co&ouml;perative producers no more abolished commercial competition
+than a combination of all the employers in it as a joint stock company.
+In effect, his Grand Lodges would have been simply the head offices of
+huge joint stock companies owning the entire means of production in
+their industry, and subject to no control by the community as a whole.
+They would, therefore, have been in a position at any moment to close
+their ranks and admit fresh generations of workers only as employees at
+competitive<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261"></a>[<a href="images/280.png">261</a>]</span> wages instead of as shareholders, thus creating at one
+stroke a new capitalist class and a new proletariat. <a name="FNanchor_29_315" id="FNanchor_29_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_315" class="fnanchor">(29)</a> ... In short,
+the socialism of Owen led him to propose a practical scheme which was
+not even socialistic, and which, if it could possibly have been carried
+out, would have simply arbitrarily redistributed the capital of the
+country without altering or superseding the capitalist system in the
+least." <a name="FNanchor_30_316" id="FNanchor_30_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_316" class="fnanchor">(30)</a></p>
+
+<p>Although this "group socialism" would certainly necessitate a Parliament
+in order to harmonize the conflicting interests of the various
+productive associations, there is nothing, it appears, that the
+syndicalist so much abhors. He is never quite done with picturing the
+burlesque of parliamentarism. While, no doubt, this is a necessary
+corollary to his antagonism to the State, it is aggravated by the fact
+that one of the chief ends of a political party is to put its
+representatives into Parliament. The syndicalist, in ridiculing all
+parliamentary activity, is at the same time, therefore, endeavoring to
+prove the folly of political action. That you cannot bring into the
+world a new social order by merely passing laws is something the
+syndicalist never wearies of pointing out. Parliamentarism, he likes to
+repeat, is a new superstition that is weakening the activity and
+paralyzing the mentality of the working class. "The superstitious belief
+in parliamentary action," Leone says, " ... ascribes to acts of
+Parliament the magic power of bringing about new social forces." <a name="FNanchor_31_317" id="FNanchor_31_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_317" class="fnanchor">(31)</a>
+Sorel refers to the same thing as the "belief in the magic influence of
+departmental authority," <a name="FNanchor_32_318" id="FNanchor_32_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_318" class="fnanchor">(32)</a> while Labriola divines that "parties may
+elect members of Parliament, but they cannot set one machine going, nor
+can they organize one business undertaking." <a name="FNanchor_33_319" id="FNanchor_33_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_319" class="fnanchor">(33)</a> All this reminds one of
+what Marx himself said in the early fifties. He speaks in "Revolution
+and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262"></a>[<a href="images/281.png">262</a>]</span>Counter-Revolution," a collection of some articles that were
+originally written for the New York <i>Tribune</i>, of "parliamentary
+<i>cr&eacute;tinism</i>, a disorder which penetrates its unfortunate victims with
+the solemn conviction that the whole world, its history and future, are
+governed and determined by a majority of votes in that particular
+representative body which has the honor to count them among its members,
+and that all and everything going on outside the walls of their
+house&mdash;wars, revolutions, railway constructing, colonizing of whole new
+continents, California gold discoveries, Central American canals,
+Russian armies, and whatever else may have some little claim to
+influence upon the destinies of mankind&mdash;is nothing compared with the
+incommensurable events hinging upon the important question, whatever it
+may be, just at that moment occupying the attention of their honorable
+house." <a name="FNanchor_34_320" id="FNanchor_34_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_320" class="fnanchor">(34)</a></p>
+
+<p>No one can read this statement of Marx's without realizing its essential
+truthfulness. But it should not be forgotten that Marx himself believed,
+and every prominent socialist believes, that the control of the
+parliaments of the world is essential to any movement that seeks to
+transform the world. The powerlessness of parliaments may be easily
+exaggerated. To say that they are incapable of constructive work is to
+deny innumerable facts of history. Laws have both set up and destroyed
+industries. The action of parliaments has established gigantic
+industries. The schools, the roads, the Panama Canal, and a thousand
+other great operations known to us to-day have been set going by
+parliaments. Tariff laws make and destroy industries. Prohibition laws
+have annihilated industries, while legality, which is the peculiar
+product of parliaments, has everything to do with the ownership of
+property, of industry, and of the management of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263"></a>[<a href="images/282.png">263</a>]</span>capital. For one who is
+attacking a legal status, who is endeavoring to alter political,
+juridical, as well as industrial and social relations, the conquering of
+parliaments is vitally necessary. The socialist recognizes that the
+parliaments of to-day represent class interests, that, indeed, they are
+dominated by class interests, and, as such, that they do not seek to
+change but to conserve what now exists. As a result, there <i>is</i> a
+parliamentary <i>cr&eacute;tinism</i>, because, in a sense, the dominant elements in
+Parliament are only managing the affairs of powerful influences outside
+of Parliament. They are not the guiding hand, but the servile hand, of capitalism.</p>
+
+<p>For the above reason, chiefly, the syndicalists are on safe ground when
+they declare that parliaments are corrupt. Corruption is a product of
+the struggle of the classes. To obtain special privilege, class laws,
+and immunity from punishment, the "big interests" bribe and corrupt
+parliaments. However, corruption does not stop there. The trade unions
+themselves suffer. Labor leaders are bought just as labor
+representatives are bought. Insurrection itself is often controlled and
+rendered abortive by corruption. Numberless violent uprisings have been
+betrayed by those who fomented them. The words of Fruneau at Basel in
+1869 are memorable. "Bakounin has declared," he said, "that it is
+necessary to await the Revolution. Ah, well, the Revolution! Away with
+it! Not that I fear the barricades, but, when one is a Frenchman and has
+seen the blood of the bravest of the French running in the streets in
+order to elevate to power the ambitious who, a few months later, sent us
+to Cayenne, one suspects the same snares, because the Revolution, in
+view of the ignorance of the proletarians, would take place only at the
+profit of our adversaries." <a name="FNanchor_35_321" id="FNanchor_35_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_321" class="fnanchor">(35)</a> There is no way to escape the corrupting
+power<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264"></a>[<a href="images/283.png">264</a>]</span> of capitalism. It has its representatives in every movement that
+promises to be hostile. It has its spies in the labor unions, its
+<i>agents provocateurs</i> in insurrections; and its money can always find
+hands to accept it. One does not escape corruption by abandoning
+Parliament. And Bordat, the anarchist, was the slave of a mania when he
+declared: "To send workingmen to a parliament is to act like a mother
+who would take her daughter to a brothel." <a name="FNanchor_36_322" id="FNanchor_36_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_322" class="fnanchor">(36)</a> Parliaments are perhaps
+more corrupt than trade unions, but that is simply because they have
+greater power. To no small degree bribery and campaign funds are the
+tribute that capitalism pays to the power of the State.</p>
+
+<p>The consistent opposition of the syndicalists to the State is leading
+them desperately far, and we see them developing, as the anarchists did
+before them, a contempt even for democracy. The literature of
+syndicalism teems with attacks on democracy. "Syndicalism and
+Democracy," says &Eacute;mile Pouget, "are the two opposite poles, which
+exclude and neutralize each other.... Democracy is a social superfluity,
+a parasitic and external excrescence, while syndicalism is the logical
+manifestation of a growth of life, it is a rational cohesion of human
+beings, and that is why, instead of restraining their individuality, it
+prolongs and develops it." <a name="FNanchor_37_323" id="FNanchor_37_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_323" class="fnanchor">(37)</a> Democracy is, in the view of Sorel, the
+r&eacute;gime <i>par excellence</i>, in which men are governed "by the magical power
+of high-sounding words rather than by ideas; by formulas rather than by
+reasons; by dogmas, the origin of which nobody cares to find out, rather
+than by doctrines based on observation." <a name="FNanchor_38_324" id="FNanchor_38_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_324" class="fnanchor">(38)</a> Lagardelle declares that
+syndicalism is post-democratic. "Democracy corresponds to a definite
+historical movement," he says, "which has come to an end. Syndicalism is
+an anti-democratic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265"></a>[<a href="images/284.png">265</a>]</span> movement." <a name="FNanchor_39_325" id="FNanchor_39_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_325" class="fnanchor">(39)</a> These are but three out of a number
+of criticisms of democracy that might be quoted. Although natural enough
+as a consequence of syndicalist antagonism to the State, these ideas are
+nevertheless fatal when applied to the actual conduct of a working-class
+movement. It means that the minority believes that it can drive the
+majority. We remember that Gu&eacute;rard suggested, in his advocacy of the
+general strike, that, if the railroad workers struck, many other trades
+"would be compelled to quit work." "A daring revolutionary minority
+conscious of its aim can carry away with it the majority." <a name="FNanchor_40_326" id="FNanchor_40_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_326" class="fnanchor">(40)</a> Pouget
+confesses: "The syndicalist has a contempt for the vulgar idea of
+democracy&mdash;the inert, unconscious mass is not to be taken into account
+when the minority wishes to act so as to benefit it...." <a name="FNanchor_41_327" id="FNanchor_41_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_327" class="fnanchor">(41)</a> He refers
+in another place to the majority, who "may be considered as human zeros.
+Thus appears the enormous difference in method," concludes Pouget,
+"which distinguishes syndicalism and democracy: the latter, by the
+mechanism of universal suffrage, gives direction to the unconscious ...
+and stifles the minorities who bear within them the hopes of the
+future." <a name="FNanchor_42_328" id="FNanchor_42_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_328" class="fnanchor">(42)</a></p>
+
+<p>This is anarchism all over again, from Proudhon to Goldman. <a name="FNanchor_43_329" id="FNanchor_43_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_329" class="fnanchor">(43)</a> But,
+while the Bakouninists were forced, as a result of these views, to
+abandon organized effort, the newest anarchists have attempted to
+incorporate these ideas into the very constitution of the French
+Confederation of Labor. And at present they are, in fact, a little
+clique that rides on the backs of the organized workers, and the
+majority cannot throw them off so long as a score of members have the
+same voting power in the Confederation as that of a trade union with ten
+thousand members. All this must, of course, have very serious
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266"></a>[<a href="images/285.png">266</a>]</span>consequences. Opposition to majority rule has always been a cardinal
+principle of the anarchists. It is also a fundamental principle of every
+American political machine. To defeat democracy is obviously the chief
+purpose of a Tammany Hall. But, when this idea is actually advocated as
+an ideal of working-class organization, when it is made to stand as a
+policy and practice of a trade union, it can only result in suspicion,
+disruption, and, eventually, in complete ruin. It appears that the
+militant syndicalist, like the anarchist, realizes that he cannot expect
+the aid of the people. He turns, then, to the minority, the fighting
+inner circle, as the sole hope.</p>
+
+<p>It is inevitable, therefore, that syndicalism and socialism should stand
+at opposite poles. They are exactly as far apart as anarchism and
+socialism. And, if we turn to the question of methods, we find an
+antagonism almost equally great. How are the workers to obtain
+possession of industry? On this point, as well as upon their conception
+of socialism, the syndicalists are not advanced beyond Owenism. "One
+question, and that the most immediately important of all," say the
+Webbs, speaking of Owen's projects, "was never seriously faced: How was
+the transfer of the industries from the capitalists to the unions to be
+effected in the teeth of a hostile and well-armed government? The answer
+must have been that the overwhelming numbers of 'the trades union' would
+render conflict impossible. At all events, Owen, like the early
+Christians, habitually spoke as if the day of judgment of the existing
+order of society was at hand. The next six months, in his view, were
+always going to see the 'new moral world' really established. The change
+from the capitalist system to a complete organization of industry under
+voluntary associations of producers was to 'come suddenly upon society
+like a thief in the night.'...<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267"></a>[<a href="images/286.png">267</a>]</span> It is impossible not to regret that the
+first introduction of the English Trade Unionist to Socialism should
+have been effected by a foredoomed scheme which violated every economic
+principle of collectivism, and left the indispensable political
+preliminaries to pure chance." <a name="FNanchor_44_330" id="FNanchor_44_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_330" class="fnanchor">(44)</a> Little need be added to what the
+Webbs have said on the utopian features of syndicalism or even upon the
+haphazard method adopted to achieve them. "No politics in the unions"
+follows logically enough from an avowed antagonism to the State. If one
+starts with the assumption that nothing can be done through the
+State&mdash;as Owen, Bakounin, and the syndicalists have done&mdash;one is, of
+course, led irretrievably to oppose parliamentary and other political methods of action.</p>
+
+<p>When the syndicalists throw over democracy and foreswear political
+action, they are fatally driven to the point where they must abandon the
+working class. In the meantime, they are sadly misleading it. It is when
+we touch this phase of the syndicalist movement that we begin to
+discover real bitterness. Here direct action stands in opposition to
+political action. The workers must choose the one method or the other.
+The old clash appears again in all its tempestuous hate. Jules Guesde
+was early one of the adherents of Bakounin, but in all his later life he
+has been pitiless in his warfare on the anarchists. As soon, therefore,
+as the direct-actionists began again to exercise an influence, Guesde
+entered the field of battle. I happened to be at Limoges in 1906 to hear
+Guesde speak these memorable words at the French Socialist Congress:
+"Political action is necessarily revolutionary. It does not address
+itself to the employer, but to the State, while industrial action
+addresses itself to the individual employer or to associations of
+employers. Industrial action does not attack<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268"></a>[<a href="images/287.png">268</a>]</span> the employer <i>as an
+institution</i>, because the employer is the effect, the result of
+capitalist property. As soon as capitalist property will have
+disappeared, the employer will disappear, and not before. It is in the
+socialist party&mdash;because it is a political party&mdash;that one fights
+against the employer class, and that is why the socialist party is truly
+an economic party, tending to transform social and political economy. At
+the present moment words have their importance. And I should like to
+urge the comrades strongly never to allow it to be believed that
+trade-union action is economic action. No; this latter action is taken
+only by the political organization of the working class. It is the party
+of the working class which leads it&mdash;that is to say, the socialist
+party&mdash;because property is a social institution which cannot be
+transformed except by the exploited class making use of political power
+for this purpose....</p>
+
+<p>"I realize," he continued, "that the direct-actionists attempt to
+identify political action with parliamentary action. No; electoral
+action as well as parliamentary action may be forms; pieces of political
+action. They are not political action as a whole, which is the effort to
+seize public powers&mdash;the Government. Political action is the people of
+Paris taking possession of the H&ocirc;tel de Ville in 1871. It is the
+Parisian workers marching upon the National Assembly in 1848.... To
+those who go about claiming that political action, as extolled by the
+party, reduces itself to the production of public officials, you will
+oppose a flat denial. Political action is, moreover, not the production
+of laws. It is the grasping by the working class of the manufactory of
+laws; it is the political expropriation of the employer class, which
+alone permits its economic expropriation.... I wish that someone would
+explain to me how the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269"></a>[<a href="images/288.png">269</a>]</span>breaking of street lights, the disemboweling of
+soldiers, the burning of factories, can constitute a means of
+transforming the ownership of property.... Supposing that the strikers
+were masters of the streets and should seize the factories, would not
+the factories still remain private property? Instead of being the
+property of a few employers or stockholders, they would become the
+property of the 500 or the 5,000 workingmen who had taken them, and that
+is all. The owners of the property will have changed; the system of
+ownership will have remained the same. And ought we not to consider it
+necessary to say that to the workers over and over again? Ought we to
+allow them to take a path that leads nowhere?... No; the socialists
+could not, without crime, lend themselves to such trickery. It is our
+imperative duty to bring back the workers to reality, to remind them
+always that one can only be revolutionary if one attacks the government
+and the State." <a name="FNanchor_45_331" id="FNanchor_45_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_331" class="fnanchor">(45)</a> "Trade-union action moves within the circle of
+capitalism without breaking through it, and that is necessarily
+reformist, in the good sense of the word. In order to ameliorate the
+conditions of the victims of capitalist society, it does not touch the
+system. All the revolutionary wrangling can avail nothing against this
+fact. Even when a strike is triumphant, the day after the strike the
+wage earners remain wage earners and capitalist exploitation continues.
+It is a necessity, a fatality, which trade-union action suffers." <a name="FNanchor_46_332" id="FNanchor_46_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_332" class="fnanchor">(46)</a></p>
+
+<p>Any comment of mine would, I think, only serve to mar this masterly
+logic of Guesde's. There is nothing perhaps in socialist literature
+which so ably sustains the traditional position of the socialist
+movement. The battles in France over this question have been bitterly
+fought for over half a century. The most brilliant of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270"></a>[<a href="images/289.png">270</a>]</span> minds have been
+engaged in the struggle. Proudhon, Bakounin, Briand, Sorel, Lagardelle,
+Berth, Herv&eacute;, are men of undoubted ability. Opposed to them we find the
+Marxists, led in these latter years by Guesde and Jaur&egrave;s. And while
+direct action has always been vigorously supported in France both by the
+intellectuals and by the masses, it is the policy of Guesde and Jaur&egrave;s
+which has made headway. At the time when the general strike was looked
+upon as a revolutionary panacea, and the French working class seemed on
+the point of risking everything in one throw of the dice, Jaur&egrave;s uttered
+a solemn warning: "Toward this abyss ... the proletariat is feeling
+itself more and more drawn, at the risk not only of ruining itself
+should it fall over, but of dragging down with it for years to come
+either the wealth or the security of the national life." <a name="FNanchor_47_333" id="FNanchor_47_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_333" class="fnanchor">(47)</a> "If the
+proletarians take possession of the mine and the factory, it will be a
+perfectly fictitious ownership. They will be embracing a corpse, for the
+mines and factories will be no better than dead bodies while economic
+circulation is suspended and production is stopped. So long as a class
+does not own and govern the whole social machine, it can seize a few
+factories and yards, if it wants to, but it really possesses nothing. To
+hold in one's hand a few pebbles of a deserted road is not to be master
+of transportation." <a name="FNanchor_48_334" id="FNanchor_48_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_334" class="fnanchor">(48)</a> "The working class would be the dupe of a fatal
+illusion and a sort of unhealthy obsession if it mistook what can be
+only the tactics of despair for a method of revolution." <a name="FNanchor_49_335" id="FNanchor_49_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_335" class="fnanchor">(49)</a></p>
+
+<p>The struggle, therefore, between the syndicalists and the socialists is,
+as we see, the same clash over methods that occurred in the seventies
+and eighties between the anarchists and the socialists. In abandoning
+democracy, in denying the efficacy of political action, and in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271"></a>[<a href="images/290.png">271</a>]</span>
+resorting to methods which can only end in self-destruction, the
+syndicalist becomes the logical descendant of the anarchist. He is at
+this moment undergoing an evolution which appears to be leading him into
+the same <i>cul-de-sac</i> that thwarted his forefather. His path is blocked
+by the futility of his own weapons. He is fatally driven, as Plechanoff
+said, either to serve the bourgeois politicians or to resort to the
+tactics of Ravachol, Henry, Vaillant, and Most. The latter is the more
+likely, since the masses refuse to be drawn into the general strike as
+they formerly declined to participate in artificial uprisings.<a name="FNanchor_AE_31" id="FNanchor_AE_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_AE_31" class="fnanchor">[AE]</a> The
+daring conscious minority more and more despair, and they turn to the
+only other weapon in their arsenal, that of sabotage. There is a kind of
+fatality which overtakes the revolutionist who insists upon an
+immediate, universal, and violent revolution. He must first despair of
+the majority. He then loses confidence even in the enlightened minority.
+And, in the end, like the Bakouninist, he is driven to individual acts
+of despair. What will doubtless happen at no distant date in France and
+Italy will be a repetition of the congress at The Hague. When the
+trade-union movement actually develops into a powerful organization, it
+will be forced to throw off this incubus of the new anarchism. It is
+already thought that a majority of the French trade unionists oppose the
+anarchist tendencies of the clique in control, and certainly a number of
+the largest and most influential<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272"></a>[<a href="images/291.png">272</a>]</span> unions frankly class themselves as
+reformist syndicalists, in order to distinguish themselves from the
+revolutionary syndicalists. What will come of this division time only
+can tell.</p>
+
+<p>In any case, it is becoming clear even to the French unionists that
+direct action is not and cannot be, as Guesde has pointed out,
+revolutionary action. It cannot transform our social system. It is
+destined to failure just as insurrection as a policy was destined to
+failure. Rittinghausen said at Basel in 1869: "Revolution, as a matter
+of fact, accomplishes nothing. If you are not able to formulate, after
+the revolution, by legislation, your legitimate demands, the revolution
+will perish miserably." <a name="FNanchor_50_336" id="FNanchor_50_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_336" class="fnanchor">(50)</a> This was true in 1848, in 1871, and even in
+the great French Revolution itself. Nothing would have seemed easier at
+the time of the French Revolution than for the peasants to have directly
+possessed themselves of the land. They were using it. Their houses were
+planted in the midst of it. Their landlords in many cases had fled. Yet
+Kropotkin, in his story of "The Great French Revolution," relates that
+the redistribution of land awaited the action of Parliament. To be sure,
+some of the peasants had taken the land, but they were not at all sure
+that it might not again be taken from them by some superior force. Their
+rights were not defined, and there was such chaos in the entire
+situation that, in the end, the whole question had to be left to
+Parliament. It was only after the action of the Convention, June 11,
+1793, that the rights of ownership were defined. It was only then, as
+Kropotkin says, that "everyone had a right to the land. It was a
+complete revolution." <a name="FNanchor_51_337" id="FNanchor_51_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_337" class="fnanchor">(51)</a> That the greatest of living anarchists should
+be forced to pay this tribute to the action of Parliament is in itself
+an assurance.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273"></a>[<a href="images/292.png">273</a>]</span> For masses in the time of revolution to grab whatever
+they desire is, after all, to constitute what Jaur&egrave;s calls a fictitious
+ownership. Some legality is needed to establish possession and a sense
+of security, and, up to the present, only the political institutions of
+society have been able to do that. For this precise reason every social
+struggle and class struggle of the past has been a political struggle.</p>
+
+<p>There remains but one other fundamental question, which must be briefly
+examined. The syndicalists do not go back to Owen as the founder of
+their philosophy. They constantly reiterate the claim that they alone
+to-day are Marxists and that it is given to them to keep "pure and
+undefiled" the theories of that giant mind. They base their claim on the
+ground of Marx's economic interpretation of history and especially upon
+his oft-repeated doctrine that upon the economic structure of society
+rises the juridical and political superstructure. They maintain that the
+political institutions are merely the reflex of economic conditions.
+Alter the economic basis of society, and the political structure must
+adjust itself to the new conditions. As a result of this truly Marxian
+reasoning, they assert that the revolutionary movement must pursue
+solely economic aims and disregard totally the existing and, to their
+minds, superfluous political relations. They accuse the socialists of a
+contradiction. Claiming to be Marxists and basing their program upon the
+economic interpretation of history, the socialists waste their energies
+in trying to modify the results instead of obliterating the causes.
+Political institutions are parasitical. Why, therefore, ignore economic
+foundations and waste effort remodeling the parasitical superstructure?
+There <i>is</i> a contradiction here, but not on the part of the socialists.
+Proudhon was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274"></a>[<a href="images/293.png">274</a>]</span> entirely consistent when he asked: "Can we not administer
+our goods, keep our accounts, arrange our differences, look after our
+common interests?" <a name="FNanchor_52_338" id="FNanchor_52_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_338" class="fnanchor">(52)</a> And, moreover, he was consistent when he
+declared: "I want you to make the very institutions which I charge you
+to abolish, ... so that the new society shall appear as the spontaneous,
+natural, and necessary development of the old." <a name="FNanchor_53_339" id="FNanchor_53_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_339" class="fnanchor">(53)</a> If that were once
+done the dissolution of government would follow, as he says, in a way
+about which one can at present make only guesses. But Proudhon urged his
+followers to establish co&ouml;perative banks, co&ouml;perative industries, and a
+variety of voluntary industrial enterprises, in order eventually to
+possess themselves of the means of production. If the working class,
+through its own co&ouml;perative efforts, could once acquire the ownership of
+industry, if they could thus expropriate the present owners and
+gradually come into the ownership of all natural resources and all means
+of production&mdash;in a word, of all social capital&mdash;they would not need to
+bother themselves with the State. If, in possessing themselves thus of
+all economic power, they were also to neglect the State, its machinery
+would, of course, tumble into uselessness and eventually disappear. As
+the great capitalists to-day make laws through the stock exchange,
+through their chambers of commerce, through their pools and
+combinations, so the working class could do likewise if they were in
+possession of industry. But the working class to-day has no real
+economic power. It has no participation in the ownership of industry. It
+is claimed that it might withdraw its labor power and in this manner
+break down the entire economic system. It is urged that labor alone is
+absolutely necessary to production and that if, in a great general
+strike, it should cease production, the whole of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275"></a>[<a href="images/294.png">275</a>]</span> society would be
+forced to capitulate. And in theory this seems unassailable, but
+actually it has no force whatever. In the first place, this economic
+power does not exist unless the workers are organized and are
+practically unanimous in their action. Furthermore, the economic
+position of the workers is one of utter helplessness at the time of a
+universal strike, in that they cannot feed themselves. As they are the
+nearest of all classes to starvation, they will be the first to suffer
+by a stoppage of work. There is still another vital weakness in this
+so-called economic theory. The battles that result from a general strike
+will not be on the industrial field. They will be battles between the
+armed agents of the State and unarmed masses of hungry men. Whatever
+economic power the workers are said to possess would, in that case,
+avail them little, for the results of their struggles would depend upon
+the military power which they would be able to manifest. The individual
+worker has no economic power, nor has the minority, and it may even be
+questioned if the withdrawal of all the organized workers could bring
+society to its knees. Multitudes of the small propertied classes, of
+farmers, of police, of militiamen, and of others would immediately rush
+to the defense of society in the time of such peril. It is only the
+working class theoretically conceived of as a conscious unit and as
+practically unanimous in its revolutionary aims, in its methods, and in
+its revolt which can be considered as the ultimate economic power of
+modern society. The day of such a conscious and enlightened solidarity
+is, however, so far distant that the syndicalism which is based upon it
+falls of itself into a fantastic dream.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_W_23" id="Footnote_W_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_W_23"><span class="label">[W]</span></a> His words are: "What is the General Confederation of Labor,
+if not the continuation of the International?" <i>Documents et Souvenirs</i>,
+Vol. IV, p. vii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_X_24" id="Footnote_X_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_X_24"><span class="label">[X]</span></a> In justice to the French unions it must be said that a
+large number, probably a considerable majority, do not share these
+views. The views of the latter are almost identical with those of the
+American and English unions; but at present the new anarchists are in
+the saddle, although their power appears to be waning.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_Y_25" id="Footnote_Y_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_Y_25"><span class="label">[Y]</span></a> See pp. 234, 235, <i>supra</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_Z_26" id="Footnote_Z_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_Z_26"><span class="label">[Z]</span></a> See p. 52, <i>supra</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_AA_27" id="Footnote_AA_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_AA_27"><span class="label">[AA]</span></a> I have not dealt in this chapter with the Industrial
+Workers of the World, which is the American representative of
+syndicalist ideas. First, because the American organization has
+developed no theories of importance. Their chief work has been to
+popularize some of the French ideas. Second, because the I. W. W. has
+not yet won for itself a place in the labor movement. It has done much
+agitation, but as yet no organization to speak of. Furthermore, there is
+great confusion of ideas among the various factions and elements, and it
+would be difficult to state views which are held in common by all of
+them. It should be said, however, that all the American syndicalists
+have emphasized industrial unionism, that is to say, organization by
+industries instead of by crafts&mdash;an idea that the French lay no stress upon.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_AB_28" id="Footnote_AB_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_AB_28"><span class="label">[AB]</span></a> At the Sixth International Conference of the National
+Trade Union Centers, held in Paris, 1909, the French syndicalists
+endeavored to persuade the trade unions to hold periodical international
+trade-union congresses that would rival the international socialist
+congresses. The proposition was so strongly opposed by all countries
+except France that the motion was withdrawn.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_AC_29" id="Footnote_AC_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_AC_29"><span class="label">[AC]</span></a> The comments are by Plechanoff. <a name="FNanchor_20_306" id="FNanchor_20_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_306" class="fnanchor">(20)</a></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_AD_30" id="Footnote_AD_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_AD_30"><span class="label">[AD]</span></a> It should, however, be pointed out that the German social
+democrats voted at first against the State ownership of railroads,
+because it was considered a military measure.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_AE_31" id="Footnote_AE_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_AE_31"><span class="label">[AE]</span></a> The committee on the general strike of the French
+Confederation said despairingly in 1900: "The idea of the general strike
+is sufficiently understood to-day. In repeatedly putting off the date of
+its coming, we risk discrediting it forever by enervating the
+revolutionary energies." Quoted by Levine, "The Labor Movement in
+France," p. 102.</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276"></a>[<a href="images/295.png">276</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER XI</h2>
+
+<h3>THE OLDEST ANARCHISM</h3>
+
+<p>It is perhaps just as well to begin this chapter by reminding ourselves
+that anarchy means literally no government. Consequently, there will be
+no laws. "I am ready to make terms, but I will have no laws," said
+Proudhon; adding, "I acknowledge none." <a name="FNanchor_1_340" id="FNanchor_1_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_340" class="fnanchor">(1)</a> However revolutionary this
+may seem, it is, after all, not so very unlike what has always existed
+in the affairs of men. Without the philosophy of the idealist anarchist,
+with no pretense of justice or "nonsense" about equality, there have
+always been in this old world of ours those powerful enough to make and
+to break law, to brush aside the State and any and every other hindrance
+that stood in their path. "Laws are like spiders' webs," said
+Anacharsis, "and will, like them, only entangle and hold the poor and
+weak, while the rich and powerful will easily break through them." He
+might have said, with equal truth, that, with or without laws, the rich
+and powerful have been able in the past to do very much as they pleased.
+For the poor and the weak there have always been, to be sure, hard and
+fast rules that they could not break through. But the rich and powerful
+have always managed to live more or less above the State or, at least,
+so to dominate the State that to all intents and purposes, other than
+their own, it did not exist. When Bakounin wrote his startling and now
+famous decree abolishing the State, he created no end of hilarity among<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277"></a>[<a href="images/296.png">277</a>]</span>
+the Marxists, but had Bakounin been Napoleon with his mighty army, or
+Morgan and Rockefeller with their great wealth, he could no doubt in
+some measure have carried out his wish. Without, however, either wealth
+or numbers behind him, Bakounin preached a polity that, up to the
+present, only the rich and powerful have been able even partly to
+achieve. The anarchy of Proudhon was visionary, humanitarian, and
+idealistic. At least he thought he was striving for a more humane social
+order than that of the present. But this older anarchism is as ancient
+as tyranny, and never at any moment has it ceased to menace human
+civilization. Based on a real mastery over the industrial and political
+institutions of mankind, this actual anarchy has never for long allowed
+the law, the Constitution, the State, or the flag to obstruct its path
+or thwart its avarice.</p>
+
+<p>Moreover, under the anarchism proposed by Proudhon and Bakounin, the
+maintenance of property rights, public order, and personal security
+would be left to voluntary effort, that is to say, to private
+enterprise. As all things would be decided by mutual agreement, the only
+law would be a law of contracts, and that law would need to be enforced
+either by associations formed for that purpose or by professionals
+privately employed for that purpose. So far as one can see, then, the
+methods of the feudal lords would be revived, by which they hired their
+own personal armies or went shares in the spoils with their bandits,
+buccaneers, and assassins. By organizing their own military forces and
+maintaining them in comfort, they were able to rob, burn, and murder, in
+order to protect the wealth and power they had, or to gain more wealth
+and power. For them there was no law but that of a superior fighting
+force. There was an infinite variety of customs and traditions that
+were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278"></a>[<a href="images/297.png">278</a>]</span> in the nature of laws, but even these were seldom allowed to stand
+in the way of those who coveted, and were strong enough to take, the
+land, the money, or the produce of others. Indeed, the feudal duke or
+prince was all that Nechayeff claimed for the modern robber. He was a
+glorified anarchist, "without phrase, without rhetoric." He could scour
+Europe for mercenaries, and, when he possessed himself of an army of
+marauders, he became a law unto himself. The most ancient and honorable
+anarchy is despotism, and its most effective and available means of
+domination have always been the employment of its own personal military forces.</p>
+
+<p>It will be remembered that Bakounin developed a kind of robber worship.
+The bandit leaders Stenka Razin and Pougatchoff appeared to him as
+national heroes, popular avengers, and irreconcilable enemies of the
+State. He conceived of the brigands scattered throughout Russia and
+confined in the prisons of the Empire as "a unique and indivisible
+world, strongly bound together&mdash;the world of the Russian revolution."
+The robber was "the wrestler in life and in death against all this
+civilization of officials, of nobles, of priests, and of the crown." Of
+course, Bakounin says here much that is historically true. Thieves,
+marauders, highwaymen, bandits, brigands, villains, mendicants, and all
+those other elements of medi&aelig;val life for whom society provided neither
+land nor occupation, often organized themselves into guerilla bands in
+order to war upon all social and civil order. But Bakounin neglects to
+mention that it was these very elements that eagerly became the
+mercenaries of any prince who could feed them. They were lawless,
+"without phrase, without rhetoric," and, if anyone were willing to pay
+them, they would gladly pillage, burn, and murder in his interest. They
+would have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279"></a>[<a href="images/298.png">279</a>]</span> served anybody or anything&mdash;the State, society, a prince, or
+a tyrant. They had no scruples and no philosophies. They were in the
+market to be bought by anyone who wanted a choice brand of assassins.
+And the feudal duke or prince bought, fed, and cared for these
+"veritable and unique revolutionists," in order to have them ready for
+service in his work of robbery and murder. To be sure, when these
+marauders had no employer they were dangerous, because then they
+committed crimes and outrages on their own hook. But the vast majority
+of them were hirelings, and many of them achieved fame for the bravery
+of their exploits in the service of the dukes, the princes, and the
+priests of that time. There were even guilds of mercenaries, such as the
+<i>Condottieri</i> of Italy; and the Swiss were famous for their superior
+service. They were, it seems, revolutionists in Bakounin's use of the
+term, and every prince knew "no money, no Swiss" ("<i>point d'argent, point de Suisse</i>").</p>
+
+<p>A very slight acquaintance with history teaches us that this anarchy has
+been checked and that the history of recent times consists largely of
+the struggles of the masses to harness and subdue this anarchy of the
+powerful. And perhaps the most notable step in that direction was that
+development of the State which took away the right of the nobles to
+employ and maintain their own private armies. In England, policing by
+the State began as late as 1826, when Sir Robert Peel passed the law
+establishing the Metropolitan force in London, and these agents of order
+are even now called "Bobbies" and "Peelers," in memory of him.
+Throughout all Europe the military, naval, and police forces are to-day
+in the hands of the State. We have, then, in contradistinction to the
+old anarchy, the State maintenance of law and order, and of protection
+to life and property. Even in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280"></a>[<a href="images/299.png">280</a>]</span> Russia the coercive forces are under the
+control of the Government, and nowhere are individuals&mdash;be they Grand
+Dukes or Princes&mdash;allowed to employ their own military forces. When
+trouble arises without, it is the State that calls together its armed
+men for aggression or for defense. When trouble arises within&mdash;such as
+strikes, riots, and insurrections&mdash;it is the State that is supposed to
+deal with them. Individuals, no matter how powerful, are not to-day
+permitted to organize armies to invade a foreign land, to subdue its
+people, and to wrest from them their property. In the case of uprisings
+within a country, the individual is not allowed to raise his armies,
+subdue the troublesome elements, and make himself master. Within the
+last few centuries the State has thus gradually drawn to itself the
+powers of repression, of coercion, and of aggression, and it is the
+State alone that is to-day allowed to maintain military forces.</p>
+
+<p>At any rate, this is true of all civilized countries except the United
+States. This is the only modern State wherein coercive military powers
+are still wielded by individuals. In the United States it is still
+possible for rich and powerful individuals or for corporations to employ
+their own bands of armed men. If any legislator were to propose a law
+allowing any man or group of men to have their own private battleships
+and to organize their own private navies and armies, or if anyone
+suggested the turning over of the coercive powers of the State to
+private enterprise, the masses would rise in rebellion against the
+project. No congressman would, of course, venture to suggest such a law,
+and few individuals would undertake to defend such a plan. Yet the fact
+is that now, without legal authority, private armies may be employed and
+are indeed actually employed in the United<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281"></a>[<a href="images/300.png">281</a>]</span> States. In the most stealthy
+and insidious manner there has grown up within the last fifty years an
+extensive and profitable commerce for supplying to the lords of finance
+their own private police. And the strange fact appears that the newest,
+and supposedly the least feudal, country is to-day the only country that
+allows the oldest anarchists to keep in their hands the power to arm
+their own mercenaries and, in the words of an eminent Justice, to expose
+"the lives of citizens to the murderous assaults of hireling
+assassins." <a name="FNanchor_2_341" id="FNanchor_2_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_341" class="fnanchor">(2)</a> It is with these "hireling assassins," who, for the
+convenience of the wealthy, are now supplied by a great network of
+agencies, that we shall chiefly concern ourselves in this chapter. We
+must here leave Europe, since it is in the United States alone that the
+workings of this barbarous commerce in anarchy can be observed.</p>
+
+<p>Robert A. Pinkerton was the originator of a system of extra-legal police
+agents that has gradually grown to be one of the chief commercial
+enterprises of the country. According to his own testimony, <a name="FNanchor_3_342" id="FNanchor_3_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_342" class="fnanchor">(3)</a> he began
+in 1866 to supply armed men to the owners of large industries, and ever
+since his firm has carried on a profitable business in that field.
+Envious of his prosperity, other individuals have formed rival agencies,
+and to-day there exist in the United States thousands of so-called
+detective bureaus where armed men can be employed to do the bidding of
+any wealthy individual. While, no doubt, there are agencies that conduct
+a thoroughly legitimate business, there are unquestionably numerous
+agencies in this country where one may employ thugs, thieves,
+incendiaries, dynamiters, perjurers, jury-fixers, manufacturers of
+evidence, strike-breakers and murderers. A regularly established
+commerce exists, which enables a rich man, without great difficulty or
+peril, to hire <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282"></a>[<a href="images/301.png">282</a>]</span>abandoned criminals, who, for certain prices, will
+undertake to execute any crime. If one can afford it, one may have
+always at hand a body of highwaymen or a small private army. Such a
+commerce as this was no doubt necessary and proper in the Middle Ages
+and would no doubt be necessary and proper in a state of anarchy, but
+when individuals are allowed to employ private police, armies, thugs,
+and assassins in a country which possesses a regularly established
+State, courts, laws, military forces, and police the traffic constitutes
+a menace as alarming as the Black Hand, the Camorra, or the Mafia. The
+story of these hired terrorists and of this ancient anarchy revived
+surpasses in cold-blooded criminality any other thing known in modern
+history. That rich and powerful patrons should be allowed to purchase in
+the market poor and desperate criminals eager to commit any crime on the
+calendar for a few dollars, is one of the most amazing and incredible
+anachronisms of a too self-complaisant Republic.</p>
+
+<p>For some reason not wholly obscure the American people generally have
+been kept in such ignorance of the facts of this commerce that few even
+dream that it exists. And I am fully conscious of the need for proof in
+support of what to many must appear to be unwarranted assertions.
+Indeed, it is rare to find anyone who suspects the character of the
+private detective. The general impression seems to be that he performs a
+very useful and necessary service, that the profession is an honorable
+one, and that the mass of detectives have only one ambition in life, and
+that is to ferret out the criminal and to bring him to justice. To
+denounce detectives as a class appears to most persons as absurdly
+unreasonable. To speak of them with contempt is to convey the impression
+that detectives stand in the way of some evil<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283"></a>[<a href="images/302.png">283</a>]</span> schemes of their
+detractor. Fiction of a peculiarly American sort has built up among the
+people an exalted conception of the sleuth. And it must appear with
+rather a shock to those persons who have thus idealized the detective to
+learn that thousands of men who have been in the penitentiaries are
+constantly in the employ of the detective agencies. In a society which
+makes it almost impossible for an ex-convict to earn an honorable living
+it is no wonder that many of them grasp eagerly at positions offered
+them as "strike-breakers" and as "special officers." The first and most
+important thing, then, in this chapter is to prove, with perhaps undue
+detail, the ancient saying that "you must be a thief to catch a thief,"
+and that possibly for that proverbial reason many private detectives are
+schooled and practiced in crime.</p>
+
+<p>So far as I know, the first serious attempt to inform the general public
+of the real character of American detectives and to tell of their
+extensive traffic in criminality was made by a British detective, who,
+after having been stationed in America for several years, was impelled
+to make public the alarming conditions which he found. This was Thomas
+Beet, the American representative of the famous John Conquest, ex-Chief
+Inspector of Scotland Yard, who, in a public statement, declared his
+astonishment that "few ... recognize in them [detective agencies] an
+evil which is rapidly becoming a vital menace to American society.
+Ostensibly conducted for the repression and punishment of crime, they
+are in fact veritable hotbeds of corruption, trafficking upon the honor
+and sacred confidences of their patrons and the credulity of the public,
+and leaving in their wake an aftermath of disgrace, disaster, and even
+death." <a name="FNanchor_4_343" id="FNanchor_4_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_343" class="fnanchor">(4)</a> He pointed out the odium that must inevitably attach itself
+to the very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284"></a>[<a href="images/303.png">284</a>]</span> name "private detective," unless society awakens and
+protects in some manner the honest members of the profession. "It may
+seem a sweeping statement," he says, "but I am morally convinced that
+fully ninety per cent. of the private detective establishments,
+masquerading in whatever form, are rotten to the core and simply exist
+and thrive upon a foundation of dishonesty, deceit, conspiracy, and
+treachery to the public in general and their own patrons in
+particular." <a name="FNanchor_5_344" id="FNanchor_5_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_344" class="fnanchor">(5)</a></p>
+
+<p>The statements of Thomas Beet are, however, not all of this general
+character, and he specifically says: "I know that there are detectives
+at the head of prominent agencies in this country whose pictures adorn
+the rogues' gallery; men who have served time in various prisons for
+almost every crime on the calendar.... Thugs and thieves and criminals
+don the badge and outward semblance of the honest private detective in
+order that they may prey upon society.... Private detectives such as I
+have described do not, as a usual thing, go out to learn facts, but
+rather to make, at all costs, the evidence desired by the patron." <a name="FNanchor_6_345" id="FNanchor_6_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_345" class="fnanchor">(6)</a> He
+shows the methods of trickery and deceit by which these detectives
+blackmail the wealthy, and the various means they employ for convicting
+any man, no matter how innocent, of any crime. "We shudder when we hear
+of the system of espionage maintained in Russia," he adds, "while in the
+great American cities, unnoticed, are organizations of spies and
+informers." <a name="FNanchor_7_346" id="FNanchor_7_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_346" class="fnanchor">(7)</a> It is interesting to get the views of an impartial and
+expert observer upon this rapidly growing commerce in espionage,
+blackmail, and assault, and no less interesting is the opinion of the
+most notable American detective, William J. Burns, on the character of
+these men. Speaking of detectives he declared that, "as a class, they
+are the biggest lot of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285"></a>[<a href="images/304.png">285</a>]</span>blackmailing thieves that ever went unwhipped of
+justice." <a name="FNanchor_8_347" id="FNanchor_8_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_347" class="fnanchor">(8)</a> Only a short time before Burns made this remark the late
+Magistrate Henry Steinert, according to reports in the New York press,
+grew very indignant in his court over the shooting of a young lad by
+these private officers. "I think it an outrage," he declared, "that the
+Police Commissioner is enabled to furnish police power to these special
+officers, many of them thugs, men out of work, some of whom would commit
+murder for two dollars. Most of the arrests which have been made by
+these men have been absolutely unwarranted. In nearly every case one of
+these special officers had first pushed a gun into the prisoner's face.
+The shooting last night when a boy was killed shows the result of giving
+power to such men. It is a shame and a disgrace to the Police Department
+of the city that such conditions are allowed to exist." <a name="FNanchor_9_348" id="FNanchor_9_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_348" class="fnanchor">(9)</a></p>
+
+<p>Anyone who will take the time to search through the testimony gathered
+by various governmental commissions will find an abundance of evidence
+indicating that many of these special officers and private detectives
+are in reality thugs and criminals. As long ago as 1892 an inquiry was
+made into the character of the men who were sent to deal with a strike
+at Homestead, Pennsylvania. A well-known witness testified: "We find
+that one is accused of wife-murder, four of burglary, two of
+wife-beating, and one of arson." <a name="FNanchor_10_349" id="FNanchor_10_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_349" class="fnanchor">(10)</a> A thoroughly reliable and
+responsible detective, who had been in the United States secret service,
+also gave damaging testimony. "They were the scum of the earth.... There
+is not one out of ten that would not commit murder; that you could not
+hire him to commit murder or any other crime." Furthermore, he declared,
+"I would not believe any detective under oath without his evidence<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286"></a>[<a href="images/305.png">286</a>]</span> was
+corroborated." He spoke of ex-convicts being employed, and alleged that
+the manager of one of the large agencies "was run out of Cincinnati for
+blackmail." <a name="FNanchor_11_350" id="FNanchor_11_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_350" class="fnanchor">(11)</a> Similar statements were made by another detective, named
+Le Vin, to the Industrial Commission of the United States when it was
+investigating the Chicago labor troubles of 1900. He declared that the
+Contractors' Association of Chicago had come to him repeatedly to employ
+sluggers, and that on one occasion the employers had told him to put
+Winchesters in the hands of his men and to manage somehow to get into a
+fight with the pickets and the strikers. The Commission, evidently
+surprised at this testimony, asked Mr. Le Vin whether it was possible to
+hire detectives to beat up men. His answer was: "You cannot hire every
+man to do it." "Q. 'But can they hire men?' A. 'Yes, they could hire men.'</p>
+
+<p>"Q. 'From other private detective agencies?' A. 'Unfortunately, from
+some, yes.'" <a name="FNanchor_12_351" id="FNanchor_12_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_351" class="fnanchor">(12)</a></p>
+
+<p>In the hearing before a Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary,
+United States Senate, August 13, 1912, lengthy testimony was given
+concerning a series of two hundred assaults that had been made upon the
+union molders of Milwaukee during a strike in 1906. One of the leaders
+of the union was killed, while others were brutally attacked by thugs in
+the employ of a Chicago detective agency. A serious investigation was
+begun by Attorney W. B. Rubin, acting for the Molders' Union, and in
+court the evidence clearly proved that the Chicago detective agency
+employed ex-convicts and other criminals for the purposes of slugging,
+shooting, and even killing union men. When some of these detectives were
+arrested they testified that they had acted under strict instructions.
+They had been sent out to beat up certain<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287"></a>[<a href="images/306.png">287</a>]</span> men. Sometimes these men were
+pointed out to them, at other times they were given the names of the men
+that were to be slugged. They told the amounts that they had been paid,
+of the lead pipe, two feet long, which they had used for the assault,
+and of the fact that they were all armed. There was also testimony given
+that nearly twenty-two thousand dollars had been paid by one firm to
+this one detective agency for services of this character. It was also
+shown that immediately after the assaults were committed the thugs were,
+if possible, shipped out of town for a few days; but, if they were
+arrested, they were defended by able attorneys and their fines paid.
+Although many assaults were committed where no arrests could be made,
+over forty "detectives" were actually arrested, and, when brought into
+court, were found guilty of crimes ranging from disturbing the peace and
+carrying concealed weapons to aggravated assault and shooting with
+intent to kill. Many of these detectives convicted in Milwaukee had been
+previously convicted of similar crimes committed in other cities.
+Although some of them had long criminal records, they were,
+nevertheless, regularly in the employ of the detective agency. It
+appeared in one trial that one of the men employed was very much
+incensed when he saw three of his associates attack a union molder with
+clubs, knocking him down and beating him severely. With indignation he
+protested against the outrage. When the head of the agency heard of this
+the man was discharged. The court records also show that the head of the
+detective agency had gone himself to Chicago to secure two men to
+undertake what proved to be a fatal assault upon a trade-union leader
+named Peter J. Cramer. When arrested and brought into court they
+testified that they received twenty dollars per day for their services.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288"></a>[<a href="images/307.png">288</a>]</span></p><p>Equally direct and positive evidence concerning the character of the
+men supplied by detective agencies for strike-breaking and other
+purposes is found in the annual report of the Chicago &amp; Great Western
+Railway for the period ending in the spring of the year 1908. "To man
+the shops and roundhouses," says the report, "the company was compelled
+to resort to professional strike-breakers, a class of men who are
+willing to work during the excitement and dangers of personal injury
+which attend strikes, but who refuse to work longer than the excitement
+and dangers last.... Perhaps ten per cent. of the first lot of
+strike-breakers were fairly good mechanics, but fully 90 per cent, knew
+nothing about machinery, and had to be gotten rid of. To get rid of such
+men, however, is easier said than done.</p>
+
+<p>"The first batch which was discharged, consisting of about 100 men,
+refused to leave the barricade, made themselves a barricade within the
+company's barricade, and, producing guns and knives, refused to budge.
+The company's fighting men, after a day or two, forced them out of the
+barricade and into a special train, which carried them under guard to
+Chicago." Here was one gang of hired criminals, "the company's fighting
+men," called into service to fight another gang, the company's
+strike-breakers. The character of these "detectives," as testified to in
+this case by the employers, appears to have been about the same as that
+of those described by "Kid" Hogan, who, after an experience as a
+strike-breaker, told the New York Sunday <i>World</i>: "There was the finest
+bunch of crooks and grafters working as strike-breakers in those
+American Express Company strikes you would ever want to see. I was one
+of 'em and know what I am talking about. That gang of grafters cost the
+Express Company a pile of money. Why, they used to start<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289"></a>[<a href="images/308.png">289</a>]</span> trouble
+themselves just to keep their jobs a-going and to get a chance to swipe
+stuff off the wagons.</p>
+
+<p>"It was the same way down at Philadelphia on the street car strike.
+Those strike-breakers used to get a car out somewhere in the suburbs and
+then get off and smash up the windows, tip the car over, and put up an
+awful holler about being attacked by strikers, just so they'd have to be
+kept on the job." <a name="FNanchor_13_352" id="FNanchor_13_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_352" class="fnanchor">(13)</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus we see that some American "detective" agencies have many and varied
+trades. But they not only supply strike-breakers, perjurers, spies, and
+even assassins, they have also been successful in making an utter farce
+of trial by jury. It appears that even some of the best known American
+detectives are not above the packing of a jury. At least, such was the
+startling charge made by Attorney-General George W. Wickersham, May 10,
+1912. In the report to President Taft Mr. Wickersham accused the head of
+one of the chief detective agencies of the country of fixing a jury in
+California. The agents of this detective, with the co&ouml;peration of the
+clerk of the court, investigated the names of proposed jurors. In order
+to be sure of getting a jury that would convict, the record of each
+individual was carefully gone into and a report handed to the
+prosecuting attorneys. Some of the comments on the jurors follow:
+"Convictor from the word go." "Socialist. Anti-Mitchell." "Convictor
+from the word go; just read the indictment. Populist." "Think he is a
+Populist. If so, convictor. Good, reliable man." "Convictor. Democrat.
+Hates Hermann." "Hidebound Democrat. Not apt to see any good in a
+Republican." "Would be apt to be for conviction." "He is apt to wish
+Mitchell hung. Think he would be a fair juror." "Would be likely to
+convict any Republican politician." "Convictor." "Would convict
+Christ."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290"></a>[<a href="images/309.png">290</a>]</span> "Convict Christ. Populist." "Convict anyone. Democrat." <a name="FNanchor_14_353" id="FNanchor_14_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_353" class="fnanchor">(14)</a>
+This great detective even had the audacity, it seems, to telegraph
+William Scott Smith, at that time secretary to the Hon. E. A. Hitchcock,
+the Secretary of the Interior: "Jury commissioners cleaned out old box
+from which trial jurors were selected and put in 600 names, <i>every one
+of which was investigated before they were placed in the box. This
+confidential.</i>" <a name="FNanchor_15_354" id="FNanchor_15_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_354" class="fnanchor">(15)</a> It is impossible to reproduce here some of the
+language of this great detective. The foul manner in which he comments
+upon the character of the jurors is altogether worthy of his vocation.
+That, however, is unimportant compared to the more serious fact that a
+well-paid detective can so pervert trial by jury that it would "convict Christ."</p>
+
+<p>I shall be excused in a matter so devastating to republican institutions
+as this if I quote further from the disclosures of Thomas Beet: "There
+is another phase," he says, "of the private detective evil which has
+worked untold damage in America. This is the private constabulary system
+by which armed forces are employed during labor troubles. It is a
+condition akin to the feudal system of warfare, when private interests
+can employ troops of mercenaries to wage war at their command.
+Ostensibly, these armed private detectives are hurried to the scene of
+the trouble to maintain order and prevent destruction of property,
+although this work always should be left to the official guardians of
+the peace. That there is a sinister motive back of the employment of
+these men has been shown time and again. Have you ever followed the
+episodes of a great strike and noticed that most of the disorderly
+outbreaks were so guided as to work harm to the interests of the
+strikers?... Private detectives, unsuspected in their guise of workmen,
+mingle<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291"></a>[<a href="images/310.png">291</a>]</span> with the strikers and by incendiary talk or action sometimes
+stir them up to violence. When the workmen will not participate, it is
+an easy matter to stir up the disorderly faction which is invariably
+attracted by a strike, although it has no connection therewith.</p>
+
+<p>"During a famous strike of car builders in a western city some years
+ago, ... to my knowledge much of the lawlessness was incited by private
+detectives, who led mobs in the destruction of property. In one of the
+greatest of our strikes, that involving the steel industry, over two
+thousand armed detectives were employed supposedly to protect property,
+while several hundred more were scattered in the ranks of strikers as
+workmen. Many of the latter became officers in the labor bodies, helped
+to make laws for the organizations, made incendiary speeches, cast their
+votes for the most radical movements made by the strikers, participated
+in and led bodies of the members in the acts of lawlessness that
+eventually caused the sending of State troops and the declaration of
+martial law. While doing this, these spies within the ranks were making
+daily reports of the plans and purposes of the strikers. To my
+knowledge, when lawlessness was at its height and murder ran riot, these
+men wore little patches of white on the lapels of their coats that their
+fellow detectives of the 'two thousand' would not shoot them down by
+mistake.... In no other country in the world, with the exception of
+China, is it possible for an individual to surround himself with a
+standing army to do his bidding in defiance of law and order." <a name="FNanchor_16_355" id="FNanchor_16_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_355" class="fnanchor">(16)</a></p>
+
+<p>That the assertions of Thomas Beet are well founded can, I think, be
+made perfectly clear by three tragic periods in the history of labor
+disputes in America. At Homestead in 1892, in the railway strikes of
+1894, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292"></a>[<a href="images/311.png">292</a>]</span> in Colorado during the labor wars of 1903-1904 detectives
+were employed on a large scale. For reasons of space I shall limit
+myself largely to these cases, which, without exaggeration, are typical
+of conditions which constantly arise in the United States. Within the
+last year West Virginia has been added to the list. Incredible outrages
+have been committed there by the mine guards. They have deliberately
+murdered men in some cases, and, on one dark night in February last,
+they sent an armored train into Holly Grove and opened fire with machine
+guns upon a sleeping village of miners. They have beaten, clubbed, and
+stabbed men and women in the effort either to infuriate them into open
+war, or to reduce them to abject slavery. Unfortunately, at this time
+the complete report of the Senate investigation has not been issued, and
+it seems better to confine these pages to those facts only that careful
+inquiry has proved unquestionable. We are fortunate in having the
+reports of public officials&mdash;certainly unbiased on the side of labor&mdash;to
+rely upon for the facts concerning the use of thugs and hirelings in
+Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Colorado during three terrible battles
+between capital and labor.</p>
+
+<p>The story of the shooting of Henry C. Frick by Alexander Berkman is
+briefly referred to in the first chapter, but the events which led up to
+that shooting have well-nigh been forgotten. Certainly, nothing could
+have created more bitterness among the working classes than the act of
+the Carnegie Steel Company when it ordered a detective agency to send to
+Homestead three hundred men armed with Winchester rifles. There was the
+prospect of a strike, and it appears that the management was in no mood
+to parley with its employees, and that nineteen days before any trouble
+occurred the Carnegie Steel Company opened negotiations for the
+employment<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293"></a>[<a href="images/312.png">293</a>]</span> of a private army. It had been the custom of the Carnegie
+Company to meet the representatives of the Amalgamated Association of
+Iron and Steel Workers from time to time and at these conferences to
+agree upon wages. On June 30, 1892, the agreement expired, and previous
+to that date the Company announced a reduction of wages, declaring that
+the new scale would terminate in January instead of June. The employees
+rejected the proposed terms, principally on the ground that they could
+not afford to strike in midwinter and in that case they would not be
+able to resist a further reduction in wages. Upon receiving this
+statement the company locked out its employees and the battle began.</p>
+
+<p>The steel works were surrounded by a fence three miles long, fifteen
+feet in height, and covered with barbed wire. It was called "Fort
+Frick," and the three hundred detectives were to be brought down the
+river by boat and landed in the fort. Morris Hillquit gives the
+following account of the pitched battle that occurred in the early
+morning hours of July 6: "As soon as the boat carrying the Pinkertons
+was sighted by the pickets the alarm was sounded. The strikers were
+aroused from their sleep and within a few minutes the river front was
+covered with a crowd of coatless and hatless men armed with guns and
+rifles and grimly determined to prevent the landing of the Pinkertons.
+The latter, however, did not seem to appreciate the gravity of the
+situation. They sought to intimidate the strikers by assuming a
+threatening attitude and aiming the muzzles of their shining revolvers
+at them. A moment of intense expectation followed. Then a shot was fired
+from the boat and one of the strikers fell to the ground mortally
+wounded. A howl of fury and a volley of bullets came back from the line
+of the strikers, and a wild fusillade was opened on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294"></a>[<a href="images/313.png">294</a>]</span> both sides. In vain
+did the strike leaders attempt to pacify the men and to stop the
+carnage&mdash;the strikers were beyond control. The struggle lasted several
+hours, after which the Pinkertons retreated from the river bank and
+withdrew to the cabin of the boat. There they remained in the sweltering
+heat of the July sun without air or ventilation, under the continuing
+fire of the enraged men on the shore, until they finally surrendered.
+They were imprisoned by the strikers in a rink, and in the evening they
+were sent out of town by rail. The number of dead on both sides was
+twelve, and over twenty were seriously wounded." <a name="FNanchor_17_356" id="FNanchor_17_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_356" class="fnanchor">(17)</a></p>
+
+<p>These events aroused the entire country, and the state of mind among the
+working people generally was exceedingly bitter. It was a tension that
+under certain circumstances might have provoked a civil war. Both the
+Senate and the House of Representatives immediately appointed committees
+to inquire into this movement from state to state of armed men, and the
+employment by corporations of what amounted to a private army. It seems
+to have been clearly established that the employers wanted war, and that
+the attorney of the Carnegie Company had commanded the local sheriff to
+deputize a man named Gray, who was to meet the mercenaries and make all
+of them deputy sheriffs. This plan to make the detectives "legal"
+assassins did not carry, and the result was that a band of paid thugs,
+thieves, and murderers invaded Homestead and precipitated a bloody
+conflict. This was, of course, infamous, and, compared with its
+magnificent anarchy, Berkman's assault was child-like in its simplicity.
+Yet the enthusiastic and idealistic Berkman spent seventeen years in
+prison and is still abhorred; while no one responsible for the murder of
+twelve workingmen and the wounding of twenty others,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295"></a>[<a href="images/314.png">295</a>]</span> either among the
+mercenaries or their employers, has yet been apprehended or convicted.
+With such equality of justice do we treat these agents of the two anarchies!</p>
+
+<p>However, if Berkman spent seventeen years in prison, the other
+anarchists were mildly rebuked by the Committee of Investigation
+appointed by the Senate. "Your committee is of the opinion," runs the
+report, "that the employment of the private armed guards at Homestead
+was unnecessary. There is no evidence to show that the slightest damage
+was done, or attempted to be done, to property on the part of the
+strikers...." <a name="FNanchor_18_357" id="FNanchor_18_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_357" class="fnanchor">(18)</a> "It was claimed by the Pinkerton agency that in all
+cases they require that their men shall be sworn in as deputy sheriffs,
+but it is a significant circumstance that in the only strike your
+committee made inquiry concerning&mdash;that at Homestead&mdash;the fact was
+admitted on all hands that the armed men supplied by the Pinkertons were
+not so sworn, and that as private citizens acting under the direction of
+such of their own men as were in command they fired upon the people of
+Homestead, killing and wounding a number." <a name="FNanchor_19_358" id="FNanchor_19_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_358" class="fnanchor">(19)</a> "Every man who testified,
+including the proprietors of the detective agencies, admitted that the
+workmen are strongly prejudiced against the so-called Pinkertons, and
+that their presence at a strike serves to unduly inflame the passions of
+the strikers. The prejudice against them arises partly from the fact
+that they are frequently placed among workmen, in the disguise of
+mechanics, to report alleged conversations to their agencies, which, in
+turn, is transmitted to the employers of labor. Your committee is
+impressed with the belief that this is an utterly vicious system, and
+that it is responsible for much of the ill-feeling and bad blood
+displayed by the working classes. No self-respecting laborer or mechanic
+likes to feel that the man beside<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296"></a>[<a href="images/315.png">296</a>]</span> him may be a spy from a detective
+agency, and especially so when the laboring man is utterly at the mercy
+of the detective, who can report whatever he pleases, be it true or
+false.... <a name="FNanchor_20_359" id="FNanchor_20_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_359" class="fnanchor">(20)</a> Whether assumedly legal or not, the employment of armed
+bodies of men for private purposes, either by employers or employees, is
+to be deprecated and should not be resorted to. Such use of private
+armed men is an assumption of the State's authority by private citizens.
+If the State is incapable of protecting citizens in their rights of
+person and property, then anarchy is the result, and the original law of
+force should neither be approved, encouraged, nor tolerated until all
+known legal processes have failed." <a name="FNanchor_21_360" id="FNanchor_21_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_360" class="fnanchor">(21)</a></p>
+
+<p>We must leave this black page in American history with such comfort as
+we can wring from the fact that the modern exponents of the oldest
+anarchy have been at least once rebuked, and with the further
+satisfaction that the Homestead tragedy brought momentarily to the
+attention of the entire nation a practice which even at that time was a
+source of great alarm to many serious men. In the great strikes which
+occurred in the late eighties and early nineties there was a great deal
+of violence, and C. H. Salmons, in his history of "The Burlington
+Strike" of 1888, relates how private detectives systematically planned
+outrages that destroyed property and how others committed murder. A few
+cases were fought out in the courts with results very disconcerting to
+the railroads who had hired these private detectives. In the strike on
+the New York Central Railroad which occurred in 1890 many detectives
+were employed. They were, of course, armed, and, as a result of certain
+criminal operations undertaken by them, Congress was asked to consider
+the drafting of a bill "to prevent <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297"></a>[<a href="images/316.png">297</a>]</span>corporations engaged in
+interstate-commerce traffic from employing unjustifiably large bodies of
+armed men denominated 'detectives,' but clothed with no legal
+functions." <a name="FNanchor_22_361" id="FNanchor_22_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_361" class="fnanchor">(22)</a> Roger A. Pryor, then Justice of the Supreme Court of New
+York, vigorously protested against these "watchmen." "I mean," he said,
+"the enlistment of banded and armed mercenaries under the command of
+private detectives on the side of corporations in their conflicts with
+employees. The pretext for such an extraordinary measure is the
+protection of the corporate property; and surely the power of this great
+State is adequate to the preservation of the public order and security.
+At all events, in this particular instance, it was not pretended either
+that the strikers had invaded property or person, or that the police or
+militia in Albany had betrayed reluctance or inability to cope with the
+situation. On the contrary, the facts are undisputed that the moment the
+men went out Mr. Pinkerton and his myrmidons appeared on the scene, and
+the police of Albany declared their competency to repel any trespass on
+person or property. The executive of the State, too, denied any
+necessity for the presence of the military.</p>
+
+<p>"I do not impute to the railroad officials a purpose, without
+provocation, to precipitate their ruffians upon a defenseless and
+harmless throng of spectators; but the fact remains that the ruffians in
+their hire did shoot into the crowd without occasion, and did so shed
+innocent blood. And it is enough to condemn the system that it
+authorizes unofficial and irresponsible persons to usurp the most
+delicate and difficult functions of the State and exposes the lives of
+citizens to the murderous assaults of hireling assassins, stimulated to
+violence by panic or by the suggestion of employers to strike terror by
+an appalling exhibition of force. If the railroad company<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298"></a>[<a href="images/317.png">298</a>]</span> may enlist
+armed men to defend its property, the employees may enlist armed men to
+defend their persons, and thus private war be inaugurated, the authority
+of the State defied, the peace and tranquillity of society destroyed,
+and the citizens exposed to the hazard of indiscriminate slaughter." <a name="FNanchor_23_362" id="FNanchor_23_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_362" class="fnanchor">(23)</a></p>
+
+<p>Perhaps the most extensive use of these so-called detectives was at the
+time of the great railway strike of 1894. The strike of the workers at
+Pullman led to a general sympathetic strike on all the railroads
+entering Chicago, and from May 11 to July 13 there was waged one of the
+greatest industrial battles in American history. A railway strike is
+always a serious matter, and in a short time the Government came to the
+active support of the railroads. At one time over fourteen thousand
+soldiers, deputy marshals, deputy sheriffs, and policemen were on duty
+in Chicago. During the period of the strike twelve persons were shot and
+fatally wounded. A number of riots occurred, cars were burned, and, as a
+result of the disturbances, no less than seven hundred persons were
+arrested, accused of murder, arson, burglary, assault, intimidation,
+riot, and other crimes. The most accurate information we have concerning
+conditions in Chicago during the strike is to be found in the evidence
+which was taken by the United States Strike Commission appointed by
+President Cleveland July 26, 1894. There seems to be no doubt that
+during the early days of the strike perfect peace reigned in Chicago. At
+the very beginning of the trouble three hundred strikers were detailed
+by the unions to guard the property of the Pullman company from any
+interference or destruction. "It is in evidence, and uncontradicted,"
+reports the Commission, "that no violence or destruction of property by
+strikers or sympathizers took place at Pullman." <a name="FNanchor_24_363" id="FNanchor_24_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_363" class="fnanchor">(24)</a> <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299"></a>[<a href="images/318.png">299</a>]</span>It also appears
+that no violence occurred in Chicago in connection with the strike until
+after several thousand men were made United States deputy marshals.
+These "United States deputy marshals," says the Commission, "to the
+number of 3,600, were selected by and appointed at the request of the
+General Managers' Association, and of its railroads. They were armed and
+paid by the railroads." <a name="FNanchor_25_364" id="FNanchor_25_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_364" class="fnanchor">(25)</a> In other words, the United States Government
+gave over its police power directly into the hands of one of the
+combatants. It allowed these private companies, through detective
+agencies, to collect as hastily as possible a great body of unemployed,
+to arm them, and to send them out as officials of the United States to
+do whatsoever was desired by the railroads. They were not under the
+control of the army or of responsible United States officials, and their
+intrusion into a situation so tense and critical as that then existing
+in Chicago was certain to produce trouble. And the fact is, the
+lawlessness that prevailed in Chicago during that strike began only
+after the appearance of these private "detectives."</p>
+
+<p>It will astonish the ordinary American citizen to read of the character
+of the men to whom the maintenance of law and order was entrusted.
+Superintendent of Police Brennan referred to these deputy marshals in an
+official report to the Council of Chicago as "thugs, thieves, and
+ex-convicts," and in his testimony before the Commission itself he said:
+"Some of the deputy marshals who are now over in the county jail ...
+were arrested while deputy marshals for highway robbery." <a name="FNanchor_26_365" id="FNanchor_26_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_365" class="fnanchor">(26)</a> Several
+newspaper men, when asked to testify regarding the character of these
+United States deputies, referred to them variously as "drunkards,"
+"loafers," "bums," and "criminals." The now well-known journalist, Ray
+Stannard Baker, was at that time reporting the strike for the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300"></a>[<a href="images/319.png">300</a>]</span><i>Chicago
+Record</i>. He was asked by Commissioner Carroll D. Wright as to the
+character of the United States deputy marshals. His answer was: "From my
+experience with them I think it was very bad indeed. I saw more cases of
+drunkenness, I believe, among the United States deputy marshals than I
+did among the strikers." <a name="FNanchor_27_366" id="FNanchor_27_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_366" class="fnanchor">(27)</a> Benjamin H. Atwell, reporter for the
+<i>Chicago News</i>, testified: "Many of the marshals were men I had known
+around Chicago as saloon characters.... The first day, I believe, after
+the troops arrived ... the deputy marshals went up into town and some of
+them got pretty drunk." <a name="FNanchor_28_367" id="FNanchor_28_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_367" class="fnanchor">(28)</a> Malcomb McDowell, reporter for the <i>Chicago
+Record</i>, testified that the deputy marshals and deputy sheriffs "were
+not the class of men who ought to be made deputy marshals or deputy
+sheriffs.... They seemed to be hunting trouble all the time.... At one
+time a serious row nearly resulted because some of the deputy marshals
+standing on the railroad track jeered at the women that passed and
+insulted them.... I saw more deputy sheriffs and deputy marshals drunk
+than I saw strikers drunk." <a name="FNanchor_29_368" id="FNanchor_29_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_368" class="fnanchor">(29)</a> Harold I. Cleveland, reporter for the
+<i>Chicago Herald</i>, testified: "I was ... on the Western Indiana tracks
+for fourteen days ... and I suppose I saw in that time a couple of
+hundred deputy marshals.... I think they were a very low, contemptible
+set of men." <a name="FNanchor_30_369" id="FNanchor_30_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_369" class="fnanchor">(30)</a></p>
+
+<p>In Mr. Baker's testimony he speaks of seeing in one of the riots "a big,
+rough-looking fellow, whom the people called 'Pat.'" <a name="FNanchor_31_370" id="FNanchor_31_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_370" class="fnanchor">(31)</a> He was the
+leader of the mob, and when the riot was over, "he mounted a beer keg in
+front of one of the saloons and advised men to go home, get their guns,
+and come out and fight the troops, fire on them.... The same man
+appeared two nights later at Whiting, Indiana, and made quite a
+disturbance there,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301"></a>[<a href="images/320.png">301</a>]</span> roused the people up. In all that mob that had hold
+of the ropes I do not think there were many American Railway Union men.
+I think they were mostly roughs from Chicago.... The police knew well
+enough all about this man I have mentioned who was the ringleader of the
+mob, but they did nothing and the deputy marshals were not any
+better." <a name="FNanchor_32_371" id="FNanchor_32_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_371" class="fnanchor">(32)</a> For some inscrutable reason, certain men, none of whom were
+railroad employees, were allowed openly to provoke violence.
+Fortunately, however, they were not able to induce the actual strikers
+to participate in their assaults upon railroad property, and every
+newspaper man testified that the riots were, in the main, the work of
+the vicious elements of Chicago. They were, said one witness, "all
+loafers, idlers, a petty class of criminals well known to the
+police." <a name="FNanchor_33_372" id="FNanchor_33_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_372" class="fnanchor">(33)</a> Malcomb McDowell testified concerning one riot which he had
+reported for the papers: "The men did not look like railroad men....
+Most of them were foreigners, and one of the men in the crowd told me
+afterward that he was a detective from St. Louis. He gave me the name of
+the agency at the time." <a name="FNanchor_34_373" id="FNanchor_34_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_373" class="fnanchor">(34)</a></p>
+
+<p>Mr. Eugene V. Debs, the leader of that great strike, in a pamphlet
+entitled <i>The Federal Government and the Chicago Strike</i>, calls
+particular attention to the following declaration of the United States
+Strike Commission: "There is no evidence before the Commission that the
+officers of the American Railway Union at any time participated in or
+advised intimidation, violence or destruction of property. <i>They knew
+and fully appreciated that, as soon as mobs ruled, the organized forces
+of society would crush the mobs and all responsible for them in the
+remotest degree, and that this means defeat.</i>" <a name="FNanchor_35_374" id="FNanchor_35_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_374" class="fnanchor">(35)</a> Commenting upon this
+statement, Mr. Debs asks: "To whose interest was it to have riots and
+fires, lawlessness and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302"></a>[<a href="images/321.png">302</a>]</span> crime? To whose advantage was it to have
+disreputable 'deputies' do these things? Why were only freight cars,
+largely hospital wrecks, set on fire? Why have the railroads not yet
+recovered damages from Cook County, Illinois, for failing to protect
+their property?... The riots and incendiarism turned defeat into victory
+for the railroads. They could have won in no other way. They had
+everything to gain and the strikers everything to lose. The violence was
+instigated in spite of the strikers, and the report of the Commission
+proves that they made every effort in their power to preserve the
+peace." <a name="FNanchor_36_375" id="FNanchor_36_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_375" class="fnanchor">(36)</a></p>
+
+<p>This history is important in a study of the extensive system of
+subsidized violence that has grown up in America. Nearly every witness
+before the Commission testified that the strikers again and again gave
+the police valuable assistance in protecting the property of the
+railroads. No testimony was given that the workingmen advocated violence
+or that union men assisted in the riots. The ringleaders of all the
+serious outbreaks were notorious toughs from Chicago's vicious sections,
+and they were allowed to go for days unmolested by the deputy
+marshals&mdash;who, although representatives of the United States Government,
+were in the pay of the railroads. In fact, the evidence all points to
+the one conclusion, that the deputy marshals encouraged the violence of
+ruffians and tried to provoke the violence of decent men by insulting,
+drunken, and disreputable conduct. The strikers realized that violence
+was fatal to their cause, and the deputy marshals knew that violence
+meant victory for the railroads. And that proved to be the case.</p>
+
+<p>Before leaving this phase of anarchy I want to refer as briefly as
+possible to that series of fiercely fought political and industrial
+battles that occurred in Colorado<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303"></a>[<a href="images/322.png">303</a>]</span> in the period from 1894 to 1904. The
+climax of the long-drawn-out battles there was perhaps the most
+unadulterated anarchy that has yet been seen in America. It was a
+terrorism of powerful and influential anarchists who frankly and
+brutally answered those who protested against their many violations of
+the United States Constitution: "To hell with the Constitution!" <a name="FNanchor_37_376" id="FNanchor_37_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_376" class="fnanchor">(37)</a> The
+story of these Colorado battles is told in a report of an investigation
+made by the United States Commissioner of Labor (1905). The reading of
+that report leaves one with the impression that present-day society
+rests upon a volcano, which in favorable periods seems very harmless
+indeed, but, when certain elemental forces clash, it bursts forth in a
+manner that threatens with destruction civilization itself. The trouble
+in Colorado began with the effort on the part of the miners' union to
+obtain through the legislature a law limiting the day's work to eight
+hours in all underground mines and in all work for reducing and refining
+ores. That was in 1894. The next year an eight-hour bill was presented
+in the legislature. Expressing fear that such a bill might be
+unconstitutional, the legislature, before acting upon it, asked the
+Supreme Court to render a decision. The Supreme Court replied that, in
+its opinion, such a bill would be unconstitutional. In 1899, as a result
+of further agitation by the miners, an eight-hour law was enacted by the
+legislature&mdash;a large majority in both houses voting for the bill. By
+unanimous decision the same year the Supreme Court of Colorado declared
+the statute unconstitutional. The miners were not, however, discouraged,
+and they began a movement to secure the adoption of a constitutional
+amendment which would provide for the enactment of an eight-hour law.
+All the political parties in the State of Colorado pledged themselves in
+convention<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304"></a>[<a href="images/323.png">304</a>]</span> to support such a measure. In the general election of 1902
+the constitutional amendment providing for an eight-hour day was adopted
+by the people of the State by 72,980 votes against 26,266. This was a
+great victory for the miners, and it seemed as if their work was done.
+According to all the traditions and pretensions of political life, they
+had every reason to believe that the next session of the legislature
+would pass an eight-hour law. It appears, however, that the corporations
+had determined at all cost to defeat such a bill. They set out therefore
+to corrupt wholesale the legislature, and as a result the eight-hour
+bill was defeated. After having done everything in their power,
+patiently, peacefully, and legally to obtain their law, and only after
+having been outrageously betrayed by corrupt public servants, the miners
+as a last resort, on the 3d of July, 1903, declared a strike to secure
+through their own efforts what a decade of pleading and prayers had failed to achieve.</p>
+
+<p>I suppose no unbiased observer would to-day question that the political
+machines of Colorado had sold themselves body and soul to the mine
+owners. There can surely be no other explanation for their violation of
+their pledges to the people and to the miners. And further evidence of
+their perfidy was given on the night of September 3, 1903, at a
+conference between some of the State officials and certain officers of
+the Mine Owners' Association. Although the strike up to this time had
+been conducted without any violence, the State officials agreed that the
+mine owners could have the aid of the militia, provided they would pay
+the expenses of the soldiers while they remained in the strike district.
+Two days later over one thousand men were encamped in Cripple Creek. All
+the strike districts were at once put under martial law; the duly
+elected officials of the people<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305"></a>[<a href="images/324.png">305</a>]</span> were commanded to resign from office;
+hundreds of unoffending citizens were arrested and thrown into "bull
+pens"; the whole working force of a newspaper was apprehended and taken
+to the "bull pen"; all the news that went out concerning the strike was
+censored, the manager of one of the mines acting as official censor. At
+the same time this man, together with other mine managers and friends,
+organized mobs to terrorize union miners and to force out of town anyone
+whom they thought to be in sympathy with the strikers.</p>
+
+<p>In the effort to determine whether the courts or the military powers
+were supreme, a writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> was obtained for four men who
+had been sent by the military authorities to the "bull pen." The court
+sent an order to produce the men. Ninety cavalrymen were then sent to
+the court house. They surrounded it, permitting no person to pass
+through the lines unless he was an officer of the court, a member of the
+bar, a county official, or a press representative. A company of
+infantrymen then escorted the four prisoners to the court, while
+fourteen soldiers with loaded guns and fixed bayonets guarded the
+prisoners until the court was called to order. When the court was
+adjourned, after an argument upon the motion to quash the return of the
+writ, the soldiers took the prisoners back to the "bull pen." The next
+day Judge Seeds was forced to adjourn the court, because the prisoners
+were not present. An officer of the militia was ordered to have them in
+court at two o'clock in the afternoon, but, as they did not appear at
+that time, a continuance was granted until the following day. On
+September 23 a large number of soldiers, cavalry and infantry,
+surrounded the court house. A Gatling gun was placed in position nearby,
+and a detail of sharpshooters was stationed where they could command
+the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306"></a>[<a href="images/325.png">306</a>]</span> streets. The court, in the face of this military display, cited the
+Constitution of Colorado, which declares that the military shall always
+be in strict subordination to the civil power, and pointed out that this
+did not specify sometimes but always, declaring: "There could be no
+plainer statement that the military should never be permitted to rise
+superior to the civil power within the limits of Colorado." <a name="FNanchor_38_377" id="FNanchor_38_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_377" class="fnanchor">(38)</a> The
+judge then ordered the military authorities to release the prisoners,
+but this they refused to do.</p>
+
+<p>At Victor certain mine owners commanded the sheriff to come to their
+club rooms, where his resignation was demanded. When he refused to
+resign, guns were produced, a coiled rope was dangled before him, and on
+the outside several shots were fired. He was told that unless he
+resigned the mob outside the building would be admitted and he would be
+taken out and hanged. He then signed a written resignation, and a member
+of the Mine Owners' Association was appointed sheriff. With this new
+sheriff in charge, the mine owners, mine managers, and all they could
+employ for the purpose arrested on all hands everybody that seemed
+unfriendly to their anarchy. The new sheriff and a militia officer
+commanded the Portland mine, which was then having no trouble with its
+employees, to shut down. By this order four hundred and seventy-five men
+were thrown out of employment. In these various ways the mobs organized
+by the mine owners were allowed to obliterate the Government and abolish
+republican institutions, under the immediate protection of their leased military forces.</p>
+
+<p>At Telluride, also, the military overpowered the civil authorities. When
+Judge Theron Stevens came there to hold the regular session of court he
+was met by soldiers and a mob of three hundred persons. Seeing that it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307"></a>[<a href="images/326.png">307</a>]</span>
+was impossible for the civil authorities to exercise any power, he
+decided to adjourn the court until the next term, declaring: "The
+demonstration at the depot last night upon the arrival of the train
+could only have been planned and executed for the purpose of showing the
+contempt of the militia and a certain portion of this community for the
+civil authority of the State and the civil authority of this district. I
+had always been led to suppose from such research as I have been able to
+make that in a republic like ours the people were supreme; that the
+people had expressed their will in a constitution which was enacted for
+the government of all in authority in this State. That constitution
+provides that the military shall always be in strict subordination to
+the civil authorities." <a name="FNanchor_39_378" id="FNanchor_39_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_378" class="fnanchor">(39)</a></p>
+
+<p>While this terrorism of the powerful was in full sway in Colorado, the
+entire world was being told through the newspapers of the infamous
+crimes being committed daily by the Western Federation of Miners.
+Countless newspaper stories were sent out telling in detail of mines
+blown up, of trains wrecked, of men murdered through agents of this
+federation of toilers engaged day in and day out at a dangerous
+occupation in the bowels of the earth. Not loafers, idlers, or
+drunkards, but men with calloused hands and bent backs. Stories were
+sent around the world of these laborers being arraigned in court charged
+with the most infamous and dastardly crimes. Yet hardly once has it been
+reported in the press of the world that in "every trial that has been
+held in the State of Colorado during the present strike where the
+membership has been charged with almost every perfidy in the catalogue
+of crime, a jury has brought in a verdict of acquittal." <a name="FNanchor_40_379" id="FNanchor_40_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_379" class="fnanchor">(40)</a> On the
+other hand, a multitude of murders, wrecks, and dynamite<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308"></a>[<a href="images/327.png">308</a>]</span> explosions
+have been brought to the door of the detectives employed by the Mine
+Owners' Association. It was found that many ex-convicts and other
+desperate characters were employed by the detective agencies to commit
+crimes that could be laid upon the working miners. The story of Orchard
+and the recital of his atrocious crimes have occupied columns of every
+newspaper, but the fact is rarely mentioned that many of the crimes that
+he committed, and which the world to-day attributes to the officials of
+the Western Federation of Miners, were paid for by detective agencies.
+The special detective of one of the railroads and a detective of the
+Mine Owners' Association were known to have employed Orchard and other
+criminals. When Orchard first went to Denver to seek work from the
+officials of the Western Federation of Miners he was given a railroad
+pass by these detectives and the money to pay his expenses. <a name="FNanchor_41_380" id="FNanchor_41_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_380" class="fnanchor">(41)</a> During
+the three months preceding the blowing up of the Independence depot
+Orchard had been seen at least eighteen or twenty times entering at
+night by stealth the rooms of a detective attached to the Mine Owners'
+Association, and at least seven meetings were held between him and the
+railroad detective already mentioned.</p>
+
+<p>Previous to all this&mdash;in September and in November, 1903&mdash;attempts were
+made to wreck trains. A delinquent member of the Western Federation of
+Miners was charged with these crimes. He involved in his confession
+several prominent members of the Western Federation of Miners. On
+cross-examination he testified that he had formerly been a prize-fighter
+and that he had come to Cripple Creek under an assumed name. He further
+testified that $250 was his price for wrecking a train carrying two
+hundred to three hundred people, but that he had asked $500 for this
+job, as another man<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309"></a>[<a href="images/328.png">309</a>]</span> would have to work with him. Two detectives had
+promised him that amount. An associate of this man was discovered to
+have been a detective who had later joined the Western Federation of
+Miners. He testified that he had kept the detective agencies informed as
+to the progress of the plot to derail the train. The detective of the
+Mine Owners' Association admitted that he and the other detectives had
+endeavored to induce members of the miners' union to enter into the
+plot; while the railroad detective testified that he and another
+detective were standing only a few feet away when men were at work
+pulling the spikes from the rails. An engineer on the Florence and
+Cripple Creek Railroad testified that the railroad detective had, a few
+days before, asked him where there was a good place for wrecking the
+train. The result of the case was that all were acquitted except the
+ex-prize-fighter, who was held for a time, but eventually released on
+$300 bond, furnished by representatives of the mine owners. <a name="FNanchor_42_381" id="FNanchor_42_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_381" class="fnanchor">(42)</a></p>
+
+<p>On June 6, 1904, when about twenty-five non-union miners were waiting at
+the Independence depot for a train, there was a terrible explosion which
+resulted in great loss of life. It has never been discovered who
+committed the crime, though the mine owners lost no time in attributing
+the explosion to the work of "the assassins" of the Federation of
+Miners. When, however, bloodhounds were put on the trail, they went
+directly to the home of one of the detectives in the employ of the Mine
+Owners' Association. They were taken back to the scene of the disaster
+and again followed the trail to the same place. A third attempt was made
+with the hounds and they followed a trail to the powder magazine of a
+nearby mine. The Western Federation of Miners offered a reward of $5,000
+for evidence which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310"></a>[<a href="images/329.png">310</a>]</span> would lead to the arrest and conviction of the
+criminal who had perpetrated the outrage at Independence. Unfortunately,
+the criminal was never found. Orchard, a year or so later, confessed
+that he had committed the crime and was paid for it by the officials of
+the Western Federation of Miners. The absurdity of that statement
+becomes clear when it is known that the court in Denver was at the very
+moment of the explosion deciding the <i>habeas corpus</i> case of Moyer,
+President of the Western Federation of Miners. In fact, a few hours
+after the explosion the decision of the court was handed down. As the
+action of the court was vital not only to Moyer but to the entire
+trade-union movement, and, indeed, to republican institutions, it is
+inconceivable that he or his friends should have organized an outrage
+that would certainly have prejudiced the court at the very moment it was
+writing its decision. On the other hand, there was every reason why the
+mine owners should have profited by such an outrage and that their
+detectives should have planned one for that moment.<a name="FNanchor_AF_32" id="FNanchor_AF_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_AF_32" class="fnanchor">[AF]</a></p>
+
+<p>The atrocities of the Congo occurred in a country without law, in the
+interest of a great property, and in a series of battles with a
+half-savage people. History has somewhat accustomed us to such
+barbarity; but when, in a civilized country, with a written
+constitution, with duly established courts, with popularly elected
+representatives, and apparently with all the necessary machinery for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311"></a>[<a href="images/330.png">311</a>]</span>
+dealing out equal justice, one suddenly sees a feudal despotism arise,
+as if by magic, to usurp the political, judicial, and military powers of
+a great state, and to use them to arrest hundreds without warrant and
+throw them into "bull pens"; to drive hundreds of others out of their
+homes and at the point of the bayonet out of the state; to force others
+to labor against their will or to be beaten; to depose the duly elected
+officials of the community; to insult the courts; to destroy the
+property of those who protest; and even to murder those who show signs
+of revolt&mdash;one stands aghast. It makes one wonder just how far in
+reality we are removed from barbarism. Is it possible that the
+likelihood of the workers achieving an eight-hour day&mdash;which was all
+that was wanted in Colorado&mdash;could lead to civil war? Yet that is what
+might and perhaps should have happened in Colorado in 1904, when, for a
+few months, a military despotism took from the people there all that had
+been won by centuries of democratic striving and thrust them back into
+the Middle Ages.</p>
+
+<p>Chaotic political and industrial conditions are, of course, occasionally
+inevitable in modern society&mdash;torn as it is by the very bitter struggle
+going on constantly between capital and labor. When this struggle breaks
+into war, as it often does, we are bound to suffer some of the evils
+that invariably attend war. Certainly, it is to be expected that the
+owners of property will exercise every power they possess to safeguard
+their property. They will, whenever possible, use the State and all its
+coercive powers in order to retain their mastery over men and things.
+The only question is this, must people in general continue to be the
+victims of a commerce which has for its purpose the creation of
+situations that force nearly every industrial dispute to become a bloody
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312"></a>[<a href="images/331.png">312</a>]</span>conflict? When men combine to commit depredations, destroy property,
+and murder individuals, society must deal with them&mdash;no matter how
+harshly. But it is an altogether different matter to permit privately
+paid criminals to create whenever desired a state of anarchy, in order
+to force the military to carry out ferocious measures of repression
+against those who have been in no wise responsible for disorder.</p>
+
+<p>If we will look into this matter a little, we shall discover certain
+sinister motives back of this work of the detective agencies. It is well
+enough understood by them that violence creates a state of reaction. One
+very keen observer has pointed out that "the anarchist tactics are so
+serviceable to the reactionaries that, whenever a draconic, reactionary
+law is required, they themselves manufacture an anarchist plot or
+attempted crime." <a name="FNanchor_43_382" id="FNanchor_43_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_382" class="fnanchor">(43)</a> Kropotkin himself, in telling the story of "The
+Terror in Russia," points out that a certain Azeff, who for sixteen
+years was an agent of the Russian police, was also the chief organizer
+of acts of terrorism among the social revolutionists. <a name="FNanchor_44_383" id="FNanchor_44_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_383" class="fnanchor">(44)</a> Every
+conceivable crime was committed under his direct instigation, including
+even the murder of some officials and nobles. The purpose of the work of
+this police agent was, of course, to serve the Russian reactionaries and
+to furnish them a pretext and excuse for the most bloody measures of
+repression. In America "hireling assassins," ex-convicts, and thugs in
+the employ of detective agencies commit very much the same crimes for
+the same purpose. And the men on strike, who have neither planned nor
+dreamed of planning an outrage, suddenly find themselves faced by the
+military forces, who have not infrequently in the past shot them down.
+That the lawless situations which make these infamous acts possible, and
+to the general public<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313"></a>[<a href="images/332.png">313</a>]</span> often excusable, are the deliberate work of
+mercenaries, is, to my mind, open to no question whatever.</p>
+
+<p>Anyone who cares to look up the history of the labor movement for the
+last hundred years will find that in every great strike private
+detectives and police agents have been at work provoking violence. It is
+almost incredible what a large number of criminal operations can be
+traced to these paid agents. From 1815 to the present day the bitterness
+of nearly every industrial conflict of importance has been intensified
+by the work of these spies, thugs, and <i>provocateurs</i>. "It was not until
+we became infested by spies, incendiaries, and their dupes&mdash;distracting,
+misleading, and betraying&mdash;that physical force was mentioned among us,"
+says Bamford, speaking of the trade-union activity of 1815-1816. "After
+that our moral power waned, and what we gained by the accession of
+demagogues we lost by their criminal violence and the estrangement of
+real friends." <a name="FNanchor_45_384" id="FNanchor_45_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_384" class="fnanchor">(45)</a> Some of the notable police agents that appear in the
+history of labor are Powell, Mitchell, Legg, Stieber, Greif, Fleury,
+Baron von Ungern-Sternberg, Schroeder-Brennwald, Krueger, Kaufmann,
+Peukert, Haupt, Von Ehrenberg, Friedeman, Weiss, Schmidt, and
+Ihring-Mahlow. In addition we find Andr&eacute;, Andrieux, Pourbaix, Melville,
+and scores of other high police officials directing the work of these
+agents. In America, McPartland, Schaack, and Orchard&mdash;to mention the
+most notorious only&mdash;have played infamous r&ocirc;les in provoking others, or
+in undertaking themselves, to commit outrages. There were and are, of
+course, thousands of others besides those mentioned, but these are
+historic characters, who planned and executed the most dastardly deeds
+in order to discredit the trade-union and socialist movements. The space
+here is too limited to go into the historic details of this <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314"></a>[<a href="images/333.png">314</a>]</span>commerce in
+violence. But he who is curious to pursue the study further will find a
+list of references at the end of the volume directing him to some of the
+sources of information. <a name="FNanchor_46_385" id="FNanchor_46_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_385" class="fnanchor">(46)</a> He will there discover an appalling record
+of crime, for, as Thomas Beet points out, hardly a strike occurs where
+these special officers are not sent to make trouble. There are sometimes
+thousands of them at work, and, if one undertook to go into the various
+trials that have arisen as a result of labor disputes, one could prepare
+a long list of murders committed by these "hireling assassins."</p>
+
+<p>The pecuniary interest of the detective agencies in provoking crime is
+immense. It is obvious enough, if one will but think of it, that these
+detective agencies depend for their profit on the existence, the
+extension, and the promotion of criminal operations. The more that
+people are frightened by the prospect of danger to their property or
+menace to their lives, the more they seek the aid of detectives. Nothing
+proves so advantageous to detectives as epidemics of strikes and even of
+robberies and murders. The heyday of their prosperity comes in that
+moment when assaults upon men and property are most frequent. Nothing
+would seem to be clearer, then, than that it is to the interest of these
+agencies to create alarm, to arouse terror, and, through these means, to
+enlarge their patronage. When a trade or profession has not only every
+pecuniary incentive to create trouble, but when it is also largely
+promoted by notorious criminals and other vicious elements, the amount
+of mischief that is certain to result from the combination may well
+exceed the powers of imagination.</p>
+
+<p>And it must not be forgotten that this trade has developed into a great
+and growing business, actuated by exactly the same economic interests as
+any other business.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315"></a>[<a href="images/334.png">315</a>]</span> With the agencies making so much per day for each
+man employed, the way to improve business is to get more men employed.
+Rumors of trouble or actual deeds, such as an explosion of dynamite or
+an assault, help to make the detective indispensable to the employer. It
+is with an eye to business, therefore, that the private detective
+creates trouble. It is with a keen sense of his own material interest
+that he keeps the employer in a state of anxiety regarding what may be
+expected from the men. And, naturally enough, the modern employer,
+unlike a trained ruler such as Bismarck, never seems to realize that
+most of the alarming reports sent him are masses of lies. Nothing
+appears to have been clearer to the Iron Chancellor than that his own
+police forces, in order to gain favor, "lie and exaggerate in the most
+shameful manner." <a name="FNanchor_47_386" id="FNanchor_47_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_386" class="fnanchor">(47)</a> But such an idea seems never to enter the minds of
+the great American employers, who, although becoming more and more like
+the ruling classes of Europe, are not yet so wise. However, the great
+employer, like the great ruler, is unable now to meet his employees in
+person and to find out their real views. Consequently, he must depend
+upon paid agents to report to him the views of his men. This might all
+be very well if the returns were true. But, when it happens that evil
+reports are very much to the pecuniary advantage of the man who makes
+them, is it likely that there will be any other kind of report?
+Thousands of employers, therefore, are coming more and more to be
+convinced that their workmen spend most of their time plotting against
+them. It seems unreasonable that sane men could believe that their
+employees, who are regularly at work every day striving with might and
+main to support and bring up decently their families, should be at the
+same time planning the most diabolical outrages. Nothing is rarer than
+to find<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316"></a>[<a href="images/335.png">316</a>]</span> criminals among workingmen, for if they were given to crime
+they would not be at work. But with the great modern evil&mdash;the
+separation of the classes&mdash;there comes so much of misunderstanding and
+of mistrust that the employer seems only too willing to believe any paid
+villain who tells him that his tired and worn laborers have murder in
+their hearts. The class struggle is a terrible fact; but the class
+hatred and the personal enmity that are growing among both masters and
+men in the United States are natural and inevitable results of this
+system of spies and informers.</p>
+
+<p>How widespread this evil has become is shown by the fact that nearly
+every large corporation now employs numerous spies, informers, and
+special officers, from whom they receive daily reports concerning the
+conversations among their men and the plans of the unions. Thousands of
+these detectives are, in fact, members of the unions. The employers are,
+of course, under the impression that they are thus protecting themselves
+from misinformation and also from the possibility of injury, but, as we
+have seen, they are in reality placing themselves at the mercy of these
+spies in the same manner as every despot in the past has placed himself
+at the mercy of those who brought him information. It may, perhaps, be
+possible that the Carnegie Company in 1892, the railroads in 1894, and
+the mine owners in 1904 were convinced that their employees were under
+the influence of dangerous men. Very likely they were told that their
+workmen were planning assaults upon their lives and property. It would
+not be strange if these large owners of property had been so informed.
+Indeed, the economics of this whole wretched commerce becomes clear only
+when we realize that the terror that results from such reports leads
+these capitalists to employ more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317"></a>[<a href="images/336.png">317</a>]</span> and more hirelings, to pay them larger
+and larger fees, and in this manner to reward lies and to make even
+assaults prove immensely profitable to the detectives. So it happens
+that the great employers are chiefly responsible for introducing among
+their men the very elements that are making for riot, crime, and
+anarchy.</p>
+
+<p>Close and intimate relations with the employers and with the men during
+several fiercely fought industrial conflicts have convinced me that the
+struggle between them rarely degenerates to that plane of barbarism in
+which either the men or the masters deliberately resort to, or
+encourage, murder, arson, and similar crimes. So far as the men are
+concerned, they have every reason in the world to discourage violence,
+and nothing is clearer to most of them than the solemn fact that every
+time property is destroyed, or men injured, the employers win public
+support, the aid of the press, the pulpit, the police, the courts, and
+all the powers of the State. Men do not knowingly injure themselves or
+persist in a course adverse to their material interests. It is true, as
+I think I have made clear in the previous chapters, that some of the
+workers do advocate violence, and, in a few cases that instantly became
+notorious, labor leaders have been found guilty of serious crimes. That
+these instances are comparatively rare is explained, of course, by the
+fact that violence is known invariably to injure the cause of the
+worker. It would be strange, therefore, if the workers did
+systematically plan outrages. On the other hand, it would be strange if
+the employers did not at times rejoice that somebody&mdash;the workmen, the
+detectives, or others&mdash;had committed some outrage and thus brought the
+public sentiment and the State's power to the aid of the employers. One
+cannot escape the thought that the employers would hardly finance so
+readily these so-called<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318"></a>[<a href="images/337.png">318</a>]</span> detectives, and inquire so little into their
+actual deeds, if they were not convinced that violence at the time of a
+strike materially aids the employer. Yet, despite evidence to the
+contrary, it may, I think, be said with truth that the lawlessness
+attending strikes is not, as a rule, the result of deliberate planning
+on the part of the men or of the masters.</p>
+
+<p>There are, of course, numerous exceptions, and if we find the McNamaras
+on the one side, we also find some unscrupulous employers on the other.
+To the latter, violence becomes of the greatest service, in that it
+enables them to say with apparent truth that they are not fighting
+reasonable, law-abiding workmen, but assassins and incendiaries. No
+course is easier for the employer who does not seek to deal honestly
+with his men, and none more secure for that employer whose position is
+wholly indefensible on the subject of hours and wages, than to sidetrack
+all these issues by hypocritically declaring that he refuses to deal
+with men who are led by criminals. And it is quite beyond question that
+some such employers have deliberately urged their "detectives" to create
+trouble. Positive evidence is at hand that a few such employers have
+themselves directed the work of incendiaries, thugs, and rioters. With
+such amazing evidence as we have recently had concerning the
+systematically lawless work of the Manufacturers' Association, it is
+impossible to free the employers of all personal responsibility for the
+outrages committed by their criminal agents. There are many different
+ways in which violence benefits the employer, and it may even be said
+that in all cases it is only to the interest of the employer. As a
+matter of fact, with the systems of insurance now existing, any injury
+to the property of the employer means no loss to him whatever. The only
+possible loss that he can suffer<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319"></a>[<a href="images/338.png">319</a>]</span> is through the prolongation and
+success of the strike. If the workers can be discredited and the strike
+broken through the aid of violence, the ordinary employer is not likely
+to make too rigid an investigation into whether or not his "detectives"
+had a hand in it.</p>
+
+<p>Curiously enough, the general public never dreams that special officers
+are responsible for most of the violence at times of strike, and, while
+the men loudly accuse the employers, the employers loudly accuse the
+men. The employers are, of course, informed by the detectives that the
+outrages have been committed by the strikers, and the detectives have
+seen to it that the employers are prepared to believe that the strikers
+are capable of anything. On the other hand, the men are convinced that
+the employers are personally responsible. They see hundreds and
+sometimes thousands of special officers swarming throughout the
+district. They know that these men are paid by somebody, and they are
+convinced that their bullying, insulting talk and actions represent the
+personal wishes of the employers. When they knock down strikers, beat
+them up, arrest them, or even shoot them, the men believe that all these
+acts are dictated by the employers. It is utterly impossible to describe
+the bitterness that is aroused among the men by the presence of these
+thugs. And the testimony taken by various commissions regarding strikes
+proves clearly enough that strikes are not only embittered but prolonged
+by the presence of detectives. Again and again, mediators have declared
+that, as soon as thugs are brought into the conflict, the settlement of
+a strike is made impossible until either the employers or the men are
+exhausted by the struggle. A number of reputable detectives have
+testified that the chief object of those who engage in "strike-breaking"
+is to prolong strikes in order to keep themselves employed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320"></a>[<a href="images/339.png">320</a>]</span> as long as
+possible. Thus, the employers as well as the men are the victims of this
+commerce in violence.</p>
+
+<p>It will, I am sure, be obvious to the reader that it would require a
+very large volume to deal with all the various phases of the work of the
+detective in the numerous great strikes that have occurred in recent
+years. I have endeavored merely to mention a few instances where their
+activities have led to the breaking down of all civil government. It is
+important, however, to emphasize the fact that there is no strike of any
+magnitude in which these hirelings are not employed. I have taken the
+following quotation as typical of numerous circulars which I have seen,
+that have been issued by detective agencies: "This bureau has made a
+specialty of handling strikes for over half a century, and our clients
+are among the largest corporations in the world. During the recent
+trouble between the steamboat companies and the striking longshoremen in
+New York City this office ... supplied one thousand guards.... Our
+charges for guards, motormen, conductors, and all classes of men during
+the time of trouble is $5.00 per day, your company to pay
+transportation, board, and lodge the men." <a name="FNanchor_48_387" id="FNanchor_48_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_387" class="fnanchor">(48)</a> Here is another agency
+that has been engaged in this business for half a century, and there are
+thousands of others engaged in it now. One of them is known to have in
+its employ constantly five thousand men. And, if we look into the deeds
+of these great armies of mercenaries, we find that there is not a state
+in the Union in which they have not committed assault, arson, robbery,
+and murder. Several years ago at Lattimer, Pennsylvania, a perfectly
+peaceable parade of two hundred and fifty miners was attacked by guards
+armed with Winchester rifles, with the result that twenty-nine workers
+were killed and thirty others seriously injured. This<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321"></a>[<a href="images/340.png">321</a>]</span> was deliberate
+and unprovoked slaughter. Recently, in the Westmoreland mining district,
+no less than twenty striking miners have been murdered, while several
+hundred have been seriously injured. On one occasion deputies and
+strike-breakers became intoxicated and "shot up the town" of Latrobe. In
+the recent strike against the Lake Carriers' Association six union men
+were killed by private detectives. In Tampa, Florida, in Columbus, Ohio,
+in Birmingham, Alabama, in Lawrence, Massachusetts, in Bethlehem,
+Pennsylvania, in the mining districts of West Virginia, and in
+innumerable other places many workingmen have been murdered, not by
+officers of the law, but by privately paid assassins.</p>
+
+<p>Even while writing these lines I notice a telegram to the <i>Appeal to
+Reason</i> from Adolph Germer, an official of the United Mine Workers of
+America, that some thugs, formerly in West Virginia, are now in
+Colorado, and that their first work there was to shoot down in cold
+blood a well-known miner. John Walker, a district president of the
+United Mine Workers of America, telegraphs the same day to the labor
+press that two of the strikers in the copper mines in Michigan were shot
+down by detectives, in the effort, he says, to provoke the men to
+violence. Anyone who cares to follow the labor press for but a short
+period will be astonished to find how frequently such outrages occur,
+and he will marvel that men can be so self-controlled as the strikers
+usually are under such terrible provocation. I mention hastily these
+facts in order to emphasize the point that the cases in which I have
+gone into detail in this chapter are more or less typical of the bloody
+character of many of the great strikes because of the deeds of the
+so-called detectives.</p>
+
+<p>Brief, however, as this statement is of the work of these<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322"></a>[<a href="images/341.png">322</a>]</span> anarchists
+"without phrase" and of the great commerce they have built up, it must,
+nevertheless, convince anyone that republican institutions cannot long
+exist in a country which tolerates such an extensive private commerce in
+lawlessness and crime. Government by law cannot prevail in the same
+field with a widespread and profitable traffic in disorder, thuggery,
+arson, and murder. Here is a whole brood of mercenaries, the output of
+hundreds of great penitentiaries, that has been organized and
+systematized into a great commerce to serve the rich and powerful. Here
+is a whole mess of infamy developed into a great private enterprise that
+militates against all law and order. It has already brought the United
+States on more than one occasion to the verge of civil war. And, despite
+the fact that numerous judges have publicly condemned the work of these
+agencies, and that various governmental commissions have deprecated in
+the most solemn words this traffic in crime, it continues to grow and
+prosper in the most alarming manner. Certainly, no student of history
+will doubt that, if this commerce is permitted to continue, it will not
+be long until no man's life, honor, or property will be secure. And it
+is a question, even at this moment, whether the legislators have the
+courage to attack this powerful American Mafia that has already
+developed into a "vested interest."</p>
+
+<p>As I said at the beginning, no other country has this form of anarchy to
+contend with. In all countries, no doubt, there are associations of
+criminals, and everywhere, perhaps, it is possible for wealthy men to
+employ criminals to work for them. But even the Mafia, the Camorra, and
+the Black Hand do not exist for the purpose of collecting and organizing
+mercenaries to serve the rich and powerful. Nor anywhere else in the
+world are these criminals made special officers, deputy sheriffs,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323"></a>[<a href="images/342.png">323</a>]</span>
+deputy marshals, and thus given the authority of the State itself. The
+assumption is so general that the State invariably stands behind the
+private detective that few seem to question it, and even the courts
+frequently recognize them as quasi-public officials. Thus, the State
+itself aids and abets these mercenary anarchists, while it sends to the
+gallows idealist anarchists, such as Henry, Vaillant, Lingg, and their
+like. That the State fosters this "infant industry" is the only possible
+explanation for the fact that in every industrial conflict of the past
+the real provokers and executors of arson, riot, and murder have escaped
+prison, while in every case labor leaders have been put in jail&mdash;often
+without warrant&mdash;and in many cases kept there for many months without
+trial. Even the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> has been denied them repeatedly.
+Without the active connivance of the State such conditions could not
+exist. However, the State goes even further in its opposition to labor.
+The power of a state governor to call out the militia, to declare even a
+peaceful district in a state of insurrection, and to abolish the writ of
+<i>habeas corpus</i> is a very great power indeed and one that is
+unquestionably an anomaly in a republic. If that power were used with
+equal justice, it might not create the intense bitterness that has been
+so frequently aroused among the workers by its exercise. Again and again
+it has been used in the interest of capital, but there is not one single
+case in all the records where this extraordinary prerogative has been
+exercised to protect the interest of the workers. It is not, then,
+either unreasonable or unjustifiable that among workmen the sentiment is
+almost unanimous that the State stands invariably against them. The
+three instances which I have dealt with here at some length prove
+conclusively that there is now no penalty inflicted upon the capitalist
+who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324"></a>[<a href="images/343.png">324</a>]</span> hires thugs to invade a community and shoot down its citizens, or
+upon those who hire him these assassins, or upon the assassins
+themselves. Nor are the powerful punished when they collect a great army
+of criminals, drunkards, and hoodlums and make them officials of the
+United States to insult and bully decent citizens. Nor does there seem
+to be any punishment inflicted upon those who manage to transform the
+Government itself into a shield to protect toughs and criminals in their
+assaults upon men and property, when those assaults are in the interest
+of capital. Moreover, what could be more humiliating in a republic than
+the fact that a governor who has leased to his friends the military
+forces of an entire state should end his term of office unimpeached?</p>
+
+<p>These various phases of the class conflict reveal a distressing state of
+industrial and political anarchy, and there can be no question that, if
+continued, it has in it the power of making many McNamaras, if not
+Bakounins. It will be fortunate, indeed, if there do not arise new
+Johann Mosts, and if the United States escapes the general use in time
+of that terrible, secretive, and deadly weapon of sabotage. Sabotage is
+the arm of the slave or the coward, who dares neither to speak his views
+nor to fight an open fight. As someone has said, it may merely mean the
+kicking of the master's dog. Yet no one is so cruel as the weak and the
+cowardly. And should it ever come about that millions and millions of
+men have all other avenues closed to them, there is still left to them
+sabotage, assassination, and civil war. These can neither be outlawed
+nor even effectively guarded against if there are individuals enough who
+are disposed to wield them. And it is not by any means idle speculation
+that a country which can sit calmly by and face such evils as are
+perpetrated by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325"></a>[<a href="images/344.png">325</a>]</span> this vast commerce in violence, by this class use of the
+State, and by such monstrous outrages as were committed in Homestead, in
+Chicago, and in Colorado, will find one day its composure interrupted by
+a working class that has suffered more than human endurance can stand.</p>
+
+<p>The fact is that society&mdash;the big body of us&mdash;is now menaced by two sets
+of anarchists. There are those among the poor and the weak who preach
+arson, dynamite, and sabotage. They are the products of conditions such
+as existed in Colorado&mdash;as Bakounin was the product of the conditions in
+Russia. These, after all, are relatively few, and their power is almost
+nothing. They are listened to now, but not heeded, because there yet
+exist among the people faith in the ultimate victory of peaceable means
+and the hope that men and not property will one day rule the State. The
+other set of anarchists are those powerful, influential terrorists who
+talk hypocritically of their devotion to the State, the law, the
+Constitution, and the courts, but who, when the slightest obstacle
+stands in the path of their greed, seize from their corrupt tools the
+reins of government, in order to rule society with the black-jack and
+the "bull pen." The idealist anarchist and even the more practical
+syndicalist, preaching openly and frankly that there is nothing left to
+the poor but war, are, after all, few in number and weak in action. Yet
+how many to-day despair of peaceable methods when they see all these
+outrages committed by mercenaries, protected and abetted by the official
+State, in the interest of the most sordid anarchism!</p>
+
+<p>As a matter of fact, the socialist is to-day almost alone, among those
+watching intently this industrial strife, in keeping buoyant his abiding
+faith in the ultimate victory of the people. He has fought successfully
+against Bakounin. He is overcoming the newest anarchists, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326"></a>[<a href="images/345.png">326</a>]</span> he is
+already measuring swords with the oldest anarchists. He is confident as
+to the issue. He has more than dreams; he knows, and has all the comfort
+of that knowledge, that anarchy in government like anarchy in production
+is reaching the end of its rope. Outlawry for profit, as well as
+production for profit, are soon to be things of the past. The socialist
+feels himself a part of the growing power that is soon to rule society.
+He is conscious of being an agent of a world-wide movement that is
+massing into an irresistible human force millions upon millions of the
+disinherited. He has unbounded faith that through that mass power
+industry will be socialized and the State democratized. No longer will
+its use be merely to serve and promote private enterprise in foul
+tenements, in sweatshops, and in all the products that are necessary to
+life and to death. All these vast commercial enterprises that exist not
+to serve society but to enrich the rich&mdash;including even this sordid
+traffic in thuggery and in murder&mdash;are soon to pass into history as part
+of a terrible, culminating epoch in commercial, financial, and political
+anarchy. The socialist, who sees the root of all anti-social
+individualism in the predominance of private material interests over
+communal material interests, knows that the hour is arriving when the
+social instincts and the life interests of practically all the people
+will be arrayed against anarchy in all its forms. Commerce in violence,
+like commerce in the necessaries of life, is but a part of a social
+r&eacute;gime that is disappearing, and, while most others in society seem to
+see only phases of this gigantic conflict between capital and labor,
+and, while most others look upon it as something irremediable, the
+socialist, standing amidst millions upon millions of his comrades, is
+even now beginning to see visions of victory.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_AF_32" id="Footnote_AF_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_AF_32"><span class="label">[AF]</span></a> The Supreme Court sustained the action of the military
+authorities, Chief Justice William H. Gabbert, Associate justice John
+Campbell, concurring, Associate Justice Robert W. Steele dissenting. The
+dissenting opinion of Justice Steele deserves a wider reading than it
+has received, and no doubt it will rank among the most important
+statements that have been made against the anarchy of the powerful and
+the tyranny of class government. See Report, U. S. Bureau of Labor,
+1905, p. 243.</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327"></a>[<a href="images/346.png">327</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER XII</h2>
+
+<h3>VISIONS OF VICTORY</h3>
+
+<p>We left the socialists, on September 30, 1890, in the midst of
+jubilation over the great victory they had just won in Germany. The Iron
+Chancellor, with all the power of State and society in his hands, had
+capitulated before the moral force and mass power of the German working
+class. And, when the sensational news went out to all countries that the
+German socialists had polled 1,427,000 votes, the impulse given to the
+political organizations of the working class was immense. Once again the
+thought of labor throughout the world was centered upon those stirring
+words of Marx and Engels: "Workingmen of all countries, Unite!" First
+uttered by them in '47, repeated in '64, and pleaded for once again in
+'72, this call to unity began to appear in the nineties as the one
+supreme commandment of the labor movement. And, in truth, it is an
+epitome of all their teachings. It is the pith of their program and the
+marrow of their principles. Nearly all else can be waived. Other
+principles can be altered; other programs abandoned; other methods
+revolutionized; but this principle, program, and method must not be
+tampered with. It is the one and only unalterable law. In unity, and in
+unity alone, is the power of salvation. And under the inspiration of
+this call more and more millions have come together, until to-day, in
+every portion of the world, there are multitudes affiliated to the one
+and only international army. In '47<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328"></a>[<a href="images/347.png">328</a>]</span> it was not yet born. In '64 efforts
+were made to bring it into being. In '72 it was broken into fragments.
+In '90 it won its first battle&mdash;its right to exist. Now, twenty-three
+years later, nothing could be so eloquent and impressive as the figures
+themselves of the rising tide of international socialism.</p>
+
+<h3>THE SOCIALIST AND LABOR VOTE, 1887-1913.</h3>
+
+<table class="mono" summary="THE SOCIALIST AND LABOR VOTE, 1887-1913">
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="6">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td></td>
+    <td class="center">1887</td>
+    <td class="center">1892</td>
+    <td class="center">1897</td>
+    <td class="center">1903</td>
+    <td class="center">1913</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="6">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Germany</td>
+    <td class="right">763,000</td>
+    <td class="right">1,786,000</td>
+    <td class="right">2,107,000</td>
+    <td class="right">3,010,000&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">4,250,329</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>France</td>
+    <td class="right">47,000</td>
+    <td class="right">440,000</td>
+    <td class="right">790,000</td>
+    <td class="right">805,000&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">1,125,877</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Austria</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">750,000</td>
+    <td class="right">780,000&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">1,081,441</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>United States</td>
+    <td class="right">2,000</td>
+    <td class="right">21,000</td>
+    <td class="right">55,000</td>
+    <td class="right">223,494&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">931,406</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Italy</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">26,000</td>
+    <td class="right">135,000</td>
+    <td class="right">300,000&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">825,280</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Australia</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">678,012</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Belgium</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">320,000</td>
+    <td class="right">457,000</td>
+    <td class="right">464,000<a name="FNanchor_AG_33" id="FNanchor_AG_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_AG_33" class="fnanchor">[AG]</a></td>
+    <td class="right">600,000</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Great Britain</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">55,000</td>
+    <td class="right">100,000&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">373,645</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Finland</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">10,000&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">320,289</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Russia</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">200,000</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Sweden</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">723</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">10,000&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">170,299</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Norway</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">7,000</td>
+    <td class="right">30,000&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">124,594</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Denmark</td>
+    <td class="right">8,000</td>
+    <td class="right">20,000</td>
+    <td class="right">32,000</td>
+    <td class="right">53,000&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">107,015</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Switzerland</td>
+    <td class="right">2,000</td>
+    <td class="right">39,000</td>
+    <td class="right">40,000</td>
+    <td class="right">70,000&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">105,000</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Holland</td>
+    <td class="right">1,500</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">13,000</td>
+    <td class="right">38,000&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">82,494</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>New Zealand</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">44,960</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Spain</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">5,000</td>
+    <td class="right">14,000</td>
+    <td class="right">23,000&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">40,725</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Bulgaria</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">25,565</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Argentina</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">54,000</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Chile</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">18,000</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Greece</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">26,000</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Canada</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">10,780</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Servia</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">9,000</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Luxembourg</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">4,000</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Portugal</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">3,308</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Roumania</td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right"></td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">2,057</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td></td>
+    <td class="right">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="right">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="right">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
+    <td class="right">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&nbsp;&nbsp;Total</td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;823,500</td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;2,657,723</td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;4,455,000</td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;5,916,494&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="right">&nbsp;11,214,076</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="6">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>The above table explains, in no small measure, the quiet patience and
+supreme confidence of the socialist.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329"></a>[<a href="images/348.png">329</a>]</span> He looks upon that wonderful array
+of figures as the one most significant fact in the modern world. Within
+a quarter of a century his force has grown from 800,000 to 11,000,000.
+And, while no other movement in history has grown so rapidly and
+traversed the entire world with such speed, the socialist knows that
+even this table inadequately indicates his real power. For instance, in
+Great Britain the Labor Party has over one million dues-paying members,
+yet its vote is here placed at 373,645. Owing to the peculiar political
+conditions existing in that country, it is almost impossible for the
+Labor Party to put up its candidates in all districts, and these figures
+include only that small proportion of workingmen who have been able to
+cast their votes for their own candidates. The two hundred thousand
+socialist votes in Russia do not at all represent the sentiment in that
+country. Everything there militates against the open expression, and,
+indeed, the possibility of any expression, of the actual socialist
+sentiment. In addition, great masses of workingmen in many countries are
+still deprived of the suffrage, and in nearly all countries the wives of
+these men are deprived of the suffrage. Leaving, however, all this
+aside, and taking the common reckoning of five persons to each voter,
+the socialist strength of the world to-day cannot be estimated at less
+than fifty million souls.</p>
+
+<p>Coming to the parliamentary strength of the socialists, we find the
+table on the following page illuminating.</p>
+
+<p>It appears that labor is in control of Australia, that 45 per cent. of
+the Finnish Parliament is socialist, while in Sweden more than a third,
+and in Germany and Denmark somewhat less than a third, is socialist. In
+several of the Northern countries of Europe the parliamentary position
+of the socialists is stronger than that of any</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330"></a>[<a href="images/349.png">330</a>]</span></p>
+
+<table class="mono" summary="SOCIALIST AND LABOR REPRESENTATIVES IN PARLIAMENT">
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="6">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="6" class="center">SOCIALIST AND LABOR REPRESENTATIVES<br />IN PARLIAMENT</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td></td>
+    <td colspan="2" class="center">Number of Seats<br />in Lower House.</td>
+    <td class="center">Per<br />cent.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td></td>
+    <td class="center">Total</td>
+    <td class="right">Socialist.</td>
+    <td class="right">Socialist</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="6">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Australia</td>
+    <td class="right">75</td>
+    <td class="right">41</td>
+    <td class="right">54.61</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Finland</td>
+    <td class="right">200</td>
+    <td class="right">90</td>
+    <td class="right">45.00</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Sweden</td>
+    <td class="right">165</td>
+    <td class="right">64</td>
+    <td class="right">38.79</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Denmark</td>
+    <td class="right">114</td>
+    <td class="right">32</td>
+    <td class="right">28.07</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Germany</td>
+    <td class="right">397</td>
+    <td class="right">110</td>
+    <td class="right">27.71</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Belgium</td>
+    <td class="right">186</td>
+    <td class="right">39</td>
+    <td class="right">20.96</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Norway</td>
+    <td class="right">123</td>
+    <td class="right">23</td>
+    <td class="right">18.70</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Holland</td>
+    <td class="right">100</td>
+    <td class="right">17</td>
+    <td class="right">17.00</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Austria</td>
+    <td class="right">516</td>
+    <td class="right">82</td>
+    <td class="right">15.89</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Italy</td>
+    <td class="right">508</td>
+    <td class="right">78</td>
+    <td class="right">15.35</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Luxembourg</td>
+    <td class="right">53</td>
+    <td class="right">7</td>
+    <td class="right">13.21</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>France</td>
+    <td class="right">597</td>
+    <td class="right">75</td>
+    <td class="right">12.56</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Switzerland</td>
+    <td class="right">170</td>
+    <td class="right">15</td>
+    <td class="right">8.82</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Great Britain</td>
+    <td class="right">670</td>
+    <td class="right">41</td>
+    <td class="right">6.12</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Russia</td>
+    <td class="right">442</td>
+    <td class="right">16</td>
+    <td class="right">3.62</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Greece</td>
+    <td class="right">207</td>
+    <td class="right">4</td>
+    <td class="right">2.00</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Argentina</td>
+    <td class="right">120</td>
+    <td class="right">2</td>
+    <td class="right">1.67</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Servia</td>
+    <td class="right">160</td>
+    <td class="right">1</td>
+    <td class="right">.62</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Portugal</td>
+    <td class="right">164</td>
+    <td class="right">1</td>
+    <td class="right">.61</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Bulgaria</td>
+    <td class="right">189</td>
+    <td class="right">1</td>
+    <td class="right">.53</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Spain</td>
+    <td class="right">404</td>
+    <td class="right">1</td>
+    <td class="right">.25</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="6">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>other single party. In addition to the representatives here listed, Belgium has seven senators,
+Denmark four, and Sweden twelve, while in the state legislatures Austria
+has thirty-one, Germany one hundred and eighty-five, and the United
+States twenty. Here again the strength of socialism is greatly
+understated. In the United States, for instance, the astonishing fact
+appears that, with a vote of nearly a million, the socialist party has
+not one representative in Congress. On the basis of proportional
+representation it would have at least twenty-five Congressmen; and, if
+it were a sectional party, it could, with its million votes, control all
+the Southern states and elect every Congressman and Senator from those
+states. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331"></a>[<a href="images/350.png">331</a>]</span> socialists in the German Reichstag are numerous, but on a
+fair system of representation they would have two or three score more
+representatives than at present. However, this, too, is of little
+consequence, and in no wise disturbs the thoughtful socialist. The
+immense progress of his cause completely satisfies him, and, if the rate
+of advance continues, it can be only a few years until a world victory is at hand.</p>
+
+<p>If, now, we turn from the political aspects of the labor movement to
+examine the growth of co&ouml;peratives and of trade unions, we find a
+progress no less striking. In actual membership the trade unions of
+twenty nations in 1911 had amassed over eleven million men and women.
+And the figures sent out by the international secretary do not include
+countries so strongly organized as Canada, New Zealand, and Australia.
+Unfortunately, it is impossible to add here reliable figures regarding
+the wealth of the great and growing co&ouml;perative movement. In Britain,
+Germany, Belgium, France, Italy, and Switzerland, as well as in the
+Northern countries of Central Europe, the co&ouml;perative movement has made
+enormous headway in recent years. The British co&ouml;perators, according to
+the report of the Federation of Co&ouml;perative Societies, had in 1912 a
+turnover amounting to over six hundred millions of dollars. They have
+over twenty-four hundred stores scattered throughout the cities of Great
+Britain. The Co&ouml;perative Productive Society and the Co&ouml;perative
+Wholesale Society produced goods in their own shops to a value of over
+sixty-five millions of dollars; while the goods produced by the
+Co&ouml;perative Provision Stores amounted to over forty million dollars.
+Seven hundred and sixty societies have Children's Penny Banks, with a
+total balance in hand of about eight million dollars. The members of
+these various co&ouml;perative<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332"></a>[<a href="images/351.png">332</a>]</span> societies number approximately three
+million.<a name="FNanchor_AH_34" id="FNanchor_AH_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_AH_34" class="fnanchor">[AH]</a> Throughout all Europe, through co&ouml;perative effort, there
+have been erected hundreds of splendid "Houses of the People," "Labor
+Temples," and similar places of meeting and recreation. The entire
+labor, socialist, and co&ouml;perative press, numbering many thousands of
+monthly and weekly journals, and hundreds of daily papers, is also
+usually owned co&ouml;peratively. Unfortunately, the statistics dealing with
+this phase of the labor movement have never been gathered with any idea
+of completeness, and there is little use in trying even to estimate the
+immense wealth that is now owned by these organizations of workingmen.</p>
+
+<p>America lags somewhat behind the other countries, but nowhere else have
+such difficulties faced the labor movement. With a working class made up
+of many races, nationalities, and creeds, trade-union organization is
+excessively difficult. Moreover, where the railroads secretly rebate
+certain industries and help to destroy the competitors of those
+industries, and where the trusts exercise enormous power, a co&ouml;perative
+movement is well-nigh impossible. Furthermore, where vast numbers of the
+working class are still disfranchised, and where elections are
+notoriously corrupt and more or less under the control of a hireling
+class of professional political manipulators, an independent political
+movement faces almost insurmountable obstacles. Nor is this all. No
+other country allows its ruling classes to employ private armies, thugs,
+and assassins; and no other country makes such an effort to prevent the
+working classes from acting peaceably and legally. While nearly
+everywhere else the unions may strike, picket, and boycott, in America
+there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333"></a>[<a href="images/352.png">333</a>]</span> are laws to prevent both picketing and boycotting, and even some
+forms of strikes. The most extraordinary despotic judicial powers are
+exercised to crush the unions, to break strikes, and to imprison union
+men. And, if paid professional armies of detectives deal with the
+unions, so paid professional armies of politicians deal with the
+socialists. By every form of debauchery, lawlessness, and corruption
+they are beaten back, and, although it is absolutely incredible, not a
+single representative of a great party polling nearly a million votes
+sits in the Congress of the United States.</p>
+
+<p>Nevertheless, the American socialist and labor movement is making
+headway, and the day is not far distant when it will exercise the power
+its strength merits. Although somewhat more belated, the various
+elements of the working class are coming closer and closer together, and
+it cannot be long until there will be perfect harmony throughout the
+entire movement. In many other countries this harmony already exists.
+The trade-union, co&ouml;perative, and socialist movements are so closely
+tied together that they move in every industrial, political, and
+commercial conflict in complete accord. So far as the immediate aims of
+labor are concerned, they may be said to be almost identical in all
+countries. Professor Werner Sombart, who for years has watched the world
+movement more carefully perhaps than anyone else, has pointed out that
+there is a strong tendency to uniformity in all countries&mdash;a "tendency,"
+in his own words, "of the movement in all lands toward socialism." <a name="FNanchor_1_388" id="FNanchor_1_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_388" class="fnanchor">(1)</a>
+Indeed, nothing so much astonishes careful observers of the labor
+movement as the extraordinary rapidity with which the whole world of
+labor is becoming unified, in its program of principles, in its form of
+organization, and in its methods of action. The books of Marx and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334"></a>[<a href="images/353.png">334</a>]</span>
+Engels are now translated into every important language and are read
+with eagerness in all parts of the world. The Communist Manifesto of
+1847 is issued by the socialist parties of all countries as the
+text-book of the movement. Indeed, it is not uncommon nowadays to see a
+socialist book translated immediately into all the chief languages and
+circulated by millions of copies. And, if one will take up the political
+programs of the party in the twenty chief nations of the world, he will
+find them reading almost word for word alike. For these various reasons
+no informed person to-day questions the claims of the socialist as to
+the international, world-wide character of the movement.</p>
+
+<p>Perhaps there is no experience quite like that of the socialist who
+attends one of the great periodical gatherings of the international
+movement. He sees there a thousand or more delegates, with credentials
+from organizations numbering approximately ten million adherents. They
+come from all parts of the world&mdash;from mills, mines, factories, and
+fields&mdash;to meet together, and, in the recent congresses, to pass in
+utmost harmony their resolutions in opposition to the existing r&eacute;gime
+and their suggestions for remedial action. Not only the countries of
+Western Europe, but Russia, Japan, China, and the South American
+Republics send their representatives, and, although the delegates speak
+as many as thirty different languages, they manage to assemble in a
+common meeting, and, with hardly a dissenting voice, transact their
+business. When we consider all the jealousy, rivalry, and hatred that
+have been whipped up for hundreds of years among the peoples of the
+various nations, races, and creeds, these international congresses of
+workingmen become in themselves one of the greatest achievements of
+modern times.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335"></a>[<a href="images/354.png">335</a>]</span></p><p>Although Marx was, as I think I have made clear, and still is, the
+guiding spirit of modern socialism, the huge structure of the present
+labor movement has not been erected by any great architect who saw it
+all in advance, nor has any great leader molded its varied and wonderful
+lines. It is the work of a multitude, who have quarreled among
+themselves at every stage of its building. They differed as to the
+purpose of the structure, as to the materials to be used, and, indeed,
+upon every detail, big and little, that has had to do with it. At times
+all building has been stopped in order that the different views might be
+harmonized or the quarrels fought to a finish. Again and again portions
+have been built only to be torn down and thrown aside. Some have seen
+more clearly than others the work to be done, and one, at least, of the
+architects must be recognized as a kind of prophet who, in the main,
+outlined the structure. But the architects were not the builders, and
+among the multitude engaged in that work there have been years of
+quarrels and decades of strife. The story of terrorism, as told, is that
+of a group who had no conception of the structure to be erected. They
+were a band of dissidents, without patience to build. They and their
+kind have never been absent from the labor movement, and, in fact, for
+nearly one hundred years a battle has raged in one form or another
+between those few of the workers who were urging, with passionate fire,
+what they called "action" and that multitude of others who day and night
+were laying stone upon stone.</p>
+
+<p>No individual&mdash;in fact, nothing but a force as strong and compelling as
+a natural law&mdash;could have brought into existence such a vast solidarity
+as now exists in the world of labor. Like food and drink, the
+organization of labor satisfies an inherent necessity. The workers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336"></a>[<a href="images/355.png">336</a>]</span>
+crave its protection, seek its guidance, and possess a sense of security
+only when supported by its solidarity. Only something as intuitively
+impelling as the desire for life could have called forth the labor and
+love and sacrifice that have been lavishly expended in the disheartening
+and incredibly tedious work of labor organization. The upbuilding of the
+labor movement has seemed at times like constructing a house of cards:
+often it was hardly begun before some ill wind cast it down. It has cost
+many of its creators exile, imprisonment, starvation, and death. With
+one mighty assault its opponents have often razed to the ground the work
+of years. Yet, as soon as the eyes of its destroyers were turned, a
+multitude of loving hands and broken hearts set to work to patch up its
+scattered fragments and build it anew. The labor movement is
+unconquerable.</p>
+
+<p>Unlike many other aggregations, associations, and benevolent orders,
+unlike the Church, to which it is frequently compared, the labor
+movement is not a purely voluntary union. No doubt there is a
+<i>camaraderie</i> in that movement, and unquestionably the warmest spirit of
+fellowship often prevails, but the really effective cause for
+working-class unity is economic necessity. The workers have been driven
+together. The unions subsist not because of leaders and agitators, but
+because of the compelling economic interests of their members. They are
+efforts to allay the deadly strife among workers, as organizations of
+capital are efforts to allay the deadly strife among capitalists. The
+co&ouml;perative movement has grown into a vast commerce wholly because it
+served the self-interest of the workers. The trade unions have grown big
+in all countries because of the protection, they offer and the insurance
+they provide against low wages, long hours, and poverty. The socialist
+parties have grown<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337"></a>[<a href="images/356.png">337</a>]</span> great because they express the highest social
+aspirations of the workers and their antagonism toward the present
+r&eacute;gime. Moreover, they offer an opportunity to put forward, in the most
+authoritative places, the demands of the workers for political, social,
+and economic reform. The whole is a struggle for democracy, both
+political and industrial, that is by no means founded merely on whim or
+caprice. It has gradually become a religion, an imperative religion, of
+millions of workingmen and women. Chiefly because of their economic
+subjection, they are striving in the most heroic manner to make their
+voice heard in those places where the rules of the game of life are
+decided. Thus, every phase of the labor movement has arisen in response
+to actual material needs.</p>
+
+<p>And, if the labor movement has arisen in response to actual material
+needs, it is now a very great and material actuality. The workingmen of
+the world are, as we have seen, uniting at a pace so rapid as to be
+almost unbelievable. There are to-day not only great national
+organizations of labor in nearly every country, but these national
+movements are bound closely together into one unified international
+power. The great world-wide movement of labor, which Marx and Engels
+prophesied would come, is now here. And, if they were living to-day,
+they could not but be astonished at the real and mighty manifestation of
+their early dreams. To be sure, Engels lived long enough to be jubilant
+over the massing of labor's forces, but Marx saw little of it, and even
+the German socialists, who started out so brilliantly, were at the time
+of his death fighting desperately for existence under the anti-socialist
+law. Indeed, in 1883, the year of his death, the labor movement was
+still torn by quarrels and dissensions over problems of tactics, and in
+America, France, and Austria the terrorists were more active than at
+any<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338"></a>[<a href="images/357.png">338</a>]</span> time in their history. It was still a question whether the German
+movement could survive, while in the other countries the socialists were
+still little more than sects. That was just thirty years ago, while
+to-day, as we have seen, over ten millions of workingmen, scattered
+throughout the entire world, fight every one of their battles on the
+lines laid down by Marx. The tactics and principles he outlined are now
+theirs. The unity of the workers he pleaded for is rapidly being
+achieved throughout the entire world, and everywhere these armies are
+marching toward the goal made clear by his life and labor. "Although I
+have seen him to-night," writes Engels to Liebknecht, March 14, 1883,
+"stretched out on his bed, the face rigid in death, I cannot grasp the
+thought that this genius should have ceased to fertilize with his
+powerful thoughts the proletarian movement of both worlds. Whatever we
+all are, we are through him; and whatever the movement of to-day is, it
+is through his theoretical and practical work; without him we should
+still be stuck in the mire of confusion." <a name="FNanchor_2_389" id="FNanchor_2_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_389" class="fnanchor">(2)</a></p>
+
+<p>What was this mire? If we will cast our eyes back to the middle of last
+century we cannot but realize that the ideas of the world have undergone
+a complete revolution. When Marx began his work with the labor movement
+there was absolute ignorance among both masters and men concerning the
+nature of capitalism. It was a great and terrible enigma which no one
+understood. The working class itself was broken up into innumerable
+guerilla bands fighting hopelessly, aimlessly, with the most antiquated
+and ineffectual weapons. They were in misery; but why, they knew not.
+They left their work to riot for days and weeks, without aim and without
+purpose. They were bitter and sullen. They smashed machines and burned
+factories, chiefly because they were totally<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339"></a>[<a href="images/358.png">339</a>]</span> ignorant of the causes of
+their misery or of the nature of their real antagonist. Not seldom in
+those days there were meetings of hundreds of thousands of laborers, and
+not infrequently mysterious epidemics of fires and of machine-breaking
+occurred throughout all the factory districts. Again and again the
+soldiers were brought out to massacre the laborers. In all England&mdash;then
+the most advanced industrially&mdash;there were few who understood
+capitalism, and among masters or men there was hardly one who knew the
+real source of all the immense, intolerable economic evils.</p>
+
+<p>The class struggle was there, and it was being fought more furiously and
+violently than ever before or since. The most striking rebels of the
+time were those that Marx called the "bourgeois democrats." They were
+forever preaching open and violent revolution. They were dreaming of the
+glorious day when, amid insurrection and riot, they should stand at the
+barricades, fighting the battle for freedom. In their little circles
+they "were laying plans for the overthrow of the world and intoxicating
+themselves day by day, evening by evening, with the hasheesh-drink of:
+'To-morrow it will start;'" <a name="FNanchor_3_390" id="FNanchor_3_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_390" class="fnanchor">(3)</a> Before and after the revolutionary period
+of '48 there were innumerable thousands of these fugitives, exiles, and
+men of action obsessed with the dream that a great revolutionary
+cataclysm was soon to occur which would lay in ruins the old society.
+That a crisis was impending everyone believed, including even Marx and
+Engels. In fact, for over twenty years, from 1847 to 1871, the
+"extemporizers of revolutions" fretfully awaited the supreme hour.
+Toward the end of the period appeared Bakounin and Nechayeff with their
+robber worship, conspiratory secret societies, and international network
+of revolutionists. Wherever capitalism made headway the workers grew<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340"></a>[<a href="images/359.png">340</a>]</span>
+more and more rebellious, but neither they nor those who sought to lead
+them, and often did, in fact, lead them, had much of any program beyond
+destruction. Bakounin was not far wrong, at the time, in thinking that
+he was "spreading among the masses ideas corresponding to the instincts
+of the masses," <a name="FNanchor_4_391" id="FNanchor_4_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_391" class="fnanchor">(4)</a> when he advocated the destruction of the Government,
+the Church, the mills, the factories, and the palaces, to the end that
+"not a stone should be left upon a stone."</p>
+
+<p>This was the mire of confusion that Engels speaks of. There was not one
+with any program at all adequate to meet the problem. The aim of the
+rebels went little beyond retaliation and destruction. What were the
+weapons employed by the warriors of this period? Street riots and
+barricades were those of the "bourgeois democrats"; strikes,
+machine-breaking, and incendiarism were those of the workers; and later
+the terrorists came with their robber worship and Propaganda of the
+Deed. In the midst of this veritable passion for destruction Marx and
+Engels found themselves. Here was a period when direct action was
+supreme. There was nothing else, and no one dreamed of anything else.
+The enemies of the existing order were employing exactly the same means
+and methods used by the upholders of that order. Among the workers, for
+instance, the only weapons used were general strikes, boycotts, and what
+is now called sabotage. These were wholly imitative and retaliative. It
+is clear that the strike is, after all, only an inverted lockout; and as
+early as 1833 a general strike was parried by a general lockout. The
+boycott is identical with the blacklist. The employer boycotts union
+leaders and union men. The employees boycott the non-union products of
+the employer; while sabotage, the most ancient weapon of labor, answers
+poor pay with poor work, and broken<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341"></a>[<a href="images/360.png">341</a>]</span> machines for broken lives. And, if
+the working class was striking back with the same weapons that were
+being used against it, so, too, were the "pan-destroyers," except that
+for the most part their weapons were incredibly inadequate and
+ridiculous. Sticks and stones and barricades were their method of
+combating rifles and trained armies. All this again is more evidence of the mire of confusion.</p>
+
+<p>However, if the weapons of the rebellious were utterly futile and
+ineffectual, there were no others, for every move the workers or their
+friends made was considered lawless. All political and trades
+associations were against the law. Peaceable assembly was sedition.
+Strikes were treason. Picketing was intimidation; and the boycott was
+conspiracy in restraint of trade. Such associations as existed were
+forced to become secret societies, and, even if a working-class
+newspaper appeared, it was almost immediately suppressed. And, if all
+forms of trade-union activity were criminal, political activity was
+impossible where the vast majority of toilers had no votes. With methods
+mainly imitative, retaliative, and revengeful; with no program of what
+was wanted; in total ignorance of the causes of their misery; and with
+little appreciation that in unity there is strength, the workers and
+their friends, in the middle of the last century, were stuck in the
+mire&mdash;of ignorance, helplessness, and confusion.</p>
+
+<p>This was the world in which Marx and Engels began their labor. Direct
+action was at its zenith, and the struggle of the classes was ferocious.
+Indeed, all Europe was soon to see barricades in every city, and thrones
+and governments tumbling into apparent ruin. Yet in the midst of all
+this wild confusion, and even touching elbows with the leaders of these
+revolutionary storms, Marx and Engels outlined in clear, simple, and
+powerful<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342"></a>[<a href="images/361.png">342</a>]</span> language the nature of capitalism&mdash;what it was, how it came
+into being, and what it was yet destined to become. They pointed out
+that it was not individual employers or individual statesmen or the
+Government or even kings and princes who were responsible for the evils
+of society, but that unemployment, misery, and oppression were due to an
+economic system, and that so long as capitalism existed the mass of
+humanity would be sunk in poverty. They called attention to the long
+evolutionary processes that had been necessary to change the entire
+world from a state of feudalism into a state of capitalism; and how it
+was not due to man's will-power that the great industrial revolution
+occurred, but to the growth of machines, of steam, and of electrical
+power; and that it was these that have made the modern world, with its
+intense and terrible contrasts of riches and of poverty. They also
+pointed out that little individual owners of property were giving way to
+joint-stock companies, and that these would in turn give way to even
+greater aggregations of capital. An economic law was driving the big
+capitalists to eat up the little capitalists. It was forcing them to
+take from the workers their hand tools and to drive them out of their
+home workshops; it was forcing them also to take from the small property
+owners their little properties and to appropriate the wealth of the
+world into their own hands. As a result of this economic process,
+"private property," they said, "is already done away with for
+nine-tenths of the population." <a name="FNanchor_5_392" id="FNanchor_5_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_392" class="fnanchor">(5)</a> But they also pointed out that
+capitalism had within itself the seeds of its own dissolution, that it
+was creating a new class, made up of the overwhelming majority, that was
+destined in time to overthrow capitalism. "What the bourgeoisie
+therefore produces, above all, are its own grave diggers." <a name="FNanchor_6_393" id="FNanchor_6_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_393" class="fnanchor">(6)</a> In the
+interest of society the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343"></a>[<a href="images/362.png">343</a>]</span>nine-tenths would force the one-tenth to yield
+up its private property, that is to say, its "power to subjugate the
+labor of others." <a name="FNanchor_7_394" id="FNanchor_7_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_394" class="fnanchor">(7)</a></p>
+
+<p>Taking their stand on this careful analysis of historic progress and of
+economic evolution, they viewed with contempt the older fighting methods
+of the revolutionists, and turned their vials of satire and wrath upon
+Herwegh, Willich, Schapper, Kinkel, Ledru-Rollin, Bakounin, and all
+kinds and species of revolution-makers. They deplored incendiarism,
+machine destruction, and all the purely retaliative acts of the
+laborers. They even ridiculed the general strike.<a name="FNanchor_AI_35" id="FNanchor_AI_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_AI_35" class="fnanchor">[AI]</a> And, while for
+thirty years they assailed anarchists, terrorists, and
+direct-actionists, they never lost an opportunity to impress upon the
+workers of Europe the only possible method of effectually combating
+capitalism. There must first be unity&mdash;world-wide, international
+unity&mdash;among all the forces of labor. And, secondly, all the energies of
+a united labor movement must be centered upon the all-important contest
+for control of political power. They fought incessantly with their pens
+to bring home the great truth that every class struggle is a political
+struggle; and, while they were working to emphasize that fact, they
+began in 1864 actually to organize the workers of Europe to fight that
+struggle. The first great practical work of the International was to get
+votes for workingmen. It was the chief thought and labor of Marx during
+the first<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344"></a>[<a href="images/363.png">344</a>]</span> years of that organization to win for the English workers the
+suffrage, while in Germany all his followers&mdash;including Lassalle as well
+as Bebel and Liebknecht&mdash;labored throughout the sixties to that end. Up
+to the present the main work of the socialist movement throughout the
+world has been to fight for, and its main achievement to obtain, the
+legal weapons essential for its battles.</p>
+
+<p>Let us try to grasp the immensity of the task actually executed by Marx.
+First, consider his scientific work. During all the period of these many
+battles every leisure moment was spent in study. While others were
+engaged in organizing what they were pleased to call the "Revolution"
+and waiting about for it to start, Marx, Engels, Liebknecht, and all
+this group were spending innumerable hours in the library. We see the
+result of that labor in the three great volumes of "Capital," in many
+pamphlets, and in other writings. By this painstaking scientific work of
+Marx the nature of capitalism was made known and, consequently, what it
+was that should be combated, and how the battle should be waged. In
+addition to these studies, which have been of such priceless value to
+the labor and socialist movements of the world, Marx, by his pitiless
+logic and incessant warfare, destroyed every revolution-maker, and then,
+by an act of surgery that many declared would prove fatal, cut out of
+the labor movement the "pan-destroyers." Once more, by a supreme effort,
+he turned the thought of labor throughout the world to the one end and
+aim of winning its political weapons, of organizing its political
+armies, and of uniting the working classes of all lands. Here, then, is
+a brief summary of the work of this genius, who fertilized with his
+powerful thoughts the proletarian movements of both worlds. The most
+wonderful thing of all is that, in his brief lifetime, he should not
+only have planned this <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345"></a>[<a href="images/364.png">345</a>]</span>gigantic task, but that he should have obtained
+the essentials for its complete accomplishment.</p>
+
+<p>And, as we look out upon the world to-day, we find it actually a
+different world, almost a new world. The present-day conflict between
+capital and labor has no more the character of the guerilla warfare of
+half a century ago. It is now a struggle between immense organizations
+of capital and immense organizations of labor. And not only has there
+been a revolution in ideas concerning the nature of capitalism but there
+has been as a consequence a revolution in the methods of combat between
+labor and capital. While all the earlier and more brutal forms of
+warfare are still used, the conflict as a whole is to-day conducted on a
+different plane. The struggle of the classes is no longer a vague,
+undefined, and embittered battle. It is no longer merely a contest
+between the violent of both classes. It is now a deliberate, and largely
+legal, tug-of-war between two great social categories over the <i>ends</i> of
+a social revolution that both are beginning to recognize as inevitable.
+The representative workers to-day understand capitalism, and labor now
+faces capital with a program, clear, comprehensive, world-changing; with
+an international army of so many millions that it is almost past
+contending with; while its tactics and methods of action can neither be
+assailed nor effectively combated. From one end of the earth to the
+other we see capital with its gigantic associations of bankers,
+merchants, manufacturers, mine owners, and mill owners striving to
+forward and to protect its economic interests. On the other hand, we see
+labor with its millions upon millions of organized men all but united
+and solidified under the flag of international socialism.</p>
+
+<p>And, most strange and wondrous of all&mdash;as a result of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346"></a>[<a href="images/365.png">346</a>]</span> the logic of
+things and of the logic of Marx&mdash;the actual positions of the two classes
+have been completely transposed. Marx persuaded the workers to take up a
+weapon which they alone can use. Like Siegfried, they have taken the
+fragments of a sword and welded them into a mighty weapon&mdash;so mighty,
+indeed, that the working class alone, with its innumerable millions, is
+capable of wielding it. The workers are the only class in society with
+the numerical strength to become the majority and the only class which,
+by unity and organization, can employ the suffrage effectively. While
+fifty years ago the workers had every legal and peaceable means denied
+them, to-day they are the only class which can assuredly profit through
+legal and peaceable means. It is obvious that the beneficiaries of
+special privilege can hope to retain their power only so long as the
+working class is divided and too ignorant to recognize its own
+interests. As soon as its eyes open, the privileged classes must lose
+its political support and, with that political support, everything else.
+That is absolutely inevitable. The interests of mass and class are too
+fundamentally opposed to permit of permanent political harmony.</p>
+
+<p>Nobody sees this more clearly than the intelligent capitalist. As the
+workers become more and more conscious of their collective power and
+more and more convinced that through solidarity they can quietly take
+possession of the world, their opponents become increasingly conscious
+of their growing weakness, and already in Europe there is developing a
+kind of upper-class syndicalism, that despairs of Parliaments, deplores
+the bungling work of politics, and ridicules the general incompetence of
+democratic institutions. At the same time, however, they exercise
+stupendous efforts, in the most devious and questionable ways, to retain
+their political power. Facing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347"></a>[<a href="images/366.png">347</a>]</span> the inevitable, and realizing that
+potentially at least the suffrages of the immense majority stand over
+them as a menace, they are beginning to seek other methods of action. Of
+course, in all the more democratic countries the power of democracy has
+already made itself felt, and in America, at any rate, the powerful have
+long had resort to bribery, corruption, and all sorts of political
+conspiracy in order to retain their power. Much as we may deplore the
+debauchery of public servants, it nevertheless yields us a certain
+degree of satisfaction, in that it is eloquent testimony of this
+agreeable fact, that the oldest anarchists are losing their control over
+the State. They hold their sway over it more and more feebly, and even
+when the State is entirely obedient to their will, it is not
+infrequently because they have temporarily purchased that power. When
+the manufacturers, the trusts, and the beneficiaries of special
+privilege generally are forced periodically to go out and purchase the
+State from the Robin Hoods of politics, when they are compelled to
+finance lavishly every political campaign, and then abjectly go to the
+very men whom their money has put into power and buy them again, their
+bleeding misery becomes an object of pity.</p>
+
+<p>This really amounts to an almost absolute transposition of the classes.
+In the early nineties Engels saw the beginning of this change, and, in
+what Sombart rightly says may be looked upon as a kind of "political
+last will and testament" to the movement, Engels writes: "The time for
+small minorities to place themselves at the head of the ignorant masses
+and resort to force in order to bring about revolutions is gone. A
+complete change in the organization of society can be brought about only
+by the conscious co&ouml;peration of the masses; they must be alive to the
+aim in view; they must know what they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348"></a>[<a href="images/367.png">348</a>]</span> want. The history of the last
+fifty years has taught that. But, if the masses are to understand the
+line of action that is necessary, we must work hard and continuously to
+bring it home to them. That, indeed, is what we are now engaged upon,
+and our success is driving our opponents to despair. The irony of
+destiny is turning everything topsy-turvy. We, the 'revolutionaries,'
+are profiting more by lawful than by unlawful and revolutionary means.
+The parties of order, as they call themselves, are being slowly
+destroyed by their own weapons. Their cry is that of Odilon Barrot:
+'Lawful means are killing us.'... We, on the contrary, are thriving on
+them, our muscles are strong, and our cheeks are red, and we look as
+though we intend to live forever!" <a name="FNanchor_8_395" id="FNanchor_8_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_395" class="fnanchor">(8)</a></p>
+
+<p>And if lawful means are killing them, so are science and democracy. We
+no longer live in an age when any suggestion of change is deemed a
+sacrilege. The period has gone by when political, social, and industrial
+institutions are supposed to be unalterable. No one believes them
+fashioned by Divinity, and there is nothing so sacred in the worldly
+affairs of men that it cannot be questioned. There is no law, or
+judicial decision, or decree, or form of property, or social status that
+cannot be critically examined; and, if men can agree, none is so firmly
+established that it cannot be changed. It is agreed that men shall be
+allowed to speak, write, and propagate their views on all questions,
+whether religious, political, or industrial. In theory, at least, all
+authority, law, administrative institutions, and property relations are
+decided ultimately in the court of the people. Through their press these
+things may be discussed. On their platform these things may be approved
+or denounced. In their assemblies there is freedom to make any
+declaration<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349"></a>[<a href="images/368.png">349</a>]</span> for or against things as they are. And through their votes
+and representatives there is not one institution that cannot be molded,
+changed, or even abolished. Upon this theory modern society is held
+together. It is a belief so firmly rooted in the popular mind that,
+although everything goes against the people, they peacefully submit. So
+firmly established, indeed, is this tradition that even the most irate
+admit that where wrong exists the chief fault lies with the people themselves.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever may be said concerning its limitations and its perversions,
+this, then, is an age of democracy, founded upon a widespread faith in
+majority rule. Whether it be true or not, the conviction is almost
+universal that the majority can, through its political power, accomplish
+any and every change, no matter how revolutionary. Our whole Western
+civilization has had bred into it the belief that those who are
+dissatisfied with things as they are can agitate to change them, are
+even free to organize for the purpose of changing them, and can, in
+fact, change them whenever the majority is won over to stand with them.
+This, again, is the theory, although there is no one of us, of course,
+but will admit that a thousand ways are found to defeat the will of the
+majority. There are bribery, fraudulent elections, and an infinite
+variety of corrupting methods. There is the control of parliaments, of
+courts, and of political parties by special privilege. There are
+oppressive and unjust laws obtained through trickery. There is the
+overwhelming power exercised by the wealthy through their control of the
+press and of nearly all means of enlightenment. Through their power and
+the means they have to corrupt, the majority is indeed so constantly
+deceived that, when one dwells only on this side of our political life,
+it is easy to arrive at the conviction that democracy<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350"></a>[<a href="images/369.png">350</a>]</span> is a myth and
+that, in fact, the end may never come of this power of the few to divert
+and pervert the institutions for expressing the popular will.</p>
+
+<p>But there is no way of achieving democracy in any form except through
+democracy, and we have found that he who rejects political action finds
+himself irresistibly drawn into the use of means that are both
+indefensible and abortive. Curiously enough, in this use of methods, as
+in other ways, extremes meet. Both the despot and the terrorist are
+anti-democrats. Neither the anarchist of Bakounin's type nor the
+anarchist of the Wall Street type trusts the people. With their cliques
+and inner circles plotting their conspiracies, they are forced to travel
+the same subterranean passages. The one through corruption impresses the
+will of the wealthy and powerful upon the community. The other hopes
+that by some dash upon authority a spirited, daring, and reckless
+minority can overturn existing society and establish a new social order.
+The method of the political boss, the aristocrat, the self-seeker, the
+monopolist&mdash;even in the use of thugs, private armies, spies, and
+<i>provocateurs</i>&mdash;differs little from the methods proposed by Bakounin in
+his Alliance. And it is not in the least strange that much of the
+lawlessness and violence of the last half-century has had its origin in
+these two sources. In all the unutterably despicable work of detective
+agencies and police spies that has led to the destruction of property,
+to riots and minor rebellions that have cost the lives of many thousands
+in recent decades, we find the sordid materialism of special privilege
+seeking to gain its secret ends. In all the unutterably tragic work of
+the terrorists that has cost so many lives we find the rage and despair
+of self-styled revolutionists seeking to gain their secret ends. After
+all, it matters little whether the aim of a group of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351"></a>[<a href="images/370.png">351</a>]</span>conspirators is
+purely selfish or wholly altruistic. It matters little whether their
+program is to build into a system private monopoly or to save the world
+from that monopoly. Their methods outrage democracy, even when they are
+not actually criminal. The oldest anarchist believes that the people
+must be <i>deceived</i> into a worse social order, and that at least is a
+tribute to their intelligence. On the other hand, the Bakouninists, old
+and new, believe that the people must be <i>deceived</i> into a better social
+order, and that is founded upon their complete distrust of the people.</p>
+
+<p>And, rightly enough, the attitude of the masses toward the secret and
+conspiratory methods of both the idealist anarchist and the materialist
+anarchist is the same. If the latter distrust the people, the people no
+less distrust them. If the masses would mob the terrorist who springs
+forth to commit some fearful act, the purpose of which they cannot in
+the least understand, they would, if possible, also mob the individual
+responsible for manipulation of elections, for the buying of
+legislatures, and for the purchasing of court decisions. They fear,
+distrust, and denounce the terrorist who goes forth to commit arson,
+pillage, or assassination no less than the anarchist who purchases
+private armies, hires thugs to beat up unoffending citizens, and uses
+the power of wealth to undermine the Government. In one sense, the acts
+of the materialist anarchist are clearer even than those of the other.
+The people know the ends sought by the powerful. On the other hand, the
+ends sought by the terrorist are wholly mysterious; he has not even
+taken the trouble to make his program clear. We find, then, that the
+anarchist of high finance, who would suppress democracy in the interest
+of a new feudalism, and the anarchist of a sect, who would override
+democracy<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352"></a>[<a href="images/371.png">352</a>]</span> in the hope of communism, are classed together in the popular
+mind. The man who in this day deifies the individual or the sect, and
+would make the rights of the individual or the sect override the rights
+of the many, is battling vainly against the supreme current of the age.</p>
+
+<p>Democracy may be a myth. Yet of all the faiths of our time none is more
+firmly grounded, none more warmly cherished. If any man refuses to abide
+by the decisions of democracy and takes his case out of that court, he
+ranges against himself practically the entire populace. On the other
+hand, the man who takes his case to that court is often forced to suffer
+for a long time humiliating defeats. If the case be a new one but little
+understood, there is no place where a hearing seems so hard to win as in
+exactly that court. Universal suffrage, by which such cases are decided,
+appears to the man with a new idea as an obstacle almost overwhelming.
+He must set out on a long and dreary road of education and of
+organization; he must take his case before a jury made up of untold
+millions; he must wait maybe for centuries to obtain a majority. To go
+into this great open court and plead an entirely new cause requires a
+courage that is sublime and convictions that have the intensity of a
+religion. One who possesses any doubt cannot begin a task so gigantic,
+and certainly one who, for any reason, distrusts the people cannot, of
+course, put his case in that court. It was with full realization of the
+difficulties, of the certainty of repeated defeats, and of the
+overwhelming power against them that the socialists entered this great
+arena to fight their battle. Universal suffrage is a merciless thing.
+How often has it served the purpose of stripping the socialist naked and
+exposing him to a terrible humiliation! Again and again, in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353"></a>[<a href="images/372.png">353</a>]</span> history
+of the last fifty years, have the socialists, after tremendous
+agitation, gigantic mass meetings, and widespread social unrest, marched
+their followers to the polls with results positively pitiful. A dozen
+votes out of thousands have in more cases than one marked their relative
+power. There is no other example in the world of such faith, courage,
+and persistence in politics as that of the socialists, who, despite
+defeat after defeat, humiliation after humiliation, have never lost
+hope, but on every occasion, in every part of the modern world, have
+gone up again and again to be knocked down by that jury.</p>
+
+<p>And let it be said to their credit that never once anywhere have the
+socialists despaired of democracy. "<i>Socialism and democracy ... belong
+to each other, round out each other, and can never stand in
+contradiction to each other. Socialism without democracy is
+pseudo-socialism, just as democracy without socialism is
+pseudo-democracy. The democratic state is the only possible form of a
+socialised society.</i>" <a name="FNanchor_9_396" id="FNanchor_9_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_396" class="fnanchor">(9)</a> The inseparableness of democracy and socialism
+has served the organized movement as an unerring guide at every moment
+of its struggle for existence and of its fight against the ruling
+powers. It has served to keep its soul free from that cynical distrust
+of the people which is evident in the writings of the anarchists and of
+the syndicalists&mdash;in Bakounin, Nechayeff, Sorel, Berth, and Pouget. It
+has also served to keep it from those emotional reactions which have led
+nearly every great leader of the direct-actionists in the last century
+to become in the end an apostate. Feargus O'Connor, Joseph Rayner
+Stephens, the fierce leaders of Chartism; Bakounin, Blanc, Richard,
+Jaclard, Andrieux, Bastelica, the flaming revolutionists of the
+Alliance; Briand, Sorel, Berth, the leading propagandists and
+philosophers of modern syndicalism; every<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354"></a>[<a href="images/373.png">354</a>]</span> one of them turned in despair
+from the movement. Cobden, Bonaparte, Cl&eacute;menceau, the Empire, the "new
+monarchy," or a comfortable berth, claimed in the end every one of these
+impatient middle-class intellectuals, who never had any real
+understanding of the actual labor movement. And, if the union of
+democracy and socialism has saved the movement from reactions such as
+these, it has also saved it from the desperation that gives birth to
+individual methods, such as the Propaganda of the Deed and sabotage.
+That is what the inseparableness of democracy and socialism has done for
+the movement in the past; and it has in it an even greater service yet
+to perform. It has the power of salvation for society itself in the not
+remote future, when it will be face to face, throughout the world, with
+an irresistible current toward State socialism. Industrial democracy and
+political democracy are indissolubly united; their union cannot be
+sundered except at the cost of destruction to them both.</p>
+
+<p>In adopting, then, the methods of education, of organization, and of
+political action the socialists rest their case upon the decision of
+democracy. They accept the weapons that civilization has put into their
+hands, and they are testing the word of kings and of parliaments that
+democracy can, if it wishes, alter the bases of society. And in no small
+measure this is the secret of their immense strength and of their
+enormous growth. There is nothing strange in the fact that the
+socialists stand almost alone to-day faithful to democracy. It simply
+means that they believe in it even for themselves, that is to say, for
+the working class. They believe in it for industry as well as for
+politics, and, if they are at war with the political despot, they are
+also at war with the industrial despot. Everyone is a socialist and a
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355"></a>[<a href="images/374.png">355</a>]</span>democrat within his circle. No capitalist objects to a group of
+capitalists co&ouml;peratively owning a great railroad. The fashionable clubs
+of both city and country are almost perfect examples of group socialism.
+They are owned co&ouml;peratively and conducted for the benefit of all the
+members. Even some reformers are socialists in this measure&mdash;that they
+believe it would be well for the community to own public utilities,
+provided skilled, trained, honorable men, like themselves, are permitted
+to conduct them. Indeed, the only democracy or socialism that is
+seriously combated is that which embraces the most numerous and most
+useful class in society, "the only class that is not a class"; <a name="FNanchor_10_397" id="FNanchor_10_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_397" class="fnanchor">(10)</a> the
+only class so numerous that it "cannot effect its emancipation without
+delivering all society from its division into classes." <a name="FNanchor_11_398" id="FNanchor_11_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_398" class="fnanchor">(11)</a></p>
+
+<p>In any case, here it is, "the self-conscious, independent movement of
+the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority," <a name="FNanchor_12_399" id="FNanchor_12_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_399" class="fnanchor">(12)</a>
+already with its eleven million voters and its fifty million souls. It
+has slowly, patiently, painfully toiled up to a height where it is
+beginning to see visions of victory. It has faith in itself and in its
+cause. It believes it has the power of deliverance for all society and
+for all humanity. It does not expect the powerful to have faith in it;
+but, as Jesus came out of despised Nazareth, so the new world is coming
+out of the multitude, amid the toil and sweat and anguish of the mills,
+mines, and factories of the world. It has endured much; suffered ages
+long of slavery and serfdom. From being mere animals of production, the
+workers have become the "hands" of production; and they are now reaching
+out to become the masters of production. And, while in other periods of
+the world their intolerable misery led them again and again to strike
+out in a kind of torrential anarchy that pulled<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356"></a>[<a href="images/375.png">356</a>]</span> down society itself,
+they have in our time, for the first time in the history of the world,
+patiently and persistently organized themselves into a world power.
+Where shall we find in all history another instance of the organization
+in less than half a century of eleven million people into a compact
+force for the avowed purpose of peacefully and legally taking possession
+of the world? They have refused to hurry. They have declined all short
+cuts. They have spurned violence. The "bourgeois democrats," the
+terrorists, and the syndicalists, each in their time, have tried to
+point out a shorter, quicker path. The workers have refused to listen to
+them. On the other hand, they have declined the way of compromise, of
+fusions, and of alliances, that have also promised a quicker and a
+shorter road to power. With the most maddening patience they have
+declined to take any other path than their own&mdash;thus infuriating not
+only the terrorists in their own ranks but those Greeks from the other
+side who came to them bearing gifts. Nothing seems to disturb them or to
+block their path. They are offered reforms and concessions, which they
+take blandly, but without thanks. They simply move on and on, with the
+terrible, incessant, irresistible power of some eternal, natural force.
+They have been fought; yet they have never lost a single great battle.
+They have been flattered and cajoled, without ever once anywhere being
+appeased. They have been provoked, insulted, imprisoned, calumniated,
+and repressed. They are indifferent to it all. They simply move on and
+on&mdash;with the patience and the meekness of a people with the vision that
+they are soon to inherit the earth.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_AG_33" id="Footnote_AG_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_AG_33"><span class="label">[AG]</span></a> The vote for Belgium is estimated. The Liberals and the
+Socialists combined at the last election in opposition to the Clericals,
+and together polled over 1,200,000 votes. The British Socialist Year
+Book, 1913, estimates the total Socialist vote at about 600,000.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_AH_34" id="Footnote_AH_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_AH_34"><span class="label">[AH]</span></a> Above data taken from International News Letter of
+National Trade Union Centers, Berlin, May 30, 1913.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_AI_35" id="Footnote_AI_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_AI_35"><span class="label">[AI]</span></a> "The general strike," Engels said, "is in Bakounin's
+program the lever which must be applied in order to inaugurate the
+social revolution.... The proposition is far from being new; some French
+socialists, and, after them, some Belgian socialists have since 1848
+shown a partiality for riding this beast of parade." This appeared in a
+series of articles written for <i>Der Volksstaat</i> in 1873 and republished
+in the pamphlet "<i>Bakunisten an der Arbeit</i>."</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357"></a>[<a href="images/376.png">357</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>AUTHORITIES</h2>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER I</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_36" id="Footnote_1_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_36"><span class="label">(1)</span></a> Macaulay, Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays:
+The Earl of Chatham, p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_37" id="Footnote_2_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_37"><span class="label">(2)</span></a> Bakounin, <i>&OElig;uvres</i>, Vol. III, p. 21. (P. V, Stock, Paris,
+1912-1913.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_38" id="Footnote_3_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_38"><span class="label">(3)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. xiv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_39" id="Footnote_4_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_39"><span class="label">(4)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. xlvii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_40" id="Footnote_5_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_40"><span class="label">(5)</span></a> <i>L'Alliance de la D&eacute;mocratie Socialiste et l'Association
+Internationale des Travailleurs</i>, p. 121. (Secret Statutes of the
+Alliance.) A. Darson, London, and Otto Meissner, Hamburg, 1873.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_41" id="Footnote_6_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_41"><span class="label">(6)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 125. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_42" id="Footnote_7_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_42"><span class="label">(7)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 128. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_43" id="Footnote_8_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_43"><span class="label">(8)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 11. (The Secret Alliance.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_44" id="Footnote_9_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_44"><span class="label">(9)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 129. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_45" id="Footnote_10_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_45"><span class="label">(10)</span></a> Bakounin, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. II, p. viii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_46" id="Footnote_11_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_46"><span class="label">(11)</span></a> <i>L'Alliance</i>, etc., p. 95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_47" id="Footnote_12_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_47"><span class="label">(12)</span></a> Bakounin, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. II, p. viii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_48" id="Footnote_13_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_48"><span class="label">(13)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. xxiii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_49" id="Footnote_14_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_49"><span class="label">(14)</span></a> Quoted in <i>L'Alliance</i>, etc., p. 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_50" id="Footnote_15_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_50"><span class="label">(15)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_51" id="Footnote_16_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_51"><span class="label">(16)</span></a> <i>L'Alliance</i>, etc., p. 129. (Secret Statutes of the
+Alliance.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_52" id="Footnote_17_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_52"><span class="label">(17)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 128-129. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_53" id="Footnote_18_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_53"><span class="label">(18)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 132. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_54" id="Footnote_19_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_54"><span class="label">(19)</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Guillaume, <i>L'Internationale; documents et souvenirs</i>
+(1864-1878). Vol. I, p. 131. (&Eacute;douard Corn&eacute;ly et Cie., Paris, 1905-1910.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_55" id="Footnote_20_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_55"><span class="label">(20)</span></a> <i>Cf. Idem</i>, Vol. I, pp. 132-133, for entire program.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_56" id="Footnote_21_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_56"><span class="label">(21)</span></a> Bakounin, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. V, p. 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_57" id="Footnote_22_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_57"><span class="label">(22)</span></a> <i>L'Alliance</i>, etc., pp. 64-65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_58" id="Footnote_23_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_58"><span class="label">(23)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 65 (quotations from The Principles of the
+Revolution).</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358"></a>[<a href="images/377.png">358</a>]</span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_59" id="Footnote_24_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_59"><span class="label">(24)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 66 (The Principles of the Revolution).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_60" id="Footnote_25_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_60"><span class="label">(25)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 68 (The Principles of the Revolution).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_61" id="Footnote_26_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_61"><span class="label">(26)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 90-92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_62" id="Footnote_27_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_62"><span class="label">(27)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 93-94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_63" id="Footnote_28_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_63"><span class="label">(28)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 94-95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_64" id="Footnote_29_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_64"><span class="label">(29)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_65" id="Footnote_30_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_65"><span class="label">(30)</span></a> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. II, p. 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_66" id="Footnote_31_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_66"><span class="label">(31)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, pp. 61-63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_67" id="Footnote_32_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_67"><span class="label">(32)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 312.</p></div>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER II</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_68" id="Footnote_1_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_68"><span class="label">(1)</span></a> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. II, p. 90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_69" id="Footnote_2_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_69"><span class="label">(2)</span></a> Lefran&ccedil;ais, <i>M&eacute;moires d'un r&eacute;volutionnaire</i>, p. 348
+(Paris).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_70" id="Footnote_3_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_70"><span class="label">(3)</span></a> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. II, p. 92 (Oscar Testut).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_71" id="Footnote_4_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_71"><span class="label">(4)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_72" id="Footnote_5_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_72"><span class="label">(5)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_73" id="Footnote_6_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_73"><span class="label">(6)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II. pp. 94-95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_74" id="Footnote_7_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_74"><span class="label">(7)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_75" id="Footnote_8_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_75"><span class="label">(8)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_76" id="Footnote_9_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_76"><span class="label">(9)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_77" id="Footnote_10_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_77"><span class="label">(10)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_78" id="Footnote_11_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_78"><span class="label">(11)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_79" id="Footnote_12_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_79"><span class="label">(12)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_80" id="Footnote_13_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_80"><span class="label">(13)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, pp. 98-99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_81" id="Footnote_14_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_81"><span class="label">(14)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_82" id="Footnote_15_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_82"><span class="label">(15)</span></a> Quoted by <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 101. Cf. The Social Democrat,
+April 15, 1903.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_83" id="Footnote_16_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_83"><span class="label">(16)</span></a> <i>L'Alliance</i>, etc., p. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_84" id="Footnote_17_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_84"><span class="label">(17)</span></a> Marx, The Commune of Paris (Bax's translation), p. 123.
+(Twentieth Century Press, Ltd., London, 1895.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_85" id="Footnote_18_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_85"><span class="label">(18)</span></a> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. III, p. 100.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_86" id="Footnote_19_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_86"><span class="label">(19)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_87" id="Footnote_20_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_87"><span class="label">(20)</span></a> <i>Bakunisten an der Arbeit</i>, I, by Frederick Engels, printed
+in <i>Der Volksstaat</i>, October 31, 1873, No. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_88" id="Footnote_21_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_88"><span class="label">(21)</span></a> Quoted by Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. III, p. 154.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_89" id="Footnote_22_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_89"><span class="label">(22)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 100.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_90" id="Footnote_23_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_90"><span class="label">(23)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_91" id="Footnote_24_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_91"><span class="label">(24)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 207.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_92" id="Footnote_25_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_92"><span class="label">(25)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 208.</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359"></a>[<a href="images/378.png">359</a>]</span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_93" id="Footnote_26_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_93"><span class="label">(26)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 186.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_94" id="Footnote_27_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_94"><span class="label">(27)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 186.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_95" id="Footnote_28_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_95"><span class="label">(28)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_96" id="Footnote_29_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_96"><span class="label">(29)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 237.</p></div>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER III</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_97" id="Footnote_1_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_97"><span class="label">(1)</span></a> Kropotkin, Memoirs of a Revolutionist, p. 394. (Houghton,
+Mifflin &amp; Co., Boston, 1899.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_98" id="Footnote_2_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_98"><span class="label">(2)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_99" id="Footnote_3_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_99"><span class="label">(3)</span></a> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. IV, pp. 113-114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_100" id="Footnote_4_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_100"><span class="label">(4)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_101" id="Footnote_5_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_101"><span class="label">(5)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_102" id="Footnote_6_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_102"><span class="label">(6)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_103" id="Footnote_7_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_103"><span class="label">(7)</span></a> Kropotkin, <i>Paroles d'un r&eacute;volt&eacute;</i>, pp. 285-288 (E.
+Flammarion, Paris, 1885).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_104" id="Footnote_8_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_104"><span class="label">(8)</span></a> <i>L'Alliance</i>, etc., p. 65 (The Principles of the
+Revolution).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_105" id="Footnote_9_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_105"><span class="label">(9)</span></a> Prolo, <i>Les Anarchistes</i>, pp. 14-15 (Marcel Rivi&egrave;re et Cie.,
+Paris, 1912); <i>or</i> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. IV, pp. 160-168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_106" id="Footnote_10_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_106"><span class="label">(10)</span></a> Prolo, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 15-17; <i>or</i> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>,
+Vol. IV, pp. 184-188.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_107" id="Footnote_11_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_107"><span class="label">(11)</span></a> Bebel, My Life, p. 330 (Chicago University Press, 1912).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_108" id="Footnote_12_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_108"><span class="label">(12)</span></a> Zenker, Anarchism: A Criticism and History of the Anarchist
+Theory, p. 282 (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1901).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_109" id="Footnote_13_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_109"><span class="label">(13)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 294-295.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_110" id="Footnote_14_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_110"><span class="label">(14)</span></a> Kropotkin, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 448-449.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_111" id="Footnote_15_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_111"><span class="label">(15)</span></a> Zenker, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 286.</p></div>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER IV</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_112" id="Footnote_1_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_112"><span class="label">(1)</span></a> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. IV, p. 209.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_113" id="Footnote_2_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_113"><span class="label">(2)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_114" id="Footnote_3_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_114"><span class="label">(3)</span></a> Quoted by Zenker, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 235-236.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_115" id="Footnote_4_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_115"><span class="label">(4)</span></a> Zenker, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 282-283.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_116" id="Footnote_5_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_116"><span class="label">(5)</span></a> Emma Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays, p. 47 (Mother
+Earth Publishing Co., New York, 1911).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_117" id="Footnote_6_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_117"><span class="label">(6)</span></a> Quoted in History of Socialism in the United States, p. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360"></a>[<a href="images/379.png">360</a>]</span>219
+(Funk &amp; Wagnalls, New York, 1910), by Morris Hillquit, who gives a
+fuller account of this period.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_118" id="Footnote_7_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_118"><span class="label">(7)</span></a> Quoted by Ely, The Labor Movement in America, p. 262 (Thomas
+Y. Crowell, New York, 3d ed., 1910).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_119" id="Footnote_8_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_119"><span class="label">(8)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_120" id="Footnote_9_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_120"><span class="label">(9)</span></a> The Chicago Martyrs, p. 30 (Free Society Publishing Co., San
+Francisco, 1899).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_121" id="Footnote_10_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_121"><span class="label">(10)</span></a> Reprinted in Instead of a Book, by Benjamin R. Tucker, pp.
+429-432 (Benj. R. Tucker, New York, 1897).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_122" id="Footnote_11_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_122"><span class="label">(11)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 429.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_123" id="Footnote_12_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_123"><span class="label">(12)</span></a> Bebel, My Life, p. 237.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_124" id="Footnote_13_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_124"><span class="label">(13)</span></a> Alexander Berkman, Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist, p. 7
+(Mother Earth Publishing Company, New York, 1912).</p></div>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER V</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_125" id="Footnote_1_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_125"><span class="label">(1)</span></a> Quoted by Prolo, <i>Les Anarchistes</i>, p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_126" id="Footnote_2_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_126"><span class="label">(2)</span></a> Prolo, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_127" id="Footnote_3_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_127"><span class="label">(3)</span></a> Quoted from <i>L'&Eacute;clair</i> by Prolo, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_128" id="Footnote_4_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_128"><span class="label">(4)</span></a> Quoted by Prolo, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_129" id="Footnote_5_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_129"><span class="label">(5)</span></a> Quoted by <i>Idem</i>, p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_130" id="Footnote_6_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_130"><span class="label">(6)</span></a> Quoted by <i>Idem</i>, p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_131" id="Footnote_7_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_131"><span class="label">(7)</span></a> Emma Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays, p. 101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_132" id="Footnote_8_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_132"><span class="label">(8)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 99-100.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_133" id="Footnote_9_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_133"><span class="label">(9)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 102-103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_134" id="Footnote_10_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_134"><span class="label">(10)</span></a> Prolo, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_135" id="Footnote_11_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_135"><span class="label">(11)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 54-55.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_136" id="Footnote_12_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_136"><span class="label">(12)</span></a> <i>Pall Mall Gazette</i>, April 29, 1912.</p></div>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER VI</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_137" id="Footnote_1_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_137"><span class="label">(1)</span></a> Emma Goldman, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_138" id="Footnote_2_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_138"><span class="label">(2)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_139" id="Footnote_3_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_139"><span class="label">(3)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 113-114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_140" id="Footnote_4_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_140"><span class="label">(4)</span></a> Percy Bysshe Shelley, Julian and Maddalo.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_141" id="Footnote_5_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_141"><span class="label">(5)</span></a> <i>Idem.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_142" id="Footnote_6_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_142"><span class="label">(6)</span></a> Angiolillo, quoted by Goldman, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 104-105.</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361"></a>[<a href="images/380.png">361</a>]</span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_143" id="Footnote_7_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_143"><span class="label">(7)</span></a> Goldman, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_144" id="Footnote_8_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_144"><span class="label">(8)</span></a> The Chicago Martyrs, p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_145" id="Footnote_9_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_145"><span class="label">(9)</span></a> Alfred Tennyson, The Vision of Sin, IV.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_146" id="Footnote_10_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_146"><span class="label">(10)</span></a> Lombroso, <i>Les Anarchistes</i>, pp. 184, 181-183, 196
+(Flammarion, Paris, 1896).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_147" id="Footnote_11_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_147"><span class="label">(11)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 205-207.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_148" id="Footnote_12_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_148"><span class="label">(12)</span></a> Quoted by Lombroso, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 207.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_149" id="Footnote_13_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_149"><span class="label">(13)</span></a> Zenker, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 306-307.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_150" id="Footnote_14_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_150"><span class="label">(14)</span></a> Bebel, <i>Attentate und Sozialdemokratie</i>, p. 6, a speech
+delivered at Berlin, November 2, 1898 (<i>Vorw&auml;rts</i>, Berlin, 1905).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_151" id="Footnote_15_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_151"><span class="label">(15)</span></a> The Chicago Martyrs, p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_152" id="Footnote_16_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_152"><span class="label">(16)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_153" id="Footnote_17_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_153"><span class="label">(17)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_154" id="Footnote_18_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_154"><span class="label">(18)</span></a> Max Stirner, The Ego and His Own, p. 477 (A. C. Fifield,
+London, 1912).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_155" id="Footnote_19_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_155"><span class="label">(19)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 425.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_156" id="Footnote_20_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_156"><span class="label">(20)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 394.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_157" id="Footnote_21_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_157"><span class="label">(21)</span></a> Lombroso, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 52-54.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_158" id="Footnote_22_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_158"><span class="label">(22)</span></a> Marx and Engels, The Communist Manifesto, p. 29 (C. H. Kerr
+&amp; Co., Chicago, 1906).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_159" id="Footnote_23_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_159"><span class="label">(23)</span></a> Reprinted in Guesde's <i>Quatre ans de lutte des classes</i>,
+pp. 88-91 (G. Jacques et Cie., Paris, 1901).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_160" id="Footnote_24_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_160"><span class="label">(24)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_161" id="Footnote_25_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_161"><span class="label">(25)</span></a> Bebel, <i>Attentate und Sozialdemokratie</i>, pp. 12-14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_162" id="Footnote_26_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_162"><span class="label">(26)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_163" id="Footnote_27_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_163"><span class="label">(27)</span></a> Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays, pp. 92-93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_164" id="Footnote_28_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_164"><span class="label">(28)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 85-86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_165" id="Footnote_29_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_165"><span class="label">(29)</span></a> This is a translation of an editorial that has appeared in
+various foreign newspapers and also, it is said, in the <i>Illinois
+Staats-Zeitung</i>; <i>Cf.</i> De Leon, Socialism <i>versus</i> Anarchism, p. 61 (New
+York Labor News Company, New York).</p></div>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER VII</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_166" id="Footnote_1_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_166"><span class="label">(1)</span></a> <i>L'Alliance de la D&eacute;mocratie Socialiste</i>, etc., p. 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_167" id="Footnote_2_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_167"><span class="label">(2)</span></a> George Brandes, Main Currents in Nineteenth Century
+Literature, Vol. VI (The Macmillan Company, New York, 1906).</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362"></a>[<a href="images/381.png">362</a>]</span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_168" id="Footnote_3_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_168"><span class="label">(3)</span></a> Engels in the introduction to <i>R&eacute;v&eacute;lations sur le Proc&egrave;s
+des Communistes</i>, published together with, and under the title of,
+Marx's <i>L'Allemagne en 1848</i>, p. 268 (Schleicher Fr&egrave;res, Paris, 1901).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_169" id="Footnote_4_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_169"><span class="label">(4)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_170" id="Footnote_5_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_170"><span class="label">(5)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 268-269. My italics.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_171" id="Footnote_6_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_171"><span class="label">(6)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 269-270.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_172" id="Footnote_7_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_172"><span class="label">(7)</span></a> Communist Manifesto, p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_173" id="Footnote_8_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_173"><span class="label">(8)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_174" id="Footnote_9_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_174"><span class="label">(9)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_175" id="Footnote_10_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_175"><span class="label">(10)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_176" id="Footnote_11_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_176"><span class="label">(11)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_177" id="Footnote_12_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_177"><span class="label">(12)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_178" id="Footnote_13_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_178"><span class="label">(13)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_179" id="Footnote_14_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_179"><span class="label">(14)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_180" id="Footnote_15_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_180"><span class="label">(15)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 42, 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_181" id="Footnote_16_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_181"><span class="label">(16)</span></a> Engels, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_182" id="Footnote_17_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_182"><span class="label">(17)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_183" id="Footnote_18_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_183"><span class="label">(18)</span></a> Quoted by Engels in <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 297.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_184" id="Footnote_19_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_184"><span class="label">(19)</span></a> Albion W. Small, Socialism in the Light of Social Science,
+reprinted from the <i>American journal of Sociology</i>, Vol. XVII, No. 6 (May, 1912), p. 810.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_185" id="Footnote_20_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_185"><span class="label">(20)</span></a> Communist Manifesto, pp. 12, 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_186" id="Footnote_21_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_186"><span class="label">(21)</span></a> Albion W. Small, article cited, p. 812.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_187" id="Footnote_22_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_187"><span class="label">(22)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 812.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_188" id="Footnote_23_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_188"><span class="label">(23)</span></a> Address and Provisional Rules of the International Working
+Men's Association (London, 1864), p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_189" id="Footnote_24_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_189"><span class="label">(24)</span></a> Letter of Marx's of October 9, 1866, published in the <i>Neue
+Zeit</i>, April 12, 1902.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_190" id="Footnote_25_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_190"><span class="label">(25)</span></a> Address and Provisional Rules of the International Working
+Men's Association (London, 1864), p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_191" id="Footnote_26_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_191"><span class="label">(26)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_192" id="Footnote_27_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_192"><span class="label">(27)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_193" id="Footnote_28_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_193"><span class="label">(28)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_194" id="Footnote_29_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_194"><span class="label">(29)</span></a> Engels, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_195" id="Footnote_30_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_195"><span class="label">(30)</span></a> Marx, <i>L'Allemagne en 1848</i>, p. 188.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_196" id="Footnote_31_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_196"><span class="label">(31)</span></a> Letter of October 9, 1866, published in the <i>Neue Zeit</i>,
+April 12, 1902.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_197" id="Footnote_32_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_197"><span class="label">(32)</span></a> Quoted by Jaeckh, The International, p. 32 (Twentieth
+Century Press, Ltd., London).</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363"></a>[<a href="images/382.png">363</a>]</span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_198" id="Footnote_33_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_198"><span class="label">(33)</span></a> Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol.
+X, p. 53 (Francis D. Tandy Co., New York). My italics.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_199" id="Footnote_34_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_199"><span class="label">(34)</span></a> Jaur&egrave;s, Studies in Socialism, p. 133 (G. P. Putnam's Sons,
+New York, 1906, translated by Mildred Minturn).</p></div>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER VIII</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_200" id="Footnote_1_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_200"><span class="label">(1)</span></a> Bakounin, <i>&OElig;uvres</i>, Vol. II, p. viii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_201" id="Footnote_2_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_201"><span class="label">(2)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, pp. xi-xii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_202" id="Footnote_3_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_202"><span class="label">(3)</span></a> <i>L'Allemagne en 1848</i>, p. 279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_203" id="Footnote_4_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_203"><span class="label">(4)</span></a> Liebknecht, Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs, pp. 62-63 (C.
+H. Kerr, Chicago, 1904).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_204" id="Footnote_5_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_204"><span class="label">(5)</span></a> Bakounin, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. II, p. xvii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_205" id="Footnote_6_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_205"><span class="label">(6)</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Marx, Revolution and Counter-Revolution, p. 126
+(Scribner's, New York, 1896).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_206" id="Footnote_7_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_206"><span class="label">(7)</span></a> Bakounin, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. II, p. xx.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_207" id="Footnote_8_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_207"><span class="label">(8)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 383.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_208" id="Footnote_9_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_208"><span class="label">(9)</span></a> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. I, p. 103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_209" id="Footnote_10_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_209"><span class="label">(10)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. I, p. 103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_210" id="Footnote_11_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_210"><span class="label">(11)</span></a> <i>Compte-Rendu</i> of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, Basel, 1869, pp. 6-7
+(Bruxelles, 1869).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_211" id="Footnote_12_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_211"><span class="label">(12)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_212" id="Footnote_13_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_212"><span class="label">(13)</span></a> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. I, p. 202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_213" id="Footnote_14_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_213"><span class="label">(14)</span></a> I am following here the English version, published by the
+General Council, pp. 26-27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_214" id="Footnote_15_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_214"><span class="label">(15)</span></a> <i>Compte-Rendu</i> of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, pp. 85-86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_215" id="Footnote_16_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_215"><span class="label">(16)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_216" id="Footnote_17_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_216"><span class="label">(17)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 144-145.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_217" id="Footnote_18_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_217"><span class="label">(18)</span></a> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. I, p. 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_218" id="Footnote_19_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_218"><span class="label">(19)</span></a> Quoted by Bakounin, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. V, p. 223.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_219" id="Footnote_20_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_219"><span class="label">(20)</span></a> Bakounin, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. V, p. 232.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_220" id="Footnote_21_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_220"><span class="label">(21)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. V, p. 233.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_221" id="Footnote_22_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_221"><span class="label">(22)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. V, pp. 234-235.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_222" id="Footnote_23_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_222"><span class="label">(23)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. I, pp. xxxii-xxxiii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_223" id="Footnote_24_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_223"><span class="label">(24)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_224" id="Footnote_25_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_224"><span class="label">(25)</span></a> Communist Manifesto, p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364"></a>[<a href="images/383.png">364</a>]</span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_225" id="Footnote_26_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_225"><span class="label">(26)</span></a> Engels, Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, pp. 69-70
+(Scribner's, New York, 1892).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_226" id="Footnote_27_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_226"><span class="label">(27)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 71-72. Italics mine.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_227" id="Footnote_28_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_227"><span class="label">(28)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_228" id="Footnote_29_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_228"><span class="label">(29)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 86-87.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_229" id="Footnote_30_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_229"><span class="label">(30)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 76-77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_230" id="Footnote_31_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_230"><span class="label">(31)</span></a> <i>Compte-Rendu</i> of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, p. 86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_231" id="Footnote_32_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_231"><span class="label">(32)</span></a> Bakounin, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. IV, pp. 31-32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_232" id="Footnote_33_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_232"><span class="label">(33)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_233" id="Footnote_34_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_233"><span class="label">(34)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_234" id="Footnote_35_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_234"><span class="label">(35)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_235" id="Footnote_36_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_235"><span class="label">(36)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_236" id="Footnote_37_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_236"><span class="label">(37)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_237" id="Footnote_38_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_237"><span class="label">(38)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_238" id="Footnote_39_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_238"><span class="label">(39)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, pp. 191-192.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_239" id="Footnote_40_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_239"><span class="label">(40)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_240" id="Footnote_41_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_240"><span class="label">(41)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_241" id="Footnote_42_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_241"><span class="label">(42)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. III, p. 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_242" id="Footnote_43_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_242"><span class="label">(43)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 415.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_243" id="Footnote_44_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_243"><span class="label">(44)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. VI, p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_244" id="Footnote_45_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_244"><span class="label">(45)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. VI, pp. 38-39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_245" id="Footnote_46_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_245"><span class="label">(46)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, pp. 438-439.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_246" id="Footnote_47_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_246"><span class="label">(47)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. VI, p. 75.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_247" id="Footnote_48_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_247"><span class="label">(48)</span></a> Engels, Landmarks of Scientific Socialism, p. 190 (Kerr,
+Chicago, 1907).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_248" id="Footnote_49_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_248"><span class="label">(49)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 186.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_249" id="Footnote_50_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_249"><span class="label">(50)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 184-185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_250" id="Footnote_51_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_250"><span class="label">(51)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 190. My italics.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_251" id="Footnote_52_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_251"><span class="label">(52)</span></a> Resolutions of the Conference of Delegates of the
+International Working Men's Association, Assembled at London from the
+17th to the 23d of September, 1871, No. IX (London, 1871).</p></div>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER IX</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_252" id="Footnote_1_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_252"><span class="label">(1)</span></a> <i>L'Alliance de la D&eacute;mocratie Socialiste</i>, etc., p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_253" id="Footnote_2_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_253"><span class="label">(2)</span></a> Bakounin, <i>&OElig;uvres</i>, Vol. IV, p. 342.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_254" id="Footnote_3_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_254"><span class="label">(3)</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> <i>Compte-Rendu Officiel</i> of the Geneva Congress, 1873,
+p. 51 (Locle, 1873).</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365"></a>[<a href="images/384.png">365</a>]</span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_255" id="Footnote_4_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_255"><span class="label">(4)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 55-56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_256" id="Footnote_5_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_256"><span class="label">(5)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_257" id="Footnote_6_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_257"><span class="label">(6)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 87.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_258" id="Footnote_7_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_258"><span class="label">(7)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_259" id="Footnote_8_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_259"><span class="label">(8)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_260" id="Footnote_9_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_260"><span class="label">(9)</span></a> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. III, p. 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_261" id="Footnote_10_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_261"><span class="label">(10)</span></a> Plechanoff, Anarchism and Socialism, p. 84 (The Twentieth
+Century Press, Ltd., London, 1906; trans, by Eleanor Marx Aveling).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_262" id="Footnote_11_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_262"><span class="label">(11)</span></a> Guillaume, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. IV, pp. 114-115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_263" id="Footnote_12_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_263"><span class="label">(12)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, p. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_264" id="Footnote_13_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_264"><span class="label">(13)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. IV, pp. 223-224.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_265" id="Footnote_14_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_265"><span class="label">(14)</span></a> Dawson, German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle, p. 169,
+(Scribner's Sons, New York, 1899).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_266" id="Footnote_15_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_266"><span class="label">(15)</span></a> Ferdinand Lassalle, <i>Reden und Schriften</i>, Vol. II, pp.
+543-544 (<i>Vorw&auml;rts</i>, Berlin, 1893).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_267" id="Footnote_16_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_267"><span class="label">(16)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 383.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_268" id="Footnote_17_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_268"><span class="label">(17)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_269" id="Footnote_18_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_269"><span class="label">(18)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, Vol. II, p. 104.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_270" id="Footnote_19_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_270"><span class="label">(19)</span></a> Quoted by Dawson, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 187.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_271" id="Footnote_20_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_271"><span class="label">(20)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 168; <i>Cf.</i> also, Bernstein, Ferdinand Lassalle
+as a Social Reformer, pp. 167-170 (Scribner's Sons, New York, 1893).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_272" id="Footnote_21_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_272"><span class="label">(21)</span></a> Quoted by Dawson, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_273" id="Footnote_22_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_273"><span class="label">(22)</span></a> Quoted by Milhaud, <i>La D&eacute;mocratie socialiste allemande,</i> p.
+32 (F&eacute;lix Alcan, Paris, 1903).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_274" id="Footnote_23_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_274"><span class="label">(23)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 32-33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_275" id="Footnote_24_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_275"><span class="label">(24)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_276" id="Footnote_25_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_276"><span class="label">(25)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_277" id="Footnote_26_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_277"><span class="label">(26)</span></a> These sections are reduced from Dawson's summary in <i>op.
+cit.</i>, pp. 255-257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_278" id="Footnote_27_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_278"><span class="label">(27)</span></a> Quoted in Dawson, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_279" id="Footnote_28_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_279"><span class="label">(28)</span></a> Bebel, <i>Attentate und Sozialdemokratie</i>, p. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_280" id="Footnote_29_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_280"><span class="label">(29)</span></a> <i>Protokoll</i> of the Congress of the German Social-Democracy,
+Wyden, 1880, p. 38 (Zurich, 1880).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_281" id="Footnote_30_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_281"><span class="label">(30)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_282" id="Footnote_31_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_282"><span class="label">(31)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_283" id="Footnote_32_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_283"><span class="label">(32)</span></a> Quoted by Dawson, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 265</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_284" id="Footnote_33_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_284"><span class="label">(33)</span></a> Speech in the Reichstag, March 21, 1884; quoted by Dawson,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 268-269.</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366"></a>[<a href="images/385.png">366</a>]</span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_285" id="Footnote_34_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_285"><span class="label">(34)</span></a> Speech in the Reichstag, April 2, 1886; quoted by Dawson,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_286" id="Footnote_35_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_286"><span class="label">(35)</span></a> <i>Protokoll</i> of the Proceedings of Party Conferences of the
+German Social-Democracy, Erfurt, 1891, p. 206 (Berlin, 1891).</p></div>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER X</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_287" id="Footnote_1_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_287"><span class="label">(1)</span></a> Quoted by Prolo, <i>Les Anarchistes</i>, p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_288" id="Footnote_2_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_288"><span class="label">(2)</span></a> International Socialist Workers and Trade Union Congress,
+London, 1896, p. 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_289" id="Footnote_3_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_289"><span class="label">(3)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_290" id="Footnote_4_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_290"><span class="label">(4)</span></a> De Seilhac, <i>Les Congr&egrave;s Ouvriers en France</i>, p. 331 (Armand
+Colin et Cie., Paris, 1899).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_291" id="Footnote_5_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_291"><span class="label">(5)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 331-332.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_292" id="Footnote_6_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_292"><span class="label">(6)</span></a> <i>Compte-Rendu du Congr&egrave;s National Corporatif</i>, Montpelier,
+1902.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_293" id="Footnote_7_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_293"><span class="label">(7)</span></a> <i>L'Alliance de la D&eacute;mocratie Socialiste</i>, etc., pp. 48-49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_294" id="Footnote_8_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_294"><span class="label">(8)</span></a> Sombart, Socialism and the Socialist Movement, pp. 98-99 (E.
+P. Dutton &amp; Co., New York, 1909; trans, from 6th German edition).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_295" id="Footnote_9_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_295"><span class="label">(9)</span></a> Louis Levine, The Labor Movement in France, p. 147 (Columbia
+University, New York, 1912).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_296" id="Footnote_10_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_296"><span class="label">(10)</span></a> Arthur D. Lewis, Syndicalism and the General Strike, p. 70
+(T. Fisher Unwin, London, 1912).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_297" id="Footnote_11_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_297"><span class="label">(11)</span></a> Berth, <i>Les Nouveaux aspects du Socialisme</i>, p. 36 (Marcel
+Rivi&egrave;re et Cie., Paris, 1908).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_298" id="Footnote_12_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_298"><span class="label">(12)</span></a> Robert Browning, Cleon.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_299" id="Footnote_13_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_299"><span class="label">(13)</span></a> Sombart, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 110.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_300" id="Footnote_14_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_300"><span class="label">(14)</span></a> <i>Compte-Rendu</i> of the Seventh International Socialist
+Congress, Stuttgart, 1907, p. 202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_301" id="Footnote_15_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_301"><span class="label">(15)</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> <i>Compte-Rendu</i> of the Sixth International Socialist
+Congress, Amsterdam, 1904, p. 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_302" id="Footnote_16_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_302"><span class="label">(16)</span></a> Levine, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 195.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_303" id="Footnote_17_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_303"><span class="label">(17)</span></a> <i>Compte-Rendu du Congr&egrave;s National Corporatif</i>, Toulouse,
+1910, p. 226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_304" id="Footnote_18_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_304"><span class="label">(18)</span></a> &Eacute;tienne Buisson, <i>La Gr&egrave;ve G&eacute;n&eacute;rale</i>, p. 59 (Librairie
+George Bellais, Paris, 1905).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_305" id="Footnote_19_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_305"><span class="label">(19)</span></a> Labriola, Karl Marx, pp. 255-259 (Marcel Rivi&egrave;re et Cie.,
+Paris, 1910).</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367"></a>[<a href="images/386.png">367</a>]</span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_306" id="Footnote_20_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_306"><span class="label">(20)</span></a> Plechanoff, Anarchism and Socialism, p. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_307" id="Footnote_21_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_307"><span class="label">(21)</span></a> Kampffmeyer, Changes in the Theory and Tactics of the
+German Social Democracy, pp. 87-88 (C. H. Kerr, Chicago, 1908).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_308" id="Footnote_22_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_308"><span class="label">(22)</span></a> Quoted in Kampffmeyer, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 88.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_309" id="Footnote_23_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_309"><span class="label">(23)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_310" id="Footnote_24_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_310"><span class="label">(24)</span></a> Quoted in Jaur&egrave;s, Studies in Socialism, pp. 75-76.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_311" id="Footnote_25_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_311"><span class="label">(25)</span></a> Kautsky, <i>Das Erfurter Programm</i>, pp. 117-119 (8th Edition,
+Stuttgart, 1907); <i>Cf.</i> also The Socialist Republic, by Kautsky, pp.
+10-11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_312" id="Footnote_26_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_312"><span class="label">(26)</span></a> Communist Manifesto, p. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_313" id="Footnote_27_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_313"><span class="label">(27)</span></a> Engels, Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, p. 76.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_314" id="Footnote_28_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_314"><span class="label">(28)</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Menger, The Right to the Whole Produce of Labor, p.
+117 (Macmillan &amp; Co., London, 1899).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_315" id="Footnote_29_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_315"><span class="label">(29)</span></a> Webb, The History of Trade Unionism, p. 145.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_316" id="Footnote_30_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_316"><span class="label">(30)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_317" id="Footnote_31_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_317"><span class="label">(31)</span></a> Quoted by Sombart, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_318" id="Footnote_32_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_318"><span class="label">(32)</span></a> Sombart, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_319" id="Footnote_33_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_319"><span class="label">(33)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_320" id="Footnote_34_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_320"><span class="label">(34)</span></a> Marx, Revolution and Counter-Revolution, pp. 109-110.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_321" id="Footnote_35_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_321"><span class="label">(35)</span></a> <i>Compte-Rendu</i> of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, p. 88.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_322" id="Footnote_36_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_322"><span class="label">(36)</span></a> Quoted by Plechanoff, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_323" id="Footnote_37_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_323"><span class="label">(37)</span></a> &Eacute;mile Pouget, <i>Le Syndicat</i>, p. 13 (&Eacute;mile Pouget, Paris, 2d
+Edition).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_324" id="Footnote_38_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_324"><span class="label">(38)</span></a> Sorel, <i>Illusions du progr&egrave;s</i>, p. 10 (Marcel Rivi&egrave;re et
+Cie., Paris, 1911).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_325" id="Footnote_39_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_325"><span class="label">(39)</span></a> <i>Compte-Rendu</i> of the Fifth National Congress of the French
+Socialist Party, 1908, p. 352.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_326" id="Footnote_40_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_326"><span class="label">(40)</span></a> <i>XIe. Congr&egrave;s National Corporatif</i>, Paris, 1900, p. 198;
+quoted by Levine, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_327" id="Footnote_41_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_327"><span class="label">(41)</span></a> <i>La Conf&eacute;d&eacute;ration G&eacute;n&eacute;rale du Travail</i>; II <i>La Tactique</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_328" id="Footnote_42_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_328"><span class="label">(42)</span></a> <i>Idem.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_329" id="Footnote_43_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_329"><span class="label">(43)</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Proudhon, <i>La R&eacute;volution sociale et le coup d'&Eacute;tat</i>,
+(Ernest Flammarion, Paris); Goldman, Minorities <i>versus</i> Majorities, in
+Anarchism and Other Essays; and Kropotkin, <i>Les Minorit&eacute;s
+R&eacute;volutionnaires</i>, in <i>Paroles d'un r&eacute;volt&eacute;</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_330" id="Footnote_44_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_330"><span class="label">(44)</span></a> Webb, The History of Trade Unionism, pp. 147-148.</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368"></a>[<a href="images/387.png">368</a>]</span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_331" id="Footnote_45_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_331"><span class="label">(45)</span></a> <i>Compte-Rendu</i> of the Third National Congress of the
+French Socialist Party, 1906, pp. 189-192.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_332" id="Footnote_46_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_332"><span class="label">(46)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 186.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_333" id="Footnote_47_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_333"><span class="label">(47)</span></a> Jaur&egrave;s, Studies in Socialism, pp. 127-128.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_334" id="Footnote_48_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_334"><span class="label">(48)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 124-125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_335" id="Footnote_49_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_335"><span class="label">(49)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 128-129.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_336" id="Footnote_50_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_336"><span class="label">(50)</span></a> <i>Compte-Rendu</i> of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, Basel, 1869, p. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_337" id="Footnote_51_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_337"><span class="label">(51)</span></a> Kropotkin, The Great French Revolution, p. 423 (G. P.
+Putnam's Sons, New York, 1909).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_338" id="Footnote_52_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_338"><span class="label">(52)</span></a> Proudhon, <i>Id&eacute;e G&eacute;n&eacute;rale de la R&eacute;volution au XIXe. Si&egrave;cle</i>,
+p. 304 (Garnier Fr&egrave;res, Paris, 1851).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_339" id="Footnote_53_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_339"><span class="label">(53)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 197.</p></div>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER XI</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_340" id="Footnote_1_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_340"><span class="label">(1)</span></a> Proudhon, <i>Id&eacute;e G&eacute;n&eacute;rale de la R&eacute;volution</i>, p. 149.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_341" id="Footnote_2_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_341"><span class="label">(2)</span></a> Roger A. Pryor, quoted in the report of the Investigation of
+the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House Special Committee Report,
+1892, p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_342" id="Footnote_3_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_342"><span class="label">(3)</span></a> Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives:
+Senate Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 247.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_343" id="Footnote_4_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_343"><span class="label">(4)</span></a> Thomas Beet, Methods of American Private Detective Agencies,
+<i>Appleton's Magazine</i>, October, 1906.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_344" id="Footnote_5_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_344"><span class="label">(5)</span></a> <i>Idem.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_345" id="Footnote_6_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_345"><span class="label">(6)</span></a> <i>Idem.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_346" id="Footnote_7_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_346"><span class="label">(7)</span></a> <i>Idem.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_347" id="Footnote_8_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_347"><span class="label">(8)</span></a> <i>New York Sun</i>, May 8, 1911.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_348" id="Footnote_9_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_348"><span class="label">(9)</span></a> <i>New York Call</i>, September 14, 1910.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_349" id="Footnote_10_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_349"><span class="label">(10)</span></a> Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives:
+House Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_350" id="Footnote_11_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_350"><span class="label">(11)</span></a> See his testimony, pp. 92-94 of the Senate Report.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_351" id="Footnote_12_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_351"><span class="label">(12)</span></a> Report of the Industrial Commission, 1901, Vol. VIII, pp.
+257-258, 261 (Chicago Labor Disputes).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_352" id="Footnote_13_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_352"><span class="label">(13)</span></a> <i>American Federationist</i>, November, 1911, Vol. XVIII, p.
+889.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_353" id="Footnote_14_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_353"><span class="label">(14)</span></a> Limiting Federal Injunction: Hearings before a Subcommittee
+of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Jan. 6, 1913,
+Part I, p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369"></a>[<a href="images/388.png">369</a>]</span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_354" id="Footnote_15_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_354"><span class="label">(15)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_355" id="Footnote_16_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_355"><span class="label">(16)</span></a> <i>Appleton's Magazine</i>, October, 1906.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_356" id="Footnote_17_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_356"><span class="label">(17)</span></a> Hillquit, History of Socialism in the United States, pp.
+280-281.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_357" id="Footnote_18_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_357"><span class="label">(18)</span></a> Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives,
+Senate Special Committee Report, 1892, p. xiii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_358" id="Footnote_19_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_358"><span class="label">(19)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. ii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_359" id="Footnote_20_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_359"><span class="label">(20)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. xii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_360" id="Footnote_21_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_360"><span class="label">(21)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. xv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_361" id="Footnote_22_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_361"><span class="label">(22)</span></a> Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives:
+House Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 224.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_362" id="Footnote_23_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_362"><span class="label">(23)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_363" id="Footnote_24_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_363"><span class="label">(24)</span></a> Report on the Chicago Strike of June-July, 1894, by the
+United States Strike Commission, p. xxxviii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_364" id="Footnote_25_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_364"><span class="label">(25)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. xliv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_365" id="Footnote_26_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_365"><span class="label">(26)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 356.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_366" id="Footnote_27_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_366"><span class="label">(27)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 370.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_367" id="Footnote_28_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_367"><span class="label">(28)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 397.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_368" id="Footnote_29_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_368"><span class="label">(29)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 366-367.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_369" id="Footnote_30_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_369"><span class="label">(30)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 371.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_370" id="Footnote_31_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_370"><span class="label">(31)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 368.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_371" id="Footnote_32_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_371"><span class="label">(32)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, pp. 368-369.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_372" id="Footnote_33_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_372"><span class="label">(33)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 372 (from the testimony of Harold I.
+Cleveland).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_373" id="Footnote_34_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_373"><span class="label">(34)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 360.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_374" id="Footnote_35_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_374"><span class="label">(35)</span></a> Debs, The Federal Government and the Chicago Strike, p. 24
+(Standard Publishing Co., Terre Haute, Ind., 1904).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_375" id="Footnote_36_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_375"><span class="label">(36)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_376" id="Footnote_37_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_376"><span class="label">(37)</span></a> Emma F. Langdon, The Cripple Creek Strike, p. 153 (The
+Great Western Publishing Co., Denver, 1905).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_377" id="Footnote_38_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_377"><span class="label">(38)</span></a> Report of the Commissioner of Labor, 1905, on Labor
+Disturbances in Colorado, p. 186.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_378" id="Footnote_39_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_378"><span class="label">(39)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 206.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_379" id="Footnote_40_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_379"><span class="label">(40)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 304.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_380" id="Footnote_41_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_380"><span class="label">(41)</span></a> Cf. Clarence S. Darrow, Speech in the Haywood Case, p. 56
+(<i>Wayland's Monthly</i>, Girard, Kan., October, 1907).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_381" id="Footnote_42_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_381"><span class="label">(42)</span></a> Report of the Commissioner of Labor, 1905, on Labor
+Disturbances in Colorado, p. 192.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_382" id="Footnote_43_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_382"><span class="label">(43)</span></a> C. Dobrogeaunu-Gherea, Socialism <i>vs.</i> Anarchism, <i>New York
+Call</i>, February 5, 1911.</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370"></a>[<a href="images/389.png">370</a>]</span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_383" id="Footnote_44_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_383"><span class="label">(44)</span></a> Kropotkin, The Terror in Russia, p. 57 (Methuen &amp; Co.,
+London, 1909).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_384" id="Footnote_45_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_384"><span class="label">(45)</span></a> Bamford, Passages in the Life of a Radical, Vol. II, p. 14
+(T. Fisher Unwin, London, 1893).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_385" id="Footnote_46_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_385"><span class="label">(46)</span></a> In Bamford's "Passages in the Life of a Radical" (T. Fisher
+Unwin, London, 1893), we find that spies and <i>provocateurs</i> were sent
+into the labor movement as early as 1815. In Holyoake's "Sixty Years of
+an Agitator's Life" (Unwin, 1900), in Howell's "Labor Legislation, Labor
+Movements, Labor Leaders" (Unwin, 1902), and in Webb's "History of Trade
+Unionism" (Longmans, Green &amp; Co., London, 1902), the work of several
+noted police agents is spoken of. In Gammage's "History of the Chartist
+Movement" (Truslove &amp; Hanson, London, 1894) and in Davidson's "Annals of
+Toil" (F. R. Henderson, London, n.d.) we are told of one police agent
+who gave balls and ammunition to the men and endeavored to persuade them
+to commit murder.
+</p><p>
+Marx, in "Revolution and Counter-Revolution" (Scribner's Sons, 1896),
+and Engels, in <i>R&eacute;v&eacute;lations sur le Proc&egrave;s des Communistes</i> (Schleicher
+Fr&egrave;res, Paris, 1901), tell of the work of the German police agents in
+connection with the Communist League; while Bebel, in "My Life" (Chicago
+University Press, 1912), and in <i>Attentate und Sozialdemokratie</i>
+(<i>Vorw&auml;rts</i>, Berlin, 1905), tells of the infamous work of <i>provocateurs</i>
+sent among the socialists at the time of Bismarck's repression.
+Kropotkin, in "The Memoirs of a Revolutionist" (Houghton, Mifflin &amp; Co.,
+Boston, 1899), and in "The Terror in Russia" (Methuen &amp; Co., London,
+1909), devotes many pages to the crimes committed by the secret police
+of Russia, not only in that country but elsewhere. Mazzini, Marx,
+Bakounin, and nearly all prominent anarchists, socialists, and
+republicans of the middle of the last century, were surrounded by spies,
+who made every effort to induce them to enter into plots.
+</p><p>
+In the "Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House
+and Senate Special Committee Reports, 1892"; in the "Report on Chicago
+Strike of June-July, 1894; U. S. Strike Commission, 1895"; in the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371"></a>[<a href="images/390.png">371</a>]</span>"Report of the Commissioner of Labor on Labor Disturbances in Colorado,
+1905"; in the "Report of the Industrial Commission, 1901, Vol. VIII",
+there is a great mass of evidence on the work of detectives, both in
+committing violence themselves and in seeking to provoke others to
+violence.
+</p><p>
+In "Conditions in the Paint Creek District of West Virginia: Hearings
+before a subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, U. S.
+Senate; 1913"; in "Hearings before the Committee on Rules, House of
+Representatives, on Conditions in the Westmoreland Coal Fields"; in the
+"Report on the Strike at Bethlehem, Senate Document No. 521"; in
+"Peonage in Western Pennsylvania: Hearings before the Committee on
+Labor, House of Representatives, 1911," considerable evidence is given
+of the thuggery and murder committed by detectives, guards, and state
+constabularies. Some of this evidence reveals conditions that could
+hardly be equaled in Russia.
+</p><p>
+"History of the Conspiracy to Defeat Striking Molders" (Internatl.
+Molders' Union of N. America); "Limiting Federal Injunction: Hearings
+before the Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, U. S. Senate,
+1912, Part V"; the report of the same hearings for January, 1913, Part
+I, "United States Steel Corporation: Hearings before Committee on
+Investigation, House of Representatives, Feb. 12, 1912"; the "Report on
+Strike of Textile Workers in Lawrence, Mass.: Commissioner of Labor,
+1912"; and "Strike at Lawrence, Mass.: Hearings before the Committee on
+Rules, House of Representatives, March 2-7, 1912," also contain a mass
+of evidence concerning the crimes of detectives and the terrorist
+tactics used by those employed to break strikes.
+</p><p>
+Alexander Irvine's "Revolution in Los Angeles" (Los Angeles, 1911); F.
+E. Wolfe's "Capitalism's Conspiracy in California" (The White Press, Los
+Angeles, 1911); Debs's "The Federal Government and the Chicago Strike"
+(Standard Publishing Co., Terre Haute, Ind., 1904); Ben Lindsey's "The
+Rule of Plutocracy in Colorado"; the "Reply of the Western Federation of
+Miners to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372"></a>[<a href="images/391.png">372</a>]</span> 'Red Book' of the Mine Operators"; "Anarchy in Colorado:
+Who Is to Blame?" (The Bartholomew Publishing Co., Denver, Colo., 1905);
+the <i>American Federationist</i>, April, 1912; the <i>American Federationist</i>,
+November, 1911; Job Harriman's "Class War in Idaho" (<i>Volks-Zeitung</i>
+Library, New York, 1900), Emma F. Langdon's "The Cripple Creek Strike"
+(The Great Western Publishing Co., Denver, 1905); C. H. Salmons' "The
+Burlington Strike" (Bunnell &amp; Ward, Aurora, Ill., 1889); and Morris
+Friedman's "The Pinkerton Labor Spy" (Wilshire Book Co., New York,
+1907), contain the statements chiefly of labor leaders and socialists
+upon the violence suffered by the unions as a result of the work of the
+courts, of the police, of the militia, and of detectives. "The Pinkerton
+Labor Spy" gives what purports to be the inside story of the Pinkerton
+Agency and the details of its methods in dealing with strikes. Clarence
+S. Darrow's "Speech in the Haywood Case" (<i>Wayland's Monthly</i>, Girard,
+Kan., Oct., 1907) is the plea made before the jury in Idaho that freed
+Haywood. Only the oratorical part of it was printed in the daily press,
+while the crushing evidence Darrow presents against the detective
+agencies and their infamous work was ignored.
+</p><p>
+Capt. Michael J. Schaack's "Anarchy and Anarchists" (F. J. Schulte &amp;
+Co., Chicago, 1899); and Pinkerton's "The Molly Maguires and Detectives"
+(G. W. Dillingham Co., New York, 1898) are the na&iuml;ve stories of those
+who have performed notable r&ocirc;les in labor troubles. They read like
+"wild-west" stories written by overgrown boys, and the manner in which
+these great detectives frankly confess that they or their agents were at
+the bottom of the plots which they describe is quite incredible.
+</p><p>
+"The Chicago Martyrs: The Famous Speeches of the Eight Anarchists in
+Judge Gary's Court and Altgeld's Reasons for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe
+and Schwab" (Free Society, San Francisco, 1899), contains the memorable
+message of Governor Altgeld when pardoning the anarchists. In his
+opinion they were in no small measure the dupes of police spies and the
+victims of judicial <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373"></a>[<a href="images/392.png">373</a>]</span>injustice. I have dealt at length with Thomas
+Beet's article on "Methods of American Private Detectives" in
+<i>Appleton's Magazine</i> for October, 1906, but it will repay a full
+reading. "C&oelig;ur d'Alene Mining Troubles: The Crime of the Century"
+(Senate Document) and "Statement and Evidence in Support of Charges
+Against the U. S. Steel Corporation by the American Federation of Labor"
+are perhaps worth mentioning.
+</p><p>
+I have not attempted to give an exhaustive list of references, but only
+to call attention to a few books and pamphlets which have found their
+way into my library.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_386" id="Footnote_47_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_386"><span class="label">(47)</span></a> Quoted by August Bebel in <i>Attentate und Sozialdemokratie</i>,
+p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_387" id="Footnote_48_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_387"><span class="label">(48)</span></a> Limiting Federal Injunctions: Hearings before a
+Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate,
+1913, Part I, p. 8.</p></div>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER XII</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_388" id="Footnote_1_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_388"><span class="label">(1)</span></a> Sombart, Socialism and the Socialist Movement, p. 176.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_389" id="Footnote_2_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_389"><span class="label">(2)</span></a> Liebknecht, Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs, p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_390" id="Footnote_3_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_390"><span class="label">(3)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_391" id="Footnote_4_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_391"><span class="label">(4)</span></a> <i>L'Alliance de la D&eacute;mocratie Socialiste</i>, etc., p. 132
+(Secret Statutes of the Alliance).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_392" id="Footnote_5_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_392"><span class="label">(5)</span></a> Communist Manifesto, p. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_393" id="Footnote_6_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_393"><span class="label">(6)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_394" id="Footnote_7_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_394"><span class="label">(7)</span></a> <i>Idem</i>, p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_395" id="Footnote_8_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_395"><span class="label">(8)</span></a> Engels' introduction to Struggle of the Social Classes in
+France; quoted by Sombart, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 68-69.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_396" id="Footnote_9_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_396"><span class="label">(9)</span></a> Liebknecht, No Compromise, No Political Trading, p. 28; my
+italics.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_397" id="Footnote_10_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_397"><span class="label">(10)</span></a> Frederic Harrison, quoted in Davidson's Annals of Toil, p.
+273 (F. R. Henderson, London, n.d.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_398" id="Footnote_11_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_398"><span class="label">(11)</span></a> Engels in <i>L'Allemagne en 1848</i>, p. 269.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_399" id="Footnote_12_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_399"><span class="label">(12)</span></a> Communist Manifesto, p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374"></a>[<a href="images/393.png">374</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375"></a>[<a href="images/394.png">375</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2>INDEX</h2>
+
+<div class="index">
+<ul>
+	<li>A<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Adam, Paul, quoted concerning case of Ravachol,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_81">81-82.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li><i>Agents provocateurs</i>, work of, in popular uprisings and socialist and labor movements,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_110">110-120,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_203">203-204,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_264">264;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">use of private detectives as, in United States,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_290">290-292,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_312">312-314.</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Alexander II of Russia, assassination of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_56">56,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_221">221.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>America. <i>See</i> United States.
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Anarchism, introduction of doctrines of, in Western Europe by Bakounin,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_5">5 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li class="subitem">secret societies founded in interests of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_11">11-14;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">insurrections under auspices of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_28">28-39;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">criticism of, by socialists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_40">40;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">uprisings in Italy fathered by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_41">41-44;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">unbridgeable chasm between socialism and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_47">47-48;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">with the Propaganda of the Deed becomes synonymous with violence and crime,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_55">55;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">foothold secured by, in Germany,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_55">55-57;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in Austria-Hungary,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_57">57-58;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">agitation in France,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_58">58-60;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">doctrines of, carried to America by Johann Most,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_64">64-68;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the Haymarket tragedy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_68">68-70;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">defense of, by Benjamin R. Tucker, and disowning of terrorist tactics,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_70">70-74;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">responsibility for deeds of leaders of, laid at Bismarck's door,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_74">74-75;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">assassination of President McKinley and shooting of H. C. Frick,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_75">75;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">failure of, to take firm root in America any more than in Germany and England,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_75">75-76;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in the Latin countries,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_76">76;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">acts of violence in name of, in Europe,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_77">77-89;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">question of responsibility of, for acts of violence committed by terrorists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_90">90 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">different types attracted by socialism and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_92">92-93;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the psychology of devotees of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_93">93-94;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">causes of terrorist tactics assigned by Catholic Church to doctrines of socialism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_98">98-100;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">source of, traceable to great-man theory,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_102">102 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">work of police agents in connection with,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_110">110-120;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the battle between socialism and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_154">154-192;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">emergence of, as a distinct philosophy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_193">193;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">history of, after Hague congress of 1872,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_194">194 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">congress in Geneva in 1873,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_196">196-199;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">insolvable problem created by, in rejecting political action of the working class,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_200">200;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">assaults on the Marxists by adherents of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_201">201-204;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">bitter warfare between socialism and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_201">201-205;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">appearance of syndicalism as an aid to,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_229">229-239;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">ignoring of, in socialist congresses,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_232">232;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">appearance of the "intellectuals" in ranks of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_239">239-241;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">similarities between philosophies and methods of syndicalism and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_239">239-245;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">differences between syndicalism and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_245">245-246;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">consideration of the oldest form of, that of the wealthy and ruling classes,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_276">276-326;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">of the powerful in the United States,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_280">280 ff.</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Andrieux, French revolutionist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_29">29.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Angiolillo, Italian terrorist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_87">87.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Anti-socialist law, Bismarck's, responsible for Most's career as a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376"></a>[<a href="images/395.png">376</a>]</span>terrorist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_74">74-75;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">passage of, and chief measures contained in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_214">214-217;</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">growth of socialist vote under,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_225">225;</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">failure and repeal of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_225">225-226.</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Arson practiced by revolutionists in America,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_73">73-74.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Assassination, preaching of, by Bakounin and Nechayeff,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_18">18;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">practice of, by anarchists in France,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_77">77-89;</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the Catholic Church and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_98">98-100;</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">glorification of, in history,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_101">101-103.</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Atwell, B. A., on character of deputy marshals in Chicago railway strike,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_300">300.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Australia, parliamentary power of socialists in,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_329">329,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_330">330.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Austria, Empress of, assassinated by Italian anarchist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_87">87.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Austria-Hungary, development and checking of anarchist movement in,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_57">57-58;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">growth of socialist and labor vote in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_328">328.</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>B<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Baker, Ray Stannard, quoted on character of deputy marshals in Chicago railway strike,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_299">299-300.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bakounin, Michael, father of terrorism,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_4">4;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">admiration of, for Satan,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_5">5;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">views held by, on absolutism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_5">5-6;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">destruction of all States and all Churches advocated by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_6">6;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">varying opinions of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_7">7;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">shown to be human in his contradictions,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_7">7-8;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">chief characteristics and qualities of his many-sided nature,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_8">8;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">birth, family, and early life,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_8">8-9;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">leaves Russia for Germany, Switzerland, and France,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_9">9;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">meets Proudhon, Marx, George Sand, and other revolutionary spirits,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_9">9;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">leads insurrectionary movements,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_9">9-10;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">captured, sentenced to death, and finally banished to Siberia,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_10">10;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">escapes and reaches England,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_10">10;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">change in views shown in writings of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_10">10-11;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">spends some time in Italy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_11">11-12;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">forms secret organization of revolutionists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_11">11-13;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the International Brothers, the National Brothers, and the International Alliance of Social Democracy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_12">12-14;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">enters the International Working Men's Association, with the hope of securing leadership,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_15">15;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">declares war on political and economic powers of Europe and assails Marx, Engels, and other leaders,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_15">15-16;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">interest of, in Russian affairs,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_16">16;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">collaborates with Sergei Nechayeff,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_16">16-17;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">expounds doctrines of criminal activity,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_17">17-22;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the "Words Addressed to Students,"
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_17">17-19;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the "Revolutionary Catechism,"
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_19">19-22;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">quarrel between Nechayeff and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_23">23-26;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">remains in Switzerland and trains young revolutionists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_26">26-27;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">takes part in unsuccessful insurrection at Lyons,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_28">28-35;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">Marx quoted concerning action of, at Lyons,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_35">35-36;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">influence of, felt in Spanish revolution of 1873,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_37">37-41;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in Italy, during uprisings of 1874,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_42">42-43;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">retires from public life,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_45">45-46;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">humiliating experiences of last years,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_46">46-47;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">opinions expressed by anarchists and by socialists concerning, upon death of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_47">47-48;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">teachings of, the inspiration of the Propaganda of the Deed,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_52">52;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">principles of, preached by Johann Most,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_65">65;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">spread of terrorist ideas of, in America,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_65">65;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">history of the battle between Marx and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_154">154-193;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">suspected and charged with being a Russian police agent,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_156">156,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_158">158;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted on Marx,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_157">157;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">victory won over Marx by, at Basel congress of International in 1869,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_162">162-169;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">attack of Marx and his followers on, and reply by, in the "Study upon the German Jews,"
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_169">169-171;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">flood<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377"></a>[<a href="images/396.png">377</a>]</span> of literature by, based on his antagonism to religion and to Government,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_172">172-174;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">inability of, to comprehend doctrines of Marxian socialism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_178">178-179;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">irreconcilability of doctrines of, with those of socialists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_179">179-185;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">expulsion of, from the International,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_191">191;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">attacks the General Council of the International as a new incarnation of the State,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_195">195;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted to show antagonism between his doctrines and those of Marxists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_251">251;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the robber worship of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_278">278-279.</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Barcelona, bomb-throwing in,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_87">87.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Barrot, Odilon,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_348">348.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Basel, congress of International at (1869),
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_162">162-169.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bauer, Heinrich,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_131">131.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bauler, Madame A., quoted on influence of Bakounin,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_26">26-27.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bebel, August, quoted on Bismarck's repressive measures,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_55">55-56;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted on Johann Most,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_74">74-75;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">reveals participations of high officials in crimes of the anarchists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_114">114-118;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">mentioned,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_205">205,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_209">209-210;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">account of struggle between Bismarck and party of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_211">211-227;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">State-socialist propositions favored by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_255">255-256.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Beesby, E. S.,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_35">35;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">urges political activity on early trade unions,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_151">151.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Beet, Thomas, exposure by, of evils attending use of detectives in United States,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_283">283-284,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_290">290-291,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_314">314.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Berkman, Alexander, shooting of H. C. Frick by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_75">75;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li class="subitem">motive which actuated,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_101">101;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">events which led up to action of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_292">292-295;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">fate of, contrasted with that of agents of the anarchy of the wealthy during Homestead strike,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_295">295.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bern, revolutionary manifestation at (1877),
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_53">53.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Berth, Edward, quoted in connection with the "intellectuals,"
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_240">240-241;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li class="subitem">mentioned,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_270">270,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_353">353.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bismarck, stirs up Germany against social-democratic party on account of anarchistic acts,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_55">55;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li class="subitem">effect of action of, on anarchism in Germany,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_56">56;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">responsibility of, for Johann Most and other terrorists, and for Haymarket tragedy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_74">74-75;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">Bebel quoted in connection with the hero-worship of, in Germany,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_103">103-104;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">admiration of, for Lassalle,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_206">206;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">corruption introduced into German labor movement by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_210">210-211;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">exposed by Liebknecht and Bebel, begins war upon Marxian socialists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_211">211-212;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">futile efforts of, to provoke social democrats to violence,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_218">218-219;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">reaction of his violent measures upon himself,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_227">227.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Blanc, Gaspard,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_29">29,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_31">31.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Blanc, Louis,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_128">128,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_129">129,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_353">353;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">Lassalle's views compared with those of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_207">207.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Blanqui, socialist insurrectionist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_128">128-129.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bonnot, French motor bandit,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_88">88-89,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_104">104.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Booth, J. Wilkes, motive which actuated, in killing of Lincoln,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_101">101.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Brandes, George, "Young Germany" by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_132">132;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted on Lassalle,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_205">205-206.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Brass, August, tool of Bismarck,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_211">211.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bray, J. F.,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bresci, Gaetano, assassin of King Humbert,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_87">87.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Briand, Aristide,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_184">184 n.,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_270">270,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_353">353.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Brousse, Paul,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_49">49,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_196">196-197,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_198">198;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">originates phrase, "the Propaganda of the Deed,"
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_51">51-52;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">leads revolutionary manifestation<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378"></a>[<a href="images/397.png">378</a>]</span> at Bern,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_53">53;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">leaves the Bakouninists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_204">204.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bucher, Lothar, tool of Bismarck,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_210">210.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Burlington strike, outrages by private detectives during,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_296">296.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Burns, William J., quoted on character of detectives as a class,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_284">284-285.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>C<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Cabet, utopian socialism of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_144">144.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Cafiero, Carlo, Italian revolutionist, disciple of Bakounin,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_38">38,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_45">45,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_46">46,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_47">47,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_49">49,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_50">50,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_51">51,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_54">54.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Camorra, an organization of Italians which pursues terrorist tactics,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_100">100.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>"Capital," Marx's work,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_152">152,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_344">344.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Capitalism, workingmen's ignorance concerning, previous to advent of Karl Marx,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_338">338-341.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Carnot, President, assassination of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_85">85.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Caserio, assassin of President Carnot,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_79">79,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_85">85-86.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Castillo, Canovas del, torture of suspected terrorists by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_87">87.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Catholic Church, burden of anarchism laid on doctrines of socialism by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_98">98;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">right of assassination upheld by clergy of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_98">98-99;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">terrorist tactics pursued by organizations of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_100">100.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Cerretti, Celso, Italian insurrectionist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_42">42.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Chartists, the,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_136">136,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_137">137,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_149">149.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Cluseret, General,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_29">29,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_32">32,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_36">36.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Colorado, governmental tyranny during labor wars in,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_217">217;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">political and industrial battles in (1894-1904),
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_302">302-311.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Commune of Paris, viewed as a spontaneous uprising of the working class,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_36">36-37.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Communist League, Marx presents his views to, resulting in the Communist Manifesto,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_137">137-138.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Communist Manifesto, of Marx and Engels,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_137">137-141;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">the universal text-book of the socialist movement,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_334">334.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Communist societies in Germany,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_131">131.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Congress of United States, socialists not represented in,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_330">330,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_333">333.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Congresses, international, of socialists,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_334">334.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Cooper, Thomas,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Co&ouml;perative movement, beginning of, in England,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">progress in growth of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_331">331-332.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Corruption, the omnipresence of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_263">263-264.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Costa, Andrea,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_42">42;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">at anarchist congress in Geneva (1873),
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_197">197-198;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">article by, attacking socialists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_201">201;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">leaves the Bakouninists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_204">204.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Courts, prevalence of violence set down to corruption of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_107">107,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_108">108.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Cramer, Peter J., union leader killed by special police,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_287">287.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Criminal elements, part played by, in uprisings,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_109">109-110;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">use of, as the tool of reactionary intrigue,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_110">110 ff.,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_281">281-326.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Cripple Creek, Colo., strike,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_304">304-306.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Cyvoct, militant anarchist of Lyons,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_59">59-60.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Czolgosz, assassin of President McKinley,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_75">75,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_88">88;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">motive which actuated,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_101">101.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>D<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Debs, Eugene V., on instigation to violence by deputies in Chicago railway strike,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_301">301-302.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Decamps, French terrorist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_79">79.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Delesalle, French anarchist, a sponsor of sabotage as a war measure of trade unionists,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_236">236.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Democracy, attacks of syndicalism on,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_264">264-265;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">view of the present day as the age of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_349">349;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">to be achieved only through democracy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_350">350,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_352">352;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">eternal faith of socialists in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_353">353.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Detectives, employment of, as weapons of anarchists of the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379"></a>[<a href="images/398.png">379</a>]</span>wealthy class in the United States,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_281">281 ff.;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">character of the so-called, employed during big strikes in United States,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_282">282-290;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">use of, as instigators and perpetrators of acts of violence,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_290">290-292,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_299">299-302,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_312">312-314;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">pecuniary interest of, in provoking crime,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_314">314;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">intentional misleading of employers by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_316">316-319;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">prolongation of strikes by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_319">319-320;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">a few of the outrages committed by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_320">320-321.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Deville, Gabriel,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_202">202.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Direct action, opposed by syndicalists to the political action of socialists,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_267">267 ff.;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">cannot be revolutionary action and is destined to failure,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_272">272.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Duehring, Eugene, mistaken views of socialism held by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_186">186.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Duval, Cl&eacute;ment, French anarchist and robber,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_77">77-78.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Dynamite, glorifying of, by terrorists, as the poor man's weapon against capitalism,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_69">69.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>E<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Eccarius, reply of, to Bakounin at Basel congress,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_178">178;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">at anarchist congress in Geneva (1873),
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_196">196.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Egoistic conception of history, carried to its extreme by anarchism,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_102">102 ff.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Engels, Frederick,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_15">15;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">criticism by, of position of Bakouninists in Spanish revolution,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_40">40,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_41">41;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">description by, of early communist societies in Germany,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_131">131;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">first meeting of Marx and, and beginning of their co&ouml;perative labors,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_132">132-133;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">reply of, to Dr. Duehring,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_186">186;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">socialist view of the State as expressed by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_257">257-258;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">on the lasting power exercised by Marx over the labor movement,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_338">338;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">on the reorganization of society through the conscious co&ouml;peration of the masses,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_347">347-348.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>F<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Fenians, an organization of Irishmen which pursued terrorist tactics,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_100">100.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Feudal lords, anarchism of the,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_277">277-278,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_279">279.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Fortis, Italian revolutionist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_42">42.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Fourier,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_128">128;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">utopian socialism of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_144">144.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>France, anarchist activities in (1882),
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_58">58-60;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">deeds of terrorists in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_77">77-86;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">effects of terrorist tactics in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_86">86-87;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">crimes of motor bandits in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_88">88-89;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">early days of socialism in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_128">128-129;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">launching of socialist labor party in (1878),
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_202">202-203;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">individualism in, one cause for rise of syndicalism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_242">242-243;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">poverty as a cause for reliance upon violence of trade unions in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_244">244.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Frick, Henry C., shooting of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_75">75;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">events which led up to shooting of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_292">292-295.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Fruneau, quoted on corruption in revolutions,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_263">263.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>G<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>General Confederation of Labor, organization of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_233">233.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>General strike, inauguration of idea, by French trade unionists,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_233">233-234;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">Gu&eacute;rard's argument for,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_234">234-235;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">notable points in program of action of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_235">235-236;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">program of trade unionists in case of success in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_237">237-238;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">conditions which produce agitation for,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_243">243-244;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">doubts of syndicalists as to success of a peaceable strike,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_246">246-247;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">Jaur&egrave;s' warning against the,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_270">270;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">ridicule of, by Marx and Engels,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_343">343.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Geneva, congress of anarchists at, in 1873,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_196">196-199.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Germany, beginning of anarchist activity in,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_55">55-57;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">great political organization built up by <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380"></a>[<a href="images/399.png">380</a>]</span>socialists in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_203">203;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">meteoric career of Lassalle in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_205">205-209;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">history of Bismarck's losing battle with social democracy in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_211">211-227;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">State ownership favored by socialists in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_254">254-256;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">growth of socialist and labor vote in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_328">328;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">strong parliamentary position of socialists in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_329">329-330.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Goldman, Emma, quoted on Johann Most,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_67">67;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted on causes of violent acts by terrorists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_91">91;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">on the connection of police with anarchist outrages,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_119">119.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Grave, Jean, French anarchist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_81">81.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Gray, John,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Great-man theory, terrorist deeds of violence traceable to,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_102">102 ff.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Gu&eacute;rard, argument of, for revolutionary general strike,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_234">234-235.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Guesde, Jules,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_202">202,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_204">204;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted on direct action vs. political action,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_267">267-269.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Guillaume, James, Swiss revolutionist, friend of Bakounin,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_28">28,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_38">38,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_42">42,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_45">45,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_47">47,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_53">53,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_197">197,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_199">199,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_229">229;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">takes part in manifestation at Bern (1877),
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_53">53.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>H<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Hales, John, at anarchist congress in Geneva (1873),
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_196">196-199.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Hall, Charles,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Harney, George Julian,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_137">137.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Harrison, Frederic, quoted,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_151">151.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Hasselmann, German revolutionist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_56">56,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_65">65;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">ejection of, from socialist party,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_220">220.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Haymarket catastrophe, Chicago,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_68">68-70.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Henry, &Eacute;mile, French terrorist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_79">79,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_84">84-85,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_104">104.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Herwegh, German poet and revolutionist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_157">157-158.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Hess, Moritz, secret history of Basel congress of 1869 by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_169">169-170.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Hillquit, Morris, description by, of battle between strikers and detectives at Homestead,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_293">293-294.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Hins, follower of Bakounin, quoted,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_163">163;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">outlines, in 1869, program of modern syndicalists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_166">166-167.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>H&ouml;del, assassin of Emperor William,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_55">55,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_213">213.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Hodgskin, Thomas,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Hogan, "Kid," quoted on strike-breakers,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_288">288-289.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Homestead strike, character of Pinkertons employed in,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_285">285-286;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">account of battle between strikers and special police,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_292">292-294.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Houses of the People, in Europe,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_332">332.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Humbert, King, attempt upon life of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_55">55;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">assassination of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_87">87.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Hume, Joseph,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>I<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Individualism in France a contributing cause to rise of syndicalism,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_242">242-243.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Industrial Workers of the World, American syndicalism,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_247">247 n.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Inheritance, abolition of right of, advocated by Bakounin,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_163">163-164.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Intellectuals, appearance of, as an aid to anarchism,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_239">239-241;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">lack of real understanding of labor movement by, and fate of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_354">354.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>International Alliance of Social Democracy,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_12">12-14.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>International Brothers,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_12">12-14.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>International Working Men's Association (the "International"), Bakounin's attempt to inject his ideas into,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_7">7,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_15">15;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">launching of the,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_145">145-146;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">beginning made by, in actual political work,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_150">150-152;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">struggles in, between followers of Marx and followers of Bakounin's anarchist doctrines,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_154">154 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">congress of, at Basel in 1869 the turning-point in its history,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_162">162-168;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">overturning of foundation principles of, owing to anarchist tendencies of the congress,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_168">168;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">period of slight accomplishment, from 1869 to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381"></a>[<a href="images/400.png">381</a>]</span>1873,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_189">189-190;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">congress of 1873 at The Hague,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_191">191;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">expulsion of Bakounin and removal of seat of General Council to New York,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_191">191-192;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">motives of Marx in destroying,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_192">192;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">one chief result of existence of, the distinct separation of anarchism and socialism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_192">192-193;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">attempts of Bakouninists to revive, after Hague congress,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_196">196 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">end of efforts of anarchists to build a new,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_200">200.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>International Working People's Association, anarchist society in America,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_68">68,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_73">73.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Italy, anarchist uprisings in, in 1874,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_41">41-44;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">demonstration under doctrines of Propaganda of the Deed in (1877),
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_53">53-54;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">reasons for individual execution of justice in, found in expense of official justice and corruptness of courts,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_108">108;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">conditions in, leading to rise of syndicalism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_242">242,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_243">243;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">socialist and labor vote in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_328">328;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">parliamentary strength of socialists in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_330">330.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Iwanoff, Russian revolutionist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_22">22-23.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>J<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Jaclard, Victor,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_14">14,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_29">29.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Jaur&egrave;s, tribute paid to Marx by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_152">152-153;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">warning pronounced by, against the general strike,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_270">270.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Jesuits and doctrine of assassination,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_98">98-99.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Jones, Ernest,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>K<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Kammerer, anarchist in Austria-Hungary,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_57">57,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_58">58.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Kampffmeyer, Paul, quoted on State-socialist propositions in Germany,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_255">255.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Kautsky, Karl, on the Statism of the socialist party,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_256">256.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Kropotkin, Prince,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_49">49-50;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">enthusiasm of, over the Propaganda of the Deed,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_52">52;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted on anarchist activities at Lyons,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_59">59;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">on act of United States Supreme Court declaring unconstitutional the eight-hour law on Government work,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_62">62-63;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted on the Pittsburgh strike,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_63">63-64;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">on treatment of anarchists by socialists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_92">92 n.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted on Russian secret police system,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_113">113 n.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">articles by, attacking socialist parliamentary tactics,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_201">201-202;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">on the necessity of parliamentary action in distribution of land after the French Revolution,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_272">272.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>L<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Labor movement, violence characteristic of early years of the,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_125">125-126;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">beginning of real building of, in the middle of the last century,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_127">127;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">profit to, from aid of "intellectual" circles,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_127">127;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in France,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_128">128-129;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in England,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_129">129-131;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">setback to, in England due to various causes,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_131">131;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">beginnings of, in Germany,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_131">131-134;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">beginning of work of Marx and Engels in connection with,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_132">132 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">attempt of early socialist and anarchist sects to inject their ideas into,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_145">145;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">launching of the International,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_145">145 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">entrance of the International into actual political work,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_150">150-152;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the ideal of the labor movement as expressed by Lincoln,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_152">152;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">part played by the International as an organization of labor,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_192">192;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">origins of, in Germany,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_209">209;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">Bismarck's persecution of social democrats in Germany,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_211">211-227;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">entrance of anarchism into, in France,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_231">231 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">illegitimate activities of capital against, in United States,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_280">280-326;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">process of building structure of the present,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_335">335-337;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">position as a great and material actuality,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382"></a>[<a href="images/401.png">382</a>]</span>
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_337">337;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">tracing of work done by Marx in connection with,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_338">338 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">progress of, as indicated by socialist and labor vote,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_328">328-329;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">parliamentary strength of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_329">329-331;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">growth of co&ouml;perations and trade unions,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_331">331-333.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li><i>Labor Standard</i> article on United States Supreme Court decision,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_62">62-63.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Labor Temples in Europe,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_332">332.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Labriola, Arturo, syndicalist criticism of socialism by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_249">249-251;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">views of, on Parliamentarism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_261">261.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Lafargue, Paul,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_202">202.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Lagardelle, on the antagonism of syndicalism and democracy,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_264">264-265.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Lankiewicz, Valence,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_28">28.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Lassalle, German socialist agitator,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_205">205 ff.;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">by organizing the Universal German Working Men's Association, becomes founder of German labor movement,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_209">209;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">relations between Bismarck and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_210">210.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Legien, Carl, quoted on French labor movement,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_243">243.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Le Vin, detective, quoted on character of special police,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_286">286.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Levine, Louis, "The Labor Movement in France" by, quoted,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_244">244.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Liebknecht, Wilhelm, quoted on Marx's opposition to insurrection led by Herwegh,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_158">158;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">mentioned,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_205">205,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_209">209-210;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">efforts of Bismarck to corrupt,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_211">211;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">persecution of, by Bismarck,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_211">211-212;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">frank statement of republican principles by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_212">212-213;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted on defeat of Bismarck by socialists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_226">226;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted as in favor of State-socialist propositions in Germany,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_256">256.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Lincoln, Abraham, ideal of the labor movement as expressed by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_152">152.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Lingg, Louis, Chicago anarchist,
+		<ul>
+		<li><a href="#Page_70">70,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+		<li><a href="#Page_95">95.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Lombroso, on corrective measures to be used with anarchists,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_96">96-97;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">on the complicity of criminality and politics,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_109">109.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Lovett, William,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Luccheni, Italian assassin,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_87">87.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Lynchings, an explanation given for,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_107">107,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_108">108.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Lyons, unsuccessful insurrection at, in 1870,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_28">28-35.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>M<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>McDowell, Malcomb, on character of deputy marshals in Chicago railway strike,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_300">300-301.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>McKinley, President, assassination of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_75">75,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_88">88.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>McNamaras, the,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_318">318,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_324">324.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Mafia, the, an organization of Italians which pursues terrorist tactics,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_100">100.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Malatesta, Enrico, Italian revolutionist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_43">43-44,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_49">49,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_51">51.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Manufacturers' Association, lawless work of the,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_318">318.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Mariana, Jesuit who upheld assassination of tyrants,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_98">98,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_99">99.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Marx, Karl, view of Bakounin held by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_7">7;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">meeting of Bakounin and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_9">9;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">assailed by Bakounin upon latter's entrance into the International,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_15">15-16;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted on the insurrection at Lyons in 1870,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_35">35-36;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">on Bakounin's "abolition of the State,"
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_36">36;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">on the Commune of Paris,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_37">37;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">education and early career of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_132">132-134;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the Communist Manifesto,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_137">137-141;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">resignation of, from central council of Communist League,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_141">141-142;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">gives evidence of perception of lack of revolutionary promise in sectarian organizations, secret societies, and political conspiracies,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_142">142;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">gigantic intellectual labors of, in laying foundations of a scientific socialism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_143">143;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the International launched by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_145">145-146;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">essence of socialism of, in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383"></a>[<a href="images/402.png">383</a>]</span>Preamble of the Provisional Rules of the International,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_147">147-148;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">statement of idea of, as to revolutionary character of political activity,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_149">149-150;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">immense work of, in connection with the International, and publishing of "Capital" by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_152">152;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">summing up of services of, by Jaur&egrave;s,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_152">152-153;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the battle between Bakounin and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_154">154 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">annoyance and humiliation of, by victory of Bakouninists at Basel congress,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_168">168-169;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">bitter attack made on Bakounin and his circle by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_169">169-170;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">motives of, in destroying the International by moving seat of General Council to New York,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_191">191-192;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">Bismarck's attempt to corrupt,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_210">210;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">view held by, of the State and its functions,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_257">257;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted on "parliamentary cr&eacute;tinism,"
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_261">261-262;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">battles of workingmen fought on lines laid down by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_338">338;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">immensity of task actually executed by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_344">344-356.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Merlino, Italian anarchist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_81">81.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Michel, Louise, French anarchist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_60">60.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Milwaukee, character of special police employed during molders' strike in,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_286">286-287.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Mine Owners' Association, anarchism of, in Colorado,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_304">304-311.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Moll, Joseph,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_132">132,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_137">137.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Molly Maguires, an organization of Irishmen which pursued terrorist tactics,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_100">100.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Most, Johann, a product of Bismarck's man-hunting policy and legal tyranny,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_56">56;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">the Freiheit of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_57">57,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_65">65;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">brings terrorist ideas of Bakounin and Nechayeff to America,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_64">64-65;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">early history of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_65">65-66;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">Emma Goldman's description of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_67">67;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">effect of agitation and doctrines of, on socialism in America,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_67">67-68;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">climax of theories of, reached in the Haymarket tragedy, Chicago,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_68">68-70;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">article on "Revolutionary Principles" by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_69">69-70;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">history of terrorist tactics in America centers about career of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_74">74;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">responsibility of anti-socialist laws for misguided efforts and final downfall of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_74">74-75;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">ejected from socialist party for advocating violence in war with Bismarck,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_219">219-220.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Motor bandits, career of, in France,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_88">88-89.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Museux, quoted on Ravachol,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_82">82.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>"Muzzle Bill," Bismarck's,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_221">221.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>N<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>National Brothers, the,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_12">12-14.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Nechayeff, Sergei, young Russian revolutionist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_16">16;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">collaboration of, with Bakounin,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_16">16 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">question of share of "Words Addressed to Students" and "The Revolutionary Catechism" to be attributed to,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_22">22;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">activities of, in Russia,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_22">22-23;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">murder of Iwanoff by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_23">23;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">quarrels with Bakounin, steals his papers, and flees to London,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_23">23;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">subsequent career and death,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_25">25-26.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Nobiling, Dr. Karl,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_55">55,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_214">214.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>O<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>O'Brien, J. B.,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>O'Connor, Feargus,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_353">353.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Orchard, Harry, crimes of, paid for by detective agencies,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_307">307-310.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Owen, Robert,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">utopian socialism of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_144">144;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in the Webbs' critique of, the economic fallacies of syndicalism are revealed,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_260">260-261.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Ozerof, revolutionary enthusiast, friend of Bakounin,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_28">28,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_30">30,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_34">34.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>P<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Paris, anarchist movement in (1883),
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_60">60;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">acts of violence in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_77">77-89.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384"></a>[<a href="images/403.png">384</a>]</span>Parliamentarism, criticism of, by syndicalists,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_249">249,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_261">261;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">attitude of socialism toward,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_262">262-263.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Parliamentary strength of socialism at present day,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_329">329-331.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Pelloutier, leader in French labor movement,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_231">231.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Peukert, anarchist in Austria-Hungary,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_57">57,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_58">58;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">found to be a police spy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_113">113-114.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Pinkerton detectives, the tools of anarchists of the capitalist class in the United States,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_281">281 ff.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Place, Francis,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Plechanoff, George,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_53">53;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_200">200;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">breaks with the Bakouninists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_204">204.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Pini, French anarchist and robber,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_96">96.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Police agents, work of, against anarchism, socialism, and trade-union movements,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_110">110-120,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_203">203-204;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">infamous r&ocirc;les played by, in United States,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_290">290-292,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_299">299-302,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_312">312-314;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">list of notable, who have played a double part in labor movements,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_313">313.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Policing by the State, a check on anarchism of individuals,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_279">279.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Political action, dependence of Marx's program on,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_137">137-141;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">fight of anarchists against,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_232">232;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">criticism of, by syndicalists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_249">249 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">direct action placed over against, by the syndicalists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_267">267 ff.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Pougatchoff, Bakounin's idealizing of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_278">278.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Pouget, &Eacute;mil, French anarchist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_60">60;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">origin of modern syndicalism with,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_231">231;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">sabotage introduced by, at trade-union congress in Toulouse,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_235">235;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">attack of syndicalism on democracy voiced by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_264">264;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">on the syndicalist's contempt for democracy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_265">265.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Poverty, as a cause of reliance upon violence by French trade-unions,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_244">244.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Propaganda of the Deed, origin of the,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_49">49-52;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">inspiration of, found in the teachings of Bakounin,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_52">52;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">revolutionary demonstrations organized under doctrines of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_52">52-54;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">as the chief expression of anarchism, makes the name anarchism synonymous with violence and crime,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_55">55;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">progress of, as shown by anarchist activities in Germany, Austria-Hungary, and France,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_55">55-60;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">influence of, in Italy, Spain, and Belgium,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_60">60-61;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">bringing of, to America by Johann Most,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_62">62-76.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem"><i>See</i> Terrorism.
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Proudhon, acquaintance between Bakounin and,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_9">9;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">the father of anarchism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_129">129.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Proudhonian anarchists, inability of, to comprehend socialism of Marx,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_148">148-149.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Pryor, Judge Roger A., condemnation by, of use of private detectives by corporations,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_297">297-298.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Pullman strike, employment and character of private detectives in,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_298">298-302.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>R<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Ravachol, French terrorist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_79">79-82,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_104">104.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Razin, Stenka, leader of Russian peasant insurrection,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_17">17;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">Bakounin's robber worship of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_278">278.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Reclus, &Eacute;lis&eacute;e,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_14">14;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted concerning Ravachol,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_81">81.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li><i>Red Flag</i>, Hasselmann's paper,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_56">56.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Reinsdorf, August, assassin of German Emperor,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_69">69-70.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>"Revolutionary Catechism," by Bakounin and Nechayeff,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_19">19-22.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Rey, Aristide,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_14">14.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Richard, Albert,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_29">29,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_32">32.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Rittinghausen, delegate to congress of the International, quoted,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_162">162-163;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">on the futility of insurrection as a policy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_272">272.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Robber-worship, Bakounin's,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_17">17,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_278">278.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385"></a>[<a href="images/404.png">385</a>]</span>Rochdale Pioneers, the,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Rochefort, Henri, remarks of, on anarchists,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_70">70-71.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Rubin, W. B., investigation of character of special police by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_286">286-287.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Rull, Juan, Spanish gang leader,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_119">119.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>S<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Sabotage, danger of use of, in United States,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_324">324-325;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">appearance of, and explanation,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_236">236;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">as really another name for the Propaganda of the Deed,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_247">247.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Saffi, Italian revolutionist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_42">42.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Saignes, Eug&egrave;ne,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_30">30,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_31">31.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Saint-Simon,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_128">128.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Salmons, C. H., on outrages by private detectives during Burlington strike,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_296">296.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Sand, George,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_9">9,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_158">158.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Schapper, Karl,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_131">131,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_141">141.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Secret societies organized by Bakounin,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_11">11-14.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Shelley, P. B., psychology of the anarchists depicted by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_93">93.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Small, Albion W., estimate of Marx by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_143">143.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Socialism, early use of word,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_34">34 n.;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">split between anarchism and, in 1869,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_47">47-48,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_162">162-169;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">rapid spread of, in America after panic of 1873,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_64">64-65;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">disastrous effect on, of Most's agitation in America,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_67">67-68;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">contrasted with anarchism on the point of the latter's inspiring deeds of violence by terrorists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_90">90-92;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">different types attracted by anarchism and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_92">92-93;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">burden of anarchism placed on, by Catholic clergy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_98">98;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">growth of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_125">125 ff.,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_202">202-203;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">early days of, in France,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_128">128-129;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in England,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_129">129-131;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in Germany,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_131">131-134;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels a part of the basic literature of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_138">138;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the utopian, destroyed by Marx's scientific theory,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_144">144-145;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the blending of labor and, a matter of decades,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_145">145;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">essence of Marx's, found in the Preamble of the Provisional Rules of the International,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_147">147-148;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">routing of, by anarchist doctrines in congress of International at Basel in 1869,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_162">162-169;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">inquiry into and exposition of the aims of the Marxian,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_174">174-178;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">attacks on, by anarchists after Hague congress of 1872,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_201">201 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">fruitless war waged on German social democracy by Bismarck,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_211">211-227;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">defeat and humiliation of Bismarck by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_225">225-227;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">strength of, throughout Europe shown in elections of 1892,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_227">227-228;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">difference between aims and methods of, and those of syndicalism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_238">238-239;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">antagonism between syndicalism and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_247">247 ff.,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_266">266;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">Statism of, criticised by syndicalists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_249">249-251,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_252">252;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">real position of, regarding State ownership and State capitalism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_252">252-258;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">criticism of, by syndicalists on grounds of Parliamentarism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_261">261;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">real attitude of, toward control of parliaments,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_262">262-263;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">battle of, is against both the old anarchists, and the new anarchists of the wealthy class in the United States,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_325">325-326;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">statistics of increase in vote of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_328">328-329;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">parliamentary strength of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_329">329-331;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">conditions which retard progress of, in United States,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_332">332-333;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">tendency of labor movement in all lands toward,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_333">333-334;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">international congresses of party,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_334">334;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">results of inseparableness of democracy and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_353">353-354;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">slow but sure and steady progress of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_355">355-356.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Sombart, Werner, quoted on syndicalism and the "social sybarites,"
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_241">241;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">quoted on tendency of labor movement in all lands toward socialism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_333">333.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386"></a>[<a href="images/405.png">386</a>]</span>Sorel, quoted to show hostility of syndicalism to democracy,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_264">264.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Spain, revolution of 1873 in,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_37">37-41;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">repression of terrorist tactics in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_87">87.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Spies, August, "revenge circular" of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_68">68.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>State, check placed on anarchism of the individual by the,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_279">279-280;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">activity of, in opposition to labor in United States,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_322">322-324.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Statism, criticism of, of the socialist party, by syndicalists,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_249">249-252;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">statement of attitude of socialism toward,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_252">252-258;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">economic fallacies of syndicalists regarding, pointed out by the Webbs on their critique of Owen's trade-union socialism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_260">260-261.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Steinert, Henry, quoted on special police and detectives,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_285">285.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Stellmacher, anarchist in Austria-Hungary,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_57">57,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_58">58.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Stephens, Joseph Rayner,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_353">353.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Stirner, Max, "The Ego and His Own" by, quoted,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_105">105.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>"Study upon the German Jews," Bakounin's,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_170">170-171.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Supreme Court of United States, act of, declaring unconstitutional the eight-hour law on Government work,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_62">62-63.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Syndicalism, program of, outlined at congress of International in 1869,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_166">166-167;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">forecast of, contained in Bakounin's arguments,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_185">185;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">revival in 1895 of anarchism under name of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_229">229;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">explanation of, and reason for existence,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_230">230 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">wherein aim and methods differ from those of socialism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_238">238-239;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">connection of the "intellectuals" with,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_239">239-241;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">reasons found for, in certain French and Italian conditions,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_242">242-245;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">essential differences between anarchism and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_245">245-246;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">necessary antagonism between socialism and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_247">247 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">objections to the outline of a new society contemplated by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_259">259 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">criticism of Parliamentarism of socialism by,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_261">261;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">attacks of, on democracy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_264">264-265;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">antagonism of socialism and, in aim and methods,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_266">266 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">proven to be the logical descendant of anarchism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_270">270-271;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">its fate to be the same as that of anarchism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_271">271-272;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">claim of, that revolutionary movement must pursue economic aims and disregard political relations,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_273">273.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>T<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Tennyson, quotation from,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_96">96.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Terrorism, doctrine of, brought into Western Europe by Bakounin,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_4">4,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_9">9-10,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_17">17 ff.;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">set forth in "Revolutionary Catechism" by Bakounin and Nechayeff,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_19">19-22;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">practical introduction of, in insurrections of the early seventies,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_28">28 ff.,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_41">41-44;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">criticism of, by socialists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_40">40;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">advent of the Propaganda of the Deed, and resultant acts of violence in Italy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_50">50-55;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">carried into Germany, Austria-Hungary, and France,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_56">56-60;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">doctrine of, spread in America by Johann Most,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_65">65-68;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">protest voiced by Tucker, American anarchist, against terrorist tactics,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_70">70-74;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">failure of, to take deep root in America,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_75">75-76;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">acts of, committed by anarchists in France,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_77">77-89;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">causes of,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_90">90 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">due to hysteria and pseudo-insanity,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_93">93-94;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">wrong attitude of society as to corrective measures,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_94">94-98;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">burden of, placed by Catholics on socialism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_98">98-101;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">glorification of, in annals of history,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_101">101;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">egoistic conception of history carried to an extreme in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_102">102-106;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">caused by corruption of courts and oppressive laws,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_107">107-108;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">complicity of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387"></a>[<a href="images/406.png">387</a>]</span>criminality and,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_109">109;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">use of, by European governments,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_110">110-120,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_219">219 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">introduced into the International by Bakounin, and struggles of Marxists against,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_154">154-193;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">part played by, in Bismarck's war on social democracy,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_213">213,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_217">217,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_218">218;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">attempts of Bismarck to provoke,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_219">219 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">reaction of, on Bismarck,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_227">227;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">employed by ruling class in America, by means of private detectives and special police,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_276">276-324.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Thompson, William,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Tolstoi, Berth's characterization of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_241">241.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Tortellier, French agitator and anarchist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_231">231;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">declaration of, against political action,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_232">232.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Trade unions, at basis of Spanish revolution of 1873,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_39">39;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">entrance into, of anarchism, resulting in syndicalism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_231">231 ff.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem"><i>See</i> Labor movement.
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Tucker, Benjamin R., New York anarchist, quoted on "The Beast of Communism,"
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_70">70-74.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>U<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>United States, unsettled conditions in, after panic of 1873,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_62">62-64;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">development of socialist and trade-union organizations in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_64">64;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">Bakounin's terrorist ideas brought to, by Johann Most,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_65">65;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">acts of violence in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_67">67-70;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">protests of anarchists of, against terrorism,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_70">70-74;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">failure of anarchism to take firm root in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_75">75;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">anarchism of the powerful in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_280">280 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">system of extra-legal police agents in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_281">281-291,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_311">311 ff.;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">account of tragic episodes in history of labor disputes in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_291">291-311;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">abetting by the State of mercenary anarchists in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_322">322-325;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">figures of socialist and labor vote in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_328">328;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">socialists of, wholly lacking in representation in Congress,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_330">330,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_333">333;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">conditions in, calculated to retard progress of socialist and labor movement,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_332">332-333.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Universal German Working Men's Association, organization of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_209">209.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Utopian socialism destroyed by Marx's scientific socialism,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_144">144.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>V<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Vaillant, August, French terrorist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_79">79,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_82">82-84,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_104">104.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Valzania, Italian revolutionist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_42">42.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Vincenzo, Tomburri, Italian revolutionist,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_54">54.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Violence, analysis of causes of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_90">90-122.</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem"><i>See</i> Terrorism.
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Vliegen, Dutch labor leader, on the general strike,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_243">243-244.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Von Schweitzer, leader in German labor movement, reported to have sold out to Bismarck,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_211">211.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Vote of socialists and laborites (1887-1913),
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_328">328,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_329">329.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>W<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, economic fallacies of syndicalism indicated by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_260">260-261.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Weitling, early German socialist agitator,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_132">132.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Western Federation of Miners, crimes falsely attributed to,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_307">307-310.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>West Virginia, governmental tyranny during labor troubles in,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_217">217;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">outrages committed by special police in,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_292">292.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Wickersham, George W., testimony of, as to packing of a jury by private detectives,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_289">289.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>William I., Emperor, attempts on life of,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_55">55,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_213">213-214.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388"></a>[<a href="images/407.png">388</a>]</span>"Words Addressed to Students," Bakounin and Nechayeff's,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_17">17.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Wyden, secret conference of German social democrats at,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_219">219-220.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>Y<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Yvetot, quoted on syndicalism and anarchism,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_245">245.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+	<li>Z<br />
+	<ul>
+		<li>Zenker, quoted on anarchist movement in Austria-Hungary,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_57">57-58;</a></li>
+			<li class="subitem">on association formed by Most for uniting revolutionists,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_66">66;</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">on motives behind deeds of violence,
+			<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_100">100.</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Zola, psychology of the anarchist depicted by,
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_93">93.</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+</ul>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's Violence and the Labor Movement, by Robert Hunter
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+Project Gutenberg's Violence and the Labor Movement, by Robert Hunter
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Violence and the Labor Movement
+
+Author: Robert Hunter
+
+Release Date: January 28, 2010 [EBook #31108]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK VIOLENCE AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Fritz Ohrenschall, Martin Pettit and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+VIOLENCE AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT
+
+
+[Illustration: Logo]
+
+THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
+
+NEW YORK . BOSTON . CHICAGO . DALLAS
+ATLANTA . SAN FRANCISCO
+
+MACMILLAN & CO., LIMITED
+
+LONDON . BOMBAY . CALCUTTA
+MELBOURNE
+
+THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.
+
+TORONTO
+
+
+
+
+VIOLENCE AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT
+
+BY
+
+ROBERT HUNTER
+
+AUTHOR OF "POVERTY," "SOCIALISTS AT WORK," ETC.
+
+New York
+
+THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
+
+1922
+
+
+PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
+
+COPYRIGHT, 1914
+
+BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
+
+Set up and electrotyped. Published March, 1914.
+
+FERRIS
+PRINTING COMPANY
+NEW YORK CITY
+
+
+THIS VOLUME IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR TO
+
+EUGENE V. DEBS
+
+"ONE WHO NEVER TURNED HIS BACK BUT MARCHED BREAST FORWARD,
+NEVER DOUBTED CLOUDS WOULD BREAK,"
+
+AND
+
+D. DOUGLAS WILSON
+
+WHO, THOUGH PARALYZED AND BLIND, HAS SO LONG AND FAITHFULLY
+BLAZED THE TRAIL FOR LABOR
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+This volume is the result of some studies that I felt impelled to make
+when, about three years ago, certain sections of the labor movement in
+the United States were discussing vehemently political action _versus_
+direct action. A number of causes combined to produce a serious and
+critical controversy. The Industrial Workers of the World were carrying
+on a lively agitation that later culminated in a series of spectacular
+strikes. With ideas and methods that were not only in opposition to
+those of the trade unions, but also to those of the socialist party, the
+new organization sought to displace the older organizations by what it
+called the "one Big Union." There were many in the older organizations
+who firmly believed in industrial unionism, and the dissensions which
+arose were not so much over that question as over the antagonistic
+character of the new movement and its advocacy here of the violent
+methods employed by the revolutionary section of the French unions. The
+most forceful and active spokesman of these methods was Mr. William D.
+Haywood, and, largely as a result of his agitation, _la greve generale_
+and _le sabotage_ became the subjects of the hour in labor and socialist
+circles. In 1911 Mr. Haywood and Mr. Frank Bohn published a booklet,
+entitled _Industrial Socialism_, in which they urged that the worker
+should "use any weapon which will win his fight."[A] They declared that,
+as "the present laws of property are made by and for the capitalists,
+the workers should not hesitate to break them."[B]
+
+The advocacy of such doctrines alarmed the older socialists, who were
+familiar with the many disasters that had overtaken the labor movement
+in its earlier days, and nearly all of them assailed the direct
+actionists. Mr. Eugene V. Debs, Mr. Victor L. Berger, Mr. John Spargo,
+Mr. Morris Hillquit, and many others, less well known, combated "the new
+methods" in vigorous language. Mr. Hillquit dealt with the question in a
+manner that immediately awakened the attention of every active
+socialist. Condemning without reserve every resort to lawbreaking and
+violence, and insisting that both were "ethically unjustifiable and
+tactically suicidal," Mr. Hillquit pointed out that whenever any group
+or section of the labor movement "has embarked upon a policy of
+'breaking the law' or using 'any weapons which will win the fight,'
+whether such policy was styled 'terrorism,' 'propaganda of the deed,'
+'direct action,' 'sabotage,' or 'anarchism,' it has invariably served to
+demoralize and destroy the movement, by attracting to it professional
+criminals, infesting it with spies, leading the workers to needless and
+senseless slaughter, and ultimately engendering a spirit of disgust and
+reaction. It was this advocacy of 'lawbreaking' which Marx and Engels
+fought so severely in the International and which finally led to the
+disruption of the first great international parliament of labor, and the
+socialist party of every country in the civilized world has since
+uniformly and emphatically rejected that policy."[C]
+
+There could be no better introduction to the present volume than these
+words of Mr. Hillquit, and it will, I think, be clear to the reader that
+the history of the labor movement during the last half-century fully
+sustains Mr. Hillquit's position. The problem of methods has always been
+a vital matter to the labor movement, and, for a hundred years at least,
+the quarrels now dividing syndicalists and socialists have disturbed
+that movement. In the Chartist days the "physical forcists" opposed the
+"moral forcists," and later dissensions over the same question occurred
+between the Bakouninists and the Marxists. Since then anarchists and
+social democrats, direct actionists and political actionists,
+syndicalists and socialists have continued the battle. I have attempted
+here to present the arguments made by both sides of this controversy,
+and, while no doubt my bias is perfectly clear, I hope I have presented
+fairly the position of each of the contending elements. Fortunately, the
+direct actionists have exercised a determining influence only in a few
+places, and everywhere, in the end, the victory of those who were
+contending for the employment of peaceable means has been complete.
+Already in this country, as a result of the recent controversy, it is
+written in the constitution of the socialist party that "any member of
+the party who opposes political action or advocates crime, sabotage, or
+other methods of violence as a weapon of the working class to aid in its
+emancipation shall be expelled from membership in the party."[D] Adopted
+by the national convention of the party in 1911, this clause was
+ratified at a general referendum of all the membership of the party. It
+is clear, therefore, that the immense majority of socialists are
+determined to employ peaceable and legal methods of action.
+
+It is, of course, perfectly obvious that the methods to be employed in
+the struggles between classes, as between nations, cannot be
+predetermined. And, while the socialists everywhere have condemned the
+use of violent measures and are now exercising every power at their
+command to keep the struggle between labor and capital on legal ground,
+events alone will determine whether the great social problems of our day
+can be settled peaceably. The entire matter is largely in the hands of
+the ruling classes. And, while the socialists in all countries are
+determined not to allow themselves to be provoked into acts of despair
+by temporary and fleeting methods of repression, conditions may of
+course arise where no organization, however powerful, could prevent the
+masses from breaking into an open and bloody conflict. On one memorable
+occasion (March 31, 1886), August Bebel uttered some impressive words on
+this subject in the German Reichstag. "Herr von Puttkamer," said Bebel,
+"calls to mind the speech which I delivered in 1881 in the debate on the
+Socialist Law a few days after the murder of the Czar. I did not then
+glorify regicide. I declared that a system like that prevailing in
+Russia necessarily gave birth to Nihilism and must necessarily lead to
+deeds of violence. Yes, I do not hesitate to say that if you should
+inaugurate such a system in Germany it would of necessity lead to deeds
+of violence with us as well. (A deputy called out: 'The German
+Monarchy?') The German Monarchy would then certainly be affected, and I
+do not hesitate to say that I should be one of the first to lend a hand
+in the work, for all measures are allowable against such a system."[E] I
+take it that Bebel was, in this instance, simply pointing out to the
+German bureaucracy the inevitable consequences of the Russian system. At
+that very moment he was restraining hundreds of thousands of his
+followers from acts of despair, yet he could not resist warning the
+German rulers that the time might come in that country when no
+considerations whatever could persuade men to forego the use of the most
+violent retaliative measures. This view is, of course, well established
+in our national history, and our Declaration of Independence, as well as
+many of our State constitutions, asserts that it is both the right and
+the duty of the people to overthrow by any means in their power an
+oppressive and tyrannical government. This was, of course, always the
+teaching of what Marx liked to call "the bourgeois democrats." It was,
+in fact, their only conception of revolution.
+
+The socialist idea of revolution is quite a different one. Insurrection
+plays no necessary part in it, and no one sees more clearly than the
+socialist that nothing could prove more disastrous to the democratic
+cause than to have the present class conflict break into a civil war. If
+such a war becomes necessary, it will be in spite of the organized
+socialists, who, in every country of the world, not only seek to avoid,
+but actually condemn, riotous, tempestuous, and violent measures. Such
+measures do not fit into their philosophy, which sees, as the cause of
+our present intolerable social wrongs, not the malevolence of
+individuals or of classes, but the workings of certain economic laws.
+One can cut off the head of an individual, but it is not possible to cut
+off the head of an economic law. From the beginning of the modern
+socialist movement, this has been perfectly clear to the socialist,
+whose philosophy has taught him that appeals to violence tend, as Engels
+has pointed out, to obscure the understanding of the real development of
+things.
+
+The dissensions over the use of force, that have been so continuous and
+passionate in the labor movement, arise from two diametrically opposed
+points of view. One is at bottom anarchistic, and looks upon all social
+evils as the result of individual wrong-doing. The other is at bottom
+socialistic, and looks upon all social evils as in the main the result
+of economic and social laws. To those who believe there are good trusts
+and bad trusts, good capitalists and bad capitalists, and that this is
+an adequate analysis of our economic ills, there is, of course, after
+all, nothing left but hatred of individuals and, in the extreme case,
+the desire to remove those individuals. To those, on the other hand, who
+see in certain underlying economic forces the source of nearly all of
+our distressing social evils, individual hatred and malice can make in
+reality no appeal. This volume, on its historical side, as well as in
+its survey of the psychology of the various elements in the labor
+movement, is a contribution to the study of the reactions that affect
+various minds and temperaments in the face of modern social wrongs. If
+one's point of view is that of the anarchist, he is led inevitably to
+make his war upon individuals. The more sensitive and sincere he is, the
+more bitter and implacable becomes that war. If one's point of view is
+based on what is now called the economic interpretation of history, one
+is emancipated, in so far as that is possible for emotional beings, from
+all hatred of individuals, and one sees before him only the necessity of
+readjusting the economic basis of our common life in order to achieve a
+more nearly perfect social order.
+
+In contrasting the temperaments, the points of view, the philosophy, and
+the methods of these two antagonistic minds, I have been forced to take
+two extremes, the Bakouninist anarchist and the Marxian socialist. In
+the case of the former, it has been necessary to present the views of a
+particular school of anarchism, more or less regardless of certain
+other schools. Proudhon, Stirner, Warren, and Tucker do not advocate
+violent measures, and Tolstoi, Ibsen, Spencer, Thoreau, and
+Emerson--although having the anarchist point of view--can hardly be
+conceived of as advocating violent measures. It will be obvious to the
+reader that I have not dealt with the philosophical anarchism, or
+whatever one may call it, of these last. I have confined myself to the
+anarchism of those who have endeavored to carry out their principles in
+the democratic movement of their time and to the deeds of those who
+threw themselves into the active life about them and endeavored to
+impress both their ideas and methods upon the awakening world of labor.
+It is the anarchism of these men that the world knows. By deeds and not
+by words have they written their definition of anarchism, and I am
+taking and using the term in this volume in the sense in which it is
+used most commonly by people in general. If this offends the anarchists
+of the non-resistant or passive-resistant type, it cannot be helped. It
+is the meaning that the most active of the anarchists have themselves
+given it.
+
+I have sought to take my statements from first-hand sources only,
+although in a few cases I have had to depend on secondary sources. I am
+deeply indebted to Mr. Herman Schlueter, editor of the _New Yorker
+Volkszeitung_, for lending me certain rare books and pamphlets, and also
+for reading carefully and critically the entire manuscript. With his
+help I have managed to get every document that has seemed to me
+essential. At the end of the volume will be found a complete list of the
+authorities which I have consulted. I have to regret that I could not
+read, before sending this manuscript to the publisher, the four volumes
+just published of the correspondence between Marx and Engels (_Der
+Briefwechsel zwischen Friedrich Engels und Karl Marx 1844 bis 1833,
+herausgegeben von A. Bebel und Ed. Bernstein_, J. H. W. Dietz,
+Stuttgart, 1913). I must also express here my gratitude to Mr. Morris
+Hillquit and to Miss Helen Phelps Stokes for making many valuable
+suggestions, as well as my indebtedness to Miss Helen Bernice Sweeney
+and Mr. Sidney S. Bobbe for their most capable secretarial assistance.
+Special appreciation is due my wife for her helpfulness and painstaking
+care at many difficult stages of the work.
+
+Highland Farm,
+Noroton Heights,
+Connecticut.
+November 1, 1913.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[A] P. 57.
+
+[B] P. 57.
+
+[C] The New York _Call_, November 20, 1911.
+
+[D] Article II, Section 6.
+
+[E] Quoted by Dawson, "German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle," p. 272.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+PREFACE                                         vii
+
+
+PART I
+
+TERRORISM IN WESTERN EUROPE
+
+CHAPTER
+   I. THE FATHER OF TERRORISM                     3
+  II. A SERIES OF INSURRECTIONS                  28
+ III. THE PROPAGANDA OF THE DEED                 49
+  IV. JOHANN MOST IN AMERICA                     62
+   V. A SERIES OF TRAGEDIES                      77
+  VI. SEEKING THE CAUSES                         90
+
+
+PART II
+
+STRUGGLES WITH VIOLENCE
+
+ VII.  THE BIRTH OF MODERN SOCIALISM            125
+VIII. THE BATTLE BETWEEN MARX AND BAKOUNIN      154
+  IX.   THE FIGHT FOR EXISTENCE                 194
+   X.    THE NEWEST ANARCHISM                   229
+  XI.   THE OLDEST ANARCHISM                    276
+ XII.  VISIONS OF VICTORY                       327
+AUTHORITIES                                     357
+INDEX                                           375
+
+
+
+
+PART I
+
+TERRORISM IN WESTERN EUROPE
+
+[Illustration: MICHAEL BAKOUNIN]
+
+Violence and the Labor Movement
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE FATHER OF TERRORISM
+
+
+"Dante tells us," writes Macaulay, "that he saw, in Malebolge, a strange
+encounter between a human form and a serpent. The enemies, after cruel
+wounds inflicted, stood for a time glaring on each other. A great cloud
+surrounded them, and then a wonderful metamorphosis began. Each creature
+was transfigured into the likeness of its antagonist. The serpent's tail
+divided into two legs; the man's legs intertwined themselves into a
+tail. The body of the serpent put forth arms; the arms of the man shrank
+into his body. At length the serpent stood up a man, and spake; the man
+sank down a serpent, and glided hissing away."[1] Something, I suppose,
+not unlike this appalling picture of Dante's occurs in the world
+whenever a man's soul becomes saturated with hatred. It will be
+remembered, for instance, that even Shelley's all-forgiving and sublime
+Prometheus was forced by the torture of the furies to cry out in
+anguish,
+
+
+     "Whilst I behold such execrable shapes,
+     Methinks I grow like what I contemplate."
+
+
+It would not be strange, then, if here and there a man's entire nature
+were transfigured when he sees a monster appear, cruel, pitiless, and
+unyielding, crushing to the earth the weak, the weary, and the
+heavy-laden. Nor is it strange that in Russia--the blackest Malebolge in
+the modern world--a litter of avengers is born every generation of the
+savage brutality, the murderous oppression, the satanic infamy of the
+Russian government. And who does not love those innumerable Russian
+youths and maidens, driven to acts of defiance--hopeless, futile, yet
+necessary--if for no other reason than to fulfill their duty to humanity
+and thus perhaps quiet a quivering conscience? There is something truly
+Promethean in the struggle of the Russian youth against their
+overpowering antagonist. They know that the price of one single act of
+protest is their lives. Yet, to the eternal credit of humanity,
+thousands of them have thrown themselves naked on the spears of their
+enemy, to become an example of sacrificial revolt. And can any of us
+wonder that when even this tragic seeding of the martyrs proved
+unfruitful, many of the Russian youth, brooding over the irremediable
+wrongs of their people, were driven to insanity and suicide? And, if all
+that was possible, would it be surprising if it also happened that at
+least one flaming rebel should have developed a philosophy of warfare no
+less terrible than that of the Russian bureaucracy itself? I do not
+know, nor would I allow myself to suggest, that Michael Bakounin, who
+brought into Western Europe and planted there the seeds of terrorism,
+came to be like what he contemplated, or that his philosophy and tactics
+of action were altogether a reflection of those he opposed. Yet, if that
+were the case, one could better understand that bitter and bewildering
+character.
+
+That there is some justification for speculation on these grounds is
+indicated by the heroes of Bakounin. He always meant to write the story
+of Prometheus, and he never spoke of Satan without an admiration that
+approached adoration. They were the two unconquerable enemies of
+absolutism. He was "the eternal rebel," Bakounin once said of Satan,
+"the first free-thinker and emancipator of the worlds."[2] In another
+place he speaks of Proudhon as having the instinct of a revolutionist,
+because "he adored Satan and proclaimed anarchy."[3] In still another
+place he refers to the proletariat of Paris as "the modern Satan, the
+great rebel, vanquished, but not pacified."[4] In the statutes of his
+secret organization, of which I shall speak again later, he insists that
+"principles, programs, and rules are not nearly as important as that the
+persons who put them into execution shall have the devil in them."[5]
+Although an avowed and militant atheist, Bakounin could not subdue his
+worship of the king of devils, and, had anyone during his life said that
+Bakounin was not only a modern Satan incarnate, but the eight other
+devils as well, nothing could have delighted him more. And no doubt he
+was inspired to this demon worship by his implacable hatred of
+absolutism--whether it be in religion, which he considered as tyranny
+over the mind, or in government, which he considered as tyranny over the
+body. To Bakounin the two eternal enemies of man were the Government and
+the Church, and no weapon was unworthy of use which promised in any
+measure to assist in their entire and complete obliteration.
+
+Absolutism was to Bakounin a universal destroyer of the best and the
+noblest qualities in man. And, as it stands as an effective barrier to
+the only social order that can lift man above the beast--that of perfect
+liberty--so must the sincere warrior against absolutism become the
+universal destroyer of any and everything associated with tyranny. How
+far such a crusade leads one may be gathered from Bakounin's own words:
+"The end of revolution can be no other," he declares, "than the
+destruction of all powers--religious, monarchical, aristocratic, and
+bourgeois--in Europe. Consequently, the destruction of all now existing
+States, with all their institutions--political, juridical, bureaucratic,
+and financial."[6] In another place he says: "It will be essential to
+destroy everything, and especially and before all else, all property and
+its inevitable corollary, the State."[7] "We want to destroy all
+States," he repeats in still another place, "and all Churches, with all
+their institutions and their laws of religion, politics, jurisprudence,
+finance, police, universities, economics, and society, in order that all
+these millions of poor, deceived, enslaved, tormented, exploited human
+beings, delivered from all their official and officious directors and
+benefactors, associations, and individuals, can at last breathe with
+complete freedom."[8] All through life Bakounin clung tenaciously to
+this immense idea of destruction, "terrible, total, inexorable, and
+universal," for only after such a period of destructive terror--in which
+every vestige of "the institutions of tyranny" shall be swept from the
+earth--can "anarchy, that is to say, the complete manifestation of
+unchained popular life,"[9] develop liberty, equality, and justice.
+These were the means, and this was the end that Bakounin had in mind all
+the days of his life from the time he convinced himself as a young man
+that "the desire for destruction is at the same time a creative
+desire."[10]
+
+Even so brief a glimpse into Bakounin's mind is likely to startle the
+reader. But there is no fiction here; he is what Carlyle would have
+called "a terrible God's Fact." He was a very real product of Russia's
+infamy, and we need not be surprised if one with Bakounin's great
+talents, worshiping Satan and preaching ideas of destruction that
+comprehended Cosmos itself, should have performed in the world a unique
+and never-to-be-forgotten role. It was inevitable that he should have
+stood out among the men of his time as a strange, bewildering figure. To
+his very matter-of-fact and much annoyed antagonist, Karl Marx, he was
+little more than a buffoon, the "amorphous pan-destroyer, who has
+succeeded in uniting in one person Rodolphe, Monte Cristo, Karl Moor,
+and Robert Macaire."[11] On the other hand, to his circle of worshipers
+he was a mental giant, a flaming titan, a Russian Siegfried, holding out
+to all the powers of heaven and earth a perpetual challenge to combat.
+And, in truth, Bakounin's ideas and imagination covered a field that is
+not exhausted by the range of mythology. He juggled with universal
+abstractions as an alchemist with the elements of the earth or an
+astrologist with the celestial spheres. His workshop was the universe,
+his peculiar task the refashioning of Cosmos, and he began by declaring
+war upon the Almighty himself and every institution among men fashioned
+after what he considered to be the absolutism of the Infinite.
+
+It is, then, with no ordinary human being that we must deal in treating
+of him who is known as the father of terrorism. Yet, as he lived in this
+world and fought with his faithful circle to lay down the principles of
+universal revolution, we find him very human indeed. Of contradictions,
+for instance, there seems to be no end. Although an atheist, he had an
+idol, Satan. Although an eternal enemy of absolutism, he pleaded with
+Alexander to become the Czar of the people. And, although he fought
+passionately and superbly to destroy what he called the "authoritarian
+hierarchy" in the organization of the International, he planned for his
+own purpose the most complete hierarchy that can well be imagined. His
+only tactic, that of _lex talionis_, also worked out a perfect
+reciprocity even in those common affairs to which this prodigy stooped
+in order to conquer, for he seemed to create infallibly every
+institution he combated and to use every weapon that he execrated when
+employed by others. The most fertile of law-givers himself, he could not
+tolerate another. Pope of Popes in his little inner circle, he could
+brook no rival. Machiavelli's Prince was no richer in intrigue than
+Bakounin; yet he always fancied himself, with the greatest
+self-compassion, as the naive victim of the endless and malicious
+intrigues of others. However affectionate, generous, and open he seemed
+to be with those who followed him worshipfully, even they were not
+trusted with his secrets, and, if he was always cunning and crafty
+toward his enemies, he never had a friend that he did not use to his
+profit. Volatile in his fitful changes toward men and movements,
+rudderless as he often seemed to be in the incoherence of his ideas and
+of his policies, there nevertheless burned in his soul throughout life a
+great flaming, and perhaps redeeming, hatred of tyranny. At times he
+would lead his little bands into open warfare upon it, dreaming always
+that the world once in motion would follow him to the end in his great
+work of destruction. At other times he would go to it bearing gifts, in
+the hope, as we must charitably think, of destroying it by stealth.
+
+In general outline, this is the father of terrorism as I see him. How he
+developed his views is not entirely clear, as very little is known of
+his early life, and there are several broken threads at different
+periods both early and late in his career. The little known of his youth
+may be quickly told. He was born in Russia in 1814, of a family of good
+position, belonging to the old nobility. He was well educated and began
+his career in the army. Shortly after the Polish insurrection had been
+crushed, militarism and despotism became abhorrent to him, and the
+spectacle of that terrorized country made an everlasting impression upon
+him. In 1834 he renounced his military career and returned to Moscow,
+where he gave himself up entirely to the study of philosophy, and, as
+was natural at the period, he saturated himself with Hegel. From Moscow
+he went to St. Petersburg and later to Berlin, constantly pursuing his
+studies, and in 1842 he published under the title, "_La reaction en
+Allemagne, fragment, par un Francais_," an article ending with the now
+famous line: "The desire for destruction is at the same time a creative
+desire."[12] This article appeared in the _Deutsche Jahrbuecher_, in
+which publication he soon became a collaborator. The authorities,
+however, were hostile to the paper, and he went into Switzerland in
+1843, only to be driven later to Paris. There he made the acquaintance
+of Proudhon, "the father of anarchism," and spent days and nights with
+him discussing the problems of government, of society, and of religion.
+He also met Marx, "the father of socialism," and, although they were
+never sympathetic, yet they came frequently in friendly and unfriendly
+contact with each other. George Sand, George Herwegh, Arnold Ruge,
+Frederick Engels, William Weitling, Alexander Herzen, Richard Wagner,
+Adolf Reichel, and many other brilliant revolutionary spirits of the
+time, Bakounin knew intimately, and for him, as for many others, the
+period of the forties was one of great intellectual development.
+
+In the insurrectionary period that began in 1848 he became active, but
+he appears to have done little noteworthy before January, 1849, when he
+went secretly to Leipsic in the hope of aiding a group of young Czechs
+to launch an uprising in Bohemia. Shortly afterward an insurrection
+broke out in Dresden, and he rushed there to become one of the most
+active leaders of the revolt. It is said that he was "the veritable soul
+of the revolution," and that he advised the insurrectionists, in order
+to prevent the Prussians from firing upon the barricades, to place in
+front of them the masterpieces from the art museum.[13] When that
+insurrection was suppressed, he, Richard Wagner, and some others hurried
+to Chemnitz, where Bakounin was captured and condemned to death.
+Austria, however, demanded his extradition, and there, for the second
+time, he was condemned to be hanged. Eventually he was handed over to
+Russia, where he again escaped paying the death penalty by the pardon of
+the Czar, and, after six years in prison, he was banished to Siberia.
+Great efforts were made to secure a pardon for him, but without success.
+However, through his influential relatives, he was allowed such freedom
+of movement that in the end he succeeded in escaping, and, returning to
+Europe through Japan and America, he arrived in England in 1861.
+
+The next year is notable for the appearance of two of his brochures,
+"_Aux amis russes, polonais, et a tous les amis slaves_," and "_La Cause
+du Peuple, Romanoff, Pougatchoff, ou Pestel?_" One would have thought
+that twelve years in prison and in Siberia would have made him more
+bitter than ever against the State and the Czar; but, curiously, these
+writings mark a striking departure from his previous views. For almost
+the only time in his life he expressed a desire to see Russia develop
+into a magnificent "State," and he urged the Russians to drive the
+Tartars back to Asia, the Germans back to Germany, and to become a free
+people, exclusively Russian. By cooeperative effort between the military
+powers of the Russian Government and the insurrectionary activities of
+the Slavs subjected to foreign governments, the Russian peoples could
+wage a war, he argued, that would create a great united empire. The
+second of the above-mentioned volumes was addressed particularly to
+Alexander II. In this Bakounin prophesies that Russia must soon undergo
+a revolution. It may come through terrible and bloody uprisings on the
+part of the masses, led by some fierce and sanguinary popular idol, or
+it will come through the Czar himself, if he should be wise enough to
+assume in person the leadership of the peasants. He declared that
+"Alexander II. could so easily become the popular idol, the first Czar
+of the peasants.... By leaning upon the people he could become the
+savior and master of the entire Slavic world."[14] He then pictures in
+glowing terms a united Russia, in which the Czar and the people will
+work harmoniously together to build up a great democratic State. But he
+threatens that, if the Czar does not become the "savior of the Slavic
+world," an avenger will arise to lead an outraged and avenging people.
+He again declares, "We prefer to follow Romanoff (the family name of the
+Czar), if Romanoff could and would transform himself from the
+_Petersbourgeois_ emperor into the Czar of the peasants."[15] Despite
+much flattery and ill-merited praise, the Czar refused to be converted,
+and Bakounin rushed off the next year to Stockholm, in the hope of
+organizing a band of Russians to enter Poland to assist in the
+insurrection which had broken out there.
+
+The next few years were spent mostly in Italy, and it was here that he
+conceived his plan of a secret international organization of
+revolutionists. Little is known of how extensive this secret
+organization actually became, but Bakounin said in 1864 that it included
+a number of Italian, French, Scandinavian, and Slavic revolutionists. As
+a scheme this secret organization is remarkable. It included three
+orders: I. The International Brothers; II. The National Brothers; III.
+The semi-secret, semi-public organization of the International Alliance
+of Social Democracy. Without Bakounin's intending it, doubtless, the
+International Brothers resembled the circle of gods in mythology; the
+National Brothers, the circle of heroes; while the third order resembled
+the mortals who were to bear the burden of the fighting. The
+International Brothers were not to exceed one hundred, and they were to
+be the guiding spirits of the great revolutionary storms that Bakounin
+thought were then imminent in Europe. They must possess above all things
+"revolutionary passion," and they were to be the supreme secret
+executive power of the two subordinate organizations. In their hands
+alone should be the making of the programs, the rules, and the
+principles of the revolution. The National Brothers were to be under the
+direction of the International Brothers, and were to be selected because
+of their revolutionary zeal and their ability to control the masses.
+They were "to have the devil in them." The semi-secret, semi-public
+organization was to include the multitude, and sections were to be
+formed in every country for the purpose of organizing the masses.
+However, the masses were not to know of the secret organization of the
+National Brothers, and the National Brothers were not to know of the
+secret organization of the International Brothers. In order to enable
+them to work separately but harmoniously, Bakounin, who had chosen
+himself as the supreme law-giver, wrote for each of the three orders a
+program of principles, a code of rules, and a plan of methods all its
+own. The ultimate ends of this movement were not to be communicated to
+either the National Brothers or to the Alliance, and the masses were to
+know only that which was good for them to know, and which would not be
+likely to frighten them. These are very briefly the outlines of the
+extraordinary hierarchy that was to form throughout all Europe and
+America an invisible network of "the real revolutionists."
+
+This organization was "to accelerate the universal revolution," and what
+was understood by the revolution was "the unchaining of what is to-day
+called the bad passions and the destruction of what in the same language
+is called 'public order.' We do not fear, we invoke anarchy, convinced
+that from this anarchy, that is to say, from the complete manifestation
+of unchained popular life, must come forth liberty, equality, justice
+..."[16] It was clearly foreseen by Bakounin that there would be
+opponents to anarchy among the revolutionists themselves, and he
+declared: "We are the natural enemies of these revolutionists ... who
+... dream already of the creation of new revolutionary States."[17] It
+was admitted that the Brothers could not of themselves create the
+revolution. All that a secret and well-organized society can do is "to
+organize, not the army of the revolution--the army must always be the
+people--but a sort of revolutionary staff composed of individuals who
+are devoted, energetic, intelligent, and especially sincere friends of
+the people, not ambitious nor self-conceited--capable of serving as
+intermediaries between the revolutionary idea and the popular instincts.
+The number of these individuals does not have to be immense. For the
+international organization of all Europe, one hundred revolutionists,
+strongly and seriously bound together, are sufficient. Two or three
+hundred revolutionists will be sufficient for the organization of the
+largest country."[18]
+
+The idea of a secret organization of revolutionary leaders proved to be
+wholly repugnant to many of even the most devoted friends of Bakounin,
+and by 1868 the organization is supposed to have been dissolved,
+because, it was said, secrets had leaked out and the whole affair had
+been subjected to much ridicule.[19] The idea of the third order,
+however, that of the International Alliance, was not abandoned, and it
+appears that Bakounin and a number of the faithful Brothers felt hopeful
+in 1867 of capturing a great "bourgeois" congress, called the "League of
+Peace and of Liberty," that had met that year in Geneva. Bakounin,
+Elisee Reclus, Aristide Rey, Victor Jaclard, and several others in the
+conspiracy undertook to persuade the league to pass some revolutionary
+resolutions. Bakounin was already a member of the central committee of
+the league, and, in preparation for the battle, he wrote the manuscript
+afterward published under the title, "_Federalisme, Socialisme, et
+Antitheologisme_." But the congress of 1868 dashed their hopes to the
+ground, and the revolutionists separated from the league and founded the
+same day, September 25th, a new association, called _L'Alliance
+Internationale de la Democratie Socialiste_. The program now adopted by
+the Alliance, although written by Bakounin, expressed quite different
+views from those of the International Brothers. But it, too, began its
+revolutionary creed by declaring itself atheist. Its chief and most
+important work was "to abolish religion and to substitute science for
+faith; and human justice for divine justice." Second, it declared for
+"the political, economic, and social equality of the classes" (which, it
+was assumed, were to continue to exist), and it intended to attain this
+end by the destruction of government and by the abolition of the right
+of inheritance. Third, it assailed all forms of political action and
+proposed that, in place of the community, groups of producers should
+assume control of all industrial processes. Fourth, it opposed all
+centralized organization, believing that both groups and individuals
+should demand for themselves complete liberty to do in all cases
+whatever they desired.[20] The same revolutionists who a short time
+before had planned a complete hierarchy now appeared irreconcilably
+opposed to any form of authority. They now argued that they must abolish
+not only God and every political State, but also the right of the
+majority to rule. Then and then only would the people finally attain
+perfect liberty.
+
+These were the chief ideas that Bakounin wished to introduce into the
+International Working Men's Association. That organization, founded in
+1864 in London, had already become a great power in Europe, and Bakounin
+entered it in 1869, not only for the purpose of forwarding the ideas
+just mentioned, but also in the hope of obtaining the leadership of it.
+Failing in 1862 to convert the Czar, in 1864-1867 to organize into a
+hierarchy the revolutionary spirits of Europe, in 1868 to capture the
+bourgeoisie, he turned in 1869 to seek the aid of the working class. On
+each of these occasions his views underwent the most magical of
+transformations. With more bitterness than ever he now declared war upon
+the political and economic powers of Europe, but he was unable to
+prosecute this war until he had destroyed every committee or group in
+the International which possessed, or sought to possess, any power. He
+assailed Marx, Engels, and all those who he thought wished to dominate
+the International. The beam in his own eye he saw in theirs, and he now
+expressed an unspeakable loathing for all hierarchical tendencies and
+authoritarian methods. The story of the great battle between him and
+Marx must be left for a later chapter, and we must content ourselves for
+the present with following the history of Bakounin as he gradually
+developed in theory and in practice the principles and tactics of
+terrorism.
+
+While struggling to obtain the leadership of the working classes of
+Western Europe, Bakounin was also busy with Russian affairs. "I am
+excessively absorbed in what is going on in Russia," he writes to a
+friend, April 13, 1869. "Our youth, the most revolutionary in the world
+perhaps, in theory and in practice, are so stirred up that the
+Government has been forced to close the universities, academies, and
+several schools at St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Kazan. I have here now a
+specimen of these young fanatics, who hesitate at nothing and who fear
+nothing.... They are admirable, ... believers without God and heroes
+without phrase!"[21] He who called forth this eulogy was the young
+Russian revolutionist, Sergei Nechayeff. Whether admirable or not we
+shall leave the reader to judge. But, if Bakounin bewilders one,
+Nechayeff staggers one. And, if Bakounin was the father of terrorism,
+Nechayeff was its living embodiment. He was not complex, mystical, or
+sentimental. He was truly a revolutionist without phrase, and he can be
+described in the simplest words. He was a liar, a thief, and a
+murderer--the incarnation of Hatred, Malice, and Revenge, who stopped at
+no crime against friend or foe that promised to advance what he was
+pleased to call the revolution. Bakounin had for a long time sought his
+cooeperation, and now in Switzerland they began that collaboration which
+resulted in the most extraordinary series of sanguinary revolutionary
+writings known to history.
+
+In the summer of 1869 there was printed at Geneva "Words Addressed to
+Students," signed by them both; the "Formula of the Revolutionary
+Question"; "The Principles of the Revolution"; and the "Publications of
+the People's Tribunal"--the three last appearing anonymously. All of
+them counsel the most infamous doctrines of criminal activity. In "Words
+Addressed to Students," the Russian youth are exhorted to leave the
+universities and go among the people. They are asked to follow the
+example of Stenka Razin, a robber chieftain who, in the time of Alexis,
+placed himself at the head of a popular insurrection.[F] "Robbery,"
+declare Bakounin and Nechayeff, "is one of the most honorable forms of
+Russian national life. The brigand is the hero, the defender, the
+popular avenger, the irreconcilable enemy of the State, and of all
+social and civil order established by the State. He is the wrestler in
+life and in death against all this civilization of officials, of nobles,
+of priests, and of the crown.... He who does not understand robbery can
+understand nothing in the history of the Russian masses. He who is not
+sympathetic with it, cannot sympathize with the popular life, and has no
+heart for the ancient, unbounded sufferings of the people; he belongs in
+the camp of the enemy, the partisans of the State.... It is through
+brigandage only that the vitality, passion, and force of the people are
+established undeniably.... The brigand in Russia is the veritable and
+unique revolutionist--revolutionist without phrase, without rhetoric
+borrowed from books, a revolutionist indefatigable, irreconcilable, and
+irresistible in action.... The brigands scattered in the forests, the
+cities, and villages of all Russia, and the brigands confined in the
+innumerable prisons of the empire, form a unique and indivisible world,
+strongly bound together, the world of the Russian revolution. In it, in
+it alone, has existed for a long time the veritable revolutionary
+conspiracy."[22]
+
+Once again the principles of the revolution appear to be complete and
+universal destruction. "There must 'not rest ... one stone upon a
+stone.' It is necessary to destroy everything, in order to produce
+'perfect amorphism,' for, if 'a single one of the old forms' were
+preserved, it would become 'the embryo' from which would spring all the
+other old social forms."[23] The same leaflet preaches systematic
+assassination and declares that for practical revolutionists all
+speculations about the future are "criminal, because they hinder _pure
+destruction_ and trammel the march of the revolution. We have confidence
+only in those who show by their acts their devotion to the revolution,
+without fear of torture or of imprisonment, and we disclaim all words
+unless action should follow immediately." ...[24] "Words have no value
+for us unless followed at once by action. But all is not action that
+goes under that name: for example, the modest and too-cautious
+organization of secret societies without some external manifestations is
+in our eyes merely ridiculous and intolerable child's play. By external
+manifestations we mean a series of actions that positively destroy
+something--a person, a cause, a condition that hinders the emancipation
+of the people. Without sparing our lives, without pausing before any
+threat, any obstacle, any danger, etc., we must break into the life of
+the people with a series of daring, even insolent, attempts, and inspire
+them with a belief in their own power, awake them, rally them, and drive
+them on to the triumph of their own cause."[25]
+
+The most remarkable of this series of writings is "The Revolutionary
+Catechism." This existed for several years in cipher, and was guarded
+most carefully by Nechayeff. Altogether it contained twenty-six
+articles, classified into four sections. Here it is declared that if the
+revolutionist continues to live in this world it is only in order to
+annihilate it all the more surely. "The object remains always the same:
+the quickest and surest way of destroying this filthy order." ... "For
+him exists only one single pleasure, one single consolation, one reward,
+one satisfaction: the success of the revolution. Night and day he must
+have but one thought, but one aim--implacable destruction." ... "For
+this end of implacable destruction a revolutionist can and often must
+live in the midst of society, feigning to be altogether different from
+what he really is. A revolutionist must penetrate everywhere: into high
+society as well as into the middle class, into the shops, into the
+church, into the palaces of the aristocracy, into the official,
+military, and literary worlds, _into the third section_ (the secret
+police), and even into the imperial palace."[26]
+
+"All this unclean society must be divided into several categories, the
+first composed of those who are condemned to death without delay." (Sec.
+15.) ... "In the first place must be destroyed the men most inimical to
+the revolutionary organization and whose violent and sudden death can
+frighten the Government the most and break its power in depriving it of
+energetic and intelligent agents." (Sec. 16.) "The second category must
+be composed of people to whom we concede life provisionally, in order
+that by a series of monstrous acts they may drive the people into
+inevitable revolt." (Sec. 17.) "To the third category belong a great
+number of animals in high position or of individuals who are remarkable
+neither for their mind nor for their energy, but who, by their position,
+have wealth, connections, influence, power. We must exploit them in
+every possible manner, overreach them, deceive them, and, _getting hold
+of their dirty secrets_, make them our slaves." (Sec. 18.) ... "The
+fourth class is composed of sundry ambitious persons in the service of
+the State and of liberals of various shades of opinion. With them we can
+conspire after their own program, pretending to follow them blindly. We
+must take them in our hands, _seize their secrets, compromise them
+completely_, in such a way that retreat becomes impossible for them, so
+as to make use of them in bringing about disturbances in the State."
+(Sec. 19.) "The fifth category is composed of doctrinaires,
+conspirators, revolutionists, and of those who babble at meetings and on
+paper. We must urge these on and draw them incessantly into practical
+and perilous manifestations, which will result in making the majority of
+them disappear, while making some of them genuine revolutionists." (Sec.
+20.) "The sixth category is very important. They are the women, who must
+be divided into three classes: the first, frivolous women, without mind
+or heart, which we must use in the same manner as the third and fourth
+categories of men; the second, the ardent, devoted, and capable women,
+but who are not ours because they have not reached a practical
+revolutionary understanding, without phrase--we must make use of these
+like the men of the fifth category; finally, the women who are entirely
+with us, that is to say, completely initiated and having accepted our
+program in its entirety. We ought to consider them as the most precious
+of our treasures, without whose help we can do nothing." (Sec. 21.)[27]
+
+The last section of the "Catechism" treats of the duty of the
+association toward the people. "The Society has no other end than the
+complete emancipation and happiness of the people, namely, of the
+laborers. But, convinced that this emancipation and this happiness can
+only be reached by means of an all-destroying popular revolution, _the
+Society will use every means and every effort to increase and intensify
+the evils and sorrows_, which must at last exhaust the patience of the
+people and excite them to insurrection _en masse_. By a popular
+revolution the Society does not mean a movement regulated according to
+the classic patterns of the West, which, always restrained in the face
+of property and of the traditional social order of so-called
+civilization and morality, has hitherto been limited merely to
+exchanging one form of political organization for another, and to the
+creating of a so-called revolutionary State. The only revolution that
+can do any good to the people is that which utterly annihilates every
+idea of the State and overthrows all traditions, orders, and classes in
+Russia. With this end in view, the Society has no intention of imposing
+on the people any organization whatever coming from above. The future
+organization will, without doubt, proceed from the movement and life of
+the people; but that is the business of future generations. Our task is
+terrible, total, inexorable, and universal destruction."[28] These are
+in brief the tactics and principles of terrorism, as understood by
+Bakounin and Nechayeff. As only the criminal world shared these views in
+any degree, the "Catechism" ends: "We have got to unite ourselves with
+the adventurer's world of the brigands, who are the veritable and unique
+revolutionists of Russia."[29]
+
+It is customary now to credit most of these writings to Nechayeff,
+although Bakounin himself, I believe, never denied that they were his,
+and no one can read them without noting the ear-marks of both Bakounin's
+thought and style. In any case, Nechayeff was constantly with Bakounin
+in the spring and summer of 1869, and the most important of these
+brochures were published in Geneva in the summer of that year. And,
+while it may be said for Bakounin that he nowhere else advocates all the
+varied criminal methods advised in these publications, there is hardly
+an argument for their use that is not based upon his well-known views.
+Furthermore, Nechayeff was primarily a man of action, and in a letter,
+which is printed hereafter, it appears that he urgently requested
+Bakounin to develop some of his theories in a Russian journal.
+Evidently, then, Nechayeff had little confidence in his own power of
+expression. We must, however, leave the question of paternity undecided
+and follow the latter to Russia, where he went late in the summer,
+loaded down with his arsenal of revolutionary literature and burning to
+put into practice the principles of the "Catechism."
+
+Without following in detail his devious and criminal work, one brief
+tale will explain how his revolutionary activities were brought quickly
+to an end. There was in Moscow, so the story runs, a gentle, kindly, and
+influential member of Nechayeff's society. Of ascetic disposition, this
+Iwanof spent much of his time in freely educating the peasants and in
+assisting the poorer students. He starved himself to establish cheap
+eating houses, which became the centers of the revolutionary groups.
+The police finally closed his establishments, because Nechayeff had
+placarded them with revolutionary appeals. Iwanof, quite unhappy at this
+ending of his usefulness, begged Nechayeff to permit him to retire from
+the secret society. Nechayeff was, however, in fear that Iwanof might
+betray the secrets of the society, and he went one night with two fellow
+conspirators and shot Iwanof and threw the corpse into a pond. The
+police, in following up the murder, sought out Nechayeff, who had
+already fled from Russia and was hurrying back to Bakounin in
+Switzerland.
+
+From January until July, 1870, he was constantly with Bakounin, but
+quarrels began to arise between them in June, and Bakounin writes in a
+letter to Ogaref: "Our _boy_ (Nechayeff) is very stubborn, and I, when
+once I make a decision, am not accustomed to change it. Therefore, the
+break with him, on my side at least seems inevitable."[30] In the middle
+of July it was discovered that Nechayeff was once more carrying out the
+ethics they had jointly evolved, and, in order to make Bakounin his
+slave, had recourse to all sorts of "Jesuitical maneuvers, of lies and
+of thefts." Suddenly he disappeared from Geneva, and Bakounin and other
+Russians discovered that they had been robbed of all their papers and
+confidential letters. Soon it was learned that Nechayeff had presented
+himself to Talandier in London, and Bakounin hastened to write to his
+friend an explanation of their relations. "It may appear strange to you
+that we advise you to repulse a man to whom we gave letters of
+recommendation, written in the most cordial terms. But these letters
+date from the month of May, and there have happened since some events so
+serious that they have forced us to break all connections with
+Nechayeff." ... "It is perfectly true that Nechayeff is more persecuted
+by the Russian Government than any other man.... It is also true that
+Nechayeff is one of the most active and most energetic men that I have
+ever met. When it is a question of serving what he calls _the_ cause, he
+does not hesitate, he stops at nothing, and is as pitiless toward
+himself as toward all others. That is the principal quality which
+attracted me to him and which made me for a long time seek his
+cooeperation. There are those who pretend that he is nothing but a
+sharper, but that is a lie. He is a devoted fanatic, but at the same
+time a dangerous fanatic, with whom an alliance could only prove very
+disastrous for everyone concerned. This is the reason: He first belonged
+to a secret society which, in reality, existed in Russia. This society
+exists no more; all its members have been arrested. Nechayeff alone
+remains, and alone he constitutes to-day what he calls the 'Committee.'
+The Russian organization in Russia having been destroyed, he is forced
+to create a new one in a foreign country. All that was perfectly
+natural, legitimate, very useful--but the means by which he undertakes
+it are detestable.... He will spy on you and will try to get possession
+of all your secrets, and to do that, in your absence, left alone in your
+room, he will open all your drawers, will read all your correspondence,
+and whenever a letter appears interesting to him, that is to say,
+compromising you or one of your friends from one point of view or
+another, he will steal it, and will guard it carefully as a document
+against you or your friend.... If you have presented him to a friend,
+his first care will be to sow between you seeds of discord, scandal,
+intrigue--in a word, to set you two at variance. If your friend has a
+wife or a daughter, he will try to seduce her, to lead her astray, and
+to force her away from the conventional morality and throw her into a
+revolutionary protest against society.... Do not cry out that this is
+exaggeration. It has all been fully developed and proved. Seeing himself
+unmasked, this poor Nechayeff is indeed so childlike, so simple, in
+spite of his systematic perversity, that he believed it possible to
+convert me. He has even gone so far as to beg me to consent to develop
+this theory in a Russian journal which he proposed to me to establish.
+He has betrayed the confidence of us all, he has stolen our letters, he
+has horribly compromised us--in a word, he has acted like a villain. His
+only excuse is his fanaticism. He is a terribly ambitious man without
+knowing it, because he has at last completely identified the
+revolutionary cause with his own person. But he is not an egoist in the
+worst sense of that word, because he risks his own person terribly and
+leads the life of a martyr, of privations, and of unheard-of work. He is
+a fanatic, and fanaticism draws him on, even to the point of becoming an
+accomplished Jesuit. At moments he becomes simply stupid. Most of his
+lies are sewn with white thread.... In spite of this relative naivete,
+he is very dangerous, because he daily commits acts, abuses of
+confidence, and treachery, against which it is all the more difficult to
+safeguard oneself because one hardly suspects the possibility. With all
+that, Nechayeff is a force, because he is an immense energy. It is with
+great pain that I have separated from him, because the service of our
+cause demands much energy, and one rarely finds it developed to such a
+point."[31]
+
+The irony of fate rarely executes itself quite so humorously. Although
+perfectly familiar with Nechayeff's philosophy of action for over a
+year, the viciousness of it appeared to Bakounin only when he himself
+became a victim. When Nechayeff arrived in London he began the
+publication of a Russian journal, the _Commune_, where he bitterly
+attacked Bakounin and his views. Early in the seventies, he was arrested
+and taken back to Russia, where he and over eighty others, mostly young
+men and women students, were tried for belonging to secret societies.
+For the first time in Russian history the court proceeding took place
+before a jury and in public. Most of those arrested were condemned for
+long periods to the mines of Siberia at forced labor, while Nechayeff
+was kept in solitary imprisonment until his death, some years later.
+
+Bakounin, on the other hand, remained in Switzerland and became the very
+soul of that element in Italy, Spain, and Switzerland which fought the
+policies of Marx in the International. At the same time he was training
+a group of youngsters to carry out in Western Europe the principles of
+revolution as laid down in his Russian publications. Over young
+middle-class youths, especially, Bakounin's magnetic power was
+extraordinary, and his followers were the faithful of the faithful. A
+very striking picture of Bakounin's hypnotic influence over this circle
+is to be found in the memoirs of Madame A. Bauler. She tells us of some
+Sundays she spent with Bakounin and his friends.
+
+"At the beginning," she says, "being unfamiliar with the Italian
+language, I did not even understand the general drift of the
+conversation, but, observing the faces of those present, I had the
+impression that something extraordinarily grave and solemn was taking
+place. The atmosphere of these conferences imbued me; it created in me a
+state of mind which I shall call, for want of a better term, an '_etat
+de grace_.' Faith increased; doubts vanished. The value of Bakounin
+became clear to me. His personality enlarged. I saw that his strength
+was in the power of taking possession of human souls. Beyond a doubt,
+all these men who were listening to him were ready to undertake
+anything, at the slightest word from him. I could picture to myself
+another gathering, less intimate, that of a great crowd, and I realized
+that there the influence of Bakounin would be the same. Only the
+enthusiasm, here gentle and intimate, would become incomparably more
+intense and the atmosphere more agitated by the mutual contagion of the
+human beings in a crowd.
+
+"At bottom, in what did the charm of Bakounin consist? I believe that it
+is impossible to define it exactly. It was not by the force of
+persuasion that he agitated. It was not his thought which awakened the
+thought of others. But he aroused every rebellious heart and awoke there
+an 'elemental' anger. And this anger, transplendent with beauty, became
+creative and showed to the exalted thirst for justice and happiness an
+issue and a possibility of accomplishment. 'The desire for destruction
+is at the same time a creative desire,' Bakounin has repeated to the end
+of his life."[32]
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[F] This formidable peasant insurrection occurred in 1669-1671. When
+Pougatchoff, a century later, in 1773-1775, urged the Cossacks and serfs
+to insurrection against Catherine II, the Russian people saw in him a
+new Stenka Razin; and they expected in Russia, in 1869 and the following
+years, a third centennial apparition of the legendary brigand who, in
+the minds of the oppressed people, personified revolt.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+A SERIES OF INSURRECTIONS
+
+
+At the beginning of the seventies Bakounin and his friends found opening
+before them a field of practical activity. On the whole, the sixties
+were spent in theorizing, in organizing, and in planning, but with the
+seventies the moment arrived "to unchain the hydra of revolution." On
+the 4th of September, 1870, the Third Republic was proclaimed in Paris,
+and a few days afterward there were many uprisings in the other cities
+of France. It was, however, only in Lyons that the Bakouninists played
+an important part. Bakounin had a fixed idea that, wherever there was an
+uprising of the people, there he must go, and he wrote to Adolphe Vogt
+on September 6: "My friends, the revolutionary socialists of Lyons, are
+calling me there. I am resolved to take my old bones thither and to play
+there what will probably be my last game. But, as usual, I have not a
+sou. Can you, I do not say lend me, but give me 500 or 400, or 300 or
+200, or even 100 francs, for my voyage?"[1] Guillaume does not state
+where the money finally came from, but Bakounin evidently raised it
+somehow, for he left Locarno on September 9. The night of the 11th he
+spent in Neuchatel, where he conferred with Guillaume regarding the
+publication of a manuscript. On the 12th he arrived in Geneva, and two
+days later set out for Lyons, accompanied by two revolutionary
+enthusiasts, Ozerof and the young Pole, Valence Lankiewicz.
+
+Since the 4th of September a Committee of Public Safety had been
+installed at the Hotel de Ville composed of republicans, radicals, and
+some militants of the International. Gaspard Blanc and Albert Richard,
+two intimate friends of Bakounin, were not members of this committee,
+and in a public meeting, September 8, Richard made a motion, which was
+carried, to name a standing commission of ten to act as the
+"intermediaries between the people of Lyons and the Committee of Public
+Safety." Three of these commissioners, Richard, Andrieux, and Jaclard,
+were then appointed to go as delegates to Paris in order to come to some
+understanding with the Government. Andrieux, in the days of the Empire,
+had acquired fame as a revolutionist by proposing at a meeting to burn
+the ledger of the public debt. It seems, however, that these close and
+trusted friends of Bakounin began immediately upon their arrival in
+Paris to solicit various public positions remunerative to themselves,[2]
+and, although they succeeded in having General Cluseret sent to take
+command of the voluntary corps then forming in the department of the
+Rhone, that proved, as we shall see, most disastrous of all.
+
+This is about all that had happened previous to Bakounin's arrival in
+Lyons, and, when he came, there was confusion everywhere. Even the
+members of the Alliance had no clear idea of what ought to be done.
+Bakounin, however, was an old hand at insurrections, and in a little
+lodging house where he and his friends were staying a new uprising was
+planned. He lost no time in getting hold of all the men of action. Under
+his energetic leadership "public meetings were multiplied and assumed a
+character of unheard-of violence. The most sanguinary motions were
+introduced and welcomed with enthusiasm. They openly provoked revolt in
+order to overthrow the laws and the established order of things."[3] On
+September 19 Bakounin wrote to Ogaref: "There is so much work to do that
+it turns my head. The real revolution has not yet burst forth here, but
+it will come. Everything possible is being done to prepare for it. I am
+playing a great game. I hope to see the approaching triumph."[4]
+
+A great public meeting was held on the 24th, presided over by Eugene
+Saignes, a plasterer and painter, and a man of energy and influence
+among the Lyons workmen, at which various questions relative to proposed
+political changes were voted upon. But it was the following day, the
+25th, that probably the most notable event of the insurrection took
+place. "The next day, Sunday, was employed," Guillaume says, "in the
+drawing up and printing of a great red placard, containing the program
+of the revolution which the Central Committee of Safety of France
+proposed to the people...."[5] The first article of the program
+declares: "The administrative and governmental machinery of the State,
+having become powerless, is abolished. The people of France once again
+enter into full possession of themselves." The second article suspends
+"all civil and criminal courts," and replaces them "by the justice of
+the people." The third suspends "the payment of taxes and of mortgages."
+The fourth declares that "the State, having decayed, can no longer
+intervene in the payment of private debts." The fifth states that "all
+existing municipal organizations are broken up and replaced in all the
+federated communes by Committees of Safety of France, which will
+exercise all powers under the immediate control of the people." The
+revolution was at last launched, and the placard ends, "_Aux
+Armes!!!_"[6]
+
+While the Bakouninists were decreeing the revolution by posters and
+vainly calling the people to arms, an event occurred in Lyons which
+brought to them a very useful contingent of fighters. The Lyons
+municipality had just reduced the pay of the workers in the national
+dock yards from three to two and a half francs a day, and, on this
+account, these laborers joined the ranks of the insurgents. On the
+evening of September 27 a meeting of the Central Committee of Safety of
+France took place, and there a definite plan of action for the next day
+was decided upon. Velay, a tulle maker and municipal councillor,
+Bakounin, and others advised an armed manifestation, but the majority
+expressed itself in favor of a peaceful one. An executive committee
+composed of eight members signed the following proclamation, drawn up by
+Gaspard Blanc, which was printed during the night and posted early the
+next morning: "The people of Lyons ... are summoned, through the organ
+of their assembled popular committees, to a popular manifestation to be
+held to-day, September 28, at noon, on the _Place des Terreaux_, in
+order to force the authority to take immediately the most energetic and
+efficacious measures for the national defense."[7]
+
+Turning again to Guillaume, we find "At noon many thousands of men
+pressed together on the _Place des Terreaux_. A delegation of sixteen of
+the national dock-yard workmen entered the Hotel de Ville to demand of
+the Municipal Council the reestablishment of their wage to three francs
+a day, but the Council was not in session. Very soon a movement began in
+the crowd, and a hundred resolute men, Saignes at their head, forcing
+the door of the Hotel de Ville, penetrated the municipal building. Some
+members of the Central Committee of Safety of France, Bakounin,
+Parraton, Bastelica, and others, went in with them. From the balcony,
+Saignes announced that the Municipal Council was to be compelled to
+accept the program of the red proclamation of September 26 or to resign,
+and he proposed to name Cluseret general of the revolutionary army.
+Cluseret, cheered by the crowd, appeared in the balcony, thanked them,
+and announced that he was going to Croix-Rousse" (the working-class
+district).[8] He went there, it is true, but not to call to arms the
+national guards of that quarter. Indeed, his aim appears to have been to
+avoid a conflict, and he simply asked the workers "to come down _en
+masse_ and without arms."[9] In the meantime the national guards of the
+wealthier quarters of the city hastened to the Hotel de Ville and
+penetrated the interior court, while the Committee of Safety of France
+installed itself inside the building. There they passed two or three
+hours in drawing up resolutions, while Bakounin and others in vain
+protested: "We must act. We are losing time. We are going to be invaded
+by the national bourgeois guard. It is necessary to arrest immediately
+the prefect, the mayor, and General Mazure."[10] But their words went
+unheeded. And all the while the bourgeois guards were massing themselves
+before the Hotel de Ville, and Cluseret and his unarmed manifestants
+were yielding place to them. In fact, Cluseret even persuaded the
+members of the Committee of Safety to retire and those of the Municipal
+Council to return to their seats, which they consented to do.
+
+Bakounin made a last desperate effort to save the situation and to
+induce the insurgents to oppose force to force, but they would not. Even
+Albert Richard failed him. The Revolutionary committee, after parleying
+with the Municipal Councillors, then evacuated the Hotel de Ville and
+contented itself with issuing a statement to the effect that "The
+delegates of the people have not believed it their duty to impose
+themselves on the Municipal Council by violence and have retired when it
+went into session, leaving it to the people to fully appreciate the
+situation."[11] "At the moment," says Guillaume, "when ... Mayor Henon,
+with an escort of national bourgeois guards, reentered the Hotel de
+Ville, he met Bakounin in the hall of the _Pas-Perdus_. The mayor
+immediately ordered his companions to take him in custody and to confine
+him at once in an underground hiding-place."[12] The Municipal
+Councillors then opened their session and pledged that no pursuit should
+be instituted in view of the happenings of the day. They voted to
+reestablish the former wage of the national dock-yard workers, but
+declared themselves unable to undertake the revolutionary measures
+proposed by the Committee of Safety of France, as these were outside
+their legal province.
+
+In the meantime Bakounin was undergoing an experience far from pleasant,
+if we are to judge from the account which he gives in a letter written
+the following day: "Some used me brutally in all sorts of ways, jostling
+me about, pushing me, pinching me, twisting my arms and hands. I must,
+however, admit that others cried: 'Do not harm him.' In truth the
+bourgeoisie showed itself what it is everywhere: brutal and cowardly.
+For you know that I was delivered by some sharpshooters who put to
+flight three or four times their number of these heroic shopkeepers
+armed with their rifles. I was delivered, but of all the objects which
+had been stolen from me by these gentlemen I was able to find only my
+revolver. My memorandum book and my purse, which contained 165 francs
+and some sous, without doubt stayed in the hands of these gentlemen....
+I beg you to reclaim them in my name. You will send them to me when you
+have recovered them."[13]
+
+As a matter of fact, it was at the instance of his follower, Ozerof,
+that Bakounin was finally delivered. When he came forth from the Hotel
+de Ville, the Committee of Safety of France and its thousands of
+sympathizers had disappeared, and he found himself practically alone. He
+spent the night at the house of a friend, and departed for Marseilles
+the next day, after writing the following letter to Palix: "My dear
+friend, I do not wish to leave Lyons without having said a last word of
+farewell to you. Prudence keeps me from coming to shake hands with you
+for the last time. I have nothing more to do here. I came to Lyons to
+fight or to die with you. I came because I am profoundly convinced that
+the cause of France has become again, at this supreme hour, ... the
+cause of humanity. I have taken part in yesterday's movement, and I have
+signed my name to the resolutions of the Committee of Safety of France,
+because it is evident to me that, after the real and certain destruction
+of all the administrative and governmental machinery, there is nothing
+but the immediate and revolutionary action of the people which can save
+France.... The movement of yesterday, if it had been successful ...
+could have saved Lyons and France.... I leave Lyons, dear friend, with a
+heart full of sadness and somber forebodings. I begin to think now that
+it is finished with France.... She will become a viceroyalty of Germany.
+_In place of her living and real socialism,[G] we shall have the
+doctrinaire socialism of the Germans_, who will say no more than the
+Prussian bayonets will permit them to say. The bureaucratic and military
+intelligence of Prussia, combined with the knout of the Czar of St.
+Petersburg, are going to assure peace and public order for at least
+fifty years on the whole continent of Europe. Farewell, liberty!
+Farewell, socialism! Farewell, justice for the people and the triumph of
+humanity! All that could have grown out of the present disaster of
+France. All that would have grown out of it if the people of France, if
+the people of Lyons, had wished it."[14]
+
+The insurrection at Lyons and Bakounin's decree abolishing the State
+amounted to very little in the history of the French Republic. Writing
+afterward to Professor Edward Spencer Beesly, Karl Marx comments on the
+events that had taken place in Lyons: "At the beginning everything went
+well," he writes. "Under the pressure of the section of the
+International, the Republic had been proclaimed at Lyons before it had
+been at Paris. A revolutionary government was immediately established,
+namely the _Commune_, composed in part of workmen belonging to the
+International, in part of bourgeois radical republicans.... But those
+blunderers, Bakounin and Cluseret, arrived at Lyons and spoiled
+everything. Both being members of the International, they had
+unfortunately enough influence to lead our friends astray. The Hotel de
+Ville was taken, for a moment only, and very ridiculous decrees on the
+_abolition of the State_ and other nonsense were issued. You understand
+that the fact alone of a Russian--whom the newspapers of the bourgeoisie
+represented as an agent of Bismarck--pretending to thrust himself at the
+head of a _Committee of Safety of France_ was quite sufficient to change
+completely public opinion. As to Cluseret, he behaved at once like an
+idiot and a coward. These two men left Lyons after their failure."[15]
+Bakounin's so-called abolition of the State appealed to the humor of
+Marx. He speaks of it in another place in these words: "Then arrived the
+critical moment, the moment longed for since many years, when Bakounin
+was able to accomplish the most revolutionary act the world has ever
+seen: he decreed the _abolition of the State_. But the State, in the
+form and aspect of two companies of national bourgeois guards, entered
+by a door which they had forgotten to guard, swept the hall, and caused
+Bakounin to hasten back along the road to Geneva."[16]
+
+Such indeed was the humiliating and vexatious ending of Bakounin's dream
+of an immediate social revolution. His sole reward was to be jostled,
+pinched, and robbed. This was perhaps most tragic of all, especially
+when added to this injury there was the further indignity of allowing
+the father of terrorism to keep his revolver. The incident is one that
+George Meredith should have immortalized in another of his "Tragic
+Comedians." However, although the insurrection at Lyons was a complete
+failure, the Commune of Paris was really a spontaneous and memorable
+working-class uprising. The details of that insurrection, the
+legislation of the Commune itself, and its violent suppression on May
+28, 1871, are not strictly germane to this chapter, because, in fact,
+the Bakouninists played no part in it. In the case of Lyons, the
+revolution maker was at work; in the case of Paris, "The working class,"
+says Marx, "did not expect miracles from the Commune. They have no
+ready-made utopias to introduce _par decret du peuple_. They know that
+in order to work out their own emancipation, and along with it that
+higher form to which present society is irresistibly tending, by its own
+economic agencies, they will have to pass through long struggles,
+through a series of historic processes, transforming circumstances and
+men."[H] But, while Marx wrote in this manner of the Paris Commune, he
+evidently had in mind men of the type of Bakounin when he declared: "In
+every revolution there intrude, at the side of its true agents, men of a
+different stamp; some of them survivors of and devotees to past
+revolutions, ... others mere bawlers, who by dint of repeating year
+after year the same set of stereotyped declamations against the
+Government of the day have sneaked into the reputation of revolutionists
+of the first water. After the 18th of March some such men turned up, and
+in some cases contrived to play preeminent parts. As far as their power
+went, they hampered the real action of the working class, exactly as men
+of that sort have hampered the full development of every previous
+revolution. They are an unavoidable evil; with time they are shaken off;
+but time was not allowed to the Commune."[17]
+
+The despair of Bakounin over the miserable ending of his great plans for
+the salvation of France had, of course, disappeared long before the
+revolution broke out in Spain, and he easily persuaded himself that his
+presence there was absolutely necessary to insure its success. "I have
+always felt and thought," he wrote in the _Memoire justificatif_, "that
+the most desirable end for me would be to fall in the midst of a great
+revolutionary storm."[18] Consequently, in the summer of the year 1873,
+when the uprising gave promise of victory to the insurgents, Bakounin
+decided that he must go and, to do so, that he must have money. Bakounin
+then wrote to his wealthy young disciple, Cafiero, in a symbolic
+language which they had worked out between them, declaring his intention
+of going to Spain and asking him to furnish the necessary money for his
+expenses. As usual, Bakounin became melodramatic in his effort to work
+upon the impressionable Cafiero, and, as he put it afterward in the
+_Memoire justificatif_, "I added a prayer that he would become the
+protector of my wife and my children, in case I should fall in
+Spain."[19] Cafiero, who at this time worshiped Bakounin, pleaded with
+him not to risk his precious life in Spain. He promised to do everything
+possible for his family in case he persisted in going, but he sent no
+money, whether because he did not have it or because he did not wish
+Bakounin to go is not clear. Bakounin now wrote to Guillaume that he was
+greatly disappointed not to be able to take part in the Spanish
+revolution, but that it was impossible for him to do so without money.
+Guillaume admits that he was not convinced of the absolute necessity of
+Bakounin's presence in Spain, but, nevertheless, since he desired to go
+there, Guillaume offered to secure for him fifteen hundred francs to
+make the journey. On the receipt of this news, Bakounin answered
+Guillaume that the sum would be wholly insufficient.
+
+If, however, the Spanish revolution was forced to proceed without
+Bakounin, his influence in that country was not wanting. In the year
+1873 the Spanish sections of the International were among the largest
+and most numerous in Europe. At the time of the congress of Cordova,
+which assembled at the close of the year 1872, three hundred and
+thirty-one sections with over twenty-five thousand members expressed
+themselves in favor of "anarchist and collectivist" principles. The
+trade unions were very active, and they formed the basis of the Spanish
+movement. They had numerous organs of propaganda, and the general
+unrest, both political and economic, led for a time to an extraordinary
+development in revolutionary ideas.
+
+On February 11, 1873, the king abdicated and a republic was proclaimed.
+Insurrections broke out in all parts of Spain. At Barcelona, Cartagena,
+Murcia, Cadiz, Seville, Granada, and Valencia there existed a state of
+civil war, while throughout the industrial districts strikes were both
+frequent and violent. Demands were made on all sides for shorter hours
+and increase of wages. At Alcoy ten thousand workingmen declared a
+general strike, and, when the municipal authorities opposed them, they
+took the town by storm. In some cases the strikers lent their support to
+the republicans; in other cases they followed the ideas of Bakounin, and
+openly declared they had no concern for the republic. The changes in the
+government were numerous. Indeed, for three years Spain, politically and
+industrially, was in a state of chaos. At times the revolt of the
+workers was suppressed with the utmost brutality. Their leaders were
+arrested, their papers suppressed, and their meetings dispersed with
+bloodshed. At other times they were allowed to riot for weeks if the
+turbulence promised to aid the intrigues of the politicians.
+
+A lively discussion took place as to the wisdom of the tactics employed
+by the anarchists in Spain. Frederick Engels severely criticised the
+position of the Bakouninists in two articles which he published in the
+_Volksstaat_. He reviewed the events that had taken place during the
+summer of 1873, and he condemned the folly of the anarchists, who had
+refused to cooeperate with the other revolutionary forces in Spain. In
+his opinion, the workers were simply wasting their energy and lives in
+pursuit of a distant and unattainable end. "Spain is a country so
+backward industrially," he wrote, "that it cannot be a question there of
+the immediate complete emancipation of the workers. Before arriving at
+that stage, Spain will still have to pass through diverse phases of
+development and struggle against a whole series of obstacles. The
+republic furnished the means of passing through these phases most
+rapidly and of removing these obstacles most quickly. But, to accomplish
+that, the Spanish proletariat would have had to launch boldly into
+active _politics_. The mass of the working people realized this, and
+everywhere demanded that they should take part in what was happening,
+that they should profit by the opportunities to act, instead of leaving,
+as formerly, the field free to the action and intrigues of the
+possessing classes. The government ordered elections for the Cortes
+members. What position should the International take? The leaders of the
+Bakouninists were in the greatest dilemma. A continued political
+inactivity appeared more ridiculous and more impossible from day to day.
+The workers wanted to 'see deeds.' On the other hand, the _alliancistes_
+(Bakouninists) had preached for years that one ought not to take part in
+any revolution that had not for its end the immediate and entire
+emancipation of the workers, that participation in any political action
+constituted an acceptance of the principle of the State, that source of
+all evil, and that especially taking part in any election was a mortal
+sin."[20]
+
+The anarchists were of course very bitter over this attack on their
+policies, and they concluded that the socialists had become
+reactionaries who no longer sought the emancipation of the working
+class. They were more than incensed at the reference Engels had made to
+an act of the insurgents of Cartagena, who, in order to gain allies in
+their struggle, had armed the convicts of a prison, "eighteen hundred
+villains, the most dangerous robbers and murderers of Spain."[21]
+According to Engels' information, this infamous act had been undertaken
+upon the advice of Bakounin, but, whether or not that is true, it was a
+fatal mistake that brought utter disaster to the insurgents.
+
+Certainly of this fact there can be no question--the divisions among the
+revolutionary forces in Spain, which Engels deplored, resulted, after
+many months of fighting, in returning to power the most reactionary
+elements in Spain. And this was foreseen, as even before the end of the
+summer Bakounin had despaired of success. In his opinion, the Spanish
+revolution miscarried miserably, "for want," as he afterward wrote, "of
+energy and revolutionary spirit in the leaders as well as in the masses.
+And all the rest of the world was plunged," he lamented, "into the most
+dismal reaction."[22]
+
+France and Spain, having now failed to launch the universal revolution,
+Bakounin's hopes turned to Italy, where a series of artificial uprisings
+among the almost famished peasants was being stirred up by his
+followers. Their greatest activity was during the first two weeks in
+August of the next year, 1874, and the three main centers were Bologna,
+Romagna, and Apulia. In spite of the fact that the followers of Mazzini
+were opposed to the International, an attempt was made in the summer of
+1874 by some Italian socialists (Celso Cerretti among others), to effect
+a union in order that by common action they might work more
+advantageously against the monarchy. Garibaldi, to whom these socialists
+appealed, at first disapproved of any reconciliation with Bakounin and
+his friends, but later allowed himself to be persuaded. A meeting of the
+Mazzinian leaders to discuss the matter convened August 2 at the village
+of Ruffi. The older members were opposed to all common action, while the
+younger elements desired it. However, before an agreement was reached,
+twenty-eight Mazzinians were arrested, among them Saffi, Fortis, and
+Valzania. Three days later, the police succeeded in arresting Andrea
+Costa, for whom they had been searching for more than a year on account
+of his participation in the International congress at Geneva. Although
+these events were something of a setback, the revolutionists decided
+that they had gone too far to retreat. It was then that Bakounin wrote:
+"And now, my friends, there remains nothing more for me but to die.
+Farewell!"[23] On the way to Italy he wrote to his friend, Guillaume,
+saying good-by to him and announcing, without explanation, that he was
+journeying to Italy to take part in a struggle from which he would not
+return alive. On his arrival in that country, however, he carefully
+concealed himself in a small house where only the revolutionary
+"intimates" could see him.
+
+The nights of August 7 and 8 had been chosen for the insurrection which
+was to burst forth in Bologna and thence to extend, first to Romagna,
+and afterward to the Marches and Tuscany. A group of Bologna insurgents,
+reinforced by about three thousand others from Romagna, were to enter
+Bologna by the San Felice gate. Another group would enter the arsenal,
+the doors of which would be opened by two non-commissioned officers, and
+take possession of the arms and ammunition, carrying them to the Church
+of Santa Annunziata, where all the guns should be stored. At certain
+places in the city material was already gathered with which to improvise
+barricades. One hundred republicans had promised to take part in the
+movement, not as a group, but individually. On the 7th copies of the
+proclamation of the Italian Committee for the Social Revolution were
+distributed throughout the city, calling the masses to arms and urging
+the soldiers to make common cause with the people. During the nights of
+the 7th and 8th, groups from Bologna assembled at the appointed places
+of meeting outside the walls, but the Romagna comrades did not come, or
+at least came in very small numbers. Those from Imola were surrounded in
+their march, some being arrested and others being forced to retreat. At
+dawn the insurgents who had gathered under the walls of Bologna
+dispersed, some taking refuge in the mountains. Bakounin had been alone
+during the night, and became convinced that the insurrection had failed.
+He was trying to make up his mind to commit suicide, when his friend,
+Silvio, arrived and told him that all was not lost and that perhaps
+other attempts might yet be made. The following day Bakounin was removed
+to another retreat of greater safety, as numerous arrests had been made
+at Bologna, Imola, Romagna, the Marches, as well as in Florence, Rome,
+and other parts of Italy.
+
+About the same time a conspiracy similar to that undertaken at Bologna
+was launched by Enrico Malatesta and some friends in Apulia. A heavy
+chest of guns had been dispatched from Tarentum to a station in the
+province of Bari, from which it was carried on a cart to the old
+chateau of _Castel del Monte_, which had been chosen as the rendezvous.
+"Many hundreds of conspirators," Malatesta recounts, "had promised to
+meet at _Castel del Monte_. I arrived, but of all those who had sworn to
+be there we found ourselves six. No matter. We opened the box of arms
+and found it was filled with old percussion guns, but that made no
+difference. We armed ourselves and declared war on the Italian army. We
+roamed the country for some days, trying to gain over the peasants, but
+meeting with no response. The second day we met eight _carabinieri_, who
+opened fire on us and imagined that we were very numerous. Three days
+later we discovered that we were surrounded by soldiers. There remained
+only one thing to do. We buried the guns and decided to disperse. I hid
+myself in a load of hay, and thus succeeded in escaping from the
+dangerous region."[24] An attempt at insurrection also took place in
+Romagna, but it appears to have been limited to cutting the telegraph
+wires between Bologna and Imola.
+
+Back of all the Italian riots lay a serious economic condition. The
+peasants were in very deep distress, and it was not difficult for the
+Bakouninists to stir them to revolt. The _Bulletin_ of the Jura
+Federation of August 16 informs us: "During the last two years there
+have been about sixty riots produced by hunger; but the rioters, in
+their ignorance, only bore a grudge against the immediate monopolists,
+and did not know how to discern the fundamental causes of their
+misery."[25] This is all too plainly shown in the events of 1874. Beyond
+giving the Bakouninists a chance to play at revolution, there is little
+significance in the Italian uprisings of that year.
+
+The failure of the various insurrections in France, Spain, and Italy
+was, naturally enough, discouraging to Bakounin and his followers. The
+Commune of Paris was the one uprising that had made any serious
+impression upon the people, and it was the one wherein the Bakouninists
+had played no important part. The others had failed miserably, with no
+other result than that of increasing the power of reaction, while
+discouraging and disorganizing the workers. Even Bakounin had now
+reached the point where he was thoroughly disillusioned, and he wrote to
+his friends that he was exhausted, disheartened, and without hope. He
+desired, he said, to withdraw from the movement which made him the
+object of the persecutions of the police and the calumnies of the
+jealous. The whole world was in the evening of a black reaction, he
+thought, and he wrote to the truest and most devoted of all that loyal
+circle of Swiss workmen, James Guillaume, that the time for
+revolutionary struggles was past and that Europe had entered into a
+period of profound reaction, of which the present generation would
+probably not see the end. "He urged me," relates Guillaume, "to imitate
+himself and 'to make my peace with the bourgeoisie.'"[26] "It is
+useless," are Bakounin's words, "to wish obstinately to obtain the
+impossible. It is necessary to recognize reality and to realize that,
+for the moment, the popular masses do not wish socialism. And, if some
+tipplers of the mountains desire on this account to accuse you of
+treason, you will have for yourself the witness of your conscience and
+the esteem of your friends."[27]
+
+In July, 1873, Bakounin retired to an estate that had been bought for
+him through the generosity of Cafiero, on the route from Locarno to
+Bellinzona, and for the next few months lavish expenditures were made in
+the construction and reconstruction of an establishment where the
+"intimates" could be entertained. That fall Bakounin wrote to the Jura
+Federation, announcing his retreat from public life and requesting it to
+accept his resignation. "For acting in this way," he wrote, "I have many
+reasons. Do not believe that it is principally on account of the
+personal attacks of which I have been made the object these last years.
+I do not say that I am absolutely insensible to such. However, I would
+feel myself strong enough to resist them if I thought that my further
+participation in your work and in your struggles could aid in the
+triumph of the cause of the proletariat. But I do not think so.
+
+"By my birth and my personal position, and doubtless by my sympathies
+and my tendencies, I am only a bourgeois, and, as such, I could not do
+anything else among you but propaganda. Well, I have a conviction that
+the time for great theoretical discourses, whether printed or spoken, is
+past. In the last nine years there have been developed within the
+International more ideas than would be necessary to save the world, if
+ideas alone could save it, and I defy anybody to invent a new one."[28]
+
+This letter in reality marks the end of Bakounin's activity in the
+revolutionary movement. After squandering most of Cafiero's fortune,
+Bakounin sought a martyr's death in Italy, but in this, as in all his
+other exploits, he was unsuccessful. And from that time on to his death
+his life is a humiliating story as he sought here and there the
+necessary money for his livelihood. Nearly always he had been forced to
+live from hand to mouth. Money, money, money was the burden of hundreds
+of his letters. In order to obtain funds he had resorted to almost every
+possible plan. He had accepted money in advance from publishers for
+books which he had never had time to write. From time to time he would
+find an almoner to care for him, only in the end to lose him through
+his importunate and exacting demands. An account is given by Guillaume
+of what I believe is the last meeting between Bakounin and certain of
+his old friends in September, 1874. Ross, Cafiero, Spichiger, and
+Guillaume met Bakounin in a hotel at Neuchatel. Guillaume, it appears,
+was cold and unfeeling; Cafiero and Ross said nothing, while Spichiger
+wept silently in a corner. "The explicit declaration made by me ..."
+says Guillaume, "took away from Bakounin at the very beginning all hope
+of a change in our estimation of him. It was also a question of money in
+this last interview. We offered to assure to our old friend a monthly
+pension of 300 francs, expressing the hope that he would continue to
+write, but he refused to accept anything. As a set-off, he asked Cafiero
+to loan him 3,000 francs (no longer 5,000), ... and Cafiero replied that
+he would do it. Then we separated sadly."[29]
+
+On the first of July, 1876, Bakounin, after a brief illness, died at
+Bern at the house of his old friend, Dr. Vogt. The press of Europe
+printed various comments upon his life and work. The anarchists wrote
+their eulogies, while the socialists generally deplored the ruinous and
+disrupting tactics that Bakounin had employed in the International
+Working Men's Association. This story will be told later, but it is well
+to mention here that since 1869 an unbridgeable chasm had opened itself
+between the anarchists and the socialists. When they first came together
+in the International there was no clear distinction between them, but,
+after Bakounin was expelled from that organization in 1872, at The
+Hague, his followers frankly called themselves anarchists, while the
+followers of Marx called themselves socialists. In principles and
+tactics they were poles apart, and the bitterness between them was at
+fever heat. The anarchists took the principles of Bakounin and still
+further elaborated them, while his methods were developed from
+conspiratory insurrections to individual acts of violence. While the
+idea of the Propaganda of the Deed is to be found in the writings of
+Bakounin and Nechayeff, it was left to others to put into practice that
+doctrine. For the next thirty years the principles and ideals of
+anarchism made no appreciable headway, but the deeds of the anarchists
+became the talk and, to a degree, the terror of the world.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[G] Previous to 1848, socialism was used by Robert Owen and his
+followers, as well as by many French idealists, to mean phalansteries,
+colonies, or other voluntary communal undertakings. Marx and Engels at
+first called themselves "communists," and were thus distinguished from
+these earlier socialists. During the period of the International all its
+members began more and more to call themselves "socialists." The word,
+anarchism, was rarely used. As a matter of fact, it was the struggle in
+the International which eventually clarified the views of both
+anarchists and socialists and made clear the distinctions now recognized
+between communism, anarchism, and socialism. See Chapter VIII, _infra_.
+
+[H] This is from "The Commune of Paris," which was read by Marx to the
+General Council of the International on May 30, two days after the last
+of the combatants of the Commune were crushed by superior numbers on the
+heights of Belleville.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE PROPAGANDA OF THE DEED
+
+
+The insurrections in France and Spain were on the whole spontaneous
+uprisings, but those disturbances in Italy in which the anarchists
+played a part were largely the result of agitation. Of course, adverse
+political and economic conditions were the chief causes of that general
+spirit of unrest which was prevalent in the early seventies in all the
+Latin countries, but after 1874 the numerous riots in which the
+anarchists were active were almost entirely the work of enthusiasts who
+believed they could make revolutions. The results of the previous
+uprisings had a terribly depressing effect upon nearly all the older
+men, but there were four youths attached to Bakounin's insurrectionary
+ideas whose spirits were not bowed down by what had occurred. Carlo
+Cafiero, Enrico Malatesta, Paul Brousse, and Prince Kropotkin were at
+the period of life when action was a joyous thing, and they undertook to
+make history. Cafiero we know as a young Italian of very wealthy
+parents. Malatesta "had left the medical profession and also his fortune
+for the sake of the revolution."[1] Paul Brousse was of French
+parentage, and had already distinguished himself in medicine, but he
+cast it aside in his early devotion to anarchism. He had rushed to Spain
+when the revolution broke out there, and he was always ready to go
+where-ever an opportunity offered itself for revolutionary activity. The
+Russian prince, Kropotkin, the fourth member of the group, was a
+descendant of the Ruriks, and it was said sometimes, in jest, that he
+had more right to the Russian throne than Czar Alexander II. The
+fascinating story of his life is told in the "Memoirs of a
+Revolutionist," but modesty forbade him to say that no one since
+Bakounin has exercised so great an influence as himself over the
+principles and tactics of anarchism. Kropotkin first visited Switzerland
+in 1872, when he came in close contact with the men of the Jura
+Federation. A week's stay with the Bakouninists converted him, he says,
+to anarchism.[2] He then returned to St. Petersburg, and shortly after
+entered the famous circle of Tchaykovsky, and, as a result of his
+revolutionary activity, he was arrested and imprisoned in the Fortress
+of St. Peter and St. Paul. After his thrilling escape from prison, in
+1876, Kropotkin returned to Switzerland, and for several years gave
+himself up entirely to the cause of anarchism. These four young men, all
+far removed by training and position from the working class, after the
+death of Bakounin, devised the Propaganda of the Deed, a method of
+agitation that was destined to become famous throughout the world.
+
+Hitherto the Bakouninists had all been firmly convinced that the masses
+were ready to rise at a moment's notice in order to tear down the
+existing governments. They were obsessed with the idea that only a spark
+was needed to set the whole world into a general conflagration. But
+repeated failures taught them that the masses were inclined to make very
+little sacrifice for the sake of communism and that stupendous efforts
+were needed to create a revolution. It appeared to them, therefore, that
+the propaganda of words and of theories was of little avail.
+Consequently, these four youths, with their friends, set out to spread
+knowledge by acts of violence. Of course, they had not entirely given
+up the hope that a minority could, by a series of well-planned assaults,
+gradually sweep in after them the masses. But even should they fail in
+that, they felt that they must strike at the enemy, though they stood
+alone. Whatever happened, they argued, the acts themselves would prove
+of great propaganda value. Even the trials would enable them to use the
+courts as a tribune, and the bourgeois press itself would print their
+words and spread throughout the world their doctrines.
+
+In the _Bulletin_ of the Jura Federation, December 3, 1876, Cafiero and
+Malatesta wrote: "The great majority of Italian socialists are grouped
+about the program of the Italian Federation--a program which is
+anarchist, collectivist, and revolutionary. And the small number who, up
+to the present, have remained on the outside--the dupes of intrigues and
+lies--are all beginning to enter our organization. We do not refer to a
+small group who, influenced by personal considerations and reactionary
+ends, are trying to establish a propaganda which they call 'gradual and
+peaceful.' These have already been judged in the opinion of the Italian
+socialists and represent nothing but themselves.
+
+"The Italian Federation believes that the _insurrectionary deed_,
+destined to affirm socialist principles by acts, is the most efficacious
+means of propaganda."[3] The next year Paul Brousse originated the
+famous phrase, the Propaganda of the Deed. He reviews in the _Bulletin_
+the various methods of propaganda which had previously been employed.
+"Propaganda from individual to individual, propaganda by mass meeting or
+conference, propaganda by newspaper, pamphlet, or book--these means," he
+declares, "are adapted only to theoretical propaganda. Besides, they
+become more and more difficult to employ in any efficacious fashion in
+the presence of those means possessed by the bourgeoisie, with its
+orators, trained at the bar and knowing how to wheedle the popular
+assemblies, and with its venal press which calumniates and disguises
+everything."[4] In the opinion of Brousse, the workers, "laboring most
+of the time eleven and twelve hours a day ... return home so exhausted
+by fatigue that they have little desire to read socialist books and
+newspapers."[5] Rejecting thus all other methods of propaganda, Brousse
+concludes that "the Propaganda of the Deed is a powerful means of
+awakening the popular conscience."[6]
+
+Kropotkin was even more enthusiastic over this new method of education.
+"A single deed," he declared, "makes more propaganda in a few days than
+a thousand pamphlets. The government defends itself, it rages
+pitilessly; but by this it only causes further deeds to be committed by
+one or more persons, and drives the insurgents to heroism. One deed
+brings forth another; opponents join the mutiny; the government splits
+into factions; harshness intensifies the conflict; concessions come too
+late; the revolution breaks out."[7] Here at last is the famous
+Propaganda of the Deed, destined to such tragic ends. It owes its
+inspiration, of course, to the teachings of Bakounin, and we find among
+these youths the same contempt for words and theories that Bakounin
+himself had, and they proposed, in the words of Bakounin, "to destroy
+something--a person, a cause, a condition that hinders the emancipation
+of the people."[8] Consequently, they undertook immediately to carry
+into effect these new theories of propaganda, and during the year 1877
+they organized two important demonstrations, the avowed purpose of which
+was to show anarchism in action.
+
+The first event, which occurred at Bern, March 18, under the leadership
+of Paul Brousse, was a manifestation to celebrate the anniversary of the
+proclamation of the Commune. All the members of the Jura Federation were
+invited to take part, and the red flag was to be unfurled. Among the
+most conspicuous in this demonstration were Brousse, Werner, Chopard,
+Schwitzguebel, Kropotkin, Pindy, Jeallot, Ferre, Spichiger, Guillaume,
+and George Plechanoff, recently arrived from St. Petersburg. The
+participants became mixed up in a violent affray in the streets, blows
+were exchanged between them and the police, but in the effort to tear
+away the red flags many of the gendarmes were wounded. The climax came
+on August 16 of the same year, when twenty-five of the _manifestants_
+appeared before the correctional tribunal of Bern, accused "(1) of
+participation in a brawl with deadly instruments, (2) of resisting, by
+means of force, the employees of the police." Most of the prisoners were
+condemned to imprisonment, the terms varying from ten days to two
+months. James Guillaume was condemned to forty days, Brousse to a month.
+The latter and five other convicted foreigners were also banished for
+three years from the canton of Bern.[9]
+
+The second of these demonstrations took place in April in the form of an
+insurrectionary movement of the Internationalists of Italy. They chose
+the massive group of mountains which border on the Province of Benevent
+for the scene of their operations, and made Naples their headquarters.
+During the whole of the preceding winter they were occupied in making
+their preparations, and endeavoring to gain the support of the peasants
+of the near-by villages. They instructed all those who joined their
+cause from Emilia, Romagna, and Tuscany to be ready for action the
+beginning of April, as soon as the snow disappeared from the summits of
+the Apennines. According to information furnished by Malatesta to
+Guillaume, on April 6 and 7 they journeyed from San Lupo (Province of
+Benevent) into the region at the south of the Malta Mountains (Province
+of Caserte). On the 8th they attacked the communes of Letino and Gallo,
+burned the archives of the first named, pillaged the treasury of the
+preceptor, and burned the parish house of the second. On the 9th and
+10th they tried to penetrate the other communes, but in vain, for they
+found them all occupied by troops sent directly by the government to
+oppose them. Their provisions were exhausted, and they would have bought
+a fresh supply in the village of Venafro, only the soldiers gave the
+alarm and pursued the band as far as a wood, in which they hid
+themselves. All of the 11th was spent in a long march through rain and
+snow. The jaded band was finally surprised and captured in a sheepfold,
+where they had sought shelter for that night. Two of the revolutionists
+escaped, but were recaptured a short time afterward. They were confined
+in the prison of Santa-Maria Capua Visere, to the number of
+thirty-seven, among them being Cafiero, Malatesta, Ceccarelli, Lazzari,
+Fortini (cure of Letino), Tomburri Vincenzo (cure of Gallo), Starnari,
+and others. On December 30 the Chamber of Arraignment of Naples rendered
+its decision. The two priests and a man who had served as guide to the
+insurgents were exempted from punishment, but the thirty-four others
+were sent before the court of assizes on the charge of conspiracy
+against the security of the State. As these were political crimes, which
+were covered by a recent amnesty, there remained only the murder of a
+carabineer, of which the court of assizes of Benevent finally acquitted
+Cafiero, Malatesta, and their friends in August, 1878.[10]
+
+By the above series of events the Propaganda of the Deed was launched,
+and from this day on it became a recognized method of propaganda.
+Neither money, nor organization, nor literature was any longer
+absolutely necessary. One human being in revolt with torch or dynamite
+was able to instruct the world. Bakounin and Nechayeff had written their
+principles, and had, in fact, in some measure, endeavored to carry them
+into effect. But the Propaganda of the Deed was no more evolved as a
+principle of action than these four daring youths put it into practice.
+In the next few years it became the chief expression of anarchism, and
+little by little it made the very name of anarchism synonymous with
+violence and crime. Surely these four zealous youths could hardly have
+devised a method of propaganda that could have served more completely to
+defeat their purpose.
+
+The year 1878 witnessed a series of violent acts which brought in their
+train serious consequences. In that year an attempt was made upon the
+life of King Humbert of Italy; and, while driving in Berlin with his
+daughter, the Grand Duchess of Baden, Emperor William was shot at by a
+half-witted youth named Hoedel. Three weeks later Dr. Karl Nobiling fired
+at the Emperor from an upper window overlooking the _Unter den Linden_.
+These assaults were made to serve as the pretext for a series of
+brutally repressive measures against the German socialists, although the
+authorities were unable to connect either Hoedel or Nobiling with the
+anarchists or with the socialists. An excellent opportunity, however,
+had arrived to deal a crushing blow to socialism, and "Bismarck used his
+powerful influence with the press," August Bebel says, "in order to lash
+the public into a fanatical hatred of the social-democratic party.
+Others who had an interest in the defeat of the party joined in,
+especially a majority of the employers. Henceforth our opponents spoke
+of us exclusively as the party of assassins, or the 'Ruin all' party--a
+party that wished to rob the masses of their faith in God, the monarchy,
+the family, marriage, and property."[11] The attempt to destroy the
+German socialist organization was only one of the many repressive
+measures that were taken by the governments of Europe in the midst of
+the panic. To the terrorism of the anarchists the governments responded
+by a terrorism of repression, and this in itself helped to establish
+murderous assaults as a method of propaganda.
+
+Up to this time Germany had been comparatively free from anarchist
+teachings. A number of the Lassalleans had advocated violent methods.
+Hasselmann had several years before launched the _Red Flag_, which
+advocated much that was not in harmony with socialism, and eventually
+the German socialist congress requested him to cease the publication of
+his paper. A few individuals without great influence had endeavored at
+various times to import Bakounin's philosophy and methods into Germany,
+but their propaganda bore no fruit whatever. It was only when the German
+Government began to imitate the terrorism of the Russian bureaucracy
+that a momentary passion for retaliation arose among the socialists. In
+fact, a few notable socialists went over to anarchism, frankly declaring
+their belief in terrorist tactics. And one of the most striking
+characters in the history of terrorism, Johann Most, was a product of
+Bismarck's man-hunting policies and legal tyranny. Nevertheless, those
+policies failed utterly to provoke the extensive retaliation which
+Bismarck expected, although it was a German who, after five attempts had
+been made on the life of Czar Alexander II. of Russia--the last being
+successful--proposed at an anarchist congress in Paris, in 1881, the
+forcible removal of all the potentates of the earth. This was rejected
+by the Paris conference as "at present not yet suitable,"[12] although
+the idea proved attractive to some anarchists who even believed that a
+few daring assaults could so terrify the royal families of Europe that
+they would be forced to abdicate their power.
+
+During the same period the anarchist movement was developing in
+Austria-Hungary. A number of anarchist newspapers were launched, and a
+ceaseless agitation was in progress under the guidance of Peukert,
+Stellmacher, and Kammerer. Most's _Freiheit_ was smuggled into the
+country in large quantities and was read greedily. At the trial of
+Merstallinger it was shown that the money for anarchist agitation was
+obtained by robbery. This discovery added to the bitterness of the fight
+going on between the socialists and the anarchists. The anarchists,
+however, overpowered their opponents, and everywhere secret printing
+presses were busily producing incendiary literature which advocated the
+murder of police officials and otherwise developed the tactics of
+terrorism. "At a secret conference at Lang Enzersdorf," says Zenker, "a
+new plan of action was discussed and adopted, namely, to proceed with
+all means in their power to take action against 'exploiters and agents
+of authority,' to keep people in a state of continual excitement by such
+acts of terrorism, and to bring about the revolution in every possible
+way. This program was immediately acted upon in the murder of several
+police agents. On December 15, 1883, at Floridsdorf, a police official
+named Hlubek was murdered, and the condemnation of Rouget, who was
+convicted of the crime, on June 23, 1884, was immediately answered the
+next day by the murder of the police agent Bloect. The Government now
+took energetic measures. By order of the Ministry, a state of siege was
+proclaimed in Vienna and district from January 30, 1884, by which the
+usual tribunals for certain crimes and offences were temporarily
+suspended, and the severest repressive measures were exercised against
+the anarchists, so that anarchism in Austria rapidly declined, and at
+the same time it soon lost its leaders. Stellmacher and Kammerer were
+executed, Peukert escaped to England, most of the other agitators were
+fast in prison, the journals were suppressed and the groups broken
+up."[13]
+
+While these events were taking place in Austria, anarchist agitation was
+manifesting itself in several great strikes that broke out in the
+industrial centers of Southern France. At Lyons, Fournier, who shot his
+employer in the open street, was honored in a public meeting by the
+presentation of a revolver. A great demonstration was planned for Paris,
+but, as there happened to be a review of troops on the day set, the
+anarchists decided to abandon the demonstration. In the autumn of the
+same year (1882), troubles arose in Monceau-les-Mines and at Blanzy,
+where the workers were bent under a terrible capitalist and clerical
+domination. Under the circumstances, the anarchist propaganda was very
+welcome, and it was only a short time until it produced an
+anti-religious demonstration. Three or four hundred men, armed with
+pitchforks and revolvers, spread over the country, breaking the crosses
+and the statues of the Virgin which were placed at the junctions of the
+roads. They called the working classes to arms and took as hostages
+landlords, cures, and functionaries. These riots were the childlike
+manifestations of exasperated and miserable men, destined in advance to
+failure. Numerous arrests followed, and in the mines the workers
+suffered increased oppression.
+
+In 1882 the great silk industry of Lyons was undergoing a serious
+crisis, and the misery among the weavers was intense. The anarchists
+were carrying on a big agitation led by Kropotkin, Gautier, Bordas,
+Bernard, and others. In the center of this city reduced almost to
+starvation there was, says Kropotkin, an "underground cafe at the
+Theatre Bellecour, which remained open all night, and where, in the
+small hours of the morning, one could see newspaper men and politicians
+feasting and drinking in company with gay women. Not a meeting was held
+but some menacing allusion was made to that cafe, and one night a
+dynamite cartridge was exploded in it by an unknown hand. A worker who
+was occasionally there, a socialist, jumped to blow out the lighted fuse
+of the cartridge, and was killed, while a few of the feasting
+politicians were slightly wounded. Next day a dynamite cartridge was
+exploded at the doors of a recruiting bureau, and it was said that the
+anarchists intended to blow up the huge statue of the Virgin which
+stands on one of the hills of Lyons."[14] A panic seized the wealthier
+classes of the city, and some sixty anarchists were arrested, including
+Kropotkin. A great trial, known as the _Proces des Anarchistes de
+Lyons_, ensued, which lasted many weeks. At the conclusion only three
+out of the entire number were acquitted. Although nearly all the
+anarchists were condemned, the police of Lyons were still searching for
+the author of the explosion. At last, Cyvoct, a militant anarchist of
+Lyons, was identified as the one who had thrown the bomb. Cyvoct had
+first gone to Switzerland, then to Brussels, in the suburbs of which
+city he was finally arrested. He was given over to the French police,
+appeared before the court of assizes of the Rhone, and was condemned to
+death. His sentence was afterward commuted to that of enforced labor,
+and in 1897 he was pardoned.
+
+On March 29, 1883, the carpenters' union of Paris called the unemployed
+to a meeting to be held on the _Esplanade des Invalides_. Two groups of
+anarchists formed. One started toward the _Elysee_ and was scattered on
+its way by the police. The second went toward the suburb of
+Saint-Antoine. On the march many bakeries were robbed by the
+manifestants. Arrived at _Place Maubert_, they clashed with a large
+force of police. As a result, many arrests were made. Accused of
+inciting to pillage, Louise Michel and Emile Pouget were condemned to
+several years' imprisonment. The same month, at Monceau-les-Mines and in
+Paris, great demonstrations of the "unemployed" took place in the
+streets, combined with robbery and dynamite outrages, while in July
+there were sanguinary encounters with the armed forces in Roubaix and
+elsewhere. Again and again the populace was incited to rise against the
+bourgeoisie, "who (it was said) were indulging in festivities while they
+had condemned Louise Michel, the champion of the proletariat, to a cruel
+imprisonment."[15]
+
+These are but a few instances of the activity of the anarchists at the
+end of the seventies and at the beginning of the eighties. They are
+perhaps sufficient to show that the Propaganda of the Deed was making
+headway in Western Europe. Certainly in Germany and Austria its course
+was soon run, but in France, Italy, Spain, and even in Belgium every
+strike was attended with violence. Insurrections, dynamite outrages,
+assassinations--all played their part. At the same time the governments
+carried on a ferocious persecution, and the chief anarchists were driven
+from place to place and hunted as wild animals. Police spies and _agents
+provocateurs_ swarmed over the labor, socialist, and anarchist
+movements, and at the slightest sign of an uprising the soldiers were
+brought out to shoot down the people. Hardly a month went by without
+some "anarchist trouble," and many harmless strikes resulted in dreadful
+massacres. It was a tragic period, that reminds one again of the picture
+in Dante in which the two bitter enemies inflict upon each other cruel
+wounds in a fight that on both sides was inspired by the deepest hatred.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+JOHANN MOST IN AMERICA
+
+
+While the above events were transpiring in the Latin countries, the
+Bakouninists were keeping a sharp eye on America as a land of hopeful
+possibilities. As early as 1874 Bakounin himself considered the matter
+of coming here, while Kropotkin and Guillaume followed with interest the
+labor disturbances that were at that time so numerous and so violent in
+this country. The panic of 1873 had caused widespread suffering among
+the working classes. For several years afterward hordes of unemployed
+tramped the country. The masses were driven to desperation and, in their
+hunger, to frequent outbreaks of violence. When later a measure of
+prosperity returned, both the trade-union and the socialist movements
+began to attract multitudes of the discontented. The news of two
+important events in the labor world of America reached the anarchists of
+the Jura and filled them, Guillaume says, "with a lively emotion." In
+June, 1877, Kropotkin called attention to the act of the Supreme Court
+of the United States in declaring unconstitutional the eight-hour law on
+Government work. He was especially pleased with an article in the _Labor
+Standard_ of New York, which declared: "This will teach the workers not
+to put their confidence in Congress and to trust only in their own
+efforts. No law of Congress could be of any use to the worker if he is
+not so organized that he can enforce it. And, if the workers are strong
+enough to do that, if they succeed in solidly forming the federation of
+their trade organizations, then they will be able, not only to force the
+legislators to make efficacious laws on the hours of work, on
+inspection, etc., but they will also be able to make the law themselves,
+deciding that henceforth no worker in the country shall work more than
+eight hours a day." "It is the good, practical sense of an American
+which says that,"[1] comments Kropotkin. This act of the Supreme Court
+and this statement of the _Labor Standard_ were very welcome news to the
+anarchists. They were convinced that the Americans had abandoned
+political action and were turning to what they had already begun to call
+"direct action."
+
+Another event, a month later, added to this conviction. In its issue of
+July 29 the _Bulletin_ published this article: "'Following a strike of
+the machinists of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, a popular insurrection
+has burst forth in the states of Maryland, West Virginia, Pennsylvania,
+and Ohio. If at Martinsburg (West Virginia) the workmen have been
+conquered by the militia, at Baltimore (Maryland), a city of 300,000
+inhabitants, they have been victorious. They have taken possession of
+the station and have burned it, together with all the wagons of
+petroleum which were there. At Pittsburgh (Pennsylvania), a city of
+100,000 inhabitants, the workers are at the present time masters of the
+city, after having seized guns and cannon.... The strike is extending to
+the near-by railroads and is gaining in the direction of the Pacific.
+Great agitation reigns in New York. It is announced that the troops will
+concentrate, that Sheridan has been named commander, and that the
+Western States have offered their help.' In the following number, a
+detailed article, written by Kropotkin, recounted the _denouement_ of
+the crisis, the recovery of Pittsburgh, where two thousand wagons loaded
+with merchandise had been burned, the repression and the disarray of the
+strikers following the treachery of the miserable false brothers, and
+the final miscarriage of the movement. But if there had been, in this
+attempt of popular insurrection, weak sides that had brought about the
+failure, Kropotkin rightly praised the qualities of which the American
+working people had just given proof: 'This movement will have certainly
+impressed profoundly the proletariat of Europe and excited its
+admiration. Its spontaneity, its simultaneousness at so many distant
+points communicating only by telegraph, the aid given by the workers of
+different trades, the resolute character of the uprising from the
+beginning, call forth all our sympathies, excite our admiration, and
+awaken our hopes.... But the blood of our brothers of America shall not
+have flowed in vain. Their energy, their union in action, their courage
+will serve as an example to the proletariat of Europe. But would that
+this flowing of noble blood prove once again the blindness of those who
+amuse the people with the plaything of parliamentarism when the powder
+magazine is ready to take fire, unknown to them, at the fall of the
+least spark.'"[2]
+
+The news of industrial troubles, such as the above, convinced the
+anarchist elements of Europe that America was ripe for direct action and
+the revolution. And it was indeed this period of profound industrial
+unrest that gave a forward impulse to all radical movements in the late
+seventies. Socialist newspapers sprang up in all parts of the country,
+and both socialist and trade-union organizations took on an immense
+development. Riots, minor insurrections, and strikes were symptoms of an
+all-pervading discontent. Simultaneously with this, many
+revolutionists, upon being expelled from Germany, were injected into the
+ferment. With many other refugees, the Germans then began to form
+revolutionary clubs, and, in 1882, Johann Most appeared in the United
+States scattering broadcast the terrorist ideas of Bakounin and
+Nechayeff.
+
+Most was perhaps the most fiery personality that appeared in the ranks
+of the anarchists after the death of Bakounin. A cruel stepmother, a
+pitiless employer, a long sickness, and an operation which left his face
+deformed forever are some of the incidents of his unhappy childhood. He
+received a poor education, but read extensively, and as a bookbinder
+worked at his trade in Germany, Austria, Italy, and Switzerland. He
+became attached to the labor movement toward the end of the sixties, and
+was elected to the German Reichstag in 1874. Forced to leave Germany as
+a result of the anti-socialist law, he went to London, where he
+established _Die Freiheit_, at first a social-democratic paper, which
+was smuggled into Germany. He became, however, more and more violent,
+and in 1880, at a secret gathering of the German socialists at Wyden in
+Switzerland, he and his friend Hasselmann were expelled from the Germany
+party. After this he no longer attempted to conceal his anarchist
+sympathies, and in the _Freiheit_, on the platform, and on every
+possible occasion he preached principles almost identical with those of
+Nechayeff and Bakounin. In a pamphlet on the scientific art of
+revolutionary warfare and of dynamiters he prescribes in detail where
+bombs should be placed in churches, palaces, and ball-rooms.[I] He
+advises wholly individual action, in order that the groups may suffer as
+little harm as possible. His pamphlet also contains a dictionary of
+poisons which may be usefully employed against politicians, traitors,
+and spies. "Extirpate the miserable brood!" he writes in _Die Freiheit_;
+"extirpate the wretches! Thus runs the refrain of a revolutionary song
+of the working classes, and this will be the exclamation of the
+executive of a victorious proletariat army when the battle has been won.
+For at the critical moment the executioner's block must ever be before
+the eyes of the revolutionist. Either he is cutting off the heads of his
+enemies or his own is being cut off. Science gives us means which make
+it possible to accomplish the wholesale destruction of these beasts
+quietly and deliberately." Elsewhere he says, "Those of the reptile
+brood who are not put to the sword remain as a thorn in the flesh of the
+new society; hence it would be both foolish and criminal not to
+annihilate utterly this race of parasites."[3]
+
+It was this cheerful individual who, after being expelled from the
+German socialist party, made prodigious efforts to establish
+revolutionary organizations all over Europe. In London he captured the
+Communist Working Men's Educational Society, despite the protest of a
+considerable minority, and through it he undertook to launch other
+revolutionary clubs. The parliamentary socialists were bitterly
+assailed, and a congress was held in Paris and a later one in London for
+the purpose of uniting the revolutionists of all countries. According to
+Zenker, the headquarters of the association were at London, and
+sub-committees were formed to act in Paris, Geneva, and New York. Money
+was to be collected "for the purchase of poison and weapons, as well as
+to find places suitable for laying mines, and so on. To attain the
+proposed end, the annihilation of all rulers, ministers of State,
+nobility, the clergy, the most prominent capitalists, and other
+exploiters, any means are permissible, and therefore great attention
+should be given specially to the study of chemistry and the preparation
+of explosives, as being the most important weapons. Together with the
+chief committee in London there will also be established an executive
+bureau, whose duty is to carry out the decisions of the chief committee
+and to conduct correspondence."[4]
+
+After these attempts to establish an anarchist International, Most
+sailed for New York. Some of his ideas had preceded him, and when he
+arrived he was met and greeted by masses of German workingmen. Miss Emma
+Goldman, in "Anarchism and Other Essays," tells us of the impression he
+made upon her. "Some twenty-one years ago," she says, "I heard the first
+great anarchist speaker--the inimitable John Most. It seemed to me then,
+and for many years after, that the spoken word hurled forth among the
+masses with such wonderful eloquence, such enthusiasm and fire, could
+never be erased from the human mind and soul. How could any one of all
+the multitudes who flocked to Most's meetings escape his prophetic
+voice!"[5] At the time of Most's arrival the American socialist movement
+was hopelessly divided over questions of methods and tactics. Already
+there had been bitter quarrels between those in the movement who had
+formed secret drilling organizations which were preparing for a violent
+revolution, and those others who sought by education, organization, and
+political action to achieve their demands. In the year 1880 a number of
+New York members had left the socialist organization and formed a
+revolutionary group, and in October of the following year a convention
+was held to organize the various revolutionary groups into a national
+organization. Everything was favorable for Most, and when he arrived it
+was not long, with his magnetic personality and fiery agitation, until
+he had swept out of existence the older socialist organizations. In 1883
+representatives from twenty-six cities met in Pittsburgh to form the
+revolutionary socialist and anarchist groups into one body, called the
+"International Working People's Association." The same year a dismal
+socialist convention was held in Baltimore with only sixteen delegates
+attending. They attempted to stem the tide to terrorism by declaring:
+"We do not share the folly of the men who consider dynamite bombs as the
+best means of agitation. We know full well that a revolution must take
+place in the heads and in the industrial life of men before the working
+class can achieve lasting success."[6]
+
+The tide, however, was not stayed. The advocates of direct action
+continued headlong toward the bitter climax at the Haymarket in Chicago
+in 1886. Just previous to that fatal catastrophe, a series of great
+strikes had occurred in and about that city. At the McCormick Reaper
+Works a crowd of men was being addressed by Spies, an anarchist, when
+the "scabs" left the factory. A pitched battle ensued. The police were
+called, and, when they were assaulted with stones, they opened fire on
+the crowd, shooting indiscriminately men, women, and children, killing
+six and wounding many more. Spies, full of rage, hurried to the office
+of _Arbeiter Zeitung_, the anarchist paper, and composed the
+proclamation to the workingmen of Chicago which has since become famous
+as "the revenge circular." It called upon the workingmen to arm
+themselves and to avenge the brutal murder of their brothers. Five
+thousand copies of the circular, printed in English and German, were
+distributed in the streets. The next evening, May 4, 1886, a mass
+meeting was called at the Haymarket. About two thousand working people
+attended the meeting. The mayor of the city went in person to hear the
+addresses, and later testified that he had reported to Captain Bonfield,
+at the nearest police station, that "nothing had occurred nor was likely
+to occur to require interference." Nevertheless, after Mayor Harrison
+had gone, Captain Bonfield sent one hundred and seventy-six policemen to
+march upon the little crowd that remained. Captain Ward, the officer in
+charge, commanded the meeting to disperse, and, as Fielden, one of the
+speakers, retorted that the meeting was a peaceable one, a dynamite bomb
+was thrown from an adjoining alley that killed several policemen and
+wounded many more.
+
+In the agitation that led up to the Haymarket tragedy, dynamite had
+always been glorified as the poor man's weapon. It was the power that
+science had given to the weak to protect them from injustice and
+tyranny. As powder and the musket had destroyed feudalism, so dynamite
+would destroy capitalism. In the issue of the _Freiheit_, March 18,
+1883, Most printed an article called "Revolutionary Principles." Many of
+the phrases are evidently taken from the "Catechism" of Bakounin and
+Nechayeff, and the sentiments are identical. During all this period
+great meetings were organized to glorify some martyr who, by the
+Propaganda of the Deed, had committed some great crime. For instance,
+vast meetings were organized in honor of Stellmacher and others who had
+murdered officers of the Viennese police. At one of these meetings Most
+declared that such acts should not be called murder, because "murder is
+the killing of a human being, and I have never heard that a policeman
+was a human being."[7] When August Reinsdorf was executed for an attempt
+on the life of the German Emperor, Most's _Freiheit_ appeared with a
+heavy black border. "One of our noblest and best is no more," he
+laments. "In the prison yard at Halle under the murderous sword of the
+criminal Hohenzollern band, on the 7th of February, August Reinsdorf
+ended a life full of battle and of self-sacrificing courage, as a martyr
+to the great revolution."[8] It was inevitable that such views should
+lead sooner or later to a tragedy, and, while most of the Chicago
+anarchists were plain workingmen, simple and kindly, at least one
+fanatic in the group deserves to rank with Nechayeff and Most as an
+irreconcilable enemy of the existing order. This was Louis Lingg, whose
+last words as he was taken from the court were: "I repeat that I am the
+enemy of the 'order' of to-day, and I repeat that, with all my powers,
+so long as breath remains in me, I shall combat it. I declare again,
+frankly and openly, that I am in favor of using force. I have told
+Captain Schaack, and I stand by it, 'If you cannonade us, we shall
+dynamite you.' You laugh! Perhaps you think, 'You'll throw no more
+bombs'; but let me assure you that I die happy on the gallows, so
+confident am I that the hundreds and thousands to whom I have spoken
+will remember my words; and, when you shall have hanged us, then, mark
+my words, they will do the bomb-throwing! In this hope I say to you: I
+despise you. I despise your order, your laws, your force-propped
+authority. Hang me for it!"[9]
+
+There are many minor incidents now quite forgotten that played a part in
+this American terrorism. Benjamin R. Tucker, of New York, himself an
+anarchist, but not an advocate of terrorist tactics, had in the midst of
+this period to cry out in protest against the acts of those who called
+themselves anarchists. In his paper, _Liberty_, March 27, 1886, Tucker
+wrote on "The Beast of Communism."[10] He began by quoting Henri
+Rochefort, who was reported to have said: "Anarchists are merely
+criminals. They are robbers. They want no government whatever, so that,
+when they meet you on the street, they can knock you down and rob
+you."[11]
+
+"This infamous and libelous charge," says Tucker, "is a very sweeping
+one; I only wish that I could honestly meet it with as sweeping a
+denial. And I can, if I restrict the word anarchist as it always has
+been restricted in these columns, and as it ought to be restricted
+everywhere and always. Confining the word anarchist so as to include
+none but those who deny all external authority over the individual,
+whether that of the present State or that of some industrial
+collectivity or commune which the future may produce, I can look Henri
+Rochefort in the face and say: 'You lie!' For of all these men I do not
+recall even one who, in any ordinary sense of the term, can be justly
+styled a robber.
+
+"But unfortunately, in the minds of the people at large, this word
+anarchist is not yet thus restricted in meaning. This is due principally
+to the fact that within a few years the word has been usurped, in the
+face of all logic and consistency, by a party of communists who believe
+in a tyranny worse than any that now exists, who deny to the laborer the
+individual possession of his product, and who preach to their followers
+the following doctrine: 'Private property is your enemy; it is the beast
+that is devouring you; all wealth belongs to everybody; take it wherever
+you can find it; have no scruples about the means of taking it; use
+dynamite, the dagger, or the torch to take it; kill innocent people to
+take it; but, at all events, take it.' This is the doctrine which they
+call anarchy, and this policy they dignify with the name of
+'propagandism by deed.'
+
+"Well, it has borne fruit with most horrible fecundity. To be sure, it
+has gained a large mass of adherents, especially in the Western cities,
+who are well-meaning men and women, not yet become base enough to
+practice the theories which they profess to have adopted. But it has
+also developed, and among its immediate and foremost supporters, a gang
+of criminals whose deeds for the past two years rival in 'pure
+cussedness' any to be found in the history of crime. Were it not,
+therefore, that I have first, last, and always repudiated these
+pseudo-anarchists and their theories, I should hang my head in shame
+before Rochefort's charge at having to confess that too many of them are
+not only robbers, but incendiaries and murderers. But, knowing as I do
+that no _real_ anarchist has any part or lot in these infamies, I do not
+confess the facts with shame, but reiterate them with righteous wrath
+and indignation, in the interest of my cause, for the protection of its
+friends, and to save the lives and possessions of any more weak and
+innocent persons from being wantonly destroyed or stolen by cold-blooded
+villains parading in the mask of reform.
+
+"Yes, the time has come to speak. It is even well-nigh too late. Within
+the past fortnight a young mother and her baby boy have been burned to
+death under circumstances which suggest to me the possibility that, had
+I made this statement sooner, their lives would have been saved; and, as
+I now write these lines, I fairly shudder at the thought that they may
+not reach the public and the interested parties before some new
+holocaust has added to the number of those who have already fallen
+victims. Others who know the facts, well-meaning editors of leading
+journals of so-called communistic anarchism, may, from a sense of
+mistaken party fealty, bear longer the fearful responsibility of
+silence, if they will; for one I will not, cannot. I will take the other
+responsibility of exposure, which responsibility I personally and
+entirely assume, although the step is taken after conference upon its
+wisdom with some of the most trusted and active anarchists in America.
+
+"Now, then, the facts. And they _are_ facts, though I state them
+generally, without names, dates, or details.
+
+"The main fact is this: that for nearly two years a large number of the
+most active members of the German Group of the International Working
+People's Association in New York City, and of the Social Revolutionary
+Club, another German organization in that city, have been persistently
+engaged in getting money by insuring their property for amounts far in
+excess of the real value thereof, secretly removing everything that they
+could, setting fire to the premises, swearing to heavy losses, and
+exacting corresponding sums from the insurance companies. Explosion of
+kerosene lamps is usually the device which they employ. Some seven or
+eight fires, at least, of this sort were set in New York and Brooklyn in
+1884 by members of the gang, netting the beneficiaries an aggregate
+profit of thousands of dollars. In 1885 nearly twenty more were set,
+with equally profitable results. The record for 1886 has reached six
+already, if not more. The business has been carried on with the most
+astonishing audacity. One of these men had his premises insured, fired
+them, and presented his bill of loss to the company within twenty-four
+hours after getting his policy, and before the agent had reported the
+policy to the company. The bill was paid, and a few months later the
+same fellow, under another name, played the game over again, though not
+quite so speedily. In one of the fires set in 1885 a woman and two
+children were burned to death. The two guilty parties in this case were
+members of the Bohemian Group and are now serving life sentences in
+prison. Another of the fires was started in a six-story tenement house,
+endangering the lives of hundreds, but fortunately injuring no one but
+the incendiary. In one case in 1886 the firemen have saved two women
+whom they found clinging to their bed posts in a half-suffocated
+condition. In another a man, woman, and baby lost their lives. Three
+members of the gang are now in jail awaiting trial for murdering and
+robbing an old woman in Jersey City. Two others are in jail under heavy
+bail and awaiting trial for carrying concealed weapons and assaulting an
+officer. They were walking arsenals, and were found under circumstances
+which lead to the suspicion that they were about to perpetrate a
+robbery, if not a murder.
+
+"The profits accruing from this 'propagandism by deed' are not even used
+for the benefit of the movement to which the criminals belong, but go to
+fill their own empty pockets, and are often spent in reckless, riotous
+living. The guilty parties are growing bolder and bolder, and,
+anticipating detection ultimately, a dozen or so of them have agreed to
+commit perjury in order to involve the innocent as accomplices in their
+crimes. It is their boast that the active anarchists shall all go to the
+gallows together."
+
+The history of terrorist tactics in America largely centers about the
+career of Johann Most. In August Bebel's story of his life he speaks in
+high terms of the unselfish devotion and sterling character of Most in
+his early days. "If later on," says Bebel, "under the anti-socialist
+laws, he went astray and became an anarchist and an advocate of direct
+action, and finally, although he had been a model of abstinence, ended
+in the United States as a drunkard, it was all due to the anti-socialist
+laws, laws which drove him and many others from the country. Had he
+remained under the influence of the men who were able to guide him and
+restrain his passionate temper, the party would have possessed in him a
+most zealous, self-sacrificing, and indefatigable fighter."[12] Most,
+then, was one of the victims of Bismarck's savage policies, as were also
+nearly all the other Germans who took part in the sordid crimes related
+by Tucker. And the Haymarket--the greatest of all American
+tragedies--leads directly back to the Iron Chancellor and his ferocious
+inquisition.
+
+A few minor incidents of anarchist activity may be recorded for the
+following years, but the only acts of importance were the shooting of
+President McKinley by Czolgosz and the shooting of Henry C. Frick by
+Alexander Berkman. In the "Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist," Berkman has
+now told us that as a youth he became a disciple of Bakounin and a fiery
+member of the Nihilist group. It was after the Homestead strike that
+Berkman saw a chance to propagate his gospel by a deed. Leaving his home
+in New York, he went to Pittsburgh for the purpose of killing Henry C.
+Frick, then head of the Carnegie Steel Company. Berkman made his way
+into Frick's office, shot at and slightly wounded him. In explanation of
+this act he says: "In truth, murder and _attentat_ (that is, political
+assassination) are to me opposite terms. To remove a tyrant is an act of
+liberation, the giving of life and opportunity to an oppressed
+people."[13] For this attempt on the life of Frick, Berkman was
+condemned to a term of imprisonment of twenty-two years. Despite a few
+isolated outbreaks, it may be said, therefore, that the seeds of
+anarchism have never taken root in America, just as they have never
+taken root in Germany or in England. To-day there are no active American
+terrorists and only a handful of avowed anarchists. In the Latin
+countries, however, the deeds of terrorism still played a tragic part in
+the history of the next few years.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[I] See _Revolutionaere Kriegswissenschaft_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+A SERIES OF TRAGEDIES
+
+
+While Johann Most was sowing the seeds of terrorism in America, his
+comrades were actively at work in Europe. And, if the tactics of Most
+led eventually to petty thievery, somewhat the same degeneration was
+overtaking the Propaganda of the Deed in Europe. Up to 1886 robbery had
+not yet been adopted as a weapon of the Latin revolutionists. In
+America, in Austria, and in Russia, the doctrine had been preached and,
+to a certain extent, practiced, but _l'affaire Duval_ was responsible
+for its introduction into France. Unlike most of the preceding
+demonstrations, the act of Duval was essentially an individual one. On
+October 5, 1886, a large house situated at 31 rue de Monceau, Paris, and
+occupied by Mme. Herbelin and her daughter, Mme. Madeleine Lemaire, the
+well-known artist, was robbed and half burned. Some days later, Clement
+Duval and two accomplices, Didier and Houchard, were arrested as the
+perpetrators of this act. At first the matter was treated by the
+newspapers as an ordinary robbery. The _Cri du Peuple_ called it a
+simple burglary, followed by an incendiary attempt. But after some days,
+Duval announced himself an anarchist and declared that his act was in
+harmony with his faith.
+
+On January 11 and 12, 1887, the case came before the court. The
+discussions were very heated. After M. Fernand Labori, then a very
+young advocate, who had been appointed to defend Duval, had made his
+plea, Duval became anxious to defend himself. He threatened, in leaving
+the prison, to blow up with dynamite the jury and the court, and heaped
+upon them most abusive language. The president ordered that he should be
+removed from the court. An enormous tumult then ensued in that part of
+the hall where the anarchists were massed. "Help! Help! Comrades! Long
+live Anarchy!" cried Duval. "Long live Anarchy!" answered his comrades.
+Thirty guards led Duval away, and the verdict was read in the presence
+of an armed force with fixed bayonets. He was condemned to death and his
+two accomplices acquitted.
+
+Eight days afterward, on January 23, an indignation meeting against the
+condemnation of Duval was organized by the anarchists, at which nearly
+1,000 were present. Tennevin, Leboucher, and Louise Michel spoke in
+turn, glorifying Duval. The opposition was taken by a Blanquist, a
+Normandy citizen, who censured the act of Duval, because such acts, he
+said, throw discredit on the revolutionists and so retard the hour of
+the Social Revolution.
+
+Duval's case was appealed to the highest court in France, but the appeal
+was rejected. The President of the Republic, however, commuted his
+sentence of capital punishment to enforced labor. Then followed a long
+period of discussions and violent controversies between the anarchists
+and the socialists over the whole affair. The anarchists claimed the
+right of theft on the grounds that it was the beginning of capitalist
+expropriation and that stolen wealth could aid in propaganda and action.
+The socialists, on the other hand, protested against this theory with
+extreme vigor.
+
+After Duval, there is little noteworthy in the terrorist movement for a
+period of four years, but with May 1, 1891, there began what is known as
+_La Periode Tragique_. Five notable figures, Decamps, Ravachol,
+Vaillant, Henry, and Caserio, within a period of three years, performed
+a series of terrorist acts that cannot be forgotten. Their utter
+desperation and abandon, the terrible solemnity of their lives, and the
+almost superhuman efforts they made to bring society to its knees mark
+the most tragic and heroic period in the history of anarchism. At
+Levallois-Perret a demonstration was organized by the anarchists for May
+1. They brought out their red and black flags, and, when the police
+attempted to interfere and to take away their banners, they opened fire
+upon them. Several fell injured, while others returned the fire. The
+fight continued for some time, until finally reinforcements arrived and
+the anarchists were subdued. Six of the police and three of the
+anarchists were severely injured, one of the latter being Decamps, who
+had received severe blows from a sword. The trial took place in August,
+and, when Decamps attempted to defend himself, the judge refused to hear
+him. Finally he and his friends were condemned to prison.
+
+The next year, 1892, the avenger of Decamps appeared. It was the famous
+Ravachol, who for a time kept all Paris in a state of terror. In the
+night of February 14 there was a theft of dynamite from the
+establishment of _Soisy-sous-Etioles_. On March 11 an explosion shook
+the house on Boulevard Saint-Germain, in which lived M. Benoit, the
+judge who had presided in August, 1891, at the trial of Decamps at
+Levallois. On March 15 a bomb was discovered on the window of the Lobau
+barracks. On March 27 a bomb was exploded on the first floor of a house
+on rue de Clichy, occupied by M. Bulot, who had held the office of
+Public Minister at the trial in Levallois. It was only by chance, on the
+accusation of a boy by the name of Lherot, who was employed in a
+restaurant, that the police eventually captured Ravachol. He admitted
+having exploded the bombs in rue de Clichy and Boulevard Saint-Germain,
+"in order to avenge," he said, "the abominable violences committed
+against our friends, Decamps, Leveille, and Dardare."[1] On April 26 a
+bomb was exploded in the restaurant where Lherot, the informer, worked,
+killing the proprietor and severely wounding one of the patrons.
+
+The public was thrown into a state of dreadful alarm. The next day, when
+Ravachol was brought to trial, some awful foreboding seemed to possess
+those who were present. All Paris was guarded. In spite of the efforts
+of the Public Minister, the jury spared Ravachol on the ground of
+extenuating circumstances. It is difficult to say whether it was fear or
+pity that determined the decision of the jurors. In any case, Ravachol
+was acquitted, only to be condemned to death a few months later for
+strangling the hermit of Chambles, and he was then executed.
+
+"What shall one think of Ravachol?" says Prolo in _Les Anarchistes_. "He
+assassinated a mendicant, he broke into tombs in order to steal jewels,
+he manufactured counterfeit money, or, more exactly, substituting
+himself for the State, he cast five-franc pieces in silver, with the
+authentic standard, and put them in circulation. Lastly, he dynamited
+some property. He is of mystical origin. Profoundly religious in his
+early youth, he embraces with the same ardor, the same passion, and the
+same spirit of sacrifice the new political theory of equality. He throws
+himself deliberately outside the limits of the society which he
+abhors--kills, robs, and avenges his brothers. And let anyone question
+him, he replies: 'A begging hermit, he is a parasite and should be
+suppressed. One ought not to bury jewels when children are hungry, when
+mothers weep, and when men suffer from misery. The State makes money. Is
+it of good alloy? I make it as the State makes it and of the same alloy!
+As to dynamite, it is the arm of the weak who avenge themselves or
+avenge others for the humiliating oppression of the strong and their
+unconscious accomplices.'"[2]
+
+Although the anarchists accepted Duval and defended his acts, Ravachol
+was variously appreciated by them. Jean Grave, the French anarchist, and
+Merlino, the Italian anarchist, both condemned Ravachol. "He is not one
+of us," declared the latter, "and we repudiate him. His explosions lose
+their revolutionary character because of his personality, which is
+unworthy to serve the cause of humanity."[3] Elisee Reclus, on the
+contrary, wrote of Ravachol in the _Sempre Avanti_ as follows: "I admire
+his courage, his goodness of heart, his grandeur of soul, the generosity
+with which he has pardoned his enemies. I know few men who surpass him
+in generosity. I pass over the question of knowing up to what point it
+is always desirable to push one's own right to the extreme and whether
+other considerations, actuated by a sentiment of human solidarity, ought
+not to make it yield. But I am none the less of those who recognize in
+Ravachol a hero of a rare grandeur of soul."[4]
+
+In the _Entretiens politiques et litteraires_, under the title, _Eloge
+de Ravachol_, Paul Adam wrote: "Whatever may have been the invectives of
+the bourgeois press and the tenacity of the magistrates in dishonoring
+the act of the victim, they have not succeeded in persuading us of his
+error. After so many judicial debates, chronicles, and appeals to legal
+murder, Ravachol remains the propagandist of the grand idea of the
+ancient religions which extolled the quest of individual death for the
+good of the world, the abnegation of self, of one's life, and of one's
+fame for the exaltation of the poor and the humble. He is definitely the
+Renewer of the Essential Sacrifice."[5] Museux, in _l'Art social_, said:
+"Ravachol has remained what he at first showed himself, a rebel. He has
+made the sacrifice of his life for an idea and to cause that idea to
+pass from a dream into reality. He has recoiled before nothing, claiming
+the responsibility for his acts. He has been logical from one end to the
+other. He has given example of a fine character and indomitable energy,
+at the same time that he has summed up in himself the vague anger of the
+revolutionists."[6]
+
+Hardly had the people of Paris gotten over their terror of the deeds of
+Ravachol when August Vaillant endeavored to blow up with dynamite the
+French Chamber of Deputies. He was a socialist, almost unknown among the
+anarchists. He said afterward that political-financial scandals were
+arousing popular anger and that it was necessary to thrust the sword
+into the heart of public powers, since they could not be conquered
+peaceably. In order to carry out his plan, he went to _Palais-Bourbon_,
+and, when the session opened, Vaillant arose in the gallery to throw his
+bomb. A woman, perceiving the intentions of the thrower, grasped his
+arm, causing the bomb to strike a chandelier, with the result that only
+Abbe Lemire and some spectators were injured. In the midst of commotion,
+with men stupefied with terror, the president of the Chamber, M. Charles
+Dupuy, called out the memorable words, "The session continues."
+
+Arraigned before the court, Vaillant was condemned to death. He said in
+explanation of his act, "I carried this bomb to those who are primarily
+responsible for social misery."[7] "Gentlemen, in a few minutes you are
+to deal your blow, but in receiving your verdict I shall have at least
+the satisfaction of having wounded the existing society, that cursed
+society in which one may see a single man spending, uselessly, enough to
+feed thousands of families; an infamous society which permits a few
+individuals to monopolize all the social wealth, while there are
+hundreds of thousands of unfortunates who have not even the bread that
+is not refused to dogs, and while entire families are committing suicide
+for want of the necessities of life....[8]
+
+"I conclude, gentlemen, by saying that a society in which one sees such
+social inequalities as we see all about us, in which we see every day
+suicides caused by poverty, prostitution flaring at every street
+corner--a society whose principal monuments are barracks and
+prisons--such a society must be transformed as soon as possible, on pain
+of being eliminated, and that speedily, from the human race. Hail to him
+who labors, by no matter what means, for this transformation! It is this
+idea that has guided me in my duel with authority, but as in this duel I
+have only wounded my adversary, it is now its turn to strike me."[9]
+
+The Abbe Lemire, Deputy from the North, the only member of the Chamber
+who had been slightly wounded by the explosion of the bomb, urged the
+pardon of the condemned man. The socialist Deputies likewise decided to
+appeal to the pardoning power of the President of the Republic and
+signed the following petition: "The undersigned, members of the Chamber
+of Deputies which was made the object of the criminal attempt of
+December 9, have the honor to address to the President of the Republic
+a last appeal in favor of the condemned."[10] It has long been the
+custom in France not to punish an abortive crime with the death penalty,
+and it was generally believed that Vaillant's sentence would be changed
+to life imprisonment. President Carnot, however, refused to extend any
+mercy, and Vaillant was guillotined.
+
+A few days after the execution of Vaillant, a bomb was thrown among some
+guests who were quietly assembled, listening to the music, in the cafe
+of the Hotel Terminus. Several persons were severely wounded. After a
+fierce struggle with the police, Emile Henry was arrested. In the trial
+it was learned that he had been responsible for a number of other
+explosions that had taken place in the two or three years previous. He
+had attempted to avenge the miners who had been on strike at Carmaux by
+blowing up the manager of the company. He had deposited the bomb in the
+office of the company, where it was discovered by the porter. It was
+brought to the police, where it exploded, killing the secretary and
+three of his agents. Henry was a silent, lonely man, wholly unknown to
+the police. Mystical, sentimental, and brooding, he believed that the
+rich were individually responsible for misery and social wrong. "I had
+been told that life was easy and with abundant opportunity for all
+intellects and all energies," he declared at his trial, "but experience
+has shown me that only the cynics and the servile can make a place for
+themselves at the banquet. I had been told that social institutions were
+based on justice and equality, and I have seen about me only lies and
+deceit. Each day robbed me of an illusion. Everywhere I went I was
+witness of the same sorrows about us, of the same joys about others.
+Therefore I was not long in understanding that the words which I had
+been taught to reverence--honor, devotion, duty--were nothing but a
+veil concealing the most shameful baseness....
+
+"For an instant I was attracted by socialism; but I was not long in
+withdrawing myself from that party. I had too much love for liberty, too
+much respect for individual initiative, too much dislike for
+incorporation to take a number in the registered army of the Fourth
+Estate. I brought into the struggle a profound hatred, every day revived
+by the repugnant spectacle of this society in which everything is
+sordid, ... in which everything hinders the expansion of human passions,
+the generous impulses of the heart, the free flight of thought. I have,
+however, wished, as far as I was able, to strike forcibly and justly....
+In this pitiless war which we have declared on the bourgeoisie we ask no
+pity. We give death and know how to suffer it. That is why I await your
+verdict with indifference."[11]
+
+In the case of Henry appeals were also made to President Carnot for
+mercy, but they, too, were ignored, and Henry was guillotined a few days
+after Vaillant. A month or so later, June 25, President Carnot arrived
+at Lyons to open an exposition. That evening, while on his way to a
+theater, he was stabbed to death by the Italian anarchist, Caserio, on
+the handle of whose stiletto was engraved "Vaillant."
+
+This was the climax to the series of awful tragedies. It would be
+impossible to picture the utter consternation of the entire French
+nation. The characters that had figured in this terrible drama were not
+ordinary men. Their addresses before condemnation were so eloquent and
+impressive as to awaken lively emotions among the most thoughtful and
+brilliant men in France. They challenged society. The judge refused
+Decamps a hearing, and Ravachol undertook individually to destroy the
+judge. Vaillant, deciding that the lawmakers were responsible for social
+injustice, undertook with one bomb to destroy them. Henry, feeling that
+it was not the lawmakers who were responsible, but the rich, careless,
+and sensual, who in their mastery over labor caused poverty, misery, and
+all suffering, sought with his bomb to destroy them. Utterly blind to
+the sentiments which moved these men, the President of the Republic
+allowed them to be guillotined, and Caserio, stirred to his very depths
+by what he considered to be the sublime acts of his comrades, stabbed to
+death the President.
+
+It is hard to pass judgment on lives such as these. One stands
+bewildered and aghast before men capable of such deeds; and, if they
+defy frivolous judgment, even to explain them seems beyond the power of
+one who, in the presence of the same wrongs that so deeply moved them,
+can still remain inert. Yet is there any escape to the conclusion that
+all this was utter waste of life and devotion? Far from awakening in
+their opponents the slightest thought of social wrong, these men, at the
+expense of their lives, awakened only a spirit of revenge. "An eye for
+an eye" was now the sentiment of the militants on both sides. All reason
+and sympathy disappeared, and, instead, every brutal passion had play.
+Politically and socially, the reactionaries were put in the saddle.
+Every progressive in France was placed on the defensive. Anyone who
+hinted of social wrong was ostracized. Caesarism ruled France, and,
+through _les lois scelerates_, every bush was beaten, every hiding-place
+uncovered, until every anarchist was driven out. The acts of Vaillant
+and Henry, like the acts of the Chicago anarchists, not only failed
+utterly as propaganda, they even closed the ear and the heart of the
+world to everything and anything that was associated, or that could in
+any manner be connected, with anarchism. They served only one
+purpose--every malign influence and reactionary element took the acts of
+these misguided prodigies as a pretext to fasten upon the people still
+more firmly both social and political injustice. To no one were they so
+useful as to their enemy.
+
+For three years after this tragic period little noteworthy occurred in
+the history of terrorism. In Barcelona, Spain, a bomb was thrown, and
+immediately three hundred men and women were arrested. They were all
+thrown into prison and subjected to torture. Some were killed, others
+driven insane, although after a time some were released upon appeals
+made by the press and by many notables of other countries of Europe. The
+Prime Minister of Spain, Canovas del Castillo, was chiefly responsible
+for the torture of the victims. And in 1897 a young Italian, Angiolillo,
+went to Spain, and, at an interview which he sought with the Prime
+Minister, shot him. The same year an attempt was made on the life of the
+king of Greece, and in 1898 the Empress of Austria was assassinated in
+Switzerland by an Italian named Luccheni. The latter had gone there
+intending to kill the Duke of York, but, not finding him, decided to
+destroy the Empress. In 1900 King Humbert of Italy was assassinated by
+Gaetano Bresci. The latter had been working as a weaver in America,
+where he had also edited an anarchist paper. He was deeply moved when
+the story reached him of some soldiers who had shot and killed some
+peasants, who through hunger had been driven to riot. He demanded money
+of his comrades in Paterson, New Jersey, and, when he obtained it,
+hurried back to his native land, where, at Monza, on the 29th of July he
+shot the King. The next year on September 5, President McKinley was
+shot in Buffalo by Leon Czolgosz.
+
+No other striking figure appears among the anarchists until 1912. In the
+early months of that year all Paris was terrified by a series of crimes
+unexampled, it is said, in Western history. The deeds of Bonnot and his
+confederates were so reckless, daring, and openly defiant, their escapes
+so miraculous, and the audacity of their assaults so incredible, that
+the people of Paris were put in a state bordering on frenzy. Just before
+the previous Christmas, in broad daylight, on a busy street, the band
+fell upon a bank messenger. They shot him and took from his wallet
+$25,000. They then jumped in an automobile and disappeared. A short time
+later a police agent called upon a chauffeur who was driving at excess
+speed to stop. It was in the very center of Paris, but instead of
+slackening his pace one of the occupants of the car drew a revolver,
+and, firing, killed the officer. A pursuit was organized, but the
+murderers escaped.
+
+Several other crimes were committed by the band in the next few days,
+but perhaps the most daring was that of March 25. In the forest of
+Senart, at eight o'clock in the morning, a band of five men stopped a
+chauffeur driving a powerful new motor car. They shot the chauffeur and
+injured his companion. The five men then took the car, and proceeded at
+great speed to the famous racing center of Chantilly. They went directly
+to a bank, descended from the car, and shot down the three men in charge
+of the bank. They then seized from the safe $10,000. A crowd which had
+gathered was kept back by one of the bandits with a rifle. The others
+came out, opened fire on the spectators, started the car at its utmost
+speed, and disappeared.
+
+Not long after, Monsieur Jouin, deputy chief of the Surete, and Chief
+Inspector Colmar were making a domiciliary search in a house near Paris.
+Instead of finding what they thought, a man crouching beneath a bed
+sprang upon them, and in the fight Jouin was killed and Colmar severely
+injured. Bonnot, although injured, escaped by almost miraculous means.
+
+At last, on April 29, the band, which had defied the police force of
+Paris for four months, was discovered concealed in a garage said to
+belong to a wealthy anarchist. A body of police besieged the place, and
+after two police officers were killed a dynamite cartridge was exploded
+that destroyed the garage. Bonnot was then captured, fighting to the
+last. The police reported the finding of Bonnot's will, in which he
+says: "I am a celebrated man.... Ought I to regret what I have done?
+Yes, perhaps; but I must live my life. So much the worse for idiotic and
+imbecile society.... I am not more guilty," he continues, "than the
+sweaters who exploit poor devils."[12] His final thought, it is said,
+was for his accomplices, both of whom were women, one his mistress, the
+other the manager of the _Journal Anarchie_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+SEEKING THE CAUSES
+
+
+Such is the tragic story of barely forty years of terrorism in Western
+Europe. It reads far more like lurid fiction than the cold facts of
+history. Yet these amazing irreconcilables actually lived--in our
+time--and fought, at the cost of their lives, the entire organization of
+society. Surely few other periods in history can show a series of
+characters so daring, so bitter, so bent on destruction and
+annihilation. Bakounin, Nechayeff, Most, Lingg, Duval, Decamps,
+Ravachol, Henry, Vaillant, Caserio, and Luccheni--these bewildering
+rebels--individually waged their deadly conflict with the world. With
+the weakness of their one single life in revolt against
+society--protected as it is by countless thousands of police, millions
+of armed men, and all its machinery for defense--these amazing creatures
+fought their fight and wrote their page of protest in the world's
+history. Think of it as we will, this we know, that the world cannot
+utterly ignore men who lay down their lives for any cause. Men may write
+and agitate, they may scream never so shrilly about the wrongs of the
+world, but when they go forth to fight single-handed and to die for what
+they preach they have at least earned the right to demand of society an
+inquiry.
+
+What was it that drove these men to violence? Was it the teachings of
+Bakounin, of Nechayeff, and of Most? Their writings have been read and
+pondered over by thousands of yearning and impressionable minds. They
+have been drink to the thirsty and food to the hungry. Yet one anarchist
+at least denies that the writings of these terrorists have moved men to
+violence. "My contention is," says Emma Goldman, "that they were
+impelled, not by the teachings of anarchism, but by the tremendous
+pressure of conditions, making life unbearable to their sensitive
+natures."[1] Returning again to the same thought, she exclaims, "How
+utterly fallacious the stereotyped notion that the teachings of
+anarchism, or certain exponents of these teachings, are responsible for
+the acts of political violence."[2] To this indefatigable propagandist
+of anarchist doctrine, those who have been led into homicidal violence
+are "high strung, like a violin string." "They weep and moan for life,
+so relentless, so cruel, so terribly inhuman. In a desperate moment the
+string breaks."[3]
+
+Yet, if it be true that doctrines have naught to do with the spread of
+terrorism, why is it that among many million socialists there are almost
+no terrorists, while among a few thousand anarchists there are many
+terrorists? The pressure of adverse social conditions is felt as keenly
+by the socialists as by the anarchists. The one quite as much as the
+other is a rebel against social ills. The indictment made by the
+socialists against political and economic injustice is as far-reaching
+as that of the anarchists. Why then does not the socialist movement
+produce terrorists? Is it not that the teachings of Marx and of all his
+disciples dwell upon the folly of violence, the futility of riots, the
+madness of assassination, while, on the other hand, the teachings of
+Bakounin, of Nechayeff, of Kropotkin, and of Most advocate destructive
+violence as a creative force? "Extirpate the wretches!" cries Most.
+"Make robbers our allies!" says Nechayeff. "Propagate the gospel by a
+deed!" urges Kropotkin, and throughout Bakounin's writings there appears
+again and again the plea for "terrible, total, inexorable, and universal
+destruction." Both socialists and anarchists preach their gospel to the
+weary and heavy-laden, to the despondent and the outraged, who may
+readily be led to commit acts of despair. They have, after all, little
+to lose, and their life, at present unbearable, can be made little worse
+by punishment. Yet millions of the miserable have come into the
+socialist movement to hear the fiercest of indictments against
+capitalism, and it is but rare that one becomes a terrorist. What else
+than the teachings of anarchism and of socialism can explain this
+difference?
+
+Unquestionably, socialism and anarchism attract distinctly different
+types, who are in many ways alien to each other. Their mental processes
+differ. Their nervous systems jar upon each other. Even physically they
+have been known to repel each other. Born of much the same conditions,
+they fought each other in the cradle. From the very beginning they have
+been irreconcilable, and with perfect frankness they have shown their
+contempt for each other. About the kindest criticism that the socialist
+makes of the anarchist is that he is a child, while the anarchist is
+convinced that the socialist is a Philistine and an inbred conservative
+who, should he ever get power, would immediately hang the anarchists.[J]
+They are traditional enemies, who seem utterly incapable of
+understanding each other. Intellectually, they fail to grasp the meaning
+of each other's philosophy. It is but rare that a socialist, no matter
+how conscientious a student, will confess he fully understands
+anarchism. On the other hand, no one understands the doctrines of
+socialism so little as the anarchist. It is possible, therefore, that
+the same conditions which drive the anarchist to terrorist acts lead the
+socialist to altogether different methods, but the reasonable and
+obvious conclusion would be that teachings and doctrines determine the
+methods that each employ.
+
+The anarchist is, as Emma Goldman says, "high strung." His ear is tuned
+to hear unintermittently the agonized cry. To follow the imagery of
+Shelley, he seems to be living in a "mind's hell,"[4] wherein hate,
+scorn, pity, remorse, and despair seem to be tearing out the nerves by
+their bleeding roots. Bjoernstjerne Bjoernson, Francois Coppee, Emile
+Zola, and many other great writers have sought to depict the psychology
+of the anarchist, but I think no one has approached the poet Shelley,
+who had in himself the heart of the anarchist. He was a son-in-law and a
+disciple of William Godwin, one of the fathers of anarchism. "Prometheus
+Unbound," "The Revolt of Islam," and "The Mask of Anarchy," are
+expressions of the very soul of Godwin's philosophy. Shelley was
+"cradled into poetry by wrong," as a multitude of other unhappy men are
+cradled into terrorism by wrong. He was "as a nerve o'er which do creep
+the else unfelt oppressions of this earth," and he "could moan for woes
+which others hear not." He, too, "could ... with the poor and trampled
+sit and weep."[5] There is in nearly all anarchists this
+supersensitiveness, this hyperaesthesia that leads to ecstasy, to
+hysteria, and to fanaticism. It is a neuropathy that has led certain
+scientists, like Lombroso and Krafft-Ebbing, to suggest that some
+anarchist crimes can only be looked upon as a means to indirect suicide.
+They are outbursts that lead to a spectacular martyr-like ending to
+brains that "too much thought expands," to hearts overladen, and to
+nerves all unstrung. Life is a burden to them, though they lack the
+courage to commit suicide directly. Such is the view of these students
+of criminal pathology, and they cite a long list of political criminals
+who can only be explained as those who have sought indirectly
+self-destruction. It is a type of insanity that leads to acts which seem
+sublime to others in a state of like torture both of mind and of nerves.
+
+This explains no doubt the acts of some terrorists, and at the same time
+it condemns the present attitude of society toward the terrorist. Think
+of hanging the tormented soul who could say as he was taken to the
+gallows: "I went away from my native place because I was frequently
+moved to tears at seeing little girls of eight or ten years obliged to
+work fifteen hours a day for the paltry pay of twenty centimes. Young
+women of eighteen or twenty also work fifteen hours daily for a mockery
+of remuneration....
+
+"I have observed that there are a great many people who are hungry, and
+many children who suffer, while bread and clothes abound in the towns. I
+saw many and large shops full of clothing and woolen stuffs, and I also
+saw warehouses full of wheat and Indian corn, suitable for those who are
+in want."[6] When such a tortured spirit is driven to homicide, how is
+it possible for society to demand and take that life? Shall we admit
+that there is a duel between society and these souls deranged by the
+wrongs of society? "In this duel," said Vaillant, "I have only wounded
+my adversary, it is now his turn to strike me."[7] It is tragic enough
+that a poor and desperate soul, like Vaillant, should have felt himself
+in deadly combat with society, but how much more tragic it is for
+society to admit that fact, accept the challenge, and take that life!
+"If you cannonade us, we shall dynamite you," said Louis Lingg.[8] And
+we answer, "If you dynamite us, we shall cannonade you." And in so far
+as this is our sole attitude toward these rebels, wherein are we
+superior? For Lingg to say that was at least heroic. For us so to answer
+is not even heroic. Our paid men see to it. It is done as a matter of
+course and forgotten.
+
+These men say that justice exists only for the powerful, that the poor
+are robbed, and that "the lamp of their soul" is put out. They beg us to
+listen, and we will not. They ask us to read, and we will not. "It takes
+a loud voice to make the deaf hear," said Vaillant. They then give all
+they have to execute one dreadful deed of propaganda in order to awaken
+us. Must even this fail? We can hang them, but can we forget them? After
+every deed of the anarchists the press, the police, and the pulpit carry
+on for weeks a frenzied discussion over their atrocities. The lives of
+these Propagandists of the Deed are then crushed out, and in a few
+months even their names are forgotten. There seems to be an innate dread
+among us to seek the causes that lie at the bottom of these distressing
+symptoms of our present social regime. We prefer, it seems, to become
+like that we contemplate. We seek to terrorize them, as they seek to
+terrorize us. As the anarchist believes that oppression may be ended by
+the murder of the oppressor, so society cherishes the thought that
+anarchism may be ended by the murder of the anarchist. Are not our
+methods in truth the same, and can any man doubt that both are equally
+futile and senseless? Both the anarchy of the powerful and the anarchy
+of the weak are stupid and abortive, in that they lead to results
+diametrically opposed to the ends sought. Tennyson was never nearer a
+great social truth than when he wrote:
+
+
+     "He that roars for liberty
+     Faster binds a tyrant's power;
+     And the tyrant's cruel glee
+     Forces on the freer hour."[9]
+
+
+No one perhaps is better qualified than Lombroso to speak on the present
+punitive methods of society as a direct cause of terrorism.
+"Punishment," he says, "far from being a palliative to the fanaticism
+and the nervous diseases of others, exalts them, on the contrary, by
+exciting their altruistic aberration and their thirst for martyrdom. In
+order to heal these anarchist wounds there is, according to some
+statesmen, nothing but hanging on the gallows and prison. For my part, I
+consider it just indeed to take energetic measures against the
+anarchists. However, it is not necessary to go so far as to take
+measures which are merely the result of momentary reactions, measures
+which thus become as impulsive as the causes which have produced them
+and in their turn a source of new violence.
+
+"For example, I am not an unconditional adversary of capital punishment,
+at least when it is a question of the criminal born, whose existence is
+a constant danger to worthy people. Consequently, I should not have
+hesitated to condemn Pini[K] and Ravachol. On the other hand, I believe
+that capital punishment or severe or merely ignominious penalties are
+not suited to the crimes and the offenses of the anarchists in general.
+First, many of them are mentally deranged, and for these it is the
+asylum, and not death or the gallows, that is fitting. It is necessary
+also to take account, in the case of some of these criminals, of their
+noble altruism which renders them worthy of certain regard. Many of
+these people are souls that have gone astray and are hysterical, like
+Vaillant and Henry, who, had they been engaged in some other cause, far
+from being a danger, would have been able to be of use in this society
+which they wished to destroy....
+
+"As to indirect suicides, is it not to encourage them and to make them
+attain the end that they desire when we inflict on all those so disposed
+a spectacular death?... For many criminals by passion, unbalanced by an
+inadequate education, and whose feeling is aroused by either their own
+misery or at the sight of the misery of others, we would no more award
+the death penalty if the motive has been exclusively political, because
+they are much less dangerous than the criminal born. On the other hand,
+commitment to the asylum of the epileptic and the hysteric would be a
+practical measure, especially in France, where ridicule kills them.
+Martyrs are venerated and fools are derided."[10]
+
+Of course, Lombroso is endeavoring to prescribe a method of treatment
+for the terrorist that will not breed more terrorists. He sees in the
+present punitive methods an active cause of violence. However, it is
+perhaps impossible to hope that society will adopt any different
+attitude than that which it has taken in the past toward these
+unbalanced souls. In fact, it seems that a savage _lex talionis_ is
+wholly satisfying to the feudists on both sides. Neither the one nor the
+other seeks to understand the forces driving them both. They are bent on
+destroying each other, and they will probably continue in that struggle
+for a long time to come. However, if we learn little from those actually
+engaged in the conflict, there are those outside who have labored
+earnestly to understand and explain the causes of terrorism. Ethics,
+religion, psychology, criminal pathology, sociology, economics,
+jurisprudence--all contribute to the explanation. And, while it is not
+possible to go into the entire matter as exhaustively as one could wish,
+there are several points which seem to make clear the cause of this
+almost individual struggle between the anarchists above and the
+anarchists below.
+
+Some of those who have written of the causes of terrorism have a
+partisan bias. There are those among the Catholic clergy, for instance,
+who have sought to place the entire onus on the doctrines of modern
+socialism. This has, in turn, led August Bebel to point out that the
+teachings of certain famous men in the Church have condoned
+assassination. He reminds us of Mariana, the Jesuit, who taught under
+what circumstances each individual has a right to take the life of a
+tyrant. His work, _De Rege et Rege Constitutione_, was famous in its
+time. Lombroso tells us that "the Jesuits ... who even to-day sustain
+the divine right of kings, when the kings themselves believe in it no
+longer, revolted at one time against the princes who were not willing to
+follow them in their _misoneique_ and retrograde fanaticism and hurled
+themselves into regicide. Thus three Jesuits were executed in England in
+1551 for complicity in a conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth, and
+two others in 1605 in connection with the powder plot. In France, Pere
+Guignard was beheaded for high treason against Henry IV. (1595). Some
+Jesuits were beheaded in Holland for the conspiracies against Maurice de
+Nassau (1598); and, later in Portugal, after the attempt to assassinate
+King Joseph (1757), three of the Jesuits were implicated; and in Spain
+(1766) still others were condemned for their conspiracy against
+Ferdinand IV.
+
+"During the same period two Jesuits were hanged in Paris as accomplices
+in the attempt against Louis XV. When they did not take an active part
+in political crimes, they exercised indirectly their influence by means
+of a whole series of works approving regicide or tyrannicide, as they
+were pleased to distinguish it in their books. Mariana, in his book, _De
+Rege et Rege Constitutione_, praises Clement and apologizes for
+regicide; and that, in spite of the fact that the Council of Constance
+had condemned the maxim according to which it was permitted to kill a
+tyrant."[L][11]
+
+That the views of Mariana were very similar to those of the terrorists
+will be seen by the following quotation from his famous book: "It is a
+question," he writes, in discussing the best means of killing a king,
+"whether it is more expedient to use poison or the dagger. The use of
+poison in the food has a great advantage in that it produces its effect
+without exposing the life of the one who has recourse to this method.
+But such a death would be a suicide, and one is not permitted to become
+an accomplice to a suicide. Happily, there is another method available,
+that of poisoning the clothing, the chairs, the bed. This is the method
+that it is necessary to put into execution in imitation of the
+Mauritanian kings, who, under the pretext of honoring their rivals with
+gifts, sent them clothes that had been sprinkled with an invisible
+substance, with which contact alone has a fatal effect."[12]
+
+It has also been pointed out that, although Catholics have rarely been
+given to revolutionary political and economic theories, the Mafia and
+the Camorra in Italy, the Fenians in Ireland, and the Molly Maguires in
+America were all organizations of Catholics which pursued the same
+terrorist tactics that we find in the anarchist movement. These are
+unquestionable facts, yet they explain nothing. Certainly Zenker is
+justified in saying, "The deeds of people like Jacques Clement,
+Ravaillac, Corday, Sand, and Caserio, are all of the same kind; hardly
+anyone will be found to-day to maintain that Sand's action followed from
+the views of the _Burschenschaft_, or Clement's from Catholicism, even
+when we learn that Sand was regarded by his fellows as a saint, as was
+Charlotte Corday and Clement, or even when learned Jesuits like Sa,
+Mariana, and others, _cum licentia et approbatione superiorum_, in
+connection with Clement's outrage, discussed the question of regicide in
+a manner not unworthy of Nechayeff or Most."[13] It therefore ill
+becomes the Catholic clergy to attack socialism on the ground of
+regicide, as not one socialist book or one socialist leader has ever yet
+been known to advocate even tyrannicide. On the other hand, while
+terrorism has been extraordinarily prevalent in Catholic countries, such
+as France, Italy, and Spain, no socialist will seriously seek to lay the
+blame on the Catholic Church. The truth is that the forces which produce
+terrorism affect the Catholic mind as they affect the Protestant mind.
+In every struggle for liberty and justice against religious, political,
+or industrial oppression, some men are moved to take desperate measures
+regardless of whether they are Catholics, Protestants, or pagans.
+
+Still other seekers after the causes of terrorism have pointed out that
+the ethics of our time appear to justify the terrorist and his tactics.
+History glorifies the deeds of numberless heroes who have destroyed
+tyrants. The story of William Tell is in every primer, and every
+schoolboy is thrilled with the tale of the hero who shot from ambush
+Gessler, the tyrant.[M] From the Old Testament down to even recent
+history, we find story after story which make immortal patriots of men
+who have committed assassination in the belief that they were serving
+their country. And can anyone doubt that Booth when he shot President
+Lincoln[N] or that Czolgosz when he murdered President McKinley was
+actuated by any other motive than the belief that he was serving a
+cause? It was the idea of removing an industrial tyrant that actuated
+young Alexander Berkman when he shot Henry C. Frick, of the Carnegie
+Company. These latter acts are not recorded in history as heroic, simply
+and solely because the popular view was not in sympathy with those
+acts. Yet had they been committed at another time, under different
+conditions, the story of these men might have been told for centuries to
+admiring groups of children.
+
+In Carlyle's "Hero Worship" and in his philosophy of history, the
+progress of the world is summarized under the stories of great men.
+Certain individuals are responsible for social wrongs, while other
+individuals are responsible for the great revolutions that have righted
+those wrongs. In the building up, as well as in the destruction of
+empires, the individual plays stupendous roles. This egocentric
+interpretation of history has not only been the dominant one in
+explaining the great political changes of the past, it is now the
+reasoning of the common mind, of the yellow press, of the demagogue, in
+dealing with the causes of the evils of the present day. The Republican
+Party declared that President McKinley was responsible for prosperity;
+by equally sound reasoning Czolgosz may have argued that he was
+responsible for social misery. According to this theory, Rockefeller is
+the giant mind that invented the trusts; political bosses such as Croker
+and Murphy are the infamous creatures who fasten upon a helpless
+populace of millions of souls a Tammany Hall; Bismarck created modern
+Germany; Lloyd George created social reform in England; while Tom Mann
+in England and Samuel Gompers in America are responsible for strikes;
+and Keir Hardie and Eugene Debs responsible for socialism. The
+individual who with great force of ability becomes the foremost figure
+in social, political, or industrial development is immediately assailed
+or glorified. He becomes the personification of an evil thing that must
+be destroyed or of a good thing that must be protected. It is a result
+of such reasoning that men ignorant of underlying social, political, or
+industrial forces seek to obstruct the processes of evolution by
+removing the individual. On this ground the anarchists have been led to
+remove hundreds of police officials, capitalists, royalties, and others.
+They have been poisoned, shot, and dynamited, in the belief that their
+removal would benefit humanity. Yet nothing would seem to be quite so
+obvious as the fact that their removal has hardly caused a ripple in the
+swiftly moving current of evolution. Others, often more forceful and
+capable, have immediately stepped into their places, and the course of
+events has remained unchanged.
+
+Speaking on this subject, August Bebel refers to the hero-worship of
+Bismarck in Germany: "There is no other person whom the social democracy
+had so much reason to hate as him, and the social democracy was not more
+hated by anybody than by just that Bismarck. Our love and our hatred
+were, as you see, mutual. But one would search in vain the entire social
+democratic press and literature for an expression of the thought that it
+would be a lucky thing if that man were removed.... But how often did
+the capitalist press express the idea that, were it not for Bismarck, we
+would not, to this day, have a united Germany? There cannot be a more
+mistaken idea than this. The unity of Germany would have come without
+Bismarck. The idea of unity and liberty was in the sixties so powerful
+among all the German people that it would have been realized, with or
+without the assistance of the Hohenzollerns. The unity of Germany was
+not only a political but an _economic necessity_, primarily in the
+interests of the capitalist class and its development. The idea of unity
+would have ultimately broken through with elementary force. At this
+juncture Bismarck made use of the tendency, in _his own fashion, in the
+interest of the Hohenzollern dynasty_, and at the same time _in the
+interest of the capitalist class and of the Junkers_, the landed
+nobility. The offspring of this compromise is the Constitution of the
+German Empire, the provisions of which strive to reconcile the interests
+of these three factors. Finally, even a man like Bismarck had to leave
+his post. 'What a misfortune for Germany!' cried the press devoted to
+him. Well, what has happened to Germany since then? Even Bismarck
+himself could not have ruled it much differently than it has been ruled
+since his days."[14]
+
+This egoistic conception of history is carried to its most violent
+extreme by the anarchists. The principles of Nechayeff are a series of
+prescriptions by which fearless and reckless individuals may destroy
+other individuals. Ravachol, Vaillant, and Henry seemed obsessed with
+the idea that upon their individual acts rested the burden of
+deliverance. Bonnot's last words were, "I am a celebrated man." From the
+gallows in Chicago Fischer declared, "This is the happiest moment of my
+life."[15] "Call your hangman!" exclaimed August Spies. "Truth crucified
+in Socrates, in Christ, in Giordano Bruno, in Huss, in Galileo, still
+lives--they and others whose name is legion have preceded us on this
+path. We are ready to follow!"[16] Fielden said: "I have loved my
+fellowmen as I have loved myself. I have hated trickery, dishonesty, and
+injustice. The nineteenth century commits the crime of killing its best
+friend."[17] It is singularly impressive, in reading the literature of
+anarchism, to weigh the last words of men who felt upon their souls the
+individual responsibility of saving humanity. They have uttered
+memorable words because of their inherent sincerity, their devout belief
+in the individual, in his power for evil, and in his power to remove
+that evil.
+
+In many anarchists, however, this deification of the individual induces
+a morbid and diseased egotism which drives them to the most amazing
+excesses; among others, the yearning to commit some memorable act of
+revolt in order to be remembered. In fact, the ego in its worst, as well
+as in its best aspect, dominates the thought and the literature of
+anarchism. Max Stirner, considered by some the founder of philosophical
+anarchism, calls his book "The Ego and His Own." "Whether what I think
+and do is Christian," he writes, "what do I care? Whether it is human,
+liberal, humane, whether unhuman, illiberal, inhuman, what do I ask
+about that? If only it accomplishes what I want, if only I satisfy
+myself in it, then overlay it with predicates as you will; it is all
+alike to me."[18] "Consequently my relation to the world is this: I no
+longer do anything for it 'for God's sake,' I do nothing 'for man's
+sake,' but what I do I do 'for my sake.'"[19] "Where the world comes in
+my way--and it comes in my way everywhere--I consume it to quiet the
+hunger of my egoism. For me you are nothing but--my food, even as I,
+too, am fed upon and turned to use by you."[20]
+
+Here society is conceived of as merely a collection of egos. The world
+is a history of gods and of devils. All the evils of the time are
+embodied in individual tyrants. Some of these individuals control the
+social forces, others the political, still others the industrial forces.
+As individuals, they overpower and enslave their individual enemies.
+Remove a man and you destroy the source of tyranny. A judge commits a
+man to death, and the judge is dynamited. A Prime Minister sends the
+army to shoot down striking workmen and the Prime Minister is shot. A
+law is passed violating the rights of free speech, and, following that,
+an Emperor is shot. The rich exploit the poor, and a fanatic throws a
+bomb in the first cafe he passes to revenge the poor. Wicked and unjust
+laws are made, and Vaillant goes in person to the Chamber of Deputies to
+throw his bomb. The police of Chicago murder some hungry strikers, and
+an avenger goes to the Haymarket to murder the police. In all these acts
+we find a point of view in harmony with the dominant one of our day. It
+is the one taught in our schools, in our pulpits, on our political
+platforms, and in our press. It is the view, carried to an extreme, of
+that man or group of men who believes that the ideas of individuals
+determine social evolution. Nothing could be more logical to the
+revolutionist who holds this view than to seek to remove those
+individuals who are responsible for the existing order of society. As a
+rule, the socialist stands almost alone in combating this ideological
+interpretation of history and of social evolution.
+
+There is something in the nature of poetic irony in the fact that the
+anarchist should take the very ethics of capitalism and reduce them to
+an absurdity. It is something in the nature of a satire, sordid and
+terrible, which the realism of things has here written. The very most
+cherished ethical ideals of our society are used by the bitterest
+enemies of that society to arouse the wronged to individual acts of
+revenge. Quite a number of notable anarchists have been the product of
+misery and oppression. Their souls were warped, and their minds
+distorted in childhood by hunger and brutality. They were wronged
+terribly by the world, and anarchism came to them as a welcome spirit,
+breathing revenge. It taught that the world was wrong, that injustice
+rode over it like a nightmare, that misery flourished in the midst of
+abundance, that multitudes labored with bent backs to produce luxuries
+for the few. Their eyes were opened to the wrong of hunger, poverty,
+unemployment, of woman and child labor, and of all the miseries that
+press heavily upon human souls. And in their revolt they saw kings,
+judges, police officials, legislators, captains of industry, who were
+said to be directly responsible for these social ills. It was not
+society or a system or even a class that was to blame; it was McKinley,
+or Carnot, or Frick. And those whom some worshiped as heroes, these men
+loathed as tyrants.
+
+The powerful have thought to deprive the poor of souls. They have liked
+to think that they would forever bear their cross in peace. Yet when
+anarchism comes and touches the souls of the poor it finds not dead
+blocks of wood or mere senseless cogs in an industrial machine; it finds
+the living, who can pray and weep, love and hate. No matter how scared
+their souls become, there is yet a possibility that their whole beings
+may revolt under wrong. When the anarchist deifies even the veriest
+wreck of society--this individual, "this god, though in the germ"--when
+he inflames it with dignity and with pride, when he fills its whole
+being with a thirst for awful and incredible vengeance, you have Duval,
+Lingg, Ravachol, Luccheni, and Bonnot. Add to their desire for revenge
+the philosophy of anarchism and of our schoolbooks, that individuals are
+the makers of history, and the result is terrorism.
+
+Other students of terrorism have noted the prevalence of violence in
+those countries and times where the courts are corrupt, where the law is
+brutal and oppressive, or where men are convinced that no available
+machinery exists to execute the ends of justice. This latter is the
+explanation given for the numerous lynchings in America and also for
+the practices of "popular justice" that used to be a common feature of
+frontier life. In the absence of a properly constituted legal machinery
+groups of men undertake to shoot, hang, or burn those whom they consider
+dangerous to the public weal. In Russia it was inevitable that a
+terrorist movement should arise. The courts were corrupt, the
+bureaucracy oppressive. Furthermore, no form of freedom existed. Men
+could neither speak nor write their views. They could not assemble, and
+until recently they did not possess the slightest voice in the affairs
+of government. Borne down by a most hideous oppression, the terrorist
+was the natural product. The same conditions have existed to an extent
+in Italy, and probably no other country has produced so many violent
+anarchists. Caserio, Luccheni, Bresci, and Angiolillo have been
+mentioned, but there are others, such as Santoro, Mantica, Benedicti,
+although these latter are accused of being police agents. In Italy the
+people have for centuries individually undertaken to execute their
+conception of equity. Official justice was too costly to be available to
+the poor, and the courts were too corrupt to render them justice. For
+centuries, therefore, men have been considered justified in murdering
+their personal enemies. Among all classes it has long been customary to
+deal individually with those who have committed certain crimes. The
+horrible legal conditions existing in both Spain and Italy have
+developed among these peoples the idea of "self-help." They have taken
+law into their own hands, and, according to their lights and passions,
+have meted out their rude justice. Assassination has been defended in
+these countries, as lynching has been defended recently, as some will
+remember, by a most eminent American anarchist, the Governor of South
+Carolina.
+
+Lombroso says in his exhaustive study of the causes of violence, _Les
+Anarchistes_: "History is rich in examples of the complicity of
+criminality and politics, and where one sees in turn political passion
+react on criminal instinct and criminal instinct on political passion.
+While Pompey has on his side all honest people--Cato, Brutus, Cicero;
+Caesar, more popular than he, has as his followers only
+degenerates--Antony, a libertine and drunkard; Curio, a bankrupt;
+Clelius, a madman; Dolabella, who made his wife die of grief and who
+wanted to annul all debts; and, above all, Catiline and Clodius. In
+Greece the Clefts, who are brigands in time of peace, have valiantly
+championed the independence of their country. In Italy, in 1860, the
+Papacy and the Bourbons hired brigands to oppose the national party and
+its troops; the Mafia of Sicily rose up with Garibaldi; and the Camorra
+of Naples cooeperated with the liberals. And this shameful alliance with
+the Camorra of Naples is not yet dissolved; the last parliamentary
+struggles relative to the acts of the government of Naples have given us
+a sad echo of it--which, alas, proves that it still lasts without hope
+of change for the future. It is especially at the initial stages of
+revolutions that these sorts of people abound. It is then, indeed, that
+the abnormal and unhealthy spirits predominate over the faltering and
+the weak and drag them on to excesses by an actual epidemic of
+imitation."[21]
+
+Marx and Engels saw very clearly the part that the criminal elements
+would play in any uprising, and as early as 1847 they wrote in the
+Communist Manifesto: "The 'dangerous class,' the social scum, that
+passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society,
+may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian
+revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for
+the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue."[22] The truth of
+this statement has been amply illustrated in the numerous outbreaks that
+have occurred since it was written. The use by the Bakouninists in Spain
+of the criminal elements there, the repeated exploits of the police
+agents in discrediting every uprising by encouraging the criminal
+elements to outrageous acts, and the terrible barbarities of the
+criminal classes at the time of the Paris Commune are all examples of
+how useful to reaction the rotting layers of old society may become.
+Even when they do not serve as a bribed tool of the reactionary
+elements, their atrocities, both cruel and criminal, repel the
+self-respecting and conscientious elements. They discredit the real
+revolutionists, who must bear the stigma that attaches to the inhuman
+acts of the "dangerous class."
+
+That the European governments have used the terrorists in exactly this
+manner in order to discredit popular movements, is not, I think, open to
+any question. The money of the anarchists' bitterest enemy has helped to
+make anarchy so well known. The politics of Machiavelli is the politics
+of nearly every old established European government. It is the politics
+of families who have been trained in the profession of rulership. And
+this mastership, as William Morris has said, has many shifts. And one
+that has been most useful to them is that of subsidizing those persons
+or elements who by their acts promote reaction. In Russia it is an old
+custom to foment and provoke minor insurrections. Police agents enter a
+discontented district and do all possible to irritate the troublesome
+elements and to force them "to come into the street." In this manner the
+agitators and leaders are brought to the front, where at one stroke they
+may all be shot. Furthermore, the police agents themselves commit or
+provoke such atrocious crimes that the people are terrified and welcome
+the strong arm of the Government. Literally scores of instances might be
+given where, by well-planned work of this sort, the active leaders are
+cut down, the sources of agitation destroyed, and through the robberies,
+murders, and dynamite outrages of police agents the people are so
+terrified that they welcome the intervention of even tyranny itself.
+
+An immense sensation throughout Europe was created by an address by
+Jules Guesde in the French Chamber of Deputies, the 19th of July, 1894.
+The deeds of Ravachol, Vaillant, and Henry were still the talk of
+Europe, and, three weeks before, the President of the Republic had been
+stabbed to death by Caserio. It was in that critical period, amidst
+commotions, interruptions, protests, and exclamations of amazement, that
+Guesde brought out his evidence that the chief of police of Paris had
+paid regular subsidies to promote and extend both the preaching and the
+practice of violent anarchism. He introduced, in support of his remarks,
+portions from the Memoirs of M. Andrieux, our old friend of Lyons and
+later the head of the Paris police. "The anarchists," says Andrieux,
+"wished to have a newspaper to spread their doctrines. If I fought their
+Propaganda of the Deed, I at least favored the spread of their doctrines
+by means of the press, and I have no reasons for depriving myself longer
+of their gratitude.[O] The companions were looking for some one to
+advance funds, but infamous capital was in no hurry to reply to their
+appeal. I shook it up and succeeded in persuading it that it was for its
+own interest to aid in the publication of an anarchist newspaper....
+
+"But do not think that I boldly offered to the anarchists the
+encouragement of the Prefect of Police.... I sent a well-dressed
+bourgeois to one of the most active and intelligent of them. He
+explained that, having acquired a fortune in the drug business, he
+desired to devote a part of his income to help their propaganda. This
+bourgeois, anxious to be devoured, awakened no suspicion among the
+companions. Through his hands, I deposited the caution money in the
+coffers of the State, and the paper, _la Revolution Sociale_, made its
+appearance.... Every day, about the table of the editors, the authorized
+representatives of the party of action assembled; they looked over the
+international correspondence; they deliberated on the measures to be
+taken to end 'the exploitation of man by man'; they imparted to each
+other the recipes which science puts at the disposal of revolution. I
+was always represented in the councils, and I gave my advice in case of
+need.... The members had decided in the beginning that the
+Palais-Bourbon must be blown up. They deliberated on the question as to
+whether it would not be more expedient to commence with some more
+accessible monument. The Bank of France, the _palais de l'Elysee_, the
+house of the prefect of police, the office of the Minister of the
+Interior were all discussed, then abandoned, by reason of the too
+careful surveillance of which they were the object."[23] Toward the end
+of his address, Guesde turned to the reactionaries, and said: "I have
+shown you that everywhere, from the beginning of the anarchist epidemic
+in France, you find either the hand or the money of one of your
+prefects of police.... That is how you have fought in the past this
+anarchistic danger of which you make use to-day to commit, what shall I
+say?... real crimes, not only against socialism, but against the
+Republic itself."[24]
+
+For the last forty years police agents have swarmed into the socialist,
+the anarchist, and the trade-union movements for the purpose of
+provoking violence. The conditions grew so bad in Russia that every
+revolutionist suspected his comrade. Many loyal revolutionists were
+murdered in the belief that they were spies. In the belief that they
+were comrades, the faithful intrusted their innermost secrets to the
+agents of the police. Every plan they made was known. Every undertaking
+proved abortive, because the police knew everything in advance and
+frequently had in charge of every plot their own men. Criminals were
+turned into the movement under the surveillance of the police.[P] All
+through the days of the International it was a common occurrence to
+expose police spies, and in every national party agents of the police
+have been discovered and driven out. It has become almost a rule, in
+certain sections of the socialist and labor movements, that the man who
+advocates violence must be watched, and there are numerous instances
+where such men have been proved to be paid agents of the police. Joseph
+Peukert was for many years one of the foremost leaders of the
+anarchists. He was in Vienna with Stellmacher and Kammerer, and devoted
+much of his time to translating into German the works of foreign
+anarchists. It was only discovered toward the end of his life that
+during all this time he was in the employ of the Austrian police.
+
+These and similar startling facts were brought out by August Bebel in an
+address delivered in Berlin, November 2, 1898. Luccheni had just
+murdered the Empress of Austria, and the German reactionaries attempted,
+of course, to connect him with the socialists. Bebel created utter
+consternation in their camp when, as a part of his address, he showed
+the active participation of high officials in crimes of the anarchists.
+"And how often," said Bebel, "police agents have helped along in the
+attempted or executed assassinations of the last decades. When Bismarck
+was Federal Ambassador at Frankfort-on-the-Main he wrote to his wife:
+'For lack of material the police agents lie and exaggerate in a most
+inexcusable manner.' These agents are engaged to discover contemplated
+assassinations. Under these circumstances, the bad fellows among them
+... come easily to the idea: 'If other people don't commit
+assassinations, then we ourselves must help the thing along.' For, if
+they cannot report that there is something doing, they will be
+considered superfluous, and, of course, they don't want that to happen.
+So they 'help the thing along' by 'correcting luck,' as the French
+proverb puts it. Or they play politics on their own score.
+
+"To demonstrate this I need only to remind you of the 'reminiscences' of
+Andrieux, the former Chief of Police of Paris, in which he brags with
+the greatest cynicism of how he, by aid of police funds, subsidized
+extreme Anarchist papers and organized Anarchist assassinations, just to
+give a thorough scare to rich citizens. And then there is that notorious
+Police Inspector Melville, of London, who also operated on these lines.
+That was revealed by the investigation of the so-called Walsall attempt
+at assassination. Among the assassinations committed by the Fenians
+there were also some that were the work of the police, as was shown at
+the Parnell trial. Everybody remembers how much of such activity was
+displayed in Belgium during the eighties by that prince of scoundrels,
+Pourbaix. Even the Minister Bernaard himself was compelled to admit
+before the Parliament that Pourbaix was paid to arrange assassinations
+in order to justify violent persecutions of the _Social Democracy_.
+Likewise was Baron von Ungern-Sternberg, nicknamed the 'bomb-baron,'
+unmasked as a police agent at the trial of the Luttich Anarchists.
+
+"And then--our own good friends at the time of the [anti-] Socialist
+law. About them I myself could tell you some interesting stories, for I
+was among those who helped to unmask them. There is Schroeder-Brennwald,
+of Zurich, the chap who was receiving from Molkenmarkt, through police
+counsellor Krueger, a monthly salary of at first 200 and then 250 marks.
+At every meeting in Zurich this Schroeder was stirring up people and
+putting them up to commit acts of violence. But to guard against
+expulsion from Switzerland by the authorities of that country, he first
+acquired _citizenship in Switzerland_, presumably by means of funds
+furnished by the police of Prussia. During the summer of 1883 Schroeder
+and the police-Anarchist Kaufman called and held in Zurich a conference
+participated in by thirteen persons. Schroeder acted as chairman. At
+that conference plans were laid for the assassinations which were later
+committed in Vienna, Stuttgart, and Strassburg by Stellmacher, Kammerer,
+and Kumitzsch. I am not informed that these unscrupulous scoundrels,
+although they were in the service of the police, had informed the
+police commissioner that those murders were being contemplated.... Men
+like Stellmacher and Kammerer paid for their acts with their lives on
+the gallows. When [Johann] Most was serving a term in a prison in
+England, this same police spy Schroeder had Most's 'Freiheit' published
+at Schaffhausen, Switzerland, at his own expense. The money surely did
+not come out of his own pocket.
+
+"That was a glorious time when [we unmasked this Schroeder and the other
+police organizer of plots, Haupt, to whom] the police counsellor Krueger
+wrote that he knew the next attempt on the life of the Czar of Russia
+would be arranged in Geneva, and he should send in reports. Was this
+demand not remarkable in the highest degree? And now Herr von Ehrenberg,
+the former colonel of artillery of Baden!... This fellow was
+unquestionably for good reason suspected of having betrayed to the
+General Staff of Italy the fortifications of Switzerland at St.
+Gotthard. When his residence was searched it was brought to light that
+Herr von Ehrenberg worked also in the employ of the Prussian police. He
+gave regularly written reports of conversations which he claimed to have
+had with our comrades, including me. Only in those alleged conversations
+the characters were reversed. We were represented as advocating the most
+reckless criminal plans, which in reality he himself suggested and
+defended, while he pictured himself in those reports as opposing the
+plans.... What would have happened if some day those reports had fallen
+into the hands of certain persons--and that was undoubtedly the
+purpose--and, if accused, we had no witnesses to prove the spy committed
+perfidy? Thus, for instance, he attempted to convince me--but in his
+records claimed that it was I who proposed it--that it would be but
+child's play to find out the residences of the higher military officers
+in all the greater cities of Germany, then, in one night, send out our
+best men and have all those officers murdered simultaneously. In four
+articles published in the 'Arbeiterstimme,' of Zurich, he explained in a
+truly classical manner how to conduct a modern street battle, what to do
+to get the best of artillery and cavalry. At meetings he urged the
+collection of funds to buy arms for our people. As soon as war broke out
+with France our comrades from Switzerland, according to him, should
+break into Baden and Wuerttemberg, should there tear up the tracks and
+confiscate the contents of the postal and railroad treasuries. And this
+man, who urged me to do all that, was, as I said, in the employ of the
+Prussian police.
+
+"Another police preacher and organizer of violent plots was that
+well-known Friedeman who was driven out of Berlin, and, at the
+gatherings of comrades in Zurich, appealed to them, in prose and poetry,
+to commit acts of violence. A certain Weiss, a journeyman tinsmith, was
+arrested in the vicinity of Basel for having put up posters in which the
+deeds of Kammerer and Stellmacher were glorified. He, too, was in the
+employ of the German police, as was afterward established during the
+court proceedings.
+
+"A certain Schmidt, who had to disappear from Dresden on account of his
+crooked conduct, came to Zurich and urged the establishment of a
+_special fund for assassinations_, contributing twenty francs to start
+the fund. Correspondence which he had carried on with Chief of Police
+Weller, of Dresden, and which later fell into our hands, proved that he
+was in the employ of the police, whom he kept informed of his actions.
+And then the unmasked secret police agent Ihring-Mahlow, here in
+Berlin, who announced that he was prepared to teach the manufacture of
+explosives, for 'the parliamentary way is too slow.'"[25]
+
+Here certainly is a great source of violence and crime, and, in view of
+such revelations, no one can be sure that any anarchist outrage is
+wholly voluntary and altogether free from the manipulation of the secret
+police. With _agents provocateurs_ swarming over the movement and
+working upon the minds of the weak, the susceptible, and the criminal,
+there is reason to believe that their influence in the tragedies of
+terrorism is far greater than will ever be known. To discredit starving
+men on strike, to defeat socialists in an election, to promote a
+political intrigue, to throw the entire legislature into the hands of
+the reaction, to conceal corruption, or to take the public mind from too
+intently watching the nefarious schemes of a political-financial
+conspiracy--for all these and a multitude of other purposes thousands of
+secret police agents are at work. The sordid facts of this infamous
+commerce are no longer in doubt, and one wonders how the anarchists can
+delude themselves into the belief that they are serving the weak and
+lowly when they commit exactly the same crimes that professional
+assassins are hired to commit. This certainly _is_ madness. To be thus
+used by their bitterest enemies, the police and the State, to serve thus
+voluntarily the forces of intrigue, of reaction, and of tyranny--surely
+nothing can be so near to unreason as this. When Bismarck's personal
+organ declared again and again, "There is nothing left to be done but to
+provoke the social democrats to commit acts of despair, to draw them out
+into the open street, and there to shoot them down,"[26] a reasoning
+opponent would have seen that this was just what he would not allow
+himself to be drawn into. Yet Bismarck hardly says this and sets his
+police to work before the anarchist freely, voluntarily, and with
+tremendous exaltation of spirit attempts to carry it out.
+
+Strange to say, the desire of the powerful to promote anarchy seems to
+be well enough understood by the anarchists themselves. Kropotkin, in
+his "Memoirs," tells of two cases where police agents were sent to him
+with money to help establish anarchist papers, and there was hardly a
+moment of his revolutionary career when there were not police agents
+about him. Emma Goldman also appreciates the fact that the police are
+always ready to lend a hand in anarchist outrages. "For a number of
+years," she says, "acts of violence had been committed in Spain, for
+which the anarchists were held responsible, hounded like wild beasts,
+and thrown into prison. Later it was disclosed that the perpetrators of
+these acts were not anarchists, but members of the police department.
+The scandal became so widespread that the conservative Spanish papers
+demanded the apprehension and punishment of the gang leader, Juan Rull,
+who was subsequently condemned to death and executed. The sensational
+evidence, brought to light during the trial, forced Police Inspector
+Momento to exonerate completely the anarchists from any connection with
+the acts committed during a long period. This resulted in the dismissal
+of a number of police officials, among them Inspector Tressols, who, in
+revenge, disclosed the fact that behind the gang of police bomb-throwers
+were others of far higher position, who provided them with funds and
+protected them. This is one of the many striking examples of how
+anarchist conspiracies are manufactured."[27] With knowledge such as
+this, is it possible that a sane mind can encourage the despairing to
+undertake riots and insurrections? Yet when we turn to the anarchists
+for our answer, they tell us "that the accumulated forces in our social
+and economic life, culminating in a political act of violence, are
+similar to the terrors of the atmosphere, manifested in storm and
+lightning. To thoroughly appreciate the truth of this view, one must
+feel intensely the indignity of our social wrongs; one's very being must
+throb with the pain, the sorrow, the despair millions of people are
+daily made to endure. Indeed, unless we have become a part of humanity,
+we cannot even faintly understand the just indignation that accumulates
+in a human soul, the burning, surging passion that makes the storm
+inevitable."[28] Such explosions of rage one would expect from the
+unreasonable and the childlike. They are bursts of passion that end in
+the knocking of one's head against a stone wall. This may in truth be
+the psychology of the violent, yet it cannot be the psychology of a
+reasoning mind. This may explain the action of those who have lost all
+control over themselves or even the action of a class that has not
+advanced beyond the stages of futile outbursts of passion, of aimless
+and suicidal violence, and of self-destructive rage. But it is
+incredible that it should be considered by anyone as reasonable or
+intelligent, or, least of all, revolutionary.
+
+Probably still other causes of terrorism exist, but certainly the chief
+are those above mentioned. The writings of Bakounin, Nechayeff,
+Kropotkin, and Most; the miserable conditions which surround the life of
+a multitude of impoverished people; the often savage repression of any
+attempts on the part of the workers to improve their conditions; corrupt
+courts and parliaments and unjust laws; a false conception of ethics; a
+high-wrought nervous tension combined with compassion; the egocentric
+philosophy which deifies the individual and would press its claims even
+to the destruction of all else in the world; these are no doubt the
+chief underlying causes of the terrorism of the last forty years. Yet,
+as I have said, there is one force making for terrorism that throws a
+confusing light on the whole series of tragedies. Why should the
+governments of Europe subsidize anarchy? Why should their secret police
+encourage outrages, plant dynamite, and incite the criminal elements to
+become anarchists, and in that guise to burn, pillage, and commit
+murder? Why should that which assumes to stand for law and order work to
+the destruction of law and order? What is it that leads the corrupt,
+vicious, and reactionary elements in the official world to turn thus to
+its use even anarchy and terrorism? What end do the governments of
+Europe seek?
+
+I have already suggested the answers to the above questions, but they
+will not be understood by the reader unless he realizes that throughout
+all of last century the democratic movement has been to the privileged
+classes the most menacing spectacle imaginable. Again and again it arose
+to challenge existing society. In some form, however vague, it lay back
+of every popular movement. At moments the powerful seemed actually to
+fear that it was on the point of taking possession of the world, and
+repeatedly it has been pushed back, crushed, subdued, almost obliterated
+by their repressive measures. Yet again and again it arose responsive to
+the actual needs of the time, and became toward the end of the century
+one of the most impressive movements the world has ever known. Filled
+with idealism for a new social order, and determined to change
+fundamentally existing conditions, the working class has fought onward
+and upward toward a world State and a socialized industrial life. There
+can be no doubt that the amazing growth of the modern socialist movement
+has terrified the powers of industrial and political tyranny. To them
+it is an incomparable menace, and superhuman efforts have been made to
+turn it from its path. They have endeavored to divide it, to
+misinterpret it, to divert it, to corrupt it, and the greatest of all
+their efforts has been made toward forcing it to become a movement of
+terrorists, in order ultimately to discredit and destroy it. "We have
+always been of the opinion," declared an unknown opponent of socialism,
+"that it takes the devil to drive out Beelzebub and that socialism must
+be fought with anarchy. As a corn louse and similar insects are driven
+out by the help of other insects that devour them and their eggs, so the
+Government should cultivate and rear anarchists in the principal nests
+of socialism, leaving it to the anarchists to destroy socialism. The
+anarchists will do that work more effectively than either police or
+district attorneys."[29] Has this been the chief motive in helping to
+keep terrorism alive?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[J] Kropotkin, in "The Conquest of Bread," p. 73, suggests that in the
+Revolution the socialists will probably hang the anarchists.
+
+[K] Pini declared that he had committed robberies amounting to over
+three hundred thousand francs from the bourgeoisie in order to avenge
+the oppressed. Cf. Lombroso, "_Les Anarchistes_," p. 52.
+
+[L] "The work of Mariana was afterward approved by Sola (_Tractus de
+legibus_), by Gretzer (_Opera omnia_), by Becano (_Opuscula theologica
+Summa Theologicae scholasticae_).
+
+"Pere Emanuel (_Aphorismi confessariorum_), Gregoire de Valence
+(_Comment. Theolog._), Keller (_Tyrannicidium_), and Suarez (_Defentio
+fidei cathol._) hold similar ideas, while Azor (_Institut. moral._),
+Lorin (_Comm. in librum psalmorum_), Comitolo (_Responsa morala_), etc.,
+recognized the right of every individual to kill the prince for his own
+defense."--_Les Anarchistes_, p. 207.
+
+[M] Bakounin, when endeavoring to save Nechayeff from being arrested by
+the Swiss authorities and sent back to Russia, defends him on precisely
+these grounds, claiming that Nechayeff had taken the fable of William
+Tell seriously. Cf. _OEuvres_, Vol. II, p. 29.
+
+[N] Booth wrote, a day or so after killing Lincoln: "After being hunted
+like a dog through swamps and woods, and last night being chased by
+gunboats till I was forced to return, wet, cold, and starving, with
+every man's hand against me, I am here in despair. And why? For doing
+what Brutus was honored for--what made William Tell a hero; and yet I,
+for striking down an even greater tyrant than they ever knew, am looked
+upon as a common cutthroat." Cf. "The Death of Lincoln," Laughlin, p.
+135.
+
+[O] Kropotkin tells of the effort made by the agents of Andrieux to
+persuade him and Elisee Reclus to collaborate in the publication of this
+so-called anarchist paper. He also says it was a paper of "unheard-of
+violence; burning, assassination, dynamite bombs--there was nothing but
+that in it."--"Memoirs of a Revolutionist," pp. 478-480.
+
+[P] In "The Terror in Russia" Kropotkin tells of bands of criminals who,
+under pretense of being revolutionists and wanting money for
+revolutionary purposes, forced wealthy people to contribute under menace
+of death. The headquarters of the bands were at the office of the secret
+police.
+
+
+
+
+PART II
+
+STRUGGLES WITH VIOLENCE
+
+[Illustration: KARL MARX]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE BIRTH OF MODERN SOCIALISM
+
+
+While terrorism was running its tragic course, the socialists grew from
+a tiny sect into a world-wide movement. And, as terrorist acts were the
+expression of certain uncontrollably rebellious spirits, so
+cooeperatives, trade unions, and labor parties arose in response to the
+conscious and constructive effort of the masses. As a matter of fact,
+the terrorist groups never exercised any considerable influence over the
+actual labor movement, except for a brief period in Spain and America.
+Indeed, they did not in the least understand that movement. The
+followers of Bakounin were largely young enthusiasts from the middle
+class, who were referred to scornfully at the time as "lawyers without
+cases, physicians without patients and knowledge, students of billiards,
+commercial travelers, and others."[1] Yet it cannot be denied that
+violence has played, and still in a measure plays, a part in the labor
+movement. I mean the violence of sheer desperation. It rises and falls
+in direct relation to the lawlessness, the repression, and the tyranny
+of the governments. Furthermore, where labor organizations are weakest
+and the masses most ignorant and desperate, the very helplessness of the
+workers leads them into that violence. This is made clear enough by the
+historic fact that in the early days of the modern industrial system
+nearly every strike of the unorganized laborers was accompanied by
+riots, machine-breaking, and assaults upon men and property.
+
+No small part of this early violence was directly due to the brutal
+opposition of society to every form of labor organization. The workers
+were fought violently, and they answered violence with violence. It must
+not be forgotten that the trade unions and the socialist parties grew,
+in spite of every menace, in the very teeth of that which forbade them,
+and under the eye of that which sought to destroy them. And, like other
+living things in the midst of a hostile environment, they covered
+themselves with spurs to ward off the enemy. The early movements of
+labor were marked by a sullen, bitter, and destructive spirit; and some
+of the much persecuted propagandists of early trade unionism and
+socialism thought that "implacable destruction" was preferable to the
+tyranny which the workers then suffered. Not the philosophy, but the
+rancor of Bakounin, of Nechayeff, and of Most represented,
+three-quarters of a century ago, the feeling of great masses of
+workingmen. Riots, insurrections, machine-breaking, incendiarism,
+pillage, and even murder were then more truly expressive of the attitude
+of certain sections of the brutalized poor toward the society which had
+disinherited them than most of us to-day realize. In every industrial
+center, previous to 1850, the working-class movement, such as it was,
+yielded repeatedly to self-exhausting expressions of blind and sullen
+rage. The resentment of the workers was deep, and, without program or
+philosophy, a spirit of destruction often ran riot in nearly every
+movement of the workers.
+
+During the first fifty years, then, of last century, little building was
+done. A mob spirit prevailed, and the great body of toilers was divided
+into innumerable bands, who fought their battles without aim, and,
+after weeks of rioting, left nothing behind them. Toward the middle of
+the century the real building of the labor movement commenced. In every
+country men soberly and seriously set to work, and everywhere throughout
+the entire industrial world the foundations were laid for the great
+movement that exists to-day. Yet the present world-wide movement, so
+harmonious in its principles and methods and so united in doctrines,
+could not have been all that it is had there not come to its aid in its
+most critical and formative period several of the ablest and
+best-schooled minds of Europe. At the period when the workers were
+finding their feet and beginning their task of organization on a large
+scale, there was also in Europe much revolutionary activity in
+"intellectual" circles. The forties was a germinating period for many
+new social and economic theories. In France, Germany, and England there
+were many groups discussing with heat and passion every theory of trade
+unionism, anarchism, and socialism. On the whole, they were middle-class
+"intellectuals," battling in their sectarian circles over the evils of
+our economic life, the problems of society, and the relations between
+the classes. Suddenly the revolution was upon them--the moment which
+they all instinctively felt was at hand--but, when it came, most of them
+were able to play no forceful part in it. It was a movement of vast
+masses, over which the social revolutionists had little influence, and
+the various groups found themselves incapable of any really effective
+action. To be sure, many of those seeking a social revolution played a
+creditable part in the uprisings throughout Europe during '48 and '49,
+but the time had not yet arrived for the working classes to achieve any
+striking reforms of their own. The only notable result of the period, so
+far as the social revolutionary element was concerned, was that it lost
+once again, nearly everywhere, its press, its liberty of speech, and its
+right of association. It was driven underground; but there germinated,
+nevertheless, in the innumerable secret societies, some of the most
+important principles and doctrines upon which the international labor
+movement was later to be founded.
+
+In France socialist theories had never been wholly friendless from the
+time of the great Revolution. The memory of the _enrages_ of 1793 and of
+Babeuf and his conspiracy of 1795 had been kept green by Buonarotti and
+Marechal. The ruling classes had very cunningly lauded liberty and
+fraternity, but they rarely mentioned the struggle for equality, which,
+of course, appeared to them as a regrettable and most dangerous episode
+in the great Revolution. Yet, despite that fact, this early struggle for
+economic equality had never been wholly forgotten. Besides, there were
+Fourier and Saint-Simon, who, with very great scholarly attainments, had
+rigidly analyzed existing society, exposed its endless disorders, and
+advocated an entire social transformation. There were also Considerant,
+Leroux, Vidal, Pecqueur, and Cabet. All of these able and gifted men had
+kept the social question ever to the front, while Louis Blanc and
+Blanqui had actually introduced into politics the principles of
+socialism. Blanqui was an amazing character. He was an incurable,
+habitual insurrectionist, who came to be called _l'enferme_ because so
+much of his life was spent in prison.[Q] The authorities again and again
+released him, only to hear the next instant that he was leading a mob to
+storm the citadels of the Government. His life was a series of
+unsuccessful assaults upon authority, launched in the hope that, if the
+working class should once install itself in power, it would reorganize
+society on socialist lines. He was a man of the street, who had only to
+appear to find an army of thousands ready to follow him. Blanqui used to
+say--according to Kropotkin--that there were in Paris fifty thousand men
+ready at any moment for an insurrection. Again and again he arose like
+an apparition among them, and on one occasion, at the head of two
+hundred thousand people, he offered the dictatorship of France to Louis
+Blanc. The latter was an altogether different person. His stage was the
+parliamentary one. He was a powerful orator, who, throughout the
+forties, was preaching his practical program of social reform--the right
+to work, the organization of labor, and the final extinction of
+capitalism by the growth of cooeperative production fostered by the
+State. In 1848 he played a great role, and all Europe listened with
+astonishment to the revolutionary proposals of this man who, for a few
+months, occupied the most powerful position in France. At the same time
+Proudhon was developing the principles of anarchism and earning
+everlasting fame as the father of that philosophy. In truth, the whole
+gamut of socialist ideas and the entire range of socialist methods had
+been agitated and debated in peace and in war for half a century in
+France.
+
+In England the same questions had disturbed all classes for nearly fifty
+years. There had been no great revolutionary period, but from the
+beginning of the nineteenth century to the extinction of Chartism in
+1848 every doctrine of trade unionism, syndicalism, anarchism, and
+socialism had been debated passionately by groups of workingmen and
+their friends. The principles and methods of trade unionism were being
+worked out on the actual battlefield, amid riots, strikes,
+machine-breaking, and incendiarism. Instinctively the masses were
+associating for mutual protection and, almost unconsciously, working out
+by themselves programs of action. Nevertheless, Joseph Hume, Francis
+Place, Robert Owen, and a number of other brilliant men were lending
+powerful intellectual aid to the workers in their actual struggle. A
+group of radical economists was also defending the claims of labor.
+Charles Hall, William Thompson, John Gray, Thomas Hodgskin, and J. F.
+Bray were all seeking to find the economic causes of the wrongs suffered
+by labor and endeavoring, in some manner, to devise remedies for the
+immense suffering endured by the working classes. Together with Robert
+Owen, a number of them were planning labor exchanges, voluntary
+communities, and even at one time the entire reorganization of the world
+through the trade unions. In this ferment the cooeperative movement also
+had its birth. The Rochdale Pioneers began to work out practically some
+of the cooeperative ideas of Robert Owen. With L28 a pathetic beginning
+was made that has led to the immensely rich cooeperative movement of
+to-day. Furthermore, the Chartists were leading a vast political
+movement of the workers. In support of the suffrage and of parliamentary
+representation for workingmen, a wonderful group of orators and
+organizers carried on in the thirties and forties an immense agitation.
+William Lovett, Feargus O'Connor, Joseph Rayner Stephens, Ernest Jones,
+Thomas Cooper, and James Bronterre O'Brien were among the notable and
+gifted men who were then preaching throughout all England revolutionary
+and socialist ideas. Such questions as the abolition of inheritances,
+the nationalization of land, the right of labor to the full product of
+its toil, the necessity of breaking down class control of
+Parliament--these and other subversive ideas were germinating in all
+sections of the English labor movement. It was a heroic
+period--altogether the most heroic period in the annals of toil--in
+which the most advanced and varied revolutionary ideas were hurtling in
+the air. The causes of the ruin that overcame this magnificent beginning
+of a revolutionary working-class movement cannot be dwelt upon here.
+Quarrels between the leaders, the incoherence of their policies, and
+divisions over the use of violence utterly wrecked a movement that
+anticipated by thirty years the social democracy of Germany. The tragic
+fiasco in 1848 was the beginning of an appalling working-class reaction
+from years of popular excesses and mob intoxications, from which the
+wiser leadership of the German movement was careful to steer clear. And,
+after '48, solemn and serious men settled down to the quiet building of
+trade unions and cooeperatives. Revolutionary ideas were put aside, and
+everywhere in England the responsible men of the movement were pleading
+with the masses to confine themselves to the practical work of education
+and organization.
+
+Although Germany was far behind England in industrial development and,
+consequently, also in working-class organization, the beginnings of a
+labor and socialist movement were discernible. A brief but delightful
+description of the early communist societies is given by Engels in his
+introduction to the _Revelations sur le Proces des Communistes_. As
+early as 1836 there were secret societies in Germany discussing
+socialist ideas. The "League of the Just" became later the "League of
+the Righteous," and that eventually developed into the "Communist
+League." The membership cards read, "All men are brothers." Karl
+Schapper, Heinrich Bauer, and Joseph Moll, all workingmen, were among
+those who made an imposing impression upon Engels. Even more notable was
+Weitling, a tailor, who traveled all over Germany preaching a mixture of
+Christian communism and French utopian socialism. He was a
+simple-hearted missionary, delivering his evangel. "The World As It Is
+and As It Might Be" was the moving title of one of his books that
+attracted to him not only many followers among the workers, but also
+notable men from other classes. Most of the communists were of course
+always under suspicion, and many of them were forced out of their own
+countries. As a result, a large number of foreigners--Scandinavians,
+Dutch, Hungarians, Germans, and Italians--found themselves in Paris and
+in London, and astonished each other by the similarity of their views.
+All Europe in this period was discussing very much the same things, and
+not only the more intelligent among the workers but the more idealistic
+among the youth from the universities were in revolt, discussing
+fervently republican, socialist, communist, and anarchist ideas. In
+"Young Germany," George Brandes gives a thrilling account of the
+spiritual and intellectual ferment that was stirring in all parts of the
+fatherland during the entire forties.[2]
+
+It was in this agitated period that Marx and Engels, both mere youths,
+began to press their ideas in revolutionary circles. They met each other
+in Paris in 1844, and there began their lifelong cooeperative labors.
+Engels, although a German, was living in England, occupied in his
+father's cotton business at Manchester. He had taken a deep interest in
+the condition of the laboring classes, and had followed carefully the
+terrible and often bloody struggles that so frequently broke out between
+capital and labor in England during the thirties and forties. Arriving
+by an entirely different route, he had come to opinions almost identical
+with those of Marx; and the next year he persuaded Marx to visit the
+factory districts of Lancashire, in order to acquaint himself actually
+with the enraged struggle then being fought between masters and men.
+Engels had not gone to a university, although he seems somehow to have
+acquired, despite his business cares and active association with the men
+and movements of his time, a thorough education. On the other hand, Marx
+was a university man, having studied at Jena, Bonn, and Berlin. Like
+most of the serious young men of the period, Marx was a devoted
+Hegelian. When his university days were over, he became the editor of
+the _Rheinische Zeitung_ of Cologne, but at the age of twenty-four he
+found his paper suppressed because of his radical utterances. He went to
+Paris, only to be expelled in 1845. He found a refuge in Belgium until
+1848, when the Government evidently thought it wise that he should move
+on. Shortly after, he returned to Germany to take up his editorial work
+once more, but in 1849, his _Neue Rheinische Zeitung_ was suppressed,
+and he was forced to return to Paris. The authorities, not wishing him
+there, sent him off to London, where he remained the rest of his life.
+By the irony of fate, even the governments of Europe seemed to be
+conspiring to force Marx to become the best equipped man of his time. To
+the leisure and travel enforced upon him by the European governments was
+due in no small measure his long schooling in economic theory,
+revolutionary political movements, and working-class methods of action.
+Both he and Engels penetrated into every nest of discontent. They came
+personally in touch with every group of dissidents. They spent many
+weary but invaluable weeks in the greatest libraries of Europe, with the
+result that they became thoroughly schooled in philosophy, economics,
+science, and languages. They pursued, to the minutest detail, with an
+inexhaustible thirst, the theories not only of the "authorities" but
+also of nearly every obscure socialist, radical, and revolutionist in
+England, France, Russia, and Germany.
+
+In Brussels, Paris, and London, around the forties, a number of
+brilliant minds seemed somehow or other to come frequently in contact
+with each other. Many of them had been driven out of their own
+countries, and, as exiles abroad, they had ample leisure to plan their
+great conspiracies or to debate their great theories. Some of the
+notable radicals of the period were Heine, Freiligrath, Herwegh,
+Willich, Kinkel, Weitling, Bakounin, Ruge, Ledru-Rollin, Blanc, Blanqui,
+Cabet, Proudhon, Ernest Jones, Eccarius, Marx, Engels, and Liebknecht;
+and many of them came together from time to time and, in great
+excitement and passion, fought as "Roman to Roman" over their panaceas.
+Marx and Engels knew most of them and spent innumerable hours, not
+infrequently entire days and nights, at a sitting, in their intellectual
+battles.
+
+It was a most fortunate thing for Marx that the French Government should
+have driven him in 1849 to London. "Capital" might never have been
+written had he not been forced to study for a long period the first land
+in all Europe in which modern capitalism had obtained a footing. On his
+earlier visit in 1845 he had spent a few weeks with Engels in the great
+factory centers, and he had been deeply impressed with this new
+industrialism and no less, of course, with the English labor movement.
+Nothing to compare with it then existed in France or Germany. As early
+as 1840 many of the trades were well organized, and repeated efforts
+had been made to bring them together into a national federation. How
+thoroughly Engels knew this movement and its varied struggles to better
+the status of labor is shown in his book, "The Condition of the Working
+Class in England in 1844." How thoroughly and fundamentally Marx later
+came to know not only the actual working-class movement, but every
+economic theory from Adam Smith to John Stuart Mill, and every insurgent
+economist and political theorist from William Godwin to Bronterre
+O'Brien, is shown in "Capital." In fact, not a single phase of insurgent
+thought seemed to escape Marx and Engels, nor any trace of revolt
+against the existing order, whether political or industrial. In Germany
+they were schooled in philosophy and science; in France they found
+themselves in a most amazing fermentation of revolutionary spirit and
+idealism; and in England they studied with the minutest care the
+cooeperative movement and self-help, the trade-union movement with its
+purely economic aims and methods, the Chartist movement with its
+political action, and the Owenite movement, both in its purely utopian
+phases and in its later development into syndicalist socialism. This
+long and profound study placed Marx and Engels in a position infinitely
+beyond that of their contemporaries. Possessed as they were of unusual
+mental powers, it was inevitable that such a training should have placed
+them in a position of intellectual leadership in the then rapidly
+forming working-class organizations of Europe.
+
+The study of English capitalism convinced Marx of the truthfulness of
+certain generalizations which he had already begun to formulate in 1844.
+It became more and more evident to him that economic facts, to which
+history had hitherto attributed no role or a very inferior one,
+constituted, at least in the modern world, a decisive historic force.
+"They form the source from which spring the present class antagonisms.
+These antagonisms in countries where great industry has carried them to
+their complete development, particularly in England, are the bases on
+which parties are founded, are the sources of political struggles, are
+the reasons for all political history."[3] Although Marx had arrived at
+this opinion earlier and had generalized this point of view in
+"French-German Annals," his study of English economics swept away any
+possible doubt that "in general it was not the State which conditions
+and regulates civil society, but civil society which conditions and
+regulates the State, that it was then necessary to explain politics and
+history by economic relations, and not to proceed inversely."[4] "This
+discovery which revolutionized historical science was essentially the
+work of Marx," says Engels, and, with his customary modesty, he adds:
+"The part which can be attributed to me is very small. It concerned
+itself directly with the working-class movement of the period. Communism
+in France and Germany and Chartism in England appeared to be something
+more than mere chance which could just as well not have existed. These
+movements became now a movement of the oppressed class of modern times,
+the working class. Henceforth they were more or less developed forms of
+the historically necessary struggle which this class must carry on
+against the ruling class, the bourgeoisie. They were forms of the
+struggle of the classes, but which were distinguished from all preceding
+struggles by this fact: the class now oppressed, the proletariat, cannot
+effect its emancipation without delivering all society from its division
+into classes, without freeing it from class struggles. _No longer did
+Communism consist in the creation of a social ideal as perfect as
+possible; it resolved itself into a clear view of the nature, the
+conditions, and the general ends of the struggle carried on by the
+working class._"[5]
+
+It was not the intention of Marx and Engels to communicate their new
+scientific results to the intellectual world exclusively by means of
+large volumes. On the contrary, they plunged into the political
+movement. Besides having intercourse with well-known people,
+particularly in the western part of Germany, they were also in contact
+with the organized working classes. "Our duty was to found our
+conception scientifically, but it was just as important that we should
+win over the European, and especially the German, working classes to our
+convictions. When it was all clear in our eyes, we set to work."[6] A
+new German working-class society was founded in Brussels, and the
+support was enlisted of the _Deutsche Bruesseler Zeitung_, which served
+as an organ until the revolution of February. They were in touch with
+the revolutionary faction of the English Chartists under the leadership
+of George Julian Harney, editor of _The Northern Star_, to which Engels
+contributed. They also had intercourse with the democrats of Brussels
+and with the French social democrats of _la Reforme_, to which Engels
+contributed news of the English and German movements. In short, the
+relations that Marx and Engels had established with the radical and
+working-class organizations fully served the great purposes they had in
+mind.
+
+It was in the Communist League that Marx and Engels saw their first
+opportunity to impress their ideas on the labor movement. At the urgent
+request of Joseph Moll, a watchmaker and a prominent member of the
+League, Marx consented, in 1847, to present to that organization his
+views, and the result was the famous Communist Manifesto. Every
+essential idea of modern socialism is contained in that brief
+declaration. Unfortunately, however, outside of Germany, the Communist
+League was an exotic organization that could make little use of such a
+program. Its members were mostly exiles, who, by the very nature of
+their position, were hopelessly out of things. Little groups, surrounded
+by a foreign people, exiles are rarely able to affect the movement at
+home or influence the national movement amid which they are thrust.
+There is little, therefore, noteworthy about the Communist League. It
+had, to be sure, gathered together a few able and energetic spirits, and
+some of these in later years exercised considerable influence in the
+International. But, as a rule, the groups of the Communist League were
+little more than debating societies whose members were filled with
+sentimental, visionary, and insurrectionary ideas. Marx himself finally
+lost all patience with them, because he could not drive out of their
+heads the idea that they could revolutionize the entire world by some
+sudden dash and through the exercise of will power, personal sacrifice,
+and heroic action. The Communist League, therefore, is memorable only
+because it gave Marx and Engels an opportunity for issuing their
+epoch-making Manifesto, that even to-day is read and reread by the
+workers in all lands of the world. Translated into every language, it is
+the one pamphlet that can be found in every country as a part of the
+basic literature of socialism.
+
+There are certain principles laid down in the Communist Manifesto which
+time cannot affect, although the greater part of the document is now of
+historic value only. The third section, for instance, is a critique of
+the various types of socialism then existing in Europe, and this part
+can hardly be understood to-day by those unacquainted with those
+sectarian movements. It deals with Reactionary Socialism, Feudal
+Socialism, Clerical Socialism, Petty Bourgeois Socialism, German
+Socialism, Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism, Critical-Utopian
+Socialism, and Communism. The mere enumeration of these types of
+socialist doctrine indicates what a chaos of doctrine and theory then
+existed, and it was in order to distinguish themselves from these
+various schools that Marx and Engels took the name of communists.
+Beginning with the statement, "The history of all hitherto existing
+society is the history of class struggles,"[7] the Manifesto treats at
+length the modern struggle between the working class and the capitalist
+class. After tracing the rise of capitalism, the development of a new
+working class, and the consequences to the people of the new economic
+order, Marx and Engels outline the program of the communists and their
+relation to the then existing working-class organizations and political
+parties. They deny any intention of forming a new sect, declaring that
+they throw themselves whole-heartedly into the working-class movement of
+all countries, with the one aim of encouraging and developing within
+those groups a political organization for the conquest of political
+power. They outline certain measures which, in their opinion, should
+stand foremost in the program of labor, all of them having to do with
+some modification of the institution of property.
+
+In order to achieve these reforms, and eventually "To wrest, by degrees,
+all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of
+production in the hands of the State,"[8] they urge the formation of
+labor parties as soon as proper preparations have been made and the time
+is ripe for effective class action. All through the Manifesto runs the
+motif that every class struggle is a political struggle. Again and
+again Marx and Engels return to that thought in their masterly survey of
+the historical conflicts between the classes. They show how the
+bourgeoisie, beginning as "an oppressed class under the sway of the
+feudal nobility," gradually ... "conquered for itself, in the modern
+representative State, exclusive political sway," until to-day "the
+executive of the modern State is but a committee for managing the common
+affairs of the whole bourgeoisie."[9] Tracing the rise of the modern
+working class, they tell of its purely retaliative efforts against the
+capitalists; how at first "they smash to pieces machinery, they set
+factories ablaze"; how they fight in "incoherent" masses, "broken up by
+their mutual competition";[10] even their unions are not so much a
+result of their conscious effort as they are the consequence of
+oppression. Furthermore, the workers "do not fight their enemies, but
+the enemies of their enemies."[11] "Now and then the workers are
+victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lies
+not in the immediate result, but in the ever-expanding union of the
+workers."[12] It is when their unions grow national in character and the
+struggle develops into a national struggle between the classes that it
+naturally takes on a political character. Then begins the struggle for
+conquering political power. But, while "all previous historical
+movements were movements of minorities, or in the interests of
+minorities, the proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent
+movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense
+majority."[13] Returning again to the underlying thought, it is pointed
+out that the working class must "win the battle of democracy."[14] It
+must acquire "political supremacy." It must raise itself to "the
+position of ruling class," in order that it may sweep away "the
+conditions for the existence of class antagonisms, and of classes
+generally."[15]
+
+Such were the doctrines and tactics proclaimed by Marx and Engels in
+1847. The Manifesto is said to have been received with great enthusiasm
+by the League, but, whatever happened at the moment, it is clear that
+the members never understood the doctrines manifested. In any case,
+various factions in the movement were still clamoring for insurrection
+and planning their conspiracies, wholly faithful to the
+revolution-making artifices of the period. Two of the most prominent,
+Willich and Schapper, were carried away with revolutionary passion, and
+"the majority of the London workers," Engels says, "refugees for the
+most part, followed them into the camp of the bourgeois democrats, the
+revolution-makers."[16] They declined to listen to protests. "They
+wanted to go the other way and to make revolutions," continues Engels.
+"We refused absolutely to do this and the schism followed."[17]
+
+On the 15th of September, 1850, Marx decided to resign from the central
+council of the organization, and, feeling that such an act required some
+justification, he prepared the following written declaration: "The
+minority[R] [_i. e._, his opponents] have substituted the dogmatic
+spirit for the critical, the idealistic interpretation of events for the
+materialistic. Simple will power, instead of the true relations of
+things, has become the motive force of revolution. While we say to the
+working people: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty
+years of civil wars and wars between nations not only to change existing
+conditions, but to change yourselves and make yourselves worthy of
+political power,' you, on the contrary, say, 'We ought to get power at
+once, or else give up the fight.' While we draw the attention of the
+German workman to the undeveloped state of the proletariat in Germany,
+you flatter the national spirit and the guild prejudices of the German
+artisans in the grossest manner, a method of procedure without doubt the
+more popular of the two. Just as the democrats made a sort of fetish of
+the words 'the people,' so you make one of the word 'proletariat.' Like
+them, you substitute revolutionary phrases for revolutionary
+evolution."[18] This statement of Marx is one of the most significant
+documents of the period and certainly one of the most illuminating we
+possess of Marx's determination to disavow the insurrectionary ideas
+then so prevalent throughout Europe. Although he had said the same thing
+before in other words, there could be no longer any doubt that he
+cherished no dreams of a great revolutionary cataclysm, nor fondled the
+then prevalent theory that revolutions could be organized, planned, and
+executed by will power alone.
+
+It is clear, therefore, that Marx saw, as early as 1850, little
+revolutionary promise in sectarian organizations, secret societies, and
+political conspiracies. The day was past for insurrections, and a real
+revolution could only arrive as a result of economic forces and class
+antagonisms. And it is quite obvious that he was becoming more and more
+irritated by the sentimentalism and dress-parade revolutionism of the
+socialist sects. He looked upon their projects as childish and
+theatrical, that gave as little promise of changing the world's history
+as battles between tin soldiers on some nursery floor. He seemed no
+longer concerned with ideals, abstract rights, or "eternal verities."
+Those who misunderstood him or were little associated with him were
+horrified at what they thought was his cynical indifference to such
+glorious visions as liberty, fraternity, and equality. Like Darwin, Marx
+was always an earnest seeker of facts and forces. He was laying the
+foundations of a scientific socialism and dissecting the anatomy of
+capitalism in pursuit of the laws of social evolution. The gigantic
+intellectual labors of Marx from 1850 to 1870 are to-day receiving due
+attention, and, while one after another of the later economists has been
+forced reluctantly to acknowledge his genius, few now will take issue
+with Professor Albion W. Small when he says, "I confidently predict that
+in the ultimate judgment of history Marx will have a place in social
+science analogous with that of Galileo in physical science."[19] In
+exile, and often desperate poverty, Marx worked out with infinite care
+the scientific basis of the generalization--first given to the world in
+the Communist Manifesto--that social and political institutions are the
+product of economic forces. In all periods there have been antagonistic
+economic classes whose relative power is determined by struggles between
+them. "Freedman and slave," he says, "patrician and plebeian, lord and
+serf, guild master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed,
+stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an
+uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended
+either in a revolutionary reconstruction of society at large, or in the
+common ruin of the contending classes."[20] Here is a summary of that
+conflict which Professor Small declares "is to the social process what
+friction is to mechanics."[21] It may well be that "the fact of class
+struggle is as axiomatic to-day as the fact of gravitation,"[22] yet,
+when Marx first elaborated his theory, it was not only a revolutionary
+doctrine among the socialist sects, but like Darwin's theory of
+evolution it was assailed from every angle by every school of
+economists. The important practical question that arises out of this
+scientific work, and which particularly concerns us here, is that this
+theory of the class struggle forever destroyed the old ideas of
+revolution, scrap-heaped conspiracies and insurrections, and laid the
+theoretical foundations for the modern working-class movement.
+
+Actually, it was utopian socialism that was destroyed by this new
+theory. It expressed itself in at least three diverse ways. There were
+groups of conspirators and revolutionists who believed that the world
+was on the eve of a great upheaval and that the people should prepare
+for the moment when suddenly they could seize the governments of Europe,
+destroy ancient institutions, and establish a new social order. Another
+form of utopianism was the effort to persuade the capitalists themselves
+to abolish dividends, profits, rent, and interest, to turn the factories
+over to the workers, to become themselves toilers, and to share equally,
+one with another, the products of their joint labor. Still another form
+of utopian socialism was that of Owen, Fourier, and Cabet, who
+contemplated the establishment of ideal communities in which a new world
+should be built, where all should be free and equal, and where
+fraternity would be based upon a perfect economic communism. Some really
+noble spirits in France, England, and America had devoted time, love,
+energy, and wealth to this propaganda and in actual attempts to
+establish these utopias. But after '48 the upper classes were despaired
+of. Their brutal reprisals, their suppression of every working-class
+movement, their ferocious repression of the unions, of the press, and of
+the right of assembly--all these materially aided Marx's theory in
+disillusioning many of the philanthropic and tender-hearted utopians.
+And from then on the hope of every sincere advocate of fundamental
+social changes rested on the working class--on its organizations, its
+press, and its labors--for the establishment of the new order.
+
+The most striking characteristic of the period which follows was the
+attempt of all the socialist and anarchist sects to inject their ideas
+into the rising labor movement. With the single exception of Robert Owen
+in England, the earlier socialists had ignored the working classes. All
+their appeals were made to well-to-do men, and some of them even hoped
+that the monarchs of Europe might be induced to take the initiative. But
+Marx and Engels made their appeal chiefly to the working class. The
+profound reaction which settled over Europe in the years following '48
+ended all other dreams, and from this time on every proposal for a
+radical change in the organization of society was presented to the
+workers as the only class that was really seeking, by reason of its
+economic subjection, basic alterations in the institutions of property
+and the constitution of the State. The working classes of Germany,
+France, England, and other countries had already begun to form groups
+for the purpose of discussing political questions, and the ideas of Marx
+began to be propagated in all the centers of working-class activity.
+
+The blending of labor and socialism in most of the countries of Europe
+was not, however, a work of months, but of decades. The first great
+effort to accomplish that task occurred in 1864, when the International
+Working Men's Association was launched in St. Martin's Hall in London.
+During the years from '47 to '64, Marx and Engels, with their little
+coterie in London and their correspondents in other countries, spent
+most of their time in study, reading, and writing, with little
+opportunity to participate in the actual struggles of labor. Marx was
+at work on "Capital" and schooling, in his leisure hours, a few of the
+notable men who were later to become leaders of the working class in
+Europe. It was a dull period, wearisome and vexatious enough to men who
+were boldly prophesying that industrial conditions would create a
+world-wide solidarity of labor. The first glimmer of hope came with the
+London International Exhibition of 1862, which brought together by
+chance groups of workingmen from various countries. The visit to London
+enabled them to observe the British trade unions, and they left deeply
+impressed by their strength. Furthermore, the Exhibition brought the
+English workers and those of other nationalities into touch with each
+other. How much this meant was shown in 1863. When the Polish uprising
+was being suppressed, the English workers sent to their French comrades
+a protest, in answer to which the Paris workmen sent a delegation to
+London. This gathering in sympathy with Poland laid the foundations for
+the International. Nearly every important revolutionary sect in Europe
+was represented: the German communists, the French Blanquists and
+Proudhonians, and the Italian Mazzinians; but the only delegates who
+represented powerful working-class organizations were the English trade
+unionists. The other organizations, even as late as this, were still
+little more than coteries, of hero-worshiping tendencies, fast
+developing into sectarian organizations that seemed destined to divide
+hopelessly and forever the labor movement.
+
+It was perhaps inevitable that the more closely the sects were brought
+together, the more clearly they should perceive their differences,
+although Marx had exercised every care to draft a policy that would
+allay strife. Mazzini and his followers could not long endure the
+policies of the International, and they soon withdrew. The Proudhonians
+never at any time sympathized with the program and methods adopted by
+the International. The German organizations were not able to affiliate,
+by reason of the political conditions in that country, although numerous
+individuals attended the congresses. Nearly all the Germans were
+supporters of the policies of Marx, while most of the leading trade
+unionists of England completely understood and sympathized with Marx's
+aim of uniting the various working-class organizations of Europe into an
+international association. They all felt that such a movement was an
+historic and economic necessity and that the time for it had arrived.
+They intended to set about that work and to knit together the
+innumerable little organizations then forming in all countries. They
+sought to institute a meeting ground where the social and political
+program of the workers could be formulated, where their views could be
+clarified, and their purposes defined. It was not to be a secret
+organization, but entirely open and above board. It was not for
+conspiratory action, but for the building up of a great movement. It was
+not intended to encourage insurrection or to force ahead of time a
+revolution. In the opinion of Marx, as we know, a social revolution was
+thought to be inevitable, and the International was to bide its time,
+preparing for the day of its coming, in order to make that revolution as
+peaceable and as effective as possible.
+
+The Preamble of the Provisional Rules of the International--entirely the
+work of Marx--expresses with sufficient clearness the position of the
+International. It was there declared: "That the emancipation of the
+working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves;
+that the struggle for the emancipation of the working classes means not
+a struggle for class privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights
+and duties, and the abolition of all class rule;
+
+"That the economic subjection of the man of labor to the monopolizer of
+the means of labor, that is, the sources of life, lies at the bottom of
+servitude in all its forms, of all social misery, mental degradation,
+and political dependence;
+
+"That the economic emancipation of the working classes is therefore the
+great end to which every political movement ought to be subordinate as a
+means;
+
+"That all efforts aiming at that great end have hitherto failed from the
+want of solidarity between the manifold divisions of labor in each
+country, and from the absence of a fraternal bond of union between the
+working classes of different countries;
+
+"That the emancipation of labor is neither a local nor a national, but a
+social problem, embracing all countries in which modern society exists,
+and depending for its solution on the concurrence, practical and
+theoretical, of the most advanced countries;
+
+"That the present revival of the working classes in the most industrial
+countries of Europe, while it raises a new hope, gives solemn warning
+against a relapse into the old errors and calls for the immediate
+combination of the still disconnected movements."[23]
+
+In this brief declaration we find the essence of Marxian socialism: that
+the working classes must themselves work out their own salvation; that
+their servitude is economic; and that all workers must join together in
+a political movement, national and international, in order to achieve
+their emancipation. Unfortunately, the Proudhonian anarchists were never
+able to comprehend the position of Marx, and in the first congress at
+Geneva, in 1866, the quarrels between the various elements gave Marx no
+little concern. He did not attend that congress, and he afterward wrote
+to his young friend, Dr. Kugelmann: "I was unable to go, and I did not
+wish to do so, but it was I who wrote the program of the London
+delegates. I limited it on purpose to points which admit of an immediate
+understanding and common action by the workingmen, and which give
+immediately strength and impetus to the needs of the class struggle and
+to the organization of the workers as a class. The Parisian gentlemen
+had their heads filled with the most empty Proudhonian phraseology. They
+chatter of science, and know nothing of it. They scorn all revolutionary
+action, that is to say, proceeding from the class struggle itself, every
+social movement that is centralized and consequently obtainable by
+legislation through political means (as, for example, the legal
+shortening of the working day)."[24] These words indicate that Marx
+considered the chief work of the International to be the building up of
+a working-class political movement to obtain laws favorable to labor.
+Furthermore, he was of the opinion that such work was of a revolutionary
+nature.
+
+The clearest statement, perhaps, of Marx's idea of the revolutionary
+character of political activity is to be found in the address which he
+prepared at the request of the public meeting that launched the
+International. He traces there briefly the conditions of the working
+class in England. After depicting the misery of the masses, he hastily
+reviews the growth of the labor movement that ended with the Chartist
+agitation. Although from 1848 to 1864 was a period when the English
+working class seemed, he says, "thoroughly reconciled to a state of
+political nullity,"[25] nevertheless two encouraging developments had
+taken place. One was the victory won by the working classes in carrying
+the Ten Hours Bill. It was "not only a great practical success; it was
+the victory of a principle; it was the first time that in broad daylight
+the political economy of the middle class succumbed to the political
+economy of the working class."[26] The other victory was the growth of
+the cooeperative movement. "The value of these great social experiments
+cannot be overrated," he says. "By deed, instead of by argument, they
+have shown that production on a large scale, and in accord with the
+behests of modern science, may be carried on without the existence of a
+class of masters employing a class of hands."[27] Arguing that
+cooeperative labor should be developed to national dimensions and be
+fostered by State funds, he urges working-class political action as the
+means to achieve this end. "To conquer political power has therefore
+become the great duty of the working classes."[28] This is the
+conclusion of Marx concerning revolutionary methods; and it is clear
+that his conception of "revolutionary action" differed not only from
+that of the Proudhonians and Mazzinians, but also from that of "the
+bourgeois democrats, the revolution-makers,"[29] who "extemporized
+revolutions."[30]
+
+At the end of Marx's letter to Kugelmann, he tells of the beginning
+already made by the International in London in actual political work.
+"The movement for electoral reform here," he writes, "which our General
+Council (_quorum magna pars_) created and launched, has assumed
+dimensions that have kept on growing until now they are
+irresistible."[31] The General Council threw itself unreservedly into
+this agitation. An electoral reform conference was held in February,
+1867, attended by two hundred delegates from all parts of England,
+Scotland, and Ireland. Later, gigantic mass meetings were held
+throughout the country to bring pressure upon the Government. Frederic
+Harrison and Professor E. S. Beesly, well known for their sympathy with
+labor, were appealing to the working classes to throw their energies
+into the fight. "Nothing will compel the ruling classes," wrote Harrison
+in 1867, "to recognize the rights of the working classes and to pay
+attention to their just demands until the workers have obtained
+political power."[32] Professor Beesly, the intimate friend of Marx, was
+urging the unions to enter politics as an independent force, on the
+ground that the difference between the Tories and the Liberals was only
+the difference between the upper and nether millstones. In all this
+agitation Marx saw, of course, the working out of his own ideas for the
+upbuilding of a great independent political organization of the working
+class. All the energies of the General Council of the International
+were, therefore, devoted to the political struggle of the British
+workers. However, in all this campaign, emphasis was placed upon the
+central idea of the association--that political power was wanted, in
+order, peaceably and legally, to remedy economic wrongs. The wretched
+condition of the workers in the industrial towns and the even greater
+misery of the Irish peasants and English farm laborers were the bases of
+all agitation. While occupied at this time chiefly with the economic and
+political struggles in Britain, the General Council was also keeping a
+sharp eye on similar conditions in Europe and America. When Lincoln was
+chosen President for the second time, a warm address of congratulation
+was sent to the American people, expressing joy that the sworn enemy of
+slavery had been again chosen to represent them. More than once the
+International communicated with Lincoln, and perhaps no words more
+perfectly express the ideal of the labor movement than those that
+Lincoln once wrote to a body of workingmen: "_The strongest bond of
+human sympathy, outside of the family relation, should be one uniting
+all working people, of all nations, and tongues, and kindreds._"[33]
+
+To unite thus the workers of all lands and to organize them into great
+political parties were the chief aims of Marx in the International. And
+in 1869 it seemed that this might actually be accomplished in a few
+years. In France, Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Austria, Italy, and
+other countries the International was making rapid headway. Nearly all
+the most important labor bodies of Europe were actually affiliated, or
+at least friendly, to the new movement. At all the meetings held there
+was enthusiasm, and the future of the International seemed very
+promising indeed. It was recognized as the vehicle for expressing the
+views of labor throughout Europe. It had formulated its principles and
+tactics, and had already made a creditable beginning in the gigantic
+task before it of systematically carrying on its agitation, education,
+and organization. Marx's energies were being taxed to the utmost. Nearly
+all the immense executive work of the International fell on him, and
+nearly every move made was engineered by him. Yet at that very time he
+was on the point of publishing the first volume of "Capital," the result
+of gigantic researches into industrial history and economic theory. This
+great work was intended to be, in its literal sense, the Bible of the
+working class, as indeed it has since become. Certainly, Jaures' tribute
+to Marx is well deserved and fairly sums up the work accomplished by him
+in the period 1847-1869. "To Marx belongs the merit," he says, " ... of
+having drawn together and unified the labor movement and the socialist
+idea. In the first third of the nineteenth century labor struggled and
+fought against the crushing power of capital; but it was not conscious
+itself toward what end it was straining; it did not know that the true
+objective of its effort was the common ownership of property. And, on
+the other hand, socialism did not know that the labor movement was the
+living form in which its spirit was embodied, the concrete practical
+force of which it stood in need. Marx was the most clearly convinced and
+the most powerful among those who put an end to the empiricism of the
+labor movement and the utopianism of the socialist thought, and this
+should always be remembered to his credit. By a crowning application of
+the Hegelian method, he united the Idea and the Fact, thought and
+history. He enriched the practical movement by the idea, and to the
+theory he added practice; he brought the socialist thought into
+proletarian life, and proletarian life into socialist thought. From that
+time on socialism and the proletariat became inseparable."[34]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Q] The dramatic story of his life is wonderfully told in _L'Enferme_ by
+Gustave Geffroy. (Paris, 1904.)
+
+[R] In the authority cited below this appears as "the minority," but I
+notice that in Jaures' "Studies in Socialism," p. 44, it appears as "the
+majority."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+THE BATTLE BETWEEN MARX AND BAKOUNIN
+
+
+At the moment when the future of the International seemed most promising
+and the political ideas of Marx were actually taking root in nearly all
+countries, an application was received by the General Council in London
+to admit the Alliance of Social Democracy. This, we will remember, was
+the organization that Bakounin had formed in 1868 and was the popular
+section of that remarkable secret hierarchy which he had endeavored to
+establish in 1864. The General Council declined to admit the Alliance,
+on grounds which proved later to be well founded, namely, that schisms
+would undoubtedly be encouraged if the International should permit an
+organization with an entirely different program and policies to join it
+in a body. Nevertheless, the General Council declared that the members
+of the Alliance could affiliate themselves as individuals with the
+various national sections. After considerable debate, Bakounin and his
+followers decided to abandon the Alliance and to join the International.
+Whether the Alliance was in fact abolished is still open to question,
+but in any case Bakounin appeared in the International toward the end of
+the sixties, to challenge all the theories of Marx and to offer, in
+their stead, his own philosophy of universal revolution. Anarchism as
+the end and terrorism as the means were thus injected into the
+organization at its most formative period, when the laboring classes of
+all Europe had just begun to write their program, evolve their
+principles, and define their tactics. With great force and magnetism,
+Bakounin undertook his war upon the General Council, and those who
+recall the period will realize that nothing could have more nearly
+expressed the occasional spirit of the masses--the very spirit that Marx
+and Engels were endeavoring to change--than exactly the methods proposed
+by Bakounin.
+
+Whether it were better to move gradually and peacefully along what
+seemed a never-ending road to emancipation or to begin the revolution at
+once by insurrection and civil war--this was in reality the question
+which, from that moment on, agitated the International. It had always
+troubled more or less the earlier organizations of labor, and now, aided
+by Bakounin's eloquence and fiery revolutionism, it became the great
+bone of contention throughout Europe. The struggles in the International
+between those who became known later as the anarchists and the
+socialists remind one of certain Greek stories, in which the outstanding
+figures seem to impersonate mighty forces, and it is not impossible that
+one day they may serve as material for a social epic. We all know to-day
+the interminable study that engages the theologians in their attempts to
+describe the battles and schisms in the early Christian Church. And
+there can be no doubt that, if socialism fulfills the purpose which its
+advocates have in mind, these early struggles in its history will become
+the object of endless research and commentary. The calumnies, the feuds,
+the misunderstandings, the clashing of doctrines, the antagonism of the
+ruling spirits, the plots and conspiracies, the victories and
+defeats--all these various phases of this war to the death between
+socialists and anarchists--will in that case present to history the most
+vital struggle of this age. But, whatever may be the outcome of the
+socialist movement, it is hardly too much to say that to both anarchists
+and socialists these struggles seemed, at the time they were taking
+place, of supreme importance to the destinies of humanity.
+
+The contending titans of this war were, of course, Karl Marx and Michael
+Bakounin. It is hardly necessary to go into the personal feud that
+played so conspicuous a part in the struggle between them. Perhaps no
+one at this late day can prove what Marx and his friends themselves were
+unable to prove--although they never ceased repeating the
+allegations--that Bakounin was a spy of the Russian Government, that his
+life had been thrice spared through the influence of that Government,
+that he was treacherous and dishonest, and that his sole purpose was to
+disrupt and destroy the International Working Men's Association. Nor is
+it necessary to consider the charges made against Marx--some of them
+time has already taken care of--that he was domineering, malicious, and
+ambitious, that his spirit was actuated by intrigue, and that, when he
+conceived a dislike for anyone, he was merciless and conscienceless in
+his warfare on that one. Incompatibility of temperament and of
+personality played its part in the battles between these two, but, even
+had there been no mutual dislike, the differences between their
+principles and tactics would have necessitated a battle _a outrance_.
+
+For twenty years before the birth of the International, Marx and
+Bakounin had crossed and recrossed each other's circle. They had always
+quarreled. There was a mutual fascination, due perhaps to an innate
+antagonism, that brought them again and again together at critical
+periods. At times there seemed a chance of reconciliation, but they no
+more touched each other than immediately there flared forth the old
+animosity. When Bakounin left Russia in 1843, he met Proudhon and Marx
+in Paris. At that period the doctrines of all three were germinating.
+Bakounin had already written, "The desire for destruction is at the same
+time a creative desire."[1] Proudhon had begun to formulate the
+principles of anarchism, and Marx the principles of socialism. "He was
+much more advanced than I was," wrote Bakounin of Marx at this period.
+"I knew nothing then of political economy, I was not yet freed from
+metaphysical abstraction, and my socialism was only instinctive.... It
+was precisely at this epoch that he elaborated the first fundamentals of
+his present system. We saw each other rather often, for I respected him
+deeply for his science and for his passionate and serious devotion,
+although always mingled with personal vanity, to the cause of the
+proletariat, and I sought with eagerness his conversation, which was
+always instructive and witty--when it was not inspired with mean hatred,
+which, too often, alas, was the case. Never, however, was there frank
+intimacy between us. Our temperaments did not allow that. He called me a
+sentimental idealist, and he was right; I called him a vain man,
+perfidious and artful, and I was right also."[2] This mutual dislike and
+even distrust subsisted to the end.
+
+Certain events in 1848 widened the gulf between them. At the news of the
+outbreak of the revolution in Paris, hundreds of the restless spirits
+hurried there to take a hand in the situation. And after the
+proclamation of the Republic they began to consider various projects of
+carrying the revolution into their own countries. Plans were being
+discussed for organizing legions to invade foreign countries, and a
+number of the German communists entered heartily into the plan of
+Herwegh, the erratic German poet--"the iron lark"--who led a band of
+revolutionists into Baden. "We arose vehemently against these attempts
+to play at revolution," says Engels, speaking for himself and Marx. "In
+the state of fermentation which then existed in Germany, to carry into
+our country an invasion which was destined to import the revolution by
+force, was to injure the revolution in Germany, to consolidate the
+governments, and ... to deliver the legions over defenseless to the
+German troops."[3] Wilhelm Liebknecht, then twenty-two years of age, who
+was in favor of Herwegh's project, wrote afterward of Marx's opposition.
+Marx "understood that the plan of organizing 'foreign legions' for the
+purpose of carrying the revolution into other countries emanated from
+the French bourgeois-republicans, and that the 'movement' had been
+artificially inspired with the twofold intention of getting rid of
+troublesome elements and of carrying off the foreign laborers whose
+competition made itself doubly felt during this grave business
+crisis."[4]
+
+Undeterred by Marx, Herwegh marshaled his "legions" and entered Baden,
+to be utterly crushed, exactly as Marx had foreseen. A quarrel then
+arose between Marx and Bakounin over Herwegh's project. Far from
+changing Marx's mind, however, it made him suspect Bakounin as perhaps
+in the pay of the reactionaries. In any case, he made no effort to
+prevent the _Neue Rheinische Zeitung_ from printing shortly after the
+following: "Yesterday it was asserted that George Sand was in possession
+of papers which seriously compromised the Russian who has been banished
+from here, _Michael Bakounin_, and represented him as an instrument or
+an _agent of Russia_, newly enrolled, to whom is attributed the leading
+part in the recent arrest of the unfortunate Poles. George Sand has
+shown these papers to some of her friends."[5] Marx later printed
+Bakounin's answer to these charges--which were, in fact, groundless--and
+in his letters to the New York _Tribune_ (1852) even commended Bakounin
+for his services in the Dresden uprising of 1849.[6] Nevertheless, there
+is no doubt that to the end Marx believed Bakounin to be a tool of the
+enemy. These quarrels are important only as they are prophetic in thus
+early disclosing the gulf between Marx and Bakounin in their conception
+of revolutionary activity. Although profoundly revolutionary, Marx was
+also rigidly rational. He had no patience, and not an iota of mercy, for
+those who lost their heads and attempted to lead the workers into
+violent outbreaks that could result only in a massacre. On this point he
+would make no concessions, and anyone who attempted such suicidal
+madness was in Marx's mind either an imbecile or a paid _agent
+provocateur_. The failure of Herwegh's project forced Bakounin to admit
+later that Marx had been right. Yet, as we know, with Bakounin's
+advancing years the passion for insurrections became with him almost a
+mania.
+
+If this quarrel between Bakounin and Marx casts a light upon the causes
+of their antagonism, a still greater illumination is shed by the
+differences between them which arose in 1849. Bakounin, in that year,
+had written a brochure in which he developed a program for the union of
+the revolutionary Slavs and for the destruction of the three monarchies,
+Russia, Austria, and Prussia. He advocated pan-Slavism, and believed
+that the Slavic people could once more be united and then federated into
+a great new nation. When Marx saw the volume, he wrote in the _Neue
+Rheinische Zeitung_ (February 14, 1849), "Aside from the Poles, the
+Russians, and perhaps even the Slavs of Turkey, no Slavic people has a
+future, for the simple reason that there are lacking in all the other
+Slavs the primary conditions--historical, geographical, political, and
+industrial--of independence and vitality."[7] This cold-blooded
+statement infuriated Bakounin. He absolutely refused to look at the
+facts. Possessed of a passion for liberty, he wanted all nations, all
+peoples--civilized, semi-civilized, or savage--to be entirely free. What
+had historical, geographical, political, or industrial conditions to do
+with the matter? All this is typical of Bakounin's revolutionary
+sentimentalism. He clashed again with Marx on very similar grounds when
+the latter insisted that only in the more advanced countries is there a
+possibility of a social revolution. Modern capitalist production,
+according to Marx, must attain a certain degree of development before it
+is possible for the working class to hope to carry out any really
+revolutionary project. Bakounin takes issue with him here. He declares
+his own aim to be "the complete and real emancipation of all the
+proletariat, not only of some countries, but of all nations, civilized
+and non-civilized."[8] In these declarations the differences between
+Marx and Bakounin stand forth vividly. Marx at no time states what he
+wishes. He expresses no sentiment, but confines himself to a cold
+statement of the facts as he sees them. Bakounin, the dreamer, the
+sentimentalist, and the revolution-maker, wants the whole world free.
+Whether or not Marx wants the same thing is not the question. He rigidly
+confines himself to what he believes is possible. He says certain
+conditions must exist before a people can be free and independent. Among
+them are included historical, geographical, political, and industrial
+conditions. Marx further states that, before the working-class
+revolution can be successful, certain economic conditions must exist.
+Marx is not stating here conclusions which are necessarily agreeable to
+him. He states only the results of his study of history, based on his
+analysis of past events. In the one case we find the idealist seeking to
+set the world violently right; in the other case we find the historian
+and the scientist--influenced no doubt, as all men must be, by certain
+hopes, yet totally regardless of personal desire--stating the antecedent
+conditions which must exist previous to the birth of a new historic or
+economic period.
+
+In speaking of the antagonism between Marx and Bakounin in this earlier
+period, I do not mean to convey the impression that it was the cause of
+the dissensions that arose later. The slightest knowledge of Bakounin's
+philosophy and methods is enough to make one realize that neither the
+International nor any considerable section of the labor or socialist
+movements had anything in common with those ideas. Certainly the thought
+and policies of Marx were directly opposed to everything from first to
+last that Bakounin stood for. Nothing could be more grotesque than the
+idea that Marxism and Bakouninism could be blended, or indeed exist
+together, in any semblance of harmony. Every thought, policy, and method
+of the two clashed furiously. It would be impossible to conceive of two
+other minds that were on so many points such worlds apart. Both Bakounin
+and Marx instinctively felt this essential antagonism, yet the former
+wrote Marx, in December, 1868, when he was preparing to enter the
+International, assuring him that he had had a change of heart and that
+"my country, now, _c'est l'Internationale_, of which you are one of the
+principal founders. You see then, dear friend, that I am your disciple
+and I am proud to be it."[9] He then signs himself affectionately, "Your
+devoted M. Bakounin."[10]
+
+With an olive branch such as that arrived the new "disciple" of Marx.
+He then set to work without a moment's delay to capture the
+International congress which was to be held at Basel, September, 1869.
+And it was there that the first battle occurred. From the very moment
+that the congress opened it was clear that on every important question
+there was to be a division. Most unexpectedly, the first struggle arose
+over a question that seemed not at all fundamental at the time, but
+which, as the later history of socialism shows, was really basic. The
+father of direct legislation, Rittinghausen, was a delegate to the
+congress from Germany. He begged the congress for an opportunity to
+present his ideas, and he won the support, quite naturally, of the
+Marxian elements. In his preliminary statement to the congress he said:
+"You are going to occupy yourselves at length with the great social
+reforms that you think necessary in order to put an end to the
+deplorable situation of the labor world. Is it then less necessary for
+you to occupy yourselves with methods of execution by which you may
+accomplish these reforms? I hear many among you say that you wish to
+attain your end by _revolution_. Well, comrades, revolution, as a matter
+of fact, accomplishes nothing. If you are not able to formulate, after
+the revolution, by legislation, your legitimate demands, the revolution
+will perish miserably like that of 1848. You will be the prey of the
+most violent reaction and you will be forced anew to suffer years of
+oppression and disgrace.
+
+"What, then, are the means of execution that democracy will have to
+employ in order to realize its ideas? Legislation by an individual
+functions only to the advantage of that individual and his family.
+Legislation by a group of capitalists, called representatives, serves
+only the interests of this class. It is only by taking their interests
+into their own hands, by direct legislation, that the people can ...
+establish the reign of social justice. I insist, then, that you put on
+the program of this congress the question of direct legislation by the
+people."[11]
+
+The forces led by Bakounin and Professor Hins, of Belgium, opposed any
+consideration of this question. The latter, in elaborating the remarks
+of Bakounin, declared: "They wish, they say, to accomplish, by
+representation or direct legislation, the transformation of the present
+governments, the work of our enemies, the bourgeois. They wish, in order
+to do this, to enter into these governments, and, by persuasion, by
+numbers, and by new laws, to establish a new State. Comrades, do not
+follow this line of march, for we would perish in following it in
+Belgium or in France as elsewhere. Rather let us leave these governments
+to rot away and not prop them up with our morality. This is the reason:
+the International is and must be a State within States. Let these States
+march on as they like, even to the point where our State is the
+strongest. Then, on their ruins, we will place ours, all prepared, all
+made ready, such as it exists in each section."[12] The result of this
+debate was that the father of direct legislation was not allowed time to
+present his views, and it is significant that this first clash of the
+congress resulted in a victory for the anarchists, despite all that
+could be done by Liebknecht and the other socialists.
+
+The chief question on the program was the consideration of the right of
+inheritance. This was the main economic change desired by the Alliance.
+For years Bakounin had advocated the abolition of the right of
+inheritance as the most revolutionary of his economic demands. "The
+right of inheritance," declared Bakounin, "after having been the natural
+consequence of the violent appropriation of natural and social wealth,
+became later the basis of the political state and of the legal
+family.... It is necessary, therefore, to vote the abolition of the
+right of inheritance."[13] It was left to George Eccarius, delegate of
+the Association of Tailors of London, to present to that congress the
+views of Marx and the General Council. The report of the General Council
+was, of course, prepared in advance, but Bakounin's views were well
+known, and it was intended as a crushing rejoinder. "_Inheritance_," it
+declared, "does not _create_ that power of transferring the produce of
+one man's labor into another man's pocket--it only relates to the change
+in the individuals who yield (_sic_) that power. Like all other civil
+legislation, the laws of inheritance are not the _cause_, but the
+_effect_, the _juridical consequence_ of the _existing economical
+organization of society_, based upon private property in the means of
+production, that is to say, in land, raw material, machinery, etc. In
+the same way the right of inheritance in the slave is not the cause of
+slavery, but, on the contrary, slavery is the cause of inheritance in
+slaves.... To proclaim the abolition of the _right of inheritance_ as
+the _starting point_ of the social revolution would only tend to lead
+the working class away from the true point of attack against present
+society. It would be as absurd a thing as to abolish the laws of
+contract between buyer and seller, while continuing the present state of
+exchange of commodities. It would be a thing false in theory and
+reactionary in practice."[14] Despite the opposition of the Marxians at
+the congress, the proposition of Bakounin received thirty-two votes as
+against twenty-three given to the proposition of the General Council. As
+thirteen of the delegates abstained from voting, Bakounin's resolution
+did not obtain an absolute majority, and the question was thus left
+undecided.
+
+Another important discussion at the congress was on landed property.
+Some of the delegates were opposed to the collective ownership of land,
+believing that it should be divided into small sections and left to the
+peasants to cultivate. Others advocated a kind of communism, in which
+associations of agriculturists were to work the soil. Still others
+believed that the State should own the land and lease it to individuals.
+Indeed, almost every phase of the question was touched, including the
+means of obtaining the land from the present owners and of distributing
+it among the peasants or of owning it collectively while allowing them
+the right to cultivate it for their profit. On this subject, again,
+Eccarius presented the views of Marx. To Bakounin, who expressed his
+terror of the State, no matter of what character, Eccarius said "that
+his relations with the French have doubtless communicated to him this
+conception (for it appears that the French workingmen can never think of
+the State without seeing a Napoleon appear, accompanied by a flock of
+cannon), and he replied that the State can be reformed by the coming of
+the working class into power. All great transformations have been
+inaugurated by a change in the form of landed property. The allodial
+system was replaced by the feudal system, the feudal system by modern
+private ownership, and the social transformation to which the new state
+of things tends will be inaugurated by the abolition of individual
+property in land. As to compensations, that will depend on the
+circumstances. If the transformation is made peacefully, the present
+owners will be indemnified.... If the owners of slaves had yielded when
+Lincoln was elected, they would have received a compensation for their
+slaves. Their resistance led to the abolition of slavery without
+compensation...."[15] The congress, after debating the question at
+length, contented itself with voting the general proposition that
+"society has the right to abolish private property in land and to make
+land the property of the community."[16]
+
+The last important question considered by the congress was that dealing
+with trade unions. The debate aroused little interest, although
+Liebknecht opened the discussion. He pointed out the great extension of
+trade-union organization in England, Germany, and America, and he tried
+to impress upon the congress the necessity for vastly extending this
+form of solidarity. And, indeed, it seems to have been generally
+admitted that trade-union organization was necessary. No practical
+proposals were, however, made for actually developing such
+organizations. The interesting part of the discussion came upon the
+function of trade unionism in future society. The socialists were little
+concerned as to what might happen to the trade unions in future society,
+but Professor Hins outlined at that congress the program of the modern
+syndicalists. It is, therefore, especially interesting to read what
+Professor Hins said as early as 1869: "Societies _de resistance_ (trade
+unions) will subsist after the suppression of wages, not in name, but in
+deed. They will then be the organization of labor, ... operating a vast
+distribution of labor from one end of the world to the other. They will
+replace the ancient political systems: in place of a confused and
+heterogeneous representation, there will be the representation of labor.
+
+"They will be at the same time agents of decentralization, for the
+centers will differ according to the industries which will form, in some
+manner, each one a separate State, and will prevent forever the return
+to the ancient form of centralized State, which will not, however,
+prevent another form of government for local purposes. As is evident, if
+we are reproached for being indifferent to every form of government, it
+is ... because we detest them all in the same way, and because we
+believe that it is only on their ruins that a society conforming to the
+principles of justice can be established."[S][17]
+
+The congress at Basel was the turning point in the brief history of the
+International. Although the Marxists were reluctant to admit it, the
+Bakouninists had won a complete victory on every important issue. Some
+of the decisions future congresses might remedy, but in refusing even to
+discuss the question of direct legislation many of the delegates
+clearly showed their determination to have nothing to do with politics
+or with any movement aiming at the conquest of political power. In all
+the discussions the anarchist tendencies of the congress were
+unmistakable, and the immense gulf between the Marxists and the
+Bakouninists was laid bare. The very foundation principles upon which
+the International was based had been overturned. Political action was to
+be abandoned, while the discussion on trade unions introduced for the
+first time in the International the idea of a purely economic struggle
+and a conception of future society in which groups of producers, and not
+the State or the community, should own the tools of production. This
+syndicalist conception of socialism was not new. Developed for the first
+time by Robert Owen in 1833, it had led the working classes into the
+most violent and bitter strikes, that ended in disaster for all
+participants. Born again in 1869, it was destined to lie dormant for
+thirty years, then to be taken up once more--this time with immense
+enthusiasm--by the French trade unions.
+
+Needless to say, the decisive victory of the Bakouninists at Basel was
+excessively annoying and humiliating to Marx. He did not attend in
+person, but it was evident before the congress that he fully expected
+that his forces would, on that occasion, destroy root and branch the
+economic and political fallacies of Bakounin. He rather welcomed the
+discussion of the differences between the program of the Alliance and
+that of the International, in order that Eccarius, Liebknecht, and
+others might demolish, once and for all, the reactionary proposals of
+Bakounin. To Marx, much of the program of the Alliance seemed a remnant
+of eighteenth-century philosophy, while the rest was pure utopianism,
+consisting of unsound and impractical reforms, mixed with atheism and
+schoolboy declamation. Altogether, the policies and projects of Bakounin
+seemed so vulnerable that the General Council evidently felt that little
+preparation was necessary in order to defeat them. They seemed to have
+forgotten, for the moment, that Bakounin was an old and experienced
+conspirator. In any case, he had left no stone unturned to obtain
+control of the congress. Week by week, previous to the congress,
+_l'Egalite_, the organ of the Swiss federation, had published articles
+by Bakounin which, while professedly explaining the principles of the
+International, were in reality attacking them; and most insidiously
+Bakounin's own program was presented as the traditional position of the
+organization. Liberty, fraternity, and equality were, of course, called
+into service. The treason of certain working-class politicians was
+pointed out as the natural and inevitable result of political action,
+while to those who had given little thought to economic theory the
+abolition of inheritances seemed the final word. Nor did Bakounin limit
+his efforts to his pen. All sections of the Alliance undertook to see
+that friends of Bakounin were sent as delegates to the congress, and it
+was charged that credentials were obtained in various underhanded ways.
+However that may have been, the "practical," "cold-blooded" Marx was
+completely outwitted by his "sentimental" and "visionary" antagonist.
+Instead of a great victory, therefore, the Marxists left the congress of
+Basel utterly dejected, and Eccarius is reported to have said, "Marx
+will be terribly annoyed."[18]
+
+That Marx was annoyed is to put it with extraordinary moderation, and
+from that moment the fight on Bakouninism, anarchism, and terrorism
+developed to a white heat. Immediately after the adjournment of the
+congress, Moritz Hess, a close friend of Marx and a delegate to the
+congress, published in the _Reveil_ of Paris what he called "the secret
+history" of the congress, in which he declared that "between the
+collectivists of the International and the Russian communists [meaning
+the Bakouninists] there was all the difference which exists between
+civilization and barbarism, between liberty and despotism, between
+citizens condemning every form of violence and slaves addicted to the
+use of brutal force."[19] Even this gives but a faint idea of the
+bitterness of the controversy. Marx, Engels, Liebknecht, Hess, Outine,
+the General Council in London, and every newspaper under the control of
+the Marxists began to assail Bakounin and his circle. They no longer
+confined themselves to a denunciation of the "utopian and bourgeois"
+character of the anarchist philosophy. They went into the past history
+of Bakounin, revived all the accusations that had been made against him,
+and exposed every particle of evidence obtainable concerning his
+"checkered" career as a revolutionist. It will be remembered that it was
+in 1869 that Nechayeff appeared in Switzerland. When the Marxists got
+wind of him and his doctrine, their rage knew no bounds. And later they
+obtained and published in _L'Alliance de la Democratie Socialiste_ the
+material from which I have already quoted extensively in my first
+chapter.
+
+No useful purpose, however, would be served in dealing with the personal
+phases of the struggle. Bakounin became so irate at the attacks upon
+him, several of which happened to have been written by Jews, that he
+wrote an answer entitled "Study Upon the German Jews." He feared to
+attack Marx; and this "Study," while avoiding a personal attack, sought
+to arouse a racial prejudice that would injure him. He writes to Herzen,
+a month after the congress at Basel, that he fully realizes that Marx
+is "the instigator and the leader of all this calumnious and infamous
+polemic."[20] He was reluctant, however, to attack him personally, and
+even refers to Marx and Lassalle as "these two Jewish giants," but
+besides them, he adds, "there was and is a crowd of Jewish pigmies."[21]
+"Nevertheless," he writes, "it may happen, and very shortly, too, that I
+shall enter into conflict with him, not over any personal offense, of
+course, but over a question of principle, regarding State communism, of
+which he himself and the English and German parties which he directs are
+the most ardent partisans. Then it will be a fight to the finish. But
+there is a time for everything, and the hour for this struggle has not
+yet sounded.... Do you not see that all these gentlemen who are our
+enemies are forming a phalanx, which must be disunited and broken up in
+order to be the more easily routed? You are more erudite than I; you
+know, therefore, better than I who was the first to take for principle:
+_Divide and rule_. If at present I should undertake an open war against
+Marx himself, three-quarters of the members of the International would
+turn against me, and I would be at a disadvantage, for I would have lost
+the ground on which I must stand. But by beginning this war with an
+attack against the rabble by which he is surrounded, I shall have the
+majority on my side.... But, ... if he wishes to constitute himself the
+defender of their cause, it is he who would then declare war openly. In
+this case, I shall take the field also and I shall play the star
+role."[22]
+
+This was written in October, 1869, a month after the Basel congress. On
+the 1st of January, 1870, the General Council at London sent a private
+communication to all sections of the International, and on the 28th of
+March it was followed by another. These, together with various
+circulars dealing with questions of principle, but all consisting of
+attacks upon Bakounin personally or upon his doctrines, finally goaded
+him into open war upon Marx, the General Council, all their doctrines,
+and even upon the then forming socialist party of Germany, with Bebel
+and Liebknecht at its head. During the year 1870 Bakounin was preparing
+for the great controversy, but his friends of Lyons interrupted his work
+by calling him there to take part in the uprising of that year. He
+hastened to Lyons, but, as we know, he was soon forced to flee and
+conceal himself in Marseilles. It was there, in the midst of the
+blackest despair, that Bakounin wrote: "I have no longer any faith in
+the Revolution in France. This nation is no longer in the least
+revolutionary. The people themselves have become doctrinaire, as
+insolent and as bourgeois as the bourgeois.... The bourgeois are
+loathsome. They are as savage as they are stupid--and as the police
+blood flows in their veins--they should be called policemen and
+attorneys-general in embryo. I am going to reply to their infamous
+calumnies by a good little book in which I shall give everything and
+everybody its proper name. I leave this country with deep despair in my
+heart."[23] He then set to work at last to state systematically his own
+views and to annihilate utterly those of the socialists. Many of these
+documents are only fragmentary. Some were started and abandoned; others
+ended in hopeless confusion. With the most extraordinary gift of
+inspirited statement, he passes in review every phase of history,
+leaping from one peak to another of the great periods, pointing his
+lessons, issuing his warnings, but all the time throwing at the reader
+such a Niagara of ideas and arguments that he is left utterly dazed and
+bewildered as by some startling military display or the rushing here and
+there of a military maneuver. In _Lettres a un Francais_; _Manuscrit de
+114 Pages, ecrit a Marseille_; _Lettre a Esquiros_; _Preambule pour la
+Seconde Livraison de l'Empire Knouto-Germanique_; _Avertissement pour
+l'Empire Knouto-Germanique_; _Au Journal La Liberte, de Bruxelles_; and
+_Fragment formant une Suite de l'Empire Knouto-Germanique_, he returns
+again and again to the charge, always seeking to deal some fatal blow to
+Marxian socialism, but never apparently satisfying himself that he has
+accomplished his task. He touches the border of practical criticism of
+the socialist program in the fragment entitled _Lettres a un Francais_.
+It ends, however, before the task is done. Again he takes it up in the
+_Manuscrit ecrit a Marseille_. But here also, as soon as he arrives at
+the point of annihilating the socialists, his task is discontinued. In
+truth, he himself seems to have realized the inconclusive character of
+his writings, as he refused in some cases to complete them and in other
+cases to publish them. Nevertheless, we find in various places of his
+fragmentary writings not only a statement of his own views, but his
+entire critique upon socialism.
+
+As I have made clear enough, I think, in my first chapter, there are in
+Bakounin's writings two main ideas put forward again and again, dressed
+in innumerable forms and supported by an inexhaustible variety of
+arguments. These ideas are based upon his antagonism to religion and to
+government. It was always _Dieu et l'Etat_ that he was fighting, and not
+until both the ideas and the institutions which had grown up in support
+of "these monstrous oppressions" had been destroyed and swept from the
+earth could there arise, thought Bakounin, a free society, peopled with
+happy and emancipated human souls. When one has once obtained this
+conception of Bakounin's fundamental views, there is little necessity
+for dealing with the infinite number of minor points upon which he was
+forced to attack the men and movements of his time. On the one hand, he
+was assailing Mazzini, whose every move in life was actuated by his
+intense religious and political faith, while, on the other hand, he was
+attacking Marx as the modern Moses handing down to the enslaved
+multitudes his table of infamous laws as the foundation for a new
+tyranny, that of State socialism. In 1871 Bakounin ceased all
+maneuvering. Bringing out his great guns, he began to bombard both
+Mazzini and Marx. Never has polemic literature seen such another battle.
+With a weapon in each hand, turning from the one to the other of his
+antagonists, he battled, as no man ever before battled, to crush "these
+enemies of the entire human race."
+
+There is, of course, no possibility of adequately summarizing, in such
+limited space as I have allotted to it, the thought of one who traversed
+the history of the entire world of thought and action in pursuit of some
+crushing argument against the socialism of Marx. This perverted form of
+socialism, Bakounin maintained, contemplated the establishment of a
+_communisme autoritaire_, or State socialism. "The State," he says,
+"having become the sole owner--at the end of a certain period of
+transition which will be necessary in order to transform society,
+without too great economic and political shocks, from the present
+organization of bourgeois privilege to the future organization of
+official equality for all--the State will also be the sole capitalist,
+the banker, the money lender, the organizer, the director of all the
+national work, and the distributor of its products. Such is the ideal,
+the fundamental principle of modern communism."[24] This is, of all
+Bakounin's criticisms of socialism, the one that has had the greatest
+vitality. It has gone the round of the world as a crushing blow to
+socialist ideals. The same thought has been repeated by every
+politician, newspaper, and capitalist who has undertaken to refute
+socialism. And every socialist will admit that of all the attempts to
+misrepresent socialism and to make it abhorrent to most people the idea
+expressed in these words of Bakounin has been the most effective. To
+state thus the ideal of socialism is sufficient in most cases to end all
+argument. Add to this program military discipline for the masses,
+barracks for homes, and a ruling bureaucracy, and you have complete the
+terrifying picture that is held up to the workers of every country, even
+to-day, as the nefarious, world-destroying design of the socialists.
+
+It is, therefore, altogether proper to inquire if these were in reality
+the aims of the Marxists. Many sincere opponents of socialism actually
+believe that these are the ends sought, while the casual reader of
+socialist literature may see much that appears to lead directly to the
+dreadful State tyranny that Bakounin has pictured. But did Marx actually
+advocate State socialism? In the Communist Manifesto Marx proposed a
+series of reforms that the State alone was capable of instituting. He
+urged that many of the instruments of production should be centralized
+in the hands of the State. Moreover, nothing is clearer than his
+prophecy that the working class "will use its political supremacy to
+wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all
+instruments of production in the hands of the State."[25] Indeed, in
+this program, as in all others that have developed out of it, the end of
+socialism would seem to be State ownership. "With trusts or without,"
+writes Engels, "the official representative of capitalist society--the
+State--will ultimately have to undertake the direction of production."
+Commenting himself upon this statement, he adds in a footnote: "I say
+'have to.' For only when the means of production and distribution have
+actually outgrown the form of management by joint-stock companies, and
+when, therefore, the taking them over by the State has become
+economically inevitable, only then--even if it is the State of to-day
+that effects this--is there an economic advance, the attainment of
+another step preliminary to the taking over of all productive forces by
+society itself." "This necessity," he continues, "for conversion into
+State property is felt first in the great institutions for intercourse
+and communication--the post-office, the telegraphs, the railways."[26]
+
+Here is the entire position in a nutshell. But Engels says the State
+will "have to." Thus Engels and Marx are not stating necessarily what
+they desire. And it must not be forgotten that in all such statements
+both were outlining only what appeared to them to be a natural and
+inevitable evolution. In State ownership they saw an outcome of the
+necessary centralization of capital and its growth into huge monopolies.
+Society would be forced to use the power of the State to control, and
+eventually to own, these menacing aggregations of capital in the hands
+of a few men. Both Marx and Engels saw clearly enough that State
+monopoly does not destroy the capitalistic nature of the productive
+forces. "The modern State, no matter what its form, is essentially a
+capitalist machine.... The more it proceeds to the taking over of
+productive forces, ... the more citizens does it exploit. The workers
+remain wage workers--proletarians. The capitalist relation is not done
+away with. It is rather brought to a head. But, brought to a head, it
+topples over. _State ownership of the productive forces is not the
+solution of the conflict, but concealed within it are the technical
+conditions that form the elements of that solution._"[27]
+
+State ownership, then, was not considered by Marx and Engels in itself a
+solution of the problem. It is only a necessary preliminary to the
+solution. The essential step, either subsequent or precedent, is the
+capture of political power by the working class. By this act the means
+of production are freed "from the character of capital they have thus
+far borne, ..." and their "socialized character" is given "complete
+freedom to work itself out."[28] "Socialized production upon a
+predetermined plan becomes henceforth possible. The development of
+production makes the existence of different classes of society
+thenceforth an anachronism. In proportion as anarchy in social
+production vanishes, the political authority of the State dies out. Man,
+at last the master of his own form of social organization, becomes at
+the same time the lord over Nature, his own master--free.
+
+"To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical
+mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the
+historical conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart to
+the new oppressed proletarian class a full knowledge of the conditions
+and of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon to accomplish,
+this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian
+movement, scientific socialism."[29]
+
+Engels declares that the State, such as we have known it in the past,
+will die out "as soon as there is no longer any social class to be held
+in subjection; as soon as class rule, and the individual struggle for
+existence based upon our present anarchy in production, with the
+collisions and excesses arising from these, are removed, nothing more
+remains to be repressed, and a special repressive force, a State, is no
+longer necessary. The first act by virtue of which the State really
+constitutes itself the representative of the whole of society--the
+taking possession of the means of production in the name of
+society--this is, at the same time, its last independent act as a State.
+State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain after
+another, superfluous, and then dies out of itself; the government of
+persons is replaced by the administration of things, and by the conduct
+of processes of production. The State is not 'abolished.' _It dies out._
+This gives the measure of the value of the phrase 'a free State,' both
+as to its justifiable use at times by agitators, and as to its ultimate
+scientific insufficiency; and also of the demands of the so-called
+anarchists for the abolition of the State out of hand."[30]
+
+This conception of the role of the State is one that no anarchist can
+comprehend. He is unwilling to admit that social evolution necessarily
+leads through State socialism to industrial democracy, or even that such
+an evolution is possible. To him the State seems to have a corporeal,
+material existence of its own. It is a tyrannical machine that exists
+above all classes and wields a legal, military, and judicial power all
+its own. That the State is only an agency for representing in certain
+fields the power of a dominant economic class--this is something the
+anarchist will not admit. In fact, Bakounin seems to have been utterly
+mystified when Eccarius answered him at Basel in these words: "The State
+can be reformed by the coming of the working class into power."[31] That
+the State is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the
+capitalist class can neither be granted nor understood by the
+anarchists. Nor can it be comprehended that, when the capitalist class
+has no affairs of its own to manage, the coercive character of the State
+will gradually disappear. State ownership undermines and destroys the
+economic power of private capitalists. When the railroads, the mines,
+the forests, and other great monopolies are taken out of their hands,
+their control over the State is by this much diminished. The only power
+they possess to control the State resides in their economic power, and
+anything that weakens that tends to destroy the class character of the
+State itself. The inherent weakness of Bakounin's entire philosophy lay
+in this fact, that it begins with the necessity of abolishing God and
+the State, and that it can never get beyond that or away from that. And,
+as a necessary consequence, Bakounin had to oppose every measure that
+looked toward any compromise with the State, or that might enable the
+working class to exercise any influence in or through the State.
+
+When, therefore, the German party at its congress at Eisenach demanded
+the suffrage and direct legislation, when it declared that political
+liberty is the most urgent preliminary condition for the economic
+emancipation of the working class, Bakounin could see nothing
+revolutionary in such a program. When, furthermore, the party declared
+that the social question is inseparable from the political question and
+that the problems of our economic life could be solved only in a
+democratic State, Bakounin, of course, was forced to oppose such
+heresies with all his power. And these were indeed the really vital
+questions, upon which the anarchists and the socialists could not be
+reconciled. It is in his _Lettres a un Francais_, written just after the
+failure of his own "practical" efforts at Lyons, that Bakounin
+undertakes his criticism of the program of the German socialists.
+Preparatory to this task, he first terrifies his French readers with the
+warning that if the German army, then at their doors, should conquer
+France, it would result in the destruction of French socialism (by which
+he means anarchism), in the utter degradation and complete slavery of
+the French people, and make it possible for the Knout of Germany and
+Russia to fall upon the back of all Europe. "If, in this terrible
+moment, ... [France] does not prefer the death of all her children and
+the destruction of all her goods, the burning of her villages, her
+cities, and of all her houses to slavery under the yoke of the
+Prussians, if she does not destroy, by means of a popular and
+revolutionary uprising, the power of the innumerable German armies
+which, victorious on all sides up to the present, threaten her dignity,
+her liberty, and even her existence, if she does not become a grave for
+all those six hundred thousand soldiers of German despotism, if she does
+not oppose them with the one means capable of conquering and destroying
+them under the present circumstances, if she does not reply to this
+insolent invasion by the social revolution no less ruthless and a
+thousand times more menacing--it is certain, I maintain, that then
+France is lost, her masses of working people will be slaves, and French
+socialism will have lived its life."[32]
+
+Approaching his subject in this dramatic manner, Bakounin turns to
+examine the degenerate state of socialism in Italy, Switzerland, and
+Germany to see "what will be the chances of working-class emancipation
+in all the rest of Europe."[33] In the first country socialism is only
+in its infancy. The Italians are wholly ignorant of the true causes of
+their misery. They are crushed, maltreated, and dying of hunger. They
+are "led blindly by the liberal and radical bourgeois."[34] Altogether,
+there is no immediate hope of socialism there. In Switzerland the people
+are asleep. "If the human world were on the point of dying, the Swiss
+would not resuscitate it."[35] Only in Germany is socialism making
+headway, and Bakounin undertakes to examine this socialism and to put it
+forward as a horrible example. To be sure, the German workers are
+awakening, but they are under the leadership of certain cunning
+politicians, who have abandoned all revolutionary ideas, and are now
+undertaking to reform the State, hoping that that could be done as a
+result of "a great peaceful and legal agitation of the working
+class."[36] The very name Liebknecht had taken for his paper, the
+_Volksstaat_, was infamous in Bakounin's eyes, while all the leaders of
+the labor party had become merely appendages to "their friends of the
+bourgeois _Volkspartei_."[37] He then passes in review the program of
+the German socialists, and points to their aim of establishing a
+democratic State by the "direct and secret suffrage for all men" and its
+guidance by direct legislation, as the utter abandonment of every
+revolutionary idea. He dwells upon the folly of the suffrage and of
+every effort to remodel, recast, and change the State, as "purely
+political and bourgeois."[38]
+
+Democracies and republics are no less tyrannical than monarchies. The
+suffrage cannot alter them. In England, Switzerland, and America, he
+declares, the masses now have political power, yet they remain in the
+deepest depths of misery. Universal suffrage is only a new superstition,
+while the referendum, already existing in Switzerland, has failed
+utterly to improve the condition of the people. The working-class
+slaves, even in the most democratic countries, "have neither the
+instruction; nor the leisure, nor the independence necessary to
+exercise freely and with full knowledge of the case their rights as
+citizens. They have, in the most democratic countries, which are
+governed by representatives elected by all the people, a ruling day or
+rather a day of Saturnalian celebration: that is election day. Then the
+bourgeois, their oppressors, their every-day exploiters, and their
+masters, come to them, with hats off, talk to them of equality and of
+fraternity, and call them the ruling people, of whom they (the
+bourgeois) are only very humble servants, the representatives of their
+will. This day over, fraternity and equality evaporate in smoke, the
+bourgeois become bourgeois once more, and the proletariat, the sovereign
+people, remain slaves.
+
+"Such is the real truth about the system of representative democracy, so
+much praised by the radical bourgeois, even when it is amended,
+completed, and developed, with a popular intention, by the _referendum_
+or by that 'direct legislation of the people' which is extolled by a
+German school that wrongly calls itself socialist. For very nearly two
+years, the _referendum_ has been a part of the constitution of the
+canton of Zurich, and up to this time it has given absolutely no
+results. The people there are called upon to vote, by yes or by no, on
+all the important laws which are presented to them by the representative
+bodies. They could even grant them the initiative without real liberty
+winning the least advantage."[39]
+
+It is a discouraging picture that Bakounin draws here of the ignorance
+and stupidity of the people as they are led in every election to vote
+their enemies into power. What, then, is to be done? What shall these
+hordes of the illiterate and miserable do? If by direct legislation they
+cannot even vote laws in their own interest, how, then, will it be
+possible for them ever to improve their condition? Such questions do not
+in the least disturb Bakounin. He has one answer, Revolution! As he said
+in the beginning, so he repeats: "To escape its wretched lot, the
+populace has three ways, two imaginary and one real. The first two are
+the rum shop and the church, ... the third is the social
+revolution."[40] "A cure is possible only through the social
+revolution,"[41] that is, through "the destruction of all institutions
+of inequality, and the establishment of economic and social
+equality."[42]
+
+However, if Bakounin's idea of the social revolution never altered, the
+methods by which it was to be carried out suffered a change as a result
+of his experience in the International. In 1871 he no longer advocated,
+openly at any rate, secret conspiracies, the "loosening of evil
+passions," or some vague "unchaining of the hydra." He begins then to
+oppose to political action what he calls economic action.[43] In the
+fragment--not published during Bakounin's life--the _Protestation de
+l'Alliance_, he covers for the hundredth time his arguments against the
+_Volksstaat_, which is a "ridiculous contradiction, a fiction, a
+lie."[44] "The State ... will always be an institution of domination and
+of exploitation ... a permanent source of slavery and of misery."[45]
+How, then, shall the State be destroyed? Bakounin's answer is "first, by
+the organization and the federation of strike funds and the
+international solidarity of strikes; secondly, by the organization and
+international federation of trade unions; and, lastly, by the
+spontaneous and direct development of philosophical and sociological
+ideas in the International....
+
+"Let us now consider these three ways in their special action, differing
+one from another, but, as I have just said, inseparable, and let us
+commence with the organization of strike funds and strikes.
+
+"Strike funds have for their sole object to provide the necessary money
+in order to make possible the costly organization and maintenance of
+strikes. And the strike is the beginning of the social war of the
+proletariat against the bourgeoisie, while still within the limits of
+legality.[T] Strikes are a valuable weapon in this twofold connection;
+first, because they electrify the masses, give fresh impetus to their
+moral energy, and awaken in their hearts the profound antagonism which
+exists between their interests and those of the bourgeoisie, by showing
+them ever clearer the abyss which from this time irrevocably separates
+them from that class; and, second, because they contribute in large
+measure to provoke and to constitute among the workers of all trades, of
+all localities, and of all countries the consciousness and the fact
+itself of solidarity: a double action, the one negative and the other
+positive, which tends to constitute directly the new world of the
+proletariat by opposing it, almost absolutely, to the bourgeois
+world."[46]
+
+In another place he says: "Once this solidarity is seriously accepted
+and firmly established, it brings forth all the rest--all the
+principles--the most sublime and the most subversive of the
+International, the most destructive of religion, of juridical right, and
+of the State, of authority divine as well as human--in a word, the most
+revolutionary from the socialist point of view, being nothing but the
+natural and necessary developments of this economic solidarity. And the
+immense practical advantage of the trade sections over the central
+sections consists precisely in this--that these developments and these
+principles are demonstrated to the workers not by theoretical reasoning,
+but by the living and tragic experience of a struggle which each day
+becomes larger, more profound, and more terrible. In such a way that the
+worker who is the least instructed, the least prepared, the most gentle,
+always dragged further by the very consequences of this conflict, ends
+by recognizing himself to be a revolutionist, an anarchist, and an
+atheist, without often knowing himself how he has become such."[47]
+
+This is as far as Bakounin gets in the statement of his new program of
+action, as this article, like many others, was discontinued and thrown
+aside at the moment when he comes to clinching his argument. The
+mountain, however, had labored, and this was its mouse. It is chiefly
+remarkable as a forecast of the methods adopted by the syndicalists a
+quarter of a century later. Nevertheless, one cannot escape the thought
+that Bakounin's advocacy of a purely economic struggle was only a last
+desperate effort on his part to discover some method of action, aside
+from his now discredited riots and insurrections, that could serve as an
+effective substitute for political action. In reality, Bakounin found
+himself in a vicious circle. Again and again he tried to find his way
+out, but invariably he returned to his starting point. In despair he
+tore to pieces his manuscript, immediately, however, to start a new one;
+then once more to rush round the circle that ended nowhere.
+
+Marx and Engels ignored utterly the many and varied assaults that
+Bakounin made upon their theoretical views. They were not the least
+concerned over his attacks upon _their_ socialism. They had not invented
+it, and economic evolution was determining its form. It was not,
+indeed, until 1875 that Engels deals with the tendencies to State
+socialism, and then it was in answer to Dr. Eugene Duehring, _privat
+docent_ at Berlin University, who had just announced that he had become
+"converted" to socialism. Like many another distinguished convert, he
+immediately began to remodel the whole theory and to create what he
+supposed were new and original doctrines of his own. But no sooner were
+they put in print than they were found to be a restatement of the old
+and choicest formulas of Proudhon and Bakounin. Engels therefore took up
+the cudgels once again, and, no doubt to the stupefaction of Duehring,
+denied that property is robbery,[48] that slaves are kept in slavery by
+force,[49] and that the root of social and economic inequality is
+political tyranny.[50] Furthermore, he deplored this method of
+interpreting history, and pointed out that capitalism would exist "if we
+exclude the possibility of force, robbery, and cheating absolutely...."
+Furthermore, "the monopolization of the means of production ... in the
+hands of a single class few in numbers ... rests on purely economic
+grounds without robbery, force, or any intervention of politics or the
+government being necessary." To say that property rests on force
+"_merely serves to obscure the understanding of the real development of
+things_."[51] I mention Engels' argument in answer to Dr. Duehring,
+because word for word it answers also Bakounin. Of course, Bakounin was
+a much more difficult antagonist, because he could not be pinned down to
+any systematic doctrines or to any clear and logical development or
+statement of his thought. Indeed, Marx and Engels seemed more amused
+than concerned and simply treated his essays as a form of
+"hyper-revolutionary dress-parade oratory," to use a phrase of
+Liebknecht's. They ridiculed him as an "amorphous pan-destroyer," and
+made no attempt to refute his really intangible social and economic
+theories.
+
+However, they met Bakounin's attacks on the International at every
+point. On the method of organization which Bakounin advocated, namely,
+that of a federalism of autonomous groups, which was to be "in the
+present a faithful image of future society," Marx replied that nothing
+could better suit the enemies of the International than to see such
+anarchy reign amidst the workers. Furthermore, when Bakounin advocated
+insurrections, uprisings, and riots, or even indeed purely economic
+action as a substitute for political action, Marx undertook
+extraordinary measures to deal finally with Bakounin and his program of
+action. A conference was therefore called of the leading spirits of the
+International, to be held in London in September, 1871. The whole of
+Bakounin's activity was there discussed, and a series of resolutions was
+adopted by the conference to be sent to every section of the
+International movement. A number of these resolutions dealt directly
+with Bakounin and the Alliance, which it was thought still existed,
+despite Bakounin's statement that it had been dissolved.[U] But by far
+the most important work of the conference was a resolution dealing with
+the question of political action. It is perhaps as important a document
+as was issued during the life of the International, and it stands as the
+answer of Marx to what Bakounin called economic action and to what the
+syndicalists now call direct action. The whole International
+organization is here pleaded with to maintain its faith in the efficacy
+of political means. Political action is pointed out as the fundamental
+principle of the organization, and, in order to give authority to this
+plea, the various declarations that had been made during the life of the
+International were brought together. Once again, the old motif of the
+Communist Manifesto appeared, and every effort was made to give it the
+authority of a positive law. Although rather long, the resolution is too
+important a document not to be printed here almost in full.
+
+"Considering the following passage of the preamble to the rules: 'The
+economic emancipation of the working classes is the great end to which
+every political movement ought to be subordinate _as a means_;'
+
+"That the Inaugural Address of the International Working Men's
+Association (1864) states: 'The lords of land and the lords of capital
+will always use their political privileges for the defense and
+perpetuation of their economic monopolies. So far from promoting, they
+will continue to lay every possible impediment in the way of the
+emancipation of labor.... To conquer political power has therefore
+become the great duty of the working classes;'
+
+"That the Congress of Lausanne (1867) has passed this resolution: 'The
+social emancipation of the workmen is inseparable from their political
+emancipation;'
+
+"That the declaration of the General Council relative to the pretended
+plot of the French Internationals on the eve of the plebiscite (1870)
+says: 'Certainly by the tenor of our statutes, all our branches in
+England, on the Continent, and in America have the special mission not
+only to serve as centers for the militant organization of the working
+class, but also to support, in their respective countries, every
+political movement tending toward the accomplishment of our ultimate
+end--the economic emancipation of the working class;'
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"Considering that against this collective power of the propertied
+classes the working class cannot act, as a class, except by constituting
+itself into a political party, distinct from, and opposed to, all old
+parties formed by the propertied classes;
+
+"That this constitution of the working class into a political party is
+indispensable in order to insure the triumph of the social revolution
+and its ultimate end--the abolition of classes;
+
+"That the combination of forces which the working class has already
+effected by its economic struggles ought at the same time to serve as a
+lever for its struggles against the political power of landlords and
+capitalists.
+
+"The Conference recalls to the members of the _International_:
+
+"That, in the militant state of the working class, its economic movement
+and its political action are indissolubly united."[52]
+
+From the congress at Basel in 1869 to the conference at The Hague in
+1872, little was done by the International to realize its great aim of
+organizing politically the working class of Europe. It had been
+completely sidetracked, and all the energies of its leading spirits were
+wasted in controversy and in the various struggles of the factions to
+control the organization. It was a period of incessant warfare. Nearly
+every local conference was a scene of dissension; many of the branches
+were dissolved; and disruption in the Latin countries was gradually
+obliterating whatever there was of actual organization. It all resolved
+itself into a question of domination between Bakounin and Marx. The war
+between Germany and France prevented an international gathering, and it
+was not until September, 1872, that another congress of the
+International was held. It was finally decided that it should gather at
+The Hague. The Commune had flashed across the sky for a moment.
+Insurrection had broken out and had been crushed in various places in
+Europe. Strikes were more frequent than had ever been known before. And,
+because of these various disturbances, the International had become the
+terror of Europe. Its strength and influence were vastly overestimated
+by the reactionary powers. Its hand was seen in every act of the
+discontented masses. It became the "Red Spectre," and all the powers of
+Europe were now seeking to destroy it. Looming thus large to the outside
+world, those within the International knew how baseless were the fears
+of its opponents. They realized that internecine war was eating its
+heart out. During all this time, when it was credited and blamed for
+every revolt in Europe, there were incredible plotting and intrigue
+between the factions. Endless documents were printed, assailing the
+alleged designs of this or that group, and secret circulars were issued
+denouncing the character of this or that leader. Sections were formed
+and dissolved in the maneuvers of the two factions to control the
+approaching congress. And, when finally the congress gathered at The
+Hague, there was a gravity among the delegates that foreboded what was
+to come. The Marxists were in absolute control. On the resolution to
+expel Michael Bakounin from the International the vote stood
+twenty-seven for and six against, while seven abstained. The expulsion
+of Bakounin, however, occurred only after a long debate upon his entire
+history and that of his secret Alliance. Nearly all the amazing
+collection of "documentary proof," afterward published in _L'Alliance de
+la Democratie Socialiste_, was submitted to the congress, and a
+resolution was passed that all the documents should be published,
+together with such others as might tend to enlighten the membership
+concerning the purposes of Bakounin's organization.
+
+Two other important actions were taken at the congress. One was to
+introduce into the actual rules of the Association part of the
+resolution, which was passed by the conference in London the year
+before, dealing with political action, and this was adopted by
+thirty-six votes against five. The other action was to remove the seat
+of the General Council from London to New York. Although this was
+suggested by Marx, it was energetically fought on the ground that it
+meant the destruction of the International. By a very narrow vote the
+resolution was carried, twenty-six to twenty-three, a number of Marx's
+oldest and most devoted followers voting against the proposition. No
+really satisfactory explanation is given for this extraordinary act,
+although it has been thought since that Marx had arrived at the
+decision, perhaps the hardest of his life, to destroy the International
+in order to save it from the hands of the anarchists. To be sure,
+Bakounin was now out of it, and there was little to be feared from his
+faction, segregated and limited to certain places in the Latin
+countries; but everywhere the name of the International was being used
+by all sorts of elements that could only injure the actual labor
+movement. The exploits of Nechayeff, of Bakounin, and of certain Spanish
+and Italian sections had all conveyed to the world an impression of the
+International which perhaps could never be altogether erased.
+Furthermore, in Germany and other countries the seeds of an actual
+working-class political movement had been planted, and there was already
+promise of a huge development in the national organizations. What moved
+Marx thus to destroy his own child, the concrete thing he had dreamed of
+in his thirty years of incessant labor, profound study, and ceaseless
+agitation, will perhaps never be fully known, but in any case no act of
+Marx was ever of greater service to the cause of labor. It was a form of
+surgery that cut out of the socialist movement forever an irreconcilable
+element, and from then on the distinction between anarchist and
+socialist was indisputably clear. They stood poles apart, and everyone
+realized that no useful purpose would be served in trying to bring them
+together again.
+
+Largely because of Bakounin, the International as an organization of
+labor never played an important role; but, as a melting pot in which the
+crude ideas of many philosophies were thrown--some to be fused, others
+to be cast aside, and all eventually to be clarified and purified--the
+International performed a memorable service. During its entire life it
+was a battlefield. In the beginning there were many separate groups, but
+at the end there were only two forces in combat--socialists and
+anarchists. When the quarrel began there was among the masses no sharply
+dividing line; their ideas were incoherent; and their allegiance was to
+individuals rather than to principles. Without much discrimination, they
+called themselves "communists," "Internationalists," "collectivists,"
+"anarchists," "socialists." Even these terms they had not defined, and
+it was only toward the end of the International that the two combatants
+classified their principles into two antagonistic schools, socialism and
+anarchism. Anarchism was no longer a vague, undefined philosophy of
+human happiness; it now stood forth, clear and distinct from all other
+social theories. After this no one need be in doubt as to its meaning
+and methods. On the other hand, no thoughtful person need longer remain
+in doubt as to the exact meaning and methods of socialism. This work of
+definition and clarification was the immense service performed by the
+International in its eight brief years of life. Throughout Europe and
+America, after 1872, these two forces openly declared that they had
+nothing in common, either in method or in philosophy. To them at least
+the International had been a university.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[S] In the English report of the discussion Professor Hins's remarks are
+summarized as follows: "Hins said he could not agree with those who
+looked upon trade societies as mere strike and wages' societies, nor was
+he in favor of having central committees made up of all trades. The
+present trades unions would some day overthrow the present state of
+political organization altogether; they represented the social and
+political organization of the future. The whole laboring population
+would range itself, according to occupation, into different groups, and
+this would lead to a new political organization of society. He wanted no
+intermeddling of the State; they had enough of that in Belgium already.
+As to the central committees, every trade ought to have its central
+committee at the principal seat of manufacture. The central committee of
+the cotton trades ought to be at Manchester; that of the silk trades at
+Lyons, etc. He did not consider it a disadvantage that trade unions kept
+aloof more or less from politics, at least in his country. By trying to
+reform the State, or to take part in its councils, they would virtually
+acknowledge its right of existence. Whatever the English, the Swiss, the
+Germans, and the Americans might hope to accomplish by means of the
+present political State the Belgians repudiated theirs."--pp. 31-2.
+
+[T] These are almost the exact words that Aristide Briand uses in his
+argument for the general strike. See "_La Greve Generale_," compiled by
+Lagardelle, p. 95.
+
+[U] One of the resolutions prohibited the formation of sectarian groups
+or separatist bodies within the International, such as the _Alliance de
+la Democratie Socialiste_, that pretended "to accomplish special
+missions, distinct from the common purposes of the Association." Another
+resolution dealt with what was called the "split" among the workers in
+the French-speaking part of Switzerland. Still another resolution
+formally declared that the International had nothing in common with the
+infamies of Nechayeff, who had fraudulently usurped and exploited the
+name of the International. Furthermore, Outine was instructed to prepare
+a report from the Russian journals on the work of Nechayeff. Cf.
+_Resolutions_ II, XVII, XIII, XIV, respectively, of the Conference of
+Delegates of the International Working Men's Association, Assembled at
+London from 17th to 23d September, 1871.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+THE FIGHT FOR EXISTENCE
+
+
+After The Hague congress the socialists and anarchists, divided into
+separate and antagonistic groups--with principles as well as methods of
+organization that were diametrically opposed to each other--were forced
+to undergo a terrific struggle for existence. Marx had clearly enough
+warned the followers of Bakounin that their methods were suicidal. "The
+Alliance proceeds the wrong way," he declared. "It proclaims anarchy in
+the working-class ranks as the surest means of destroying the powerful
+concentration of social and political forces in the hands of the
+exploiters. On this pretext it asks the International, at the moment
+when the old world is striving to crush it, to replace its organization
+by anarchy."[1] And, as strange as it may seem, this was in fact what
+Bakounin was actually striving for. In the name of liberty he was
+demanding that the International be broken up into thousands of
+isolated, autonomous groups, which were to do whatever they pleased, in
+any way they pleased, at any time they pleased. This may have been, and
+doubtless was, in perfect harmony with the philosophy of anarchism, but
+it had nothing in harmony with the idea of a solidified, international
+organization of workingmen that Marx was striving to bring into
+existence. Anarchism when advocated as an ideal for some distant social
+order of the future, concerned Marx and Engels very little; indeed, they
+did not even discuss it from this point of view. It was only when
+Bakounin counseled anarchy as a method of working-class organization
+that both Marx and Engels protested, on the ground that such tactics
+could lead only to self-destruction. Neither Bakounin nor his followers
+were convinced, however, and they set out bravely after 1872 to put into
+practice their ideas. Their revolt against authority was carried to its
+ultimate extreme. How far the anarchists were prepared to go in their
+revolt is indicated by a letter which Bakounin wrote to _La Liberte_ of
+Brussels a few days after his expulsion from the International. Although
+not finished, and consequently not sent to that journal, it is
+especially interesting because he attacks the General Council as a new
+incarnation of the State. Here his lively imagination pictures the
+International as the germ of a new despotic social order, already fallen
+under the domination of a group of dictators, and he exclaims: "A State,
+a government, a universal dictatorship! The dream of Gregory VII., of
+Boniface VIII., of Charles V., and of Napoleon is reproduced in new
+forms, but ever with the same pretensions, in the camp of social
+democracy."[2] This is an altogether new point of view as to the
+character of the State. We now learn that it means any form of
+centralized organization; a committee, a chairman, an executive body of
+any sort is a State. The General Council in London was a State. Marx and
+Engels were a State. Any authority--no matter what its form, nor how
+controlled, appointed, or elected--is a State.
+
+I am not sure that this marks the birth of the repugnance of the
+anarchists to even so innocent a form of authority as that of a
+chairman. Nor am I certain that this was the origin of those ideas of
+organization that make of an anarchist meeting a modern Babel, wherein
+all seems to be utter confusion. In any case, the Bakouninists, after
+The Hague congress, undertook to revive the International and to base
+this new organization on these ideas of anarchism. After a conference at
+Saint-Imier in the Jura, where Bakounin and his friends outlined the
+policies of a new International, a call was sent out for a congress to
+be held in Geneva in 1873. The congress that assembled there was not a
+large one, but, with no exaggeration whatever, it was one of the most
+remarkable gatherings ever held. For six entire days and nights the
+delegates struggled to create by some magic means a world-wide
+organization of the people, without a program, a committee, a chairman,
+or a vote. No longer oppressed by the "tyranny" of Marx, or baffled by
+his "abominable intrigues," they set out to create their "faithful
+image" of the new world--an organization that was not to be an
+organization; a union that was to be made up of fleeting and constantly
+shifting elements, agreeing at one moment to unite, at the next moment
+to divide. This was the insolvable problem that now faced the first
+congress of the anarchists. There were only two heretics among them.
+Both had come from England; but Hales was a "voice crying in the
+wilderness," while Eccarius sat silent throughout the congress.
+
+The first great debate took place upon whether there should be any
+central council. The English delegates believed that there should be
+one, but that its power should be limited. Other delegates believed that
+there might be various commissions to perform certain necessary
+executive services. John Hales declared, in support of a central
+commission, that it will promote economy and facilitate the work, and
+that it will be easy to prevent such a commission from usurping
+power.[3] Paul Brousse, Guillaume, and others opposed this view with
+such heat, however, that Hales was forced to respond: "I combat anarchy
+because the word and the thing that it represents are the synonyms of
+dissolution. Anarchy spells individualism, and individualism is the
+basis of the existing society that we desire to destroy.... Let us
+suppose, for example, a strike. Can one hope to triumph with an
+anarchist organization? Under this regime each one, being able to do
+what he pleases, can, according to his will, work or not work. The
+general interest will be sacrificed to individual caprice. The veritable
+application of the anarchist principle would be the dissolution of the
+International, and this congress has precisely an opposite end, which is
+to reorganize the International. One should not confound authority and
+organization. We are not authoritarians, but we must be organizers. Far
+from approving anarchy, which is the present social state, we ought to
+combat it by the creation of a central commission and by the
+organization of collectivism. Anarchy is the law of death; collectivism,
+that of life."[4] This was, as Hales soon discovered, the very essence
+of heresy, and, when the vote was taken, he was overwhelmed by those
+opposed to any centralized organization.
+
+The anarchists were not, however, content merely with having no central
+council, and they began to discuss whether or not the various
+federations should vote upon questions of principle. The commission that
+was dealing with the revision of the by-laws recommended that views
+should be harmonized by discussion and that any decisions made by the
+congress should be enforced only among those federations which accepted
+its decisions. Costa of Italy approved of these ideas. "For that which
+concerns theory, we can only discuss and seek to persuade each other,
+... but we cannot enforce, for example, ... a certain political
+program."[5] Brousse vigorously opposed the process of voting in any
+form. It appeared to him that the true means of action was to obtain the
+opinion of everyone. "The vote," he declared, "simply divides an
+assembly into a majority and a minority.... The only truly practical
+means of obtaining a consensus of opinions is to have them placed in the
+minutes without voting."[6] That view seemed to prevail, and the
+amendment to this question suggested by Hales of England was _voted down
+by the majority_!
+
+These two decisions of the congress will convey an idea of the anarchist
+conception of organization. There was to be no executive or
+administrative body. Nor were the decisions of the congress to have any
+authority. Anybody could join, believing anything he liked and doing
+anything he liked. Only those federations which voluntarily accepted the
+decisions of the congress were expected to obey them. Matters of
+principle were in no-wise to be voted upon, and each individual was
+allowed to accept or reject them according to his wishes. The actual
+rules, adopted unanimously, ran as follows: "Federations and sections,
+composing the Association, will conserve their complete autonomy, that
+is to say, the right to organize themselves according to their will, to
+administer their own affairs without any exterior interference, and to
+determine themselves the path they wish to follow in order to arrive at
+the emancipation of labor."[7]
+
+It was fully expected that, in addition to its work of reorganization,
+if we may so speak of it, the congress would definitely devise some
+method, other than a political one, for the emancipation of labor. The
+general strike had been put down upon the agenda for discussion. In the
+report of the Jura section it was declared: "If the workers affiliated
+with the Association could fix a certain day for the general strike, not
+only to obtain a reduction of hours and a diminution[V] of wages, but
+also to find the means of living in the cooeperative workshops, by groups
+and by colonies, we could not decline to lend them our assistance, and
+we would make appeal to the members of all nations to lend them both
+moral and material aid."[8] Unfortunately, the congress had little time
+to discuss this part of its program. In the _Compte-Rendu Officiel_
+there is no report of whatever discussion took place. But Guillaume, in
+his _Documents et Souvenirs_, gives us a brief account of what occurred.
+After two resolutions had been put on the subject they were withdrawn
+because of opposition, and finally Guillaume introduced the following:
+
+"Whereas partial strikes can only procure for the workers momentary and
+illusory relief, and whereas, by their very nature, wages will always be
+limited to the strictly necessary means of subsistence in order to keep
+the worker from dying of hunger,
+
+"The Congress, without believing in the possibility of completely
+renouncing partial strikes, recommends the workers to devote their
+efforts to achieving an international organization of trade bodies,
+which will enable them to undertake some day a general strike, the only
+really efficacious strike to realize the complete emancipation of
+labor."[9] All the delegates approved the resolution, excepting Hales,
+who voted against it, and Van den Abeele, who abstained from voting
+because the matter would be later discussed in Holland.
+
+It was of course inevitable that such an "organization" should soon
+disappear. Vigorous efforts were made by a few of the devoted to keep
+the movement alive, but it is easy to see that an aggregation so loosely
+united, and without any really definite purpose, was destined to
+dissolution. During the next few years various small congresses were
+held, but they were merely beating a corpse in the effort to keep it
+alive. And, while the Bakouninists were engaged in this critical
+struggle with death, the spirit that had animated all their battles with
+Marx withdrew himself. Bakounin was tired and discouraged, and he left
+his friends of the Jura without advice or assistance in their now
+impossible task. Thus precipitately ended the efforts of the anarchists
+to build up a new International. George Plechanoff illuminates the
+insolvable problem of the anarchists with his powerful statement: "Error
+has its logic as well as truth. Once you reject the political action of
+the working class, you are fatally driven--provided you do not wish to
+serve the bourgeois politicians--to accept the tactics of the Vaillants
+and the Henrys."[10] That this is terribly true is open to no question
+whatever. And the anarchists now found themselves in a veritable
+_cul-de-sac_. Like the poor in Sidney Lanier's poem, they were pressing
+
+
+     "Against an inward-opening door
+     That pressure tightens evermore."
+
+
+The more they fretted and stormed and crushed each other, the more
+hopelessly impossible became the chance of egress. The more desperately
+they threw themselves against that door, the more securely they
+imprisoned themselves. It was the very logic of their tactics that they
+could not circumvent so small an obstacle as that inward-opening door.
+It meant self-destruction. And that, of course, was exactly what
+happened, as we know, to those who followed the vicious round of logic
+from which Bakounin could not extricate himself. Their struggle for an
+organized existence was brief, and at the end of the seventies it was
+entirely over.
+
+Naturally, the complete failure of all their projects did not improve
+their temper, and they lost no opportunity to assail the Marxists. The
+Jura _Bulletin_ of December 10, 1876, translated an article entitled
+_Poco a Poco_, written by Andrea Costa, who labeled the "pacific"
+socialists "apostles of conciliation and ambiguity." They wish, said
+Costa, to march slowly on the road of progress. "Otherwise, indeed, what
+would become of them and their newspapers? For them the field of
+fruitful study and of profound observations on the phenomena of
+industrial life would be closed. For the journalists the means of
+earning money would have likewise disappeared.... Finding the
+satisfaction of their own aspirations in the present state of misery,
+they end by becoming, often without wishing it, profoundly egotistic and
+bad.... While calling themselves socialists, they are more dangerous
+than the declared enemies of the popular cause."[11] About this time a
+new journal appeared at Florence under the name of _l'Anarchia_ and
+announced the following program: "We are not _armchair (Katheder)
+socialists_. We will speak a simple language in order that the
+proletariat may understand once for all what road it must follow in
+order to arrive at its complete emancipation. _L'Anarchia_ will fight
+without truce not only the exploiting bourgeoisie, but also _the new
+charlatans of socialism_, for the latter are the most dangerous enemies
+of the working class."[12]
+
+The following year Kropotkin wrote two articles in the _Bulletin_, July
+22 and 29, which vigorously attacked socialist parliamentary tactics.
+"At what price does one succeed in leading the people to the ballot
+boxes?" he asks in the first article. "Have the frankness to
+acknowledge, gentlemen politicians, that it is by inculcating this
+illusion, that in sending members to parliament the people will succeed
+in freeing themselves and in bettering their lot, that is to say, by
+telling them what one knows to be an absolute lie. It is certainly not
+for the pleasure of getting their education that the German people give
+their pennies for parliamentary agitation. It is because, from hearing
+it repeated each day by hundreds of 'agitators,' they come to believe
+that truly by this method they will be able to realize, in part at
+least, if not completely, their hopes. Acknowledge it for once,
+politicians of to-day, formerly socialists, that we may say aloud what
+you think in silence: 'You are liars!' Yes, liars, I insist upon the
+word, since you lie to the people when you tell them that they will
+better their lot by sending you to parliament. You lie, for you
+yourselves, but a few years since, have maintained absolutely the
+contrary."[13]
+
+What infuriated the anarchists was the amazing growth of the socialist
+political parties. It was only after The Hague congress that the
+socialist movement was in reality free to begin its actual work. With
+ideas diametrically opposed to those of the anarchists, the socialists
+set out to build up their national movements by uniting the various
+elements in the labor world. There were now devoted disciples of Marx in
+every country of Europe, and in the next few years, in France, Belgium,
+Holland, Norway, Sweden, and Germany, the foundations were laid for the
+great national movements that exist to-day. In France, Jules Guesde,
+Paul Lafargue, and Gabriel Deville launched a socialist labor party in
+1878. A Danish socialist labor party was formed the same year by an
+agreement with the trade unions. In the early eighties the
+Social-Democratic Federation was founded in England, and in 1881 a
+congress of various groups of radicals, socialists, and republicans
+launched a political movement in Italy. In Germany the socialists had
+already built up a great political organization. This had been done
+directly under the guidance of Marx and Engels through Liebknecht and
+Bebel. Marx's ideas were there perfectly worked out, and nothing so much
+as that living, growing thing incensed the anarchists. Indeed, they
+seemed to be convinced that there was more of menace to the working
+class in these growing organizations of the socialists than in the power
+of the bourgeoisie itself.
+
+The controversial literature of this period is not pleasant reading. The
+socialists and anarchists were literally at each other's throats, and
+the spirit of malignity that actuated many of their assaults upon each
+other is revolting to those of to-day who cannot appreciate the
+intensity of this battle for the preservation of their most cherished
+ideas. And in all this period the socialist and labor movement was
+overrun with _agents provocateurs_, and every variety of paid police
+agents sent to disrupt and destroy these organizations. And, as has
+always been the case, these "reptiles," as they were called, were
+advocating among the masses those deeds which the chief anarchists were
+proclaiming as revolutionary methods. Riots, insurrections, dynamite
+outrages, the shooting of individuals, and all forms of violence were
+being preached to the poor and hungry men who made up the mass of the
+labor movement. Under the guise of anarchists, these "reptiles" were
+often looked upon as heroic figures, and everywhere, even when they did
+not succeed in winning the confidence of the masses, they were able to
+awaken suspicion and distrust that demoralized the movement. The
+socialists were assailed as traitors to the cause of labor, because they
+were preaching peaceable methods. They were accused of alliances with
+other parties, because they sought to elect men to parliament. They were
+denounced as in league with the Government and even the police, because
+they disapproved of dynamite.
+
+On the other hand, the socialists were equally bitter in their attacks
+upon the anarchists. They denounced their methods as suicidal and the
+Propaganda of the Deed as utter madness. In _La Periode Tragique_, when
+Duval, Decamps, Ravachol, and the other anarchists in France were
+committing the most astounding crimes, Jules Guesde and other socialist
+leaders condemned these outrages and protested against being associated
+in the public mind with those who advocated theft and murder as a method
+of propaganda. Indeed, the anarchists in the late seventies and in the
+eighties lost many who had been formerly friendly to them. Guesde and
+Plechanoff, both of whom had been influenced in their early days by the
+Bakouninists, had broken with them completely. Later Paul Brousse and
+Andrea Costa left them. And, in fact, the anarchists were now incapable
+of any effective action or even education. Without committees,
+executives, laws, votes, or chairmen, they could not undertake any work
+which depended on organized effort, and, except as they managed from
+time to time to gain a prominent position in some labor or radical
+organization built up by others, they had no influence over any large
+body of people. They were fighting desperately to prevent extinction,
+and in their struggle a number of extraordinarily brilliant and daring
+characters came to the front. But during the next decade their tragic
+desperation, instead of advancing anarchism, served only to strengthen
+the reactionary elements of Europe in their effort to annihilate the now
+formidable labor and socialist movements.
+
+Turning now to the struggle for existence of the socialist parties of
+the various countries, there is one story that is far too important in
+the history of socialism to be passed over. It was a magnificent battle
+against the terrorists above and the terrorists below, that ended in
+complete victory for the socialists. Strangely enough, the greatest
+provocation to violence that has ever confronted the labor movement and
+the greatest opportunity that was ever offered to anarchy occurred in
+precisely that country where it was least expected. Nowhere else in all
+Europe had socialism made such advances as in Germany; and nowhere else
+was the movement so well organized, so intelligently led, or so clear as
+to its aims and methods. An immense agitation had gone on during the
+entire sixties, and working-class organizations were springing up
+everywhere. Besides possessing the greatest theorists of socialism, Marx
+and Engels, the German movement was rich indeed in having in its service
+three such matchless agitators as Lassalle, Bebel, and Liebknecht.
+Lassalle certainly had no peer, and those who have written of him
+exhaust superlatives in their efforts to describe this prodigy. He,
+also, was a product of that hero-producing period of '48. He had been
+arrested in Duesseldorf at the same time that Marx and his circle had
+been arrested at Cologne. He was then only twenty-three years of age.
+Yet his defense of his actions in court is said to have been a
+masterpiece. Even the critic George Brandes has spoken of it as the most
+wonderful example of manly courage and eloquence in a youth that the
+history of the world has given us.
+
+Precocious as a child, proud and haughty as a youth, gifted with a
+critical, penetrating, and brilliant mind, and moved by an ambition that
+knew no bounds, Lassalle, with all his powerful passion and dramatic
+talents, could not have been other than a great figure. When a man
+possesses qualities that call forth the wonder of Heine, Humboldt,
+Bismarck, and Brandes, when Bakounin calls him a "giant," and even
+George Meredith turns to him as a personality almost unequaled in
+fiction and makes a novel out of his career, the plain ordinary world
+may gain some conception of this "father of the German labor movement."
+This is no place to deal with certain deplorable and contradictory
+phases of his life nor even with some of his mad dreams that led
+Bismarck, after saying that "he was one of the most intellectual and
+gifted men with whom I have ever had intercourse, ..." to add "and it
+was perhaps a matter of doubt to him whether the German Empire would
+close with the Hohenzollern dynasty or the Lassalle dynasty."[14] Such
+was the proud, unruly, ambitious spirit of the man, who, in 1862, came
+actively to voice the claims of labor.
+
+Setting out to regenerate society and appealing directly to the working
+classes, Lassalle lashed them with scorn. "You German workingmen are
+curious people," he said. "French and English workingmen have to be
+shown how their miserable condition may be improved; but you have first
+to be shown that you _are_ in a miserable condition. So long as you have
+a piece of bad sausage and a glass of beer, you do not notice that you
+want anything. That is a result of your accursed absence of needs. What,
+you will say, is this, then, a virtue? Yes, in the eyes of the Christian
+preacher of morality it is certainly a virtue. Absence of needs is the
+virtue of the Indian pillar saint and of the Christian monk, but in the
+eyes of the student of history and the political economist it is quite a
+different matter. Ask all political economists what is the greatest
+misfortune for a nation? The absence of wants. For these are the spurs
+of its development and of civilization. The Neapolitan lazaroni are so
+far behind in civilization, because they have no wants, because they
+stretch themselves out contentedly and warm themselves in the sun when
+they have secured a handful of macaroni. Why is the Russian Cossack so
+backward in civilization? Because he eats tallow candles and is happy
+when he can fuddle himself on bad liquor. To have as many needs as
+possible, but to satisfy them in an honorable and respectable way, that
+is the virtue of the present, of the economic age! And, so long as you
+do not understand and follow that truth, I shall preach in vain."[15]
+Other nations may be slaves, he added, recalling the words of Ludwig
+Boerne; they may be put in chains and be held down by force, but the
+Germans are flunkies--it is not necessary to lay chains on them--they
+may be allowed to wander free about the house. Yet, while thus shaming
+the working classes, he pleaded their cause as no other one has pleaded
+it, and, after humiliating them, he held them spellbound, as he traced
+the great role the working classes were destined to play in the
+regeneration of all society.
+
+The socialism of Lassalle had much in common with that of Louis Blanc,
+and his theory of cooeperative enterprises subsidized by the State was
+almost identical. Chiefly toward this end he sought to promote
+working-class organization, although he also believed that the working
+classes would eventually gain control of the entire State and, through
+it, reorganize production. He agitated for universal suffrage and even
+plotted with Bismarck to obtain it. He was confident that an industrial
+revolution was inevitable. The change "will either come in complete
+legality," he said, "and with all the blessings of peace--if people are
+only wise enough to resolve that it shall be introduced in time and from
+above--or it will one day break in amid all the convulsions of violence,
+with wild, flowing hair, and iron sandals upon its feet. In one way or
+the other it will come at all events, and when, shutting myself from the
+noise of the day, I lose myself in history--then I hear its tread. But
+do you not see, then, that, in spite of this difference in what we
+believe, our endeavors go hand in hand? You do not believe in
+revolution, and therefore you want to prevent it. Good, do that which is
+your duty. But I do believe in revolution, and, because I believe in it,
+I wish, not to precipitate it--for I have already told you that
+according to my view of history the efforts of a tribune are in this
+respect necessarily as impotent as the breath of my mouth would be to
+unfetter the storm upon the sea--but in case it should come, and from
+below, I will humanize it, civilize it beforehand." [16] Thus Lassalle
+saw that "to wish to make a revolution is the foolishness of immature
+men who have no knowledge of the laws of history."[17] Yet he stated
+also that, if a revolution is imminent, it is equally childish for the
+powerful to think they can stem it. "Revolution is an overturning, and a
+revolution always takes place--whether it be with or without force is a
+matter of no importance ... when an entirely new principle is introduced
+in the place of the existing order. Reform, on the other hand, takes
+place when the principle of the existing order is retained, but is
+developed to more liberal or more consequent and just conclusions.
+Here, again, the question of means is of no importance. A reform may be
+effected by insurrection and bloodshed, and a revolution may take place
+in the deepest peace."[18]
+
+Through the agitation of Lassalle, the Universal German Working Men's
+Association was organized, and it was his work for that body that won
+him fame as the founder of the German labor movement. Not a laborer
+himself, nor indeed speaking to them as one of themselves, he led a life
+that would probably have ended disastrously, even to the cause itself,
+had it not been for his dramatic ending through the love affair and the
+duel. Fate was kind to Lassalle in that he lived only so long as his
+influence served the cause of the workers, and in that death took him
+before life shattered another idol of the masses. "One of two things,"
+said Lassalle once before his judges. "Either let us drink Cyprian wine
+and kiss beautiful maidens--in other words, indulge in the most common
+selfishness of pleasure--or, if we are to speak of the State and
+morality, let us dedicate all our powers to the improvement of the dark
+lot of the vast majority of mankind, out of whose night-covered floods
+we, the propertied class, only rise like solitary pillars, as if to show
+how dark are those floods, how deep is their abyss."[19] With such
+marvelous pictures as this Lassalle created a revolution in the thought
+and even in the action of the working classes of Germany. At times he
+drank Cyprian wines, and what might have happened had he lived no one
+can tell. But he was indeed at the time a "solitary pillar," rising out
+of "night-covered floods," a heroic figure, who is even to-day an
+unforgettable memory.
+
+Bebel and Liebknecht appeared in the German movement as influential
+figures only after the disappearance of Lassalle. And, while the labor
+movement was already launched, it was in a deplorable condition when
+these two began their great work of uniting the toilers and organizing a
+political party. One of the first difficult tasks placed before them was
+to root out of the labor movement the corruption which Bismarck had
+introduced into it. That great and rising statesman was a practical
+politician not excelled even in America. In the most cold-blooded manner
+he sought to buy men and movements. For various reasons of his own he
+wanted the support of the working-class; and, as early as 1864, he
+employed Lothar Bucher, an old revolutionist who had been intimately
+associated with Marx. Possessed of remarkable intellectual gifts and an
+easy conscience, Bucher was of invaluable service to Bismarck, both in
+his knowledge of the inside workings of the labor and socialist movement
+and as a go-between when the Iron Chancellor had any dealings with the
+socialists. Through Bucher, Bismarck tried to bribe even Marx, and
+offered him a position on the Government official newspaper, the _Staats
+Anzeiger_. Bucher was also an intimate friend of Lassalle's, and it was
+doubtless through him that Bismarck arranged his secret conferences with
+Lassalle. The latter left no account of their relations, and it is
+difficult now to know how intimate they were or who first sought to
+establish them. About all that is known is what Bismarck himself said in
+the Reichstag when Bebel forced him to admit that he had conferred
+frequently with Lassalle: "Lassalle himself wanted urgently to enter
+into negotiations with me."[20] It is known that Lassalle sent to the
+Chancellor numerous communications, and that one of his letters to the
+secretary of the Universal Association reads, "The things sent to
+Bismarck should go in an envelope" marked "Personal."[21] Liebknecht
+later exposed August Brass as in the employ of Bismarck, although he was
+a "red republican," who had started a journal and had obtained
+Liebknecht's cooeperation. Furthermore, when he was tried for high
+treason in 1872, Liebknecht declared that Bismarck's agents had tried to
+buy him. "Bismarck takes not only money, but also men, where he finds
+them. It does not matter to what party a man belongs. That is immaterial
+to him. He even prefers renegades, for a renegade is a man without honor
+and, consequently, an instrument without will power--as if dead--in the
+hands of the master."[22] "I do not need to say ... that I repelled
+Bismarck's offers of corruption with the scorn which they merited,"
+Liebknecht continues. "If I had not done so, if I had been infamous
+enough to sacrifice my principles to my personal interest, I would be in
+a brilliant position, instead of on the bench of the accused where I
+have been sent by those who, years ago, tried in vain to buy me."[23] As
+early as 1865 Marx and Engels had to withdraw from their collaboration
+with Von Schweitzer in his journal, the _Sozialdemokrat_, because it was
+suspected that he had sold out to Bismarck. This was followed by Bebel's
+and Liebknecht's war on Von Schweitzer because of his relations to
+Bismarck. Von Schweitzer, as the successor of Lassalle at the head of
+the Universal Working Men's Association, occupied a powerful position,
+and the quarrels between the various elements in the labor movement were
+at this time almost fatal to the cause. However, various representatives
+of the working class already sat in Parliament, and among them were
+Bebel and Liebknecht.
+
+The exposures of Liebknecht and Bebel proved not only ruinous to Von
+Schweitzer, but excessively annoying to Bismarck, and as early as 1871
+he wanted to begin a war upon the Marxian socialists. In 1874 he
+actually began his attempts to crush what he could no longer corrupt or
+control. He became more and more enraged at the attitude of the
+socialists toward him personally. Moreover, they were no longer
+advocating cooeperative associations subsidized by the State; they were
+now propagating everywhere republican and socialist ideas. He tried in
+various ways to rid the country of the two chief malcontents, Bebel and
+Liebknecht, but even their arrests seemed only to add to their fame and
+to spread more throughout the masses their revolutionary views. He says
+himself that he was awakened to the iniquity of their doctrines when
+they defended the republican principles of the Paris workmen in 1871. At
+his trial in 1872 Liebknecht stated with perfect frankness his
+republican principles. "Gentlemen Judges and Jurors, I do not disown my
+past, my principles, and my convictions. I deny nothing; I conceal
+nothing. And, in order to show that I am an adversary of monarchy and of
+present society, and that when duty calls me I do not recoil before the
+struggle, there was truly no need of the foolish inventions of the
+policemen of Giessen. I say here freely and openly: _Since I have been
+capable of thinking I have been a republican, and I shall die a
+republican._[24] ... If I have had to undergo unheard of persecutions
+and if I am poor, that is nothing to be ashamed of--no, I am proud of
+it, for that is the most eloquent witness of my political integrity.
+Yet, once more, I am not a conspirator by profession. _Call me, if you
+will, a soldier of the Revolution--I do not object to that._
+
+"From my youth a double ideal has soared above me: Germany free and
+united and the emancipation of the working people, that is to say, the
+suppression of class domination, which is synonymous with the
+liberation of humanity. For this double end I have struggled with all my
+strength, and for this double end I will struggle as long as a breath of
+life remains in me. Duty wills it!"[25]
+
+Such doctrines must of course be suppressed, and the exposure of those
+who had relations with Bismarck made it impossible for him longer to
+deal even with a section of the labor movement. The result was that
+persecutions were begun on both the Lassalleans and the Marxists. And it
+was largely this new policy of repression that forced the warring labor
+groups in 1875 to meet in conference at Gotha and to unite in one
+organization. In the following election, 1877, the united party polled
+nearly five hundred thousand votes, or about ten per cent. of all the
+votes cast in Germany. It now had twelve members in the Reichstag, and
+Bismarck saw very clearly that a force was rising in Germany that
+threatened not only him but his beloved Hohenzollern dynasty itself.
+
+For years most of its opponents comforted themselves with the belief
+that socialism was merely a temporary disturbance which, if left alone,
+would run its course and eventually die out. Again and again its
+militant enemies had discussed undertaking measures against it, but the
+wiser heads prevailed until 1877, when the socialists polled a great
+vote. And, of course, when it was once decided that socialism must be
+stamped out, a really good pretext was soon found upon which repressive
+measures might be taken. I have already mentioned that on May 11, 1878,
+Emperor William was shot at by Hoedel. It was, of course, natural that
+the reactionaries should make the most possible of this act of the
+would-be assassin, and, when photographs of several prominent
+socialists were found on his person, a great clamor arose for a
+coercive law to destroy the social democrats. The question was
+immediately discussed in the Reichstag, but the moderate forces
+prevailed, and the bill was rejected. Hardly, however, had the
+discussion ended before a second attempt was made on the life of the
+aged sovereign. This time it was Dr. Karl Nobiling who, on June 2, 1878,
+fired at the Emperor from an upper window in the main street of Berlin.
+In this case, the Emperor was severely wounded, and, in the panic that
+ensued, even the moderate elements agreed that social democracy must be
+suppressed. Various suggestions were made. Some proposed the
+blacklisting of all workmen who avowed socialist principles, while
+others suggested that all socialists should be expelled from the
+country. To exile half a million voters was, however, a rather large
+undertaking, and, in any case, Bismarck had his own plans. First he
+precipitated a general election, giving the socialists no time to
+prepare their campaign. As a result, their members in the Reichstag were
+diminished in number, and their vote throughout the country decreased by
+over fifty thousand. When the Reichstag again assembled, Bismarck laid
+before it his bill against "the publicly dangerous endeavors of
+social-democracy." The statement accompanying the bill sought to justify
+its repressive measures by citing in the preamble the two attempts made
+upon the Emperor, and by stating the conviction of the Federal
+Government that extraordinary measures must be taken. A battle royal
+occurred in the Reichstag between Bismarck on the one side and Bebel and
+Liebknecht on the other. Nevertheless, the bill became a law in October
+of that year.
+
+The anti-socialist law was intended to cut off every legal and peaceable
+means of advancing the socialist cause. It was determined that the
+German social democrats must be put mentally, morally, and physically
+upon the rack. Even the briefest summary of the provisions of the
+anti-socialist law will illustrate how determined the reactionaries were
+to annihilate utterly the socialist movement. The chief measures were as
+follows:
+
+
+_I. Prohibitory_
+
+     1. The formation or existence of organizations which sought by
+     social-democratic, socialistic, or communistic movements to subvert
+     the present State and social order was prohibited. The prohibition
+     was also extended to organizations exhibiting tendencies which
+     threatened to endanger the public peace and amity between classes.
+
+     2. The right of assembly was greatly restricted. All meetings in
+     which social-democratic, socialistic, or communistic tendencies
+     came to light were to be dissolved. Public festivities and
+     processions were regarded as meetings.
+
+     3. Social-democratic, socialistic, and communistic publications of
+     all kinds were to be interdicted, the local police dealing with
+     home publications and the Chancellor with foreign ones.
+
+     4. Stocks of prohibited works were to be confiscated, and the type,
+     stones, or other apparatus used for printing might be likewise
+     seized, and, on the interdict being confirmed, be made unusable.
+
+     5. The collection of money in behalf of social-democratic,
+     socialistic, or communistic movements was forbidden, as were public
+     appeals for help.
+
+
+_II. Penal_
+
+     1. Any person associating himself as member or otherwise with a
+     prohibited organization was liable to a fine of 500 marks or three
+     months' imprisonment, and a similar penalty was incurred by anyone
+     who gave a prohibited association or meeting a place of assembly.
+
+     2. The circulation or printing of a prohibited publication entailed
+     a fine not exceeding one thousand marks or imprisonment up to six
+     months.
+
+     3. Convicted agitators might be expelled from a certain locality or
+     from a governmental district, and foreigners be expelled from
+     federal territory.
+
+     4. Innkeepers, printers, booksellers, and owners of lending
+     libraries and reading rooms who circulated interdicted publications
+     might, besides being imprisoned, be deprived of their vocations.
+
+     5. Persons who were known to be active socialists, or who had been
+     convicted under this law, might be refused permission publicly to
+     circulate or sell publications, and any violation of the provision
+     against the circulation of socialistic literature in inns, shops,
+     libraries, and newsrooms was punishable with a fine of one thousand
+     marks or imprisonment for six months.
+
+
+_III. Power conferred upon authorities._
+
+     1. Meetings may only take place with the previous sanction of the
+     police, but this restriction does not extend to meetings held in
+     connection with elections to the Reichstag or the Diets.
+
+     2. The circulation of publications may not take place without
+     permission in public roads, streets, squares, or other public
+     places.
+
+     3. Persons from whom danger to the public security or order is
+     apprehended may be refused residence in a locality or governmental
+     district.
+
+     4. The possession, carrying, introduction, and sale of weapons
+     within the area affected are forbidden, restricted, or made
+     dependent on certain conditions. All ordinances issued on the
+     strength of this section were to be notified at once to the
+     Reichstag and to be published in the official _Gazette_.[26]
+
+
+When this law went into effect, the outlook for the labor movement
+seemed utterly black and hopeless. Every path seemed closed to it except
+that of violence. Immediately many places in Germany were put under
+martial law. Societies were dissolved, newspapers suppressed, printing
+establishments confiscated, and in a short time fifty agitators had been
+expelled from Berlin alone. A reign of official tyranny and police
+persecution was established, and even the employers undertook to
+impoverish and to blacklist men who were thought to hold socialist
+views. Within a few weeks every society, periodical, and agitator
+disappeared, and not a thing seemed left of the great movement of half a
+million men that had existed a few weeks before. There have been many
+similar situations that have faced the socialist and labor movements of
+other countries. England and France had undergone similar trials. Even
+to-day in America we find, at certain times and in certain places, a
+situation altogether similar. In Colorado during the recent labor wars
+and in West Virginia during the early months of 1913 every tyranny that
+existed in Germany in 1879 was repeated here. Infested with spies
+seeking to encourage violence, brutally maltreated by the officials of
+order, their property confiscated by the military, masses thrown into
+prison and other masses exiled, even the right of assemblage and of free
+speech denied them--these are the exactly similar conditions which have
+existed in all countries when efforts have been made to crush the labor
+movement.
+
+And in all countries where such conditions exist certain minds
+immediately clamor for what is called "action." They want to answer
+violence with violence; they want to respond to the terrorism of the
+Government with a terrorism of their own. And in Germany at this time
+there were a number who argued that, as they were in fact outlaws, why
+should they not adopt the tactics of outlaws? Should men peaceably and
+quietly submit to every insult and every form of tyranny--to be thrown
+in jail for speaking the dictates of their conscience and even to be
+hung for preaching to their comrades the necessity of a nobler and
+better social order? If Bismarck and his police forces have the power to
+outlaw us, have we not the right to exercise the tactics of outlaws?
+"All measures," cried Most from London, "are legitimate against
+tyrants;"[27] while Hasselmann, his friend, advised an immediate
+insurrection, which, even though it should fail, would be good
+propaganda. It was inevitable that in the early moments of despair some
+of the German workers should have listened gladly to such proposals.
+And, indeed, it may seem somewhat of a miracle that any large number of
+the German workers should have been willing to have listened to any
+other means of action. What indeed else was there to do?
+
+It is too long a story to go into the discussions over this question.
+Perhaps a principle of Bebel's gives the clearest explanation of the
+thought which eventually decided the tactics of the socialists. Bebel
+has said many times that he always considered it wise in politics to
+find out what his opponent wanted him to do, and then not to do it. And,
+to the minds of Bebel, Liebknecht, and others of the more clear-headed
+leaders, there was no doubt whatever that Bismarck was trying to force
+the socialists to commit crimes and outrages. Again and again Bismarck's
+press declared: "What is most necessary is to provoke the
+social-democrats to commit acts of despair, to draw them into the open
+street, and there to shoot them down."[28] Well, if this was actually
+what Bismarck wanted, he failed utterly, because, as a matter of fact,
+and despite every provocation, no considerable section of the socialist
+party wavered in the slightest from its determination to carry on its
+work. There was a moment toward the end of '79 when the situation seemed
+to be getting out of hand, and a secret conference was held the next
+year at Wyden in Switzerland to determine the policies of the party. In
+the report published by the congress no names were given, as it was, of
+course, necessary to maintain complete secrecy. However, it seemed clear
+to the delegates that, if they resorted to terrorist methods, they would
+be destroyed as the Russians, the French, the Spanish, and the Italians
+had been when similar conditions confronted them. In view of the present
+state of their organization, violence, after all, could be merely a
+phrase, as they were not fitted in strength or in numbers to combat
+Bismarck. One of the delegates considered that Johann Most had exercised
+an evil influence on many, and he urged that all enlightened German
+socialists turn away from such men. "Between the people of violence and
+the true revolutionists there will always be dissension."[29] Another
+speaker maintained that Most could be no more considered a socialist. He
+is at best a Blanquist and, indeed, one in the worst sense of the word,
+who had no other aim than to pursue the bungling work of a revolution.
+It is, therefore, necessary that the congress should declare itself
+decidedly against Most and should expel him from the party.[30] The
+word "revolution" has been misunderstood, and the socialist members of
+the Reichstag have been reproved because they are not revolutionary. As
+a matter of fact, every socialist is a revolutionist, but one must not
+understand by revolution the expression of violence. The tactics of
+desperation, as the Nihilists practice them, do not serve the purpose of
+Germany.[31] As a result of the Wyden congress, Most and Hasselmann were
+ejected from the party, and the tactics of Bebel and Liebknecht were
+adopted.
+
+After 1880 there developed an underground socialist movement that was
+most baffling and disconcerting to the police. Socialist papers, printed
+in other countries, were being circulated by the thousands in all parts
+of Germany. Funds were being raised in some mysterious manner to support
+a large body of trusted men in all parts of the country who were
+devoting all their time to secret organization and to the carrying on of
+propaganda. The socialist organizations, which had been broken up,
+seemed somehow or other to maintain their relations. And, despite all
+that could be done by the authorities, socialist agitation seemed to be
+going on even more successfully than ever before. There was one loophole
+which Bismarck had not been able to close, and this of course was
+developed to the extreme by the socialists. Private citizens could not
+say what they pleased, nor was it allowed to newspapers to print
+anything on socialist lines. Nevertheless, parliamentary speeches were
+privileged matter, and they could be sent anywhere and be published
+anywhere. Bismarck of course tried to suppress even this form of
+propaganda, and two of the deputies were arrested on the ground that
+they were violating the new law. However, the Reichstag could not be
+induced to sanction this interference with the freedom of deputies.
+Bismarck then introduced a bill into the Reichstag asking for power to
+punish any member who abused his parliamentary position. There was to be
+a court established consisting of thirteen deputies, and this was to
+have power to punish refractory delegates by censuring them, by obliging
+them to apologize to the House, and by excluding them from the House. It
+was also proposed that the Reichstag should in certain instances prevent
+the publicity of its proceedings. This bill of Bismarck's aroused
+immense opposition. It was called "the Muzzle Bill," and, despite all
+his efforts, it was defeated.
+
+The anti-socialist law had been passed as an exceptional measure, and it
+was fully expected that at the end of two years there would be nothing
+left of the socialists in Germany. But, when the moment came for the law
+to expire, Emperor Alexander II. of Russia was assassinated by
+Nihilists. The German Emperor wrote to the Chancellor urging him to do
+his utmost to persuade the governments of Europe to combine against the
+forces of anarchy and destruction. Prince Bismarck immediately opened up
+negotiations with Russia, Austria, France, Switzerland, and England. The
+Russian Government, being asked to take the initiative, invited the
+powers to a council at Brussels. As England did not accept the
+invitation, France and Switzerland also declined. Austria later withdrew
+her acceptance, with the result that Germany and Russia concluded an
+extradition and dynamite treaty for themselves, while on March 31, 1881,
+the anti-socialist law was reenacted for another period. In 1882 the
+Niederwald plot against the Imperial family was discovered. Various
+arrests were made, and three men avowedly anarchists were sentenced to
+death in December, 1884. In 1885 a high police official at Frankfort was
+murdered, and an anarchist named Lieske was executed as an accomplice.
+These terrorist acts materially aided Bismarck in his warfare on the
+social democrats. Again and again large towns were put in a minor state
+of siege, with the military practically in control. Meetings were
+dispersed, suspected papers suppressed, and all tyranny that can be
+conceived of exercised upon all those suspected of sympathy with the
+socialists. Yet everyone had to admit that the socialists had not been
+checked. Not only did their organization still exist, but it was all the
+time carrying on a vigorous agitation, both by meetings and by the
+circulation of literature. Papers printed abroad were being smuggled
+into the country in great quantities; socialist literature was even
+being introduced into the garrisons; and there seemed to be no dealing
+with associations, because no more was one dissolved than two arose to
+take its place.
+
+Von Puttkamer himself reported to the Reichstag in 1882, "It is
+undoubted that it has not been possible by means of the law of October,
+1878, to wipe social-democracy from the face of the earth or even to
+shake it to the center."[32] Indeed, Liebknecht was bold enough to say
+in 1884: "You have not succeeded in destroying our organization, and I
+am convinced that you will never succeed. I believe, indeed, it would be
+the greatest misfortune for you if you did succeed. The anarchists, who
+are now carrying on their work in Austria, have no footing in
+Germany--and why? Because in Germany the mad plans of those men are
+wrecked on the compact organization of social-democracy, because the
+German proletariat, in view of the fruitlessness of your socialist law,
+has not abandoned hope of attaining its ends peacefully by means of
+socialistic propaganda and agitation. If--and I have said this
+before--if your law were not _pro nihilo_, it would be _pro nihilismo_.
+If the German proletariat no longer believed in the efficacy of our
+present tactics; if we found that we could no longer maintain intact the
+organization and cohesion of the party, what would happen? We should
+simply declare--we have no more to do with the guidance of the party; we
+can no longer be responsible. The men in power do not wish that the
+party should continue to exist; it is hoped to destroy us--well, no
+party allows itself to be destroyed, for there is above all things the
+law of self-defense, of self-preservation, and, if the organized
+direction fails, you will have a condition of anarchy, in which
+everything is left to the individual. And do you really believe--you who
+have so often praised the bravery of the Germans up to the heavens, when
+it has been to your interest to do so--do you really believe that the
+hundreds of thousands of German social-democrats are cowards? Do you
+believe that what has happened in Russia would not be possible in
+Germany if you succeeded in bringing about here the conditions which
+exist there?"[33] Both Bebel and Liebknecht taunted the Chancellor with
+his failure to drive the socialists to commit acts of violence. "The
+Government may be sure," said Liebknecht in 1886, "that we shall not,
+now or ever, go upon the bird-lime, that we shall never be such fools as
+to play the game of our enemies by attempts ... the more madly you carry
+on, the sooner you will come to the end; the pitcher goes to the well
+until it breaks."[34]
+
+At the end of this year the reports given from the several states of the
+working out of the anti-socialist law were most discouraging to the
+Chancellor. From everywhere the report came that agitation was
+unintermittent, and being carried on with zeal and success. And Bebel
+said publicly that nowhere was the socialist party more numerous or
+better organized than in the districts where the minor state of siege
+had been proclaimed. The year 1886 was a sensational one. Nine of the
+socialists, including Bebel, Dietz, Auer, Von Vollmar, Frohme--all
+deputies--were charged with taking part in a secret and illegal
+organization. All the accused were sentenced to imprisonment for six or
+nine months, Bebel and his parliamentary associates receiving the
+heavier penalty. The Reichstag asked for reports upon the working of the
+law. Again the discouraging news came that the movement seemed to be
+growing faster than ever before.
+
+The crushing by repressive measures did not, however, exhaust Bismarck's
+plans for annihilating the socialists. At the same time he outlined an
+extraordinary program for winning the support of the working classes.
+Early in the eighties he proposed his great scheme of social
+legislation, intended to improve radically the lot of the toilers.
+Compulsory insurance against accident, illness, invalidity, and old age
+was instituted as a measure for giving more security in life to the
+working classes. Insurance against unemployment was also proposed, and
+Bismarck declared that the State should guarantee to the toilers the
+right to work. This began an era of immense social reforms that actually
+wiped out some of the worst slums in the great industrial centers,
+replaced them with large and beautiful dwellings for the working
+classes, and made over entire cities. The discussions in the Reichstag
+now seemed to be largely concerned with the problem of the working
+classes and with devising plans to obliterate the influence of the
+socialists over the workers and to induce them once more to ally
+themselves to the monarchy and to the _Junkers_.
+
+For some reason wholly mysterious to Bismarck, all his measures against
+the socialists failed. Every assault made upon them seemed to increase
+their power, while even the great reforms he was instituting seemed
+somehow to be credited to the agitation of the socialists. Instead of
+proving the good will of the ruling class, these reforms seemed only to
+prove its weakness; and they were looked upon generally as belated
+efforts to remedy old and grievous wrongs which, in fact, made necessary
+the protests of the socialists. The result was that tens of thousands of
+workingmen were flocking each year into the camp of the socialists, and
+at each election the socialist votes increased in a most dreadful and
+menacing manner. When the anti-socialist law was put into effect, the
+party polled under 450,000 votes. After twelve years of underground work
+as outlaws, the party polled 1,427,000 votes. Despite all the efforts of
+Bismarck and all the immense power of the Government, socialism, instead
+of being crushed, was 1,000,000 souls stronger after twelve years of
+suffering under tyranny than it was in the beginning. This of course
+would not do at all, and everyone saw it clearly enough except the Iron
+Chancellor. Infuriated by his own failure and unwilling to confess
+defeat, he pleaded once more, in 1890, for the reenactment of the
+anti-socialist law and, indeed, that it should be made a permanent part
+of the penal code of the Empire. He even sought further powers and asked
+the Reichstag to give him a law that would enable him to expel not only
+from districts proclaimed to be in a state of siege, but from Germany
+altogether, those who were known to hold socialist views. The Reichstag,
+however, refused to grant him either request, and on September 30, 1890,
+just twelve years after its birth, the anti-socialist law was repealed.
+
+That night was a glorious one for the socialists, as well as a very
+dreadful one for Bismarck and those others who had made prodigious but
+futile efforts to destroy socialism. Berlin was already a socialist
+stronghold, and its entire people that night came into the streets to
+sing songs of thanksgiving. Streets, parks, public places, cafes,
+theaters were filled with merrymakers, rejoicing with songs, with toasts
+to the leading socialists, and with boisterous welcomes to the exiles
+who were returning. All night long the red flag waved, and the
+Marseillaise was sung, as all that passion of love, enthusiasm, and
+devotion for a great cause, which, for twelve long years, had been
+brutally suppressed, burst forth in floods of joy. "He [Bismarck] has
+had at his entire disposal for more than a quarter of a century," said
+Liebknecht, "the police, the army, the capital, and the power of the
+State--in brief, all the means of mechanical force. _We had only our
+just right, our firm conviction, our bared breasts to oppose him with,
+and it is we who have conquered! Our arms were the best. In the course
+of time brute power must yield to the moral factors, to the logic of
+things._ Bismarck lies crushed to the earth--and social democracy is the
+strongest party in Germany!... _The essence of revolution lies not in
+the means, but in the end. Violence has been, for thousands of years, a
+reactionary factor._"[35] Certainly, the moral victory was immense.
+There had been a twelve-years-long torture of a great party, in which
+every man who was known to be sympathetic was looked upon as a criminal
+and an outlaw. Yet, despite every effort made to drive the socialists
+into outrages, they never wavered the slightest from their grim
+determination to depend solely upon peaceable methods. It is indeed
+marvelous that the German socialists should have stood the test and
+that, despite the most barbarous persecution, they should have been able
+to hold their forces together, to restrain their natural anger, and to
+keep their faith in the ultimate victory of peaceable, legal, and
+political methods. Prometheus, bound to his rock and tortured by all the
+furies of a malignant Jupiter, did not rise superior to his tormentor
+with more grandeur than did the social democracy of Germany.
+
+Violence does indeed seem to be a reactionary force. The use of it by
+the anarchists against the existing regime seems to have deprived them
+of all sympathy and support. More and more they became isolated from
+even those in whose name they claimed to be fighting. So the violence of
+Bismarck, intended to uproot and destroy the deepest convictions of a
+great body of workingmen, deprived him and his circle of all popular
+sympathy and support. Year by year he became weaker, and the futility of
+his efforts made him increasingly bitter and violent. At last even those
+for whom he had been fighting had to put him aside. On the other hand,
+those he fought with his poisoned weapons became stronger and stronger,
+their spirit grew more and more buoyant, their confidence in success
+more and more certain. And, when at last the complete victory was won,
+it was heralded throughout the world, and from thousands of great
+meetings, held in nearly every civilized country, there came to the
+German social democracy telegrams and resolutions of congratulation. The
+mere fact that the Germany party polled a million and a half votes was
+in itself an inspiration to the workers of all lands, and in the
+elections which followed in France, Italy, Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, and
+other countries the socialists vastly increased their votes and more
+firmly established their position as a parliamentary force. In 1892
+France polled nearly half a million votes, little Belgium followed with
+three hundred and twenty thousand, while in Denmark and Switzerland the
+strength of the socialists was quadrupled. Instead of a mere handful of
+theorists, the socialists were now numbered by the million. Their
+movement was world-wide, and the program of every political party in the
+various countries was based upon the principles laid down by Marx. The
+doctrines which he had advocated from '47 to '64, and fought desperately
+to retain throughout all the struggles with Bakounin, were now the
+foundation principles of the movement in Germany, France, Italy,
+Austria, Switzerland, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden,
+Britain, and even in other countries east and west of Europe.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[V] Probably intended for "increase of wages," but this is as it reads
+in the official report.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+THE NEWEST ANARCHISM
+
+
+At the beginning of the nineties the socialists were jubilant. Their
+great victory in Germany and the enormous growth of the movement in all
+countries assured them that the foundations had at last been laid for
+the great world-wide movement that they had so long dreamed of. Internal
+struggles had largely disappeared, and the mighty energies of the
+movement were being turned to the work of education and of organization.
+Great international socialist congresses were now the natural outgrowth
+of powerful and extensive national movements. Yet, almost at this very
+moment there was forming in the Latin countries a new group of
+dissidents who were endeavoring to resurrect what Bakounin called in
+1871 French socialism, and what our old friend Guillaume recognized to
+be a revival of the principles and methods of the anarchist
+International.[W] And, indeed, in 1895, what may perhaps be best
+described as the renascence of anarchism appeared in France under an old
+and influential name. Up to that time syndicalism signified nothing more
+than trade unionism, and the French _syndicats_ were merely associations
+of workmen struggling to obtain higher wages and shorter hours of labor.
+But in 1895 the term began to have a different meaning, and almost
+immediately it made the tour of the world as a unique and dreadful
+revolutionary philosophy. It became a new "red specter," with a menacing
+and subversive program, that created a veritable furore of discussion in
+the newspapers and magazines of all countries. Rarely has a movement
+aroused such universal agitation, awakened such world-wide discussions,
+and called forth such expressions of alarm as this one, that seemed
+suddenly to spring from the depths of the underworld, full-armed and
+ready for battle. Everywhere syndicalism was heralded as an entirely new
+philosophy. Nothing like it had ever been known before in the world.
+Multitudes rushed to greet it as a kind of new revelation, while other
+multitudes instinctively looked upon it with suspicion as something that
+promised once more to introduce dissension into the world of labor.
+
+What is syndicalism? Whence came it and why? The first question has been
+answered in a hundred books written in the last ten years. In all
+languages the meaning of this new philosophy of industrial warfare has
+been made clear. There is hardly a country in the world that has not
+printed several books on this new movement, and, although the word
+itself cannot be found in our dictionaries, hardly anyone who reads can
+have escaped gaining some acquaintance with its purport. The other
+question, however, has concerned few, and almost no one has traced the
+origin of syndicalism to that militant group of anarchists whom the
+French Government had endeavored to annihilate. After the series of
+tragedies which ended with the murder of Carnot, the French police
+hunted the anarchists from pillar to post. Their groups were broken up,
+their papers suppressed, and their leaders kept constantly under the
+surveillance of police agents. Every man with anarchist sympathies was
+hounded as an outlaw, and in 1894 they were broken, scattered, and
+isolated. Scorning all relations with the political groups and indeed
+excluded from them, as from other sections of the labor movement, by
+their own tactics, they found themselves almost alone, without the
+opportunity even of propagating their views. Facing a blank wall, they
+began then to discuss the necessity of radically changing their tactics,
+and in that year one of the most militant of them, Emile Pouget, who had
+been arrested several times for provoking riots, undertook to persuade
+his associates to enter actively into the trade unions. In his peculiar
+argot he wrote in _Pere Peinard_: "If there is a group into which the
+anarchists should thrust themselves, it is evidently the trade union.
+The coarse vegetables would make an awful howl if the anarchists, whom
+they imagine they have gagged, should profit by the circumstance to
+infiltrate themselves in droves into the trade unions and spread their
+ideas there without any noise or blaring of trumpets."[1] This plea had
+its effect, and more and more anarchists began to join the trade unions,
+while their friends, already in the unions, prepared the way for their
+coming. Pelloutier, a zealous and efficient administrator, had already
+become the dominant spirit in one entire section of the French labor
+movement, that of the _Bourses du Travail_. In another section, the
+carpenter Tortellier, a roving agitator and militant anarchist, had
+already persuaded a large number of unions to declare for the general
+strike as the _sole_ effective weapon for revolutionary purposes.
+Moreover, Guerard, Griffuelhes, and other opponents of political action
+were preparing the ground in the unions for an open break with the
+socialists. By 1896 the strength of the anarchists in the trade unions
+was so great that the French delegates to the international socialist
+congress at London were divided into two sections: one in sympathy with
+the views of the anarchists, the other hostile to them. Such notable
+anarchists as Tortellier, Malatesta, Grave, Pouget, Pelloutier,
+Delesalle, Hamon, and Guerard were sent to London as the representatives
+of the French trade unions. Although the anarchists had been repeatedly
+expelled from socialist congresses, and the rules prohibited their
+admittance, these men could not be denied a hearing so long as they came
+as the representatives of _bona fide_ trade unions. As a result, the
+anarchists, speaking as trade unionists, fought throughout the congress
+against political action. A typical declaration was that of Tortellier,
+when he said: "If only those in favor of political action are admitted
+to congresses, the Latin races will abandon the congresses. The Italians
+are drifting away from the idea of political action. Properly organized,
+the workers can settle their affairs without any intervention on the
+part of the legislature."[2] Guerard, of the railway workers, holding
+much the same views, urged the congress to adopt the general strike, on
+the ground that it is "the most revolutionary weapon we have."[3]
+Despite their threats and demands, the anarchists were completely
+ignored, although they were numerous in the French, Italian, Spanish,
+and Dutch delegations. At last it became clear to the anarchists that
+the international socialist congresses would not admit them, if it were
+possible to keep them out, nor longer discuss with them the wisdom of
+political action. Consequently, the anarchists left London, clear at
+last on this one point, that the socialists were firmly determined to
+have no further dealings with them. The same decision had been made at
+The Hague in 1872, again in 1889 at the international congress at
+Paris, then in 1891 at Brussels, again in 1893 at Zurich, and finally at
+London in 1896.
+
+The anarchists that returned to Paris from the London congress were not
+slow in taking their revenge. They had already threatened in London to
+take the workers of the Latin countries out of the socialist movement,
+but no one apparently had given much heed to their remarks. In reality,
+however, they were in a position to carry out their threats, and the
+insults which they felt they had just suffered at the hands of the
+socialists made them more determined than ever to induce the unions to
+declare war on the socialist parties of France, Italy, Spain, and
+Holland. Plans were also laid for the building up of a trade-union
+International based largely on the principles and tactics of what they
+now called "revolutionary syndicalism."
+
+The year before (1895) the General Confederation of Labor had been
+launched at Limoges. Except for its declaration in favor of the general
+strike as a revolutionary weapon, the congress developed no new
+syndicalist doctrines. It was at Tours, in 1896, that the French unions,
+dominated by the anarchists, declared they would no longer concern
+themselves with reforms; they would abandon childish efforts at
+amelioration; and instead they would constitute themselves into a
+conscious fighting minority that was to lead the working class with no
+further delay into open rebellion. In their opinion, it was time to
+begin the bitter, implacable fight that was not to end until the working
+class had freed itself from wage slavery. The State was not worth
+conquering, parliaments were inherently corrupt, and, therefore,
+political action was futile. Other means, more direct and revolutionary,
+must be employed to destroy capitalism. As the very existence of society
+depends upon the services of labor, what could be more simple than for
+labor to cease to serve society until its rights are assured? Thus
+argued the French trade unionists, and the strike was adopted as the
+supreme war measure. Partial strikes were to broaden into industrial
+strikes, and industrial strikes into general strikes. The struggle
+between the classes was to take the form of two hostile camps, firmly
+resolved upon a war that would finish only when the one or the other of
+the antagonists had been utterly crushed. When John Brown marched with
+his little band to attack the slave-owning aristocracy of the South, he
+became the forerunner of our terrible Civil War. It was the same spirit
+that moved the French trade unionists. Although pitiably weak in numbers
+and poor in funds, they decided to stop all parleyings with the enemy
+and to fire the first gun.
+
+The socialist congress in London was held in July, and the French
+trade-union congress at Tours was held in September of the same year.
+The anarchists were out in their full strength, prepared to make
+reprisals on the socialists. It was after declaring: "The conquest of
+political power is a chimera,"[4] that Guerard launched forth in his
+fiery argument for the revolutionary general strike: "The partial
+strikes fail because the workingmen become demoralized and succumb under
+the intimidation of the employers, protected by the government. The
+general strike will last a short while, and its repression will be
+impossible; as to intimidation, it is still less to be feared. The
+necessity of defending the factories, workshops, manufactories, stores,
+etc., will scatter and disperse the army.... And then, in the fear that
+the strikers may damage the railways, the signals, the works of art, the
+government will be obliged to protect the 39,000 kilometers of railroad
+lines by drawing up the troops all along them. The 300,000 men of the
+active army, charged with the surveillance of 39 million meters, will be
+isolated from one another by 130 meters, and this can be done only on
+the condition of abandoning the protection of the depots, of the
+stations, of the factories, etc. ... and of abandoning the employers to
+themselves, thus leaving the field free in the large cities to the
+rebellious workingmen. The principal force of the general strike
+consists in its power of imposing itself. A strike in one branch of
+industry must involve other branches. The general strike cannot be
+decreed in advance; it will burst forth suddenly; a strike of the
+railway men, for instance, if declared, will be the signal for the
+general strike. It will be the duty of militant workingmen, when this
+signal is given, to make their comrades in the trade unions leave their
+work. Those who continue to work on that day will be compelled, or
+forced, to quit.... The general strike will be the Revolution, peaceful
+or not."[5]
+
+Here is a new program of action, several points of which are worthy of
+attention. It is clear that the general strike is here conceived of as a
+panacea, an unfailing weapon that obviates the necessity of political
+parties, parliamentary work, or any action tending toward the capture of
+political power. It is granted that it must end in civil war, but it is
+thought that this war cannot fail; it must result in a complete social
+revolution. Even more significant is the thought that it will burst
+forth suddenly, without requiring any preliminary education, extensive
+preparations, or even widespread organization. In one line it is
+proposed as an automatic revolution; in another it is said that the
+militant workingmen are expected to force the others to quit work. Out
+of 11,000,000 toilers in France, about 1,000,000 are organized. Out of
+this million, about 400,000 belong to the Confederation, and, out of
+this number, it is doubtful if half are in favor of a general strike.
+The proposition of Guerard then presents itself as follows: that a
+minority of organized men shall force not only the vast majority of
+their fellow unionists but twenty times their number of unorganized men
+to quit work in order to launch the war for emancipation. Under the
+compulsion of 200,000 men, a nation of 40,000,000 is to be forced
+immediately, without palaver or delay, to revolutionize society.
+
+The next year, at Toulouse, the French unions again assembled, and here
+it was that Pouget and Delesalle, both anarchists, presented the report
+which outlined still another war measure, that of sabotage. The newly
+arrived was there baptized, and received by all, says Pouget, with warm
+enthusiasm. This sabotage was hardly born before it, too, made a tour of
+the world, creating everywhere the same furore of discussion that had
+been aroused by syndicalism. It presents itself in such a multitude of
+forms that it almost evades definition. If a worker is badly paid and
+returns bad work for bad pay, he is a _saboteur_. If a strike is lost,
+and the workmen return only to break the machines, spoil the products,
+and generally disorganize a factory, they are _saboteurs_. The idea of
+sabotage is that any dissatisfied workman shall undertake to break the
+machine or spoil the product of the machines in order to render the
+conduct of industry unprofitable, if not actually impossible. It may
+range all the way from machine obstruction or destruction to dynamiting,
+train wrecking, and arson. It may be some petty form of malice, or it
+may extend to every act advocated by our old friends, the terrorists.
+
+The work of one other congress must be mentioned. At Lyons (1901) it was
+decided that an inquiry should be sent out to all the affiliated unions
+to find out exactly how the proposed great social revolution was to be
+carried out. For several years the Confederation had sought to launch a
+revolutionary general strike, but so many of the rank and file were
+asking, "What would we do, even if the general strike were successful?"
+that it occurred to the leaders it might be well to find out. As a
+result, they sent out the following list of questions:
+
+"(1) How would your union act in order to transform itself from a group
+for combat into a group for production?
+
+"(2) How would you act in order to take possession of the machinery
+pertaining to your industry?
+
+"(3) How do you conceive the functions of the organized shops and
+factories in the future?
+
+"(4) If your union is a group within the system of highways, of
+transportation of products or of passengers, of distribution, etc., how
+do you conceive of its functioning?
+
+"(5) What will be your relations to your federation of trade or of
+industry after your reorganization?
+
+"(6) On what principle would the distribution of products take place,
+and how would the productive groups procure the raw material for
+themselves?
+
+"(7) What part would the _Bourses du Travail_ play in the transformed
+society, and what would be their task with reference to the statistics
+and to the distribution of products?"[6]
+
+The report dealing with the results of this inquiry contains such a
+variety of views that it is not easy to summarize it. It seems, however,
+to have been more or less agreed that each group of producers was to
+control the industry in which it was engaged. The peasants were to take
+the land. The miners were to take the mines. The railway workers were
+to take the railroads. Every trade union was to obtain possession of the
+tools of its trade, and the new society was to be organized on the basis
+of a trade-union ownership of industry. In the villages, towns, and
+cities the various trades were then to be organized into a federation
+whose duty would be to administer all matters of joint interest in their
+localities. The local federations were then to be united into a General
+Confederation, to whose administration were to be left only those public
+services which were of national importance. The General Confederation
+was also to serve as an intermediary between the various trades and
+locals and as an agency for representing the interests of all the unions
+in international relations.
+
+This is in brief the meaning of syndicalism. It differs from socialism
+in both aim and methods. The aim of the latter is the control by the
+community of the means of production. The aim of syndicalism is the
+control by autonomous trade unions of that production carried on by
+those trades. It does not seek to refashion the State or to aid in its
+evolution toward social democracy. It will have nothing to do with
+political action or with any attempt to improve the machinery of
+democracy. The masses must arise, take possession of the mines,
+factories, railroads, fields, and all industrial processes and natural
+resources, and then, through trade unions or industrial unions,
+administer the new economic system. Furthermore, the syndicalists differ
+from the socialists in their conception of the class struggle. To the
+socialist the capitalist is as much the product of our economic system
+as the worker. No socialist believes that the capitalist is individually
+to blame for our economic ills. The syndicalist dissents from this view.
+To him the capitalist is an individual enemy. He must be fought and
+destroyed. There is no form of mediation or conciliation possible
+between the worker and his employer. Conditions must, therefore, be made
+intolerable for the capitalist. Work must be done badly. Machines must
+be destroyed. Industrial processes must be subjected to chaos. Every
+worker must be inspired with the one end and aim of destruction. Without
+the cooeperation of the worker, capitalist production must break down.
+Therefore, the revolutionary syndicalist will fight, if possible, openly
+through his union, or, if that is impossible, by stealth, as an
+individual, to ruin his employer. The world of to-day is to be turned
+into incessant civil war between capital and labor. Not only the two
+classes, but the individuals of the two classes, must be constantly
+engaged in a deadly conflict. There is to be no truce until the fight is
+ended. The loyal workman is to be considered a traitor. The union that
+makes contracts or participates in collective bargaining is to be
+ostracized. And even those who are disinclined to battle will be forced
+into the ranks by compulsion. "Those who continue to work will be
+compelled to quit," says Guerard. The strike is not to be merely a
+peaceable abstention from work. The very machines are to be made to
+strike by being rendered incapable of production. These are the methods
+of the militant revolutionary syndicalists.[X]
+
+Toward the end of the nineties another element came to the aid of the
+anarchists. It is difficult to class this group with any certainty. They
+are neither socialists nor anarchists. They remind one of those
+Bakouninists that Marx once referred to as "lawyers without cases,
+physicians without patients and knowledge, students of billiards,
+etc."[7] "They are good-natured, gentlemanly, cultured people," says
+Sombart; "people with spotless linen, good manners and fashionably
+dressed wives; people with whom one holds social intercourse as with
+one's equals; people who would at first sight hardly be taken as the
+representatives of a new movement whose object it is to prevent
+socialism from becoming a mere middle-class belief."[8] In a word, they
+appear to be individuals wearied with the unrealities of life and
+seeking to overcome their _ennui_ by, at any rate, discussing the making
+of revolutions. With their "myths," their "reflections on violence,"
+their appeals to physical vigor and to the glory of combat, as well as
+with their incessant attacks on the socialist movement, they have given
+very material aid to the anarchist element in the syndicalist movement.
+For a number of years I have read faithfully _Le Mouvement Socialiste_,
+but I confess that I have not understood their dazzling metaphysics, and
+I am somewhat comforted to see that both Levine[9] and Lewis[10] find
+them frequently incomprehensible.
+
+Without injustice to this group of intellectuals, I think it may be
+truthfully said that they have contributed nothing essential to the
+doctrines of syndicalism as developed by the trades unionists
+themselves; and Edward Berth, in _Les Nouveaux Aspects du Socialisme_,
+has partially explained why, without meaning to do so. "It has often
+been observed," he says, "that the anarchists are by origin artisan,
+peasant, or aristocrat. Rousseau represents, obviously, the anarchism of
+the artisan. His republic is a little republic of free and independent
+craftsmen.... Proudhon is a peasant in his heart ... and, if we finally
+take Tolstoi, we find here an anarchism of worldly or aristocratic
+origin. Tolstoi is a _blase_ aristocrat, disgusted with civilization by
+having too much eaten of it."[11] Whether or not this characterization
+of Tolstoi is justified, there can be no question that many of this type
+rushed to the aid of syndicalism. Its savage vigor appeals to some
+artists, decadents, and _declasses_. Neurotic as a rule, they seem to
+hunger for the stimulus which comes by association with the merely
+physical power and vigor of the working class. The navvy, the
+coalheaver, or "yon rower ... the muscles all a-ripple on his back,"[12]
+awakens in them a worshipful admiration, even as it did in the effete
+Cleon. Such a theory as syndicalism, declares Sombart, "could only have
+grown up in a country possessing so high a culture as France; that it
+could have been thought out only by minds of the nicest perception, by
+people who have become quite _blase_, whose feelings require a very
+strong stimulus before they can be stirred; people who have something of
+the artistic temperament, and, consequently, look disdainfully on what
+has been called 'Philistinism'--on business, on middle-class ideals, and
+so forth. They are, as it were, the fine silk as contrasted with the
+plain wool of ordinary people. They detest the common, everyday round as
+much as they hate what is natural; they might be called 'Social
+Sybarites.' Such are the people who have created the syndicalist
+system."[13] On one point Sombart is wrong. All the essential doctrines
+of revolutionary syndicalism, as a matter of fact, originated with the
+anarchists in the unions, and the most that can be said for the
+"Sybarites" is that they elaborated and mystified these doctrines.
+
+There are those, of course, who maintain that syndicalism is wholly a
+natural and inevitable product of economic forces, and, so far as the
+actual syndicalist movement is concerned, that is unquestionably true.
+But in all the maze of philosophy and doctrine that has been thrown
+about the actual French movement, we find the traces of two extraneous
+forces--the anarchists who availed themselves of the opportunity that an
+awakening trade unionism gave them, and those intellectuals of leisure,
+culture, and refinement who found the methods of political socialism too
+tame to satisfy their violent revolt against things bourgeois. And the
+philosophical syndicalism that was born of this union combines
+utopianism and anarchism. The yearning esthetes found satisfaction in
+the rugged energy and physical daring of the men of action, while the
+latter were astonished and flattered to find their simple war measures
+adorned with metaphysical abstractions and arousing an immense furore
+among the most learned and fashionable circles of Europe.
+
+However, something in addition to personality is needed to explain the
+rise of syndicalist socialism in France. Like anarchism, syndicalism is
+a natural product of certain French and Italian conditions. It is not
+strange that the Latin peoples have in the past harbored the ideas of
+anarchism, or that now they harbor the ideas of syndicalism. The
+enormous proportion of small property owners in the French nation is the
+economic basis for a powerful individualism. Anything which interferes
+with the liberty of the individual is abhorred, and nothing awakens a
+more lively hatred than centralization and State power. The vast extent
+of small industry, with the apprentice, journeyman, and master-workman,
+has wielded an influence over the mentality of the French workers.
+Berth, for instance, follows Proudhon in conceiving of the future
+commonwealth as a federation of innumerable little workshops. Gigantic
+industries, such as are known in Germany, England, and America, seem to
+be problems quite foreign to the mind of the typical Latin worker. He
+believes that, if he can be left alone in his little industry, and freed
+from exploitation, he, like the peasant, will be supreme, possessing
+both liberty and abundance. He will, therefore, tolerate willingly
+neither the interference of a centralized State nor favor a centralized
+syndicalism. Industry must be given into the hands of the workers, and,
+when he speaks of industry, he has in mind workshops, which, in the
+socialism of the Germans, the English, and the Americans, might be left
+for a long time to come in private hands.
+
+In harmony with the above facts, we find that the strongest centers of
+syndicalism in France, Italy, and Spain are in those districts where the
+factory system is very backward. Where syndicalism and anarchism prevail
+most strongly, we find conditions of economic immaturity which
+strikingly resemble those of England in the time of Owen. In all these
+districts trade unionism is undeveloped. When it exists at all, it is
+more a feeling out for solidarity than the actual existence of
+solidarity. It is the first groping toward unity that so often brings
+riots and violence, because organization is absent and the feeling of
+power does not exist. Carl Legien, the leader of the great German
+unions, said at the international socialist congress at Stuttgart
+(1907): "As soon as the French have an actual trade-union organization,
+they will cease discussing blindly the general strike, direct action,
+and sabotage."[14] Vliegen, the Dutch leader, went even further when he
+declared at the previous congress, at Amsterdam (1904), that it is not
+the representatives of the strong organizations of England, Germany, and
+Denmark who wish the general strike; it is the representatives of
+France, Russia, and Holland, where the trade-union organization is
+feeble or does not exist.[15]
+
+Still another factor forces the French trade unions to rely upon
+violence, and that is their poverty. The trade-unionists in the Latin
+countries dislike to pay dues, and the whole organized labor movement as
+a result lives constantly from hand to mouth. "The fundamental condition
+which determines the policy of direct action," says Dr. Louis Levine in
+his excellent monograph on "The Labor Movement in France," "is the
+poverty of French syndicalism. Except for the _Federation du Livre_,
+only a very few federations pay a more or less regular strike benefit;
+the rest have barely means enough to provide for their administrative
+and organizing expenses and cannot collect any strike funds worth
+mentioning.... The French workingmen, therefore, are forced to fall back
+on other means during strikes. Quick action, intimidation, sabotage, are
+then suggested to them by their very situation and by their desire to
+win."[16] That this is an accurate analysis is, I think, proved by the
+fact that the biggest strikes and the most unruly are invariably to be
+found at the very beginning of the attempts to organize trade unions.
+That is certainly true of England, and in our own country the great
+strikes of the seventies were the birth-signs of trade unionism. In
+France, Italy, and Spain, where trade unionism is still in its infancy,
+we find that strikes are more unruly and violent than in other
+countries. It is a mistake to believe that riots, sabotage, and crime
+are the result of organization, or the product of a philosophy of
+action. They are the acts of the weak and the desperate; the product of
+a mob psychology that seems to be roused to action whenever and wherever
+the workers first begin to realize the faintest glimmering of
+solidarity. History clearly proves that turbulence in strikes tends to
+disappear as the workers develop organized strength. In most countries
+violence has been frankly recognized as a weakness, and tremendous
+efforts have been made by the workers themselves to render violence
+unnecessary by developing power through organization. But in France the
+very acts that result from weakness and despair have been greeted with
+enthusiasm by the anarchists and the effete intellectuals as the
+beginning of new and improved revolutionary methods.
+
+Both, then, in their philosophy and in their methods, anarchism and
+syndicalism have much in common, but there also exist certain
+differences which cannot be overlooked. Anarchism is a doctrine of
+individualism; syndicalism is a doctrine of working-class action.
+Anarchism appeals only to the individual; syndicalism appeals also to a
+class. Furthermore, anarchism is a remnant of eighteenth-century
+philosophy, while syndicalism is a product of an immature factory
+system. Marx and Engels frequently spoke of anarchism as a
+petty-bourgeois philosophy, but in the early syndicalism of Robert Owen
+they saw more than that, considering it as the forerunner of an actual
+working-class movement. When these differences have been stated, there
+is little more to be said, and, on the whole, Yvetot was justified in
+saying at the congress of Toulouse (1910): "I am reproached with
+confusing syndicalism and anarchism. It is not my fault if anarchism and
+syndicalism have the same ends in view. The former pursues the integral
+emancipation of the individual; the latter the integral emancipation of
+the workingman. I find the whole of syndicalism in anarchism."[17] When
+we leave the theories of syndicalism to study its methods, we find them
+identical with those of the anarchists. The general strike is, after
+all, exactly the same method that Bakounin was constantly advocating in
+the days of the old International. The only difference is this, that
+Bakounin sought the aid of "the people," while the syndicalists rely
+upon the working class. Furthermore, when one places the statement of
+Guerard on the general strike[Y] alongside of the statement of Kropotkin
+on the revolution,[Z] one can observe no important difference.
+
+While it is true that some syndicalists believe that the general strike
+may be solely a peaceable abstention from work, most of them are
+convinced that such a strike would surely meet with defeat. As Buisson
+says: "If the general strike remains the revolution of folded arms, if
+it does not degenerate into a violent insurrection, one cannot see how a
+cessation of work of fifteen, thirty, or even sixty days could bring
+into the industrial regime and into the present social system changes
+great enough to determine their fall."[18] To be sure, the syndicalists
+do not lay so much emphasis on the abolition of government as do the
+anarchists, but their plan leads to nothing less than that. If "the
+capitalist class is to be locked out"--whatever that may mean--one must
+conclude that the workers intend in some manner without the use of
+public powers to gain control of the tools of production. In any case,
+they will be forced, in order to achieve any possible success, to take
+the factories, the mines, and the mills and to put the work of
+production into the hands of the masses. If the State interferes, as it
+undoubtedly will in the most vigorous manner, the strikers will be
+forced to fight the State. In other words, the general strike will
+necessarily become an insurrection, and the people without arms will be
+forced to carry on a civil war against the military powers of the
+Government.
+
+If the general strike, therefore, is only insurrection in disguise,
+sabotage is but another name for the Propaganda of the Deed. Only, in
+this case, the deed is to be committed against the capitalist, while
+with the older anarchists a crowned head, a general, or a police
+official was the one to be destroyed. To-day property is to be assailed,
+machines broken and smashed, mines flooded, telegraph wires cut, and any
+other methods used that will render the tools of production unusable.
+This deed may be committed _en masse_, or it may be committed by an
+individual. It is when Pouget grows enthusiastic over sabotage that we
+find in him the same spirit that actuated Brousse and Kropotkin when
+they despaired of education and sought to arouse the people by
+committing dramatic acts of violence. In other words, the _saboteur_
+abandons mass action in favor of ineffective and futile assaults upon
+men or property.
+
+This brief survey of the meaning of syndicalism, whence it came, and
+why, explains the antagonism that had to arise between it and
+socialism.[AA] Not only was it frankly intended to displace the
+socialist political parties of Europe, but every step it has taken was
+accompanied with an attack upon the doctrines and the methods of modern
+socialism. And, in fact, the syndicalists are most interesting when they
+leave their own theories and turn their guns upon the socialist parties
+of the present day. In reading the now extensive literature on
+syndicalism, one finds endless chapters devoted to pointing out the
+weaknesses and faults of political socialism. Like the Bakouninists, the
+chief strength of the revolutionary unionists lies in criticism rather
+than in any constructive thought or action of their own. The battle of
+to-day is, however, a very unequal one. In the International, two
+groups--comparatively alike in size--fought over certain theories that,
+up to that time, were not embodied in a movement. They quarreled over
+tactics that were yet untried and over theories that were then purely
+speculative. To-day the syndicalists face a foe that embraces millions
+of loyal adherents. At the international gatherings of trade-union
+officials, as well as at the immense international congresses of the
+socialist parties, the syndicalists find themselves in a hopeless
+minority.[AB] Socialism is no longer an unembodied project of Marx. It
+is a throbbing, moving, struggling force. It is in a daily fight with
+the evils of capitalism. It is at work in every strike, in every great
+agitation, in every parliament, in every council. It is a thing of
+incessant action, whose mistakes are many and whose failures stand out
+in relief. Those who have betrayed it can be pointed out. Those who
+have lost all revolutionary fervor and all notion of class can be held
+up as a tendency. Those who have fallen into the traps of the
+bureaucrats and have given way to the flattery or to the corruption of
+the bourgeoisie can be listed and put upon the index. Even working-class
+political action can be assailed as never before, because it now exists
+for the first time in history, and its every weakness is known.
+Moreover, there are the slowness of movement and the seemingly
+increasing tameness of the multitude. All these incidents in the growth
+of a vast movement--the rapidity of whose development has never been
+equaled in the history of the world--irritate beyond measure the
+impatient and ultra-revolutionary exponents of the new anarchism.
+
+Naturally enough, the criticisms of the syndicalists are leveled chiefly
+against political action, parliamentarism, and Statism. It is Professor
+Arturo Labriola, the brilliant leader of the Italian syndicalists, who
+has voiced perhaps most concretely these strictures against socialism,
+although they abound in all syndicalist writings. According to Labriola,
+the socialist parties have abandoned Marx. They have left the field of
+the class struggle, foresworn revolution, and degenerated into weaklings
+and ineffectuals who dare openly neither to advocate "State socialism"
+nor to oppose it. In the last chapter of his "Karl Marx" Labriola traces
+some of the tendencies to State socialism. He observes that the State is
+gradually taking over all the great public utilities and that cities and
+towns are increasingly municipalizing public services. In the more
+liberal and democratic countries "the tendency to State property was
+greeted," he says, "as the beginning of the socialist transformation.
+To-day, in France, in Italy, and in Austria socialism is being
+confounded with Statism (_l'etatisme_).... The socialist party, almost
+everywhere, has become the party of State capitalism." It is "no more
+the representative of a movement which ranges itself against existing
+institutions, but rather of an evolution which is taking place now in
+the midst of present-day society, and by means of the State itself. The
+socialist party, by the very force of circumstances, is becoming a
+conservative party which is declaring for a transformation, the agent of
+which is no longer the proletariat itself, but the new economic organism
+which is the State.... Even the desire of the workingmen themselves to
+pass into the service of the State is eager and spontaneous. We have a
+proof of it in Italy with the railway workers, who, however, represent
+one of the best-informed and most advanced sections of the working
+class.
+
+" ... Where the Marxian tradition has no stability, as in Italy, the
+socialist party refused to admit that the State was an exclusively
+capitalist organism and that it was necessary to challenge its action.
+And with this pro-State attitude of the socialist party all its ideas
+have unconsciously changed. The principles of State enterprise (order,
+discipline, hierarchy, subordination, maximum productivity, etc.) are
+the same as those of private enterprise. Wherever the socialist party
+openly takes its stand on the side of the State--contrary even to its
+intentions--it acquires an entirely capitalist viewpoint. Its
+embarrassed attitude in regard to the insubordination of the workers in
+private manufacture becomes each day more evident, and, if it were not
+afraid of losing its electoral support, it would oppose still more the
+spirit of revolt among the workers. It is thus that the socialist
+party--the conservative party of the future transformed State--is
+becoming the conservative party of the present social organization. But
+even where, as in Germany, the Marxian tradition still assumes the form
+of a creed to all outward appearance, the party is very far from keeping
+within the limits of pure Marxian theory. Its anti-State attitude is not
+one of inclination. It is imposed by the State itself, ... the
+adversary, through its military and feudal vanity, of every concession
+to working-class democracy."[19]
+
+All this sounds most familiar, and I cannot resist quoting here our old
+friend Bakounin in order to show how much this criticism resembles that
+of the anarchists. If we turn to "Statism and Anarchy" we find that
+Bakounin concluded this work with the following words: "Upon the
+Pangermanic banner" (_i. e._, also upon the banner of German social
+democracy, and, consequently, upon the socialist banner of the whole
+civilized world) "is inscribed: The conservation and strengthening of
+the State at all costs; on the socialist-revolutionary banner" (read
+Bakouninist banner) "is inscribed in characters of blood, in letters of
+fire: the abolition of all States, the destruction of bourgeois
+civilization; free organization from the bottom to the top, by the help
+of free associations; the organization of the working populace (_sic!_)
+freed from all the trammels, the organization of the whole of
+emancipated humanity, the creation of a new human world."[AC] Thus
+frantically Bakounin exposed the antagonism between his philosophy and
+that of the Marxists. It would seem, therefore, that if Labriola knew
+his Marx, he would hardly undertake at this late date to save socialism
+from a tendency that Marx himself gave it. The State, it appears, is the
+same bugaboo to the syndicalists that it is to the anarchists. It is
+almost something personal, a kind of monster that, in all ages and
+times, must be oppressive. It cannot evolve or change its being. It
+cannot serve the working class as it has previously served feudalism, or
+as it now serves capitalism. It is an unchangeable thing, that,
+regardless of economic and social conditions, must remain eternally the
+enemy of the people.
+
+Evidently, the syndicalist identifies the revolutionist with the
+anti-Statist--apparently forgetting that hatred of the State is often as
+strong among the bourgeoisie as among the workers. The determination to
+limit the power of the Government was not only a powerful factor in the
+French and American Revolutions, but since then the slaveholders of the
+Southern States in America, the factory owners of all countries, and the
+trusts have exhausted every means, fair and foul, to limit and to weaken
+the power of the State. What difference is there between the theory of
+_laissez-faire_ and the antagonism of the anarchists and the
+syndicalists to every activity of the State? However, it is noteworthy
+that antagonism to the State disappears on the part of any group or
+class as soon as it becomes an agency for advancing their material
+well-being; they not only then forsake their anti-Statism, they even
+become the most ardent defenders of the State. Evidently, then, it is
+not the State that has to be overcome, but the interests that control
+the State.
+
+It must be admitted that Labriola sketches accurately enough the
+prevailing tendency toward State ownership, but he misunderstands or
+willfully misinterprets, as Bakounin did before him, the attitude of the
+avowed socialist parties toward such evolution. When he declares that
+they confuse their socialism with Statism, he might equally well argue
+that socialists confuse their socialism with monopoly or with the
+aggregation of capital in the hands of the few. Because socialists
+recognize the inevitable evolution toward monopoly is no reason for
+believing that they advocate monopoly. Nowhere have the socialists ever
+advised the destruction of trusts, nor have they anywhere opposed the
+taking over of great industries by the State. They realize that, as
+monopoly is an inevitable outcome of capitalism, so State capitalism,
+more or less extended, is an inevitable result of monopoly. That the
+workers remain wage earners and are exploited in the same manner as
+before has been pointed out again and again by all the chief socialists.
+However, if socialists prefer monopoly to the chaos of competition and
+to the reactionary tendencies of small property, and if they lend
+themselves, as they do everywhere, to the promotion of the State
+ownership of monopoly, it is not because they confuse monopoly, whether
+private or public, with socialism. It is of little consequence whether
+the workers are exploited by the trusts or by the Government. As long as
+capitalism exists they will be exploited by the one or the other. If
+they themselves prefer to be exploited by the Government, as Labriola
+admits, and if that exploitation is less ruinous to the body and mind of
+the worker, the socialist who opposed State capitalism in favor of
+private capitalism would be nothing less than a reactionary.
+
+Without, however, leaving the argument here, it must be said that there
+are various reasons why the socialist prefers State capitalism to
+private capitalism. It has certain advantages for the general public. It
+confers certain benefits upon the toilers, chief of all perhaps the
+regularity of work. And, above and beyond this, State capitalism is
+actually expropriating private capitalists. The more property the State
+owns, the fewer will be the number of capitalists to be dealt with, and
+the easier it will be eventually to introduce socialism. Indeed, to
+proceed from State capitalism to socialism is little more than the grasp
+of public powers by the working class, followed by the administrative
+measures of industrial democracy. All this, of course, has been said
+before by Engels, part of whose argument I have already quoted.
+Unfortunately, no syndicalist seems to follow this reasoning or excuse
+what he considers the terrible crime of extending the domain of the
+State. Not infrequently his revolutionary philosophy begins with the
+abolition of the State, and often it ends there. Marx, Engels, and
+Eccarius, as we know, ridiculed Bakounin's terror of the State; and how
+many times since have the socialists been compelled to deal with this
+bugaboo! It rises up in every country from time to time. The anarchist,
+the anarchist-communist, the _Lokalisten_, the anarcho-socialist, the
+young socialist, and the syndicalist have all in their time solemnly
+come to warn the working class of this insidious enemy. But the workers
+refuse to be frightened, and in every country, including even Russia,
+Italy, and France, they have less fear of State ownership of industry
+than they have of that crushing exploitation which they know to-day.
+
+Even in Germany, where Labriola considers the socialists to be more or
+less free from the taint of State capitalism, they have from the very
+beginning voted for State ownership. As early as 1870 the German
+socialists, upon a resolution presented by Bebel, adopted by a large
+majority the proposition that the State should retain in its hands the
+State lands, Church lands, communal lands, the mines, and the
+railroads.[AD] When adopting the new party program at Erfurt in 1891,
+the Congress struck out the section directed against State socialism and
+adopted a number of propositions leading to that end. Again, at Breslau
+in 1895, the Germans adopted several State-socialist measures. "At this
+time," says Paul Kampffmeyer, "a proposition of the agrarian commission
+on the party program, which had a decided State-socialist stamp, was
+discussed. It contained, among other things, the retaining and the
+increase of the public land domain; the management of the State and
+community lands on their own account; the giving of State credit to
+cooeperative societies; the socialization of mortgages, debts, and loans
+on land; the socialization of chattel and real estate insurance, etc.
+Bebel agreed to all these State-socialist propositions. He recalled the
+fact, that the nationalizing of the railroads had been accomplished with
+the agreement of the social-democracy."[21] "That which applies to the
+railways applies also to the forestry," said Bebel. "Have we any
+objections to the enlarging of the State forests and thereby the
+employment of workers and officials? The same thing applies to the
+mines, the salt industry, road-making, the post office, and the
+telegraphs. In all of these industries we have hundreds of thousands of
+dependent people, and yet we do not want to advocate their abolition but
+rather their extension. In this direction we must break with all our
+prejudices. We ought only to oppose State industry where it is
+antagonistic to culture and where it restricts development, as, for
+instance, is the case in military matters. Indeed, we must even compel
+the State constantly to take over means of culture, because by that
+means we will finally put the present State out of joint. And, lastly,
+even the strongest State power fails in that degree in which the State
+drives its own officers and workers into opposition to itself, as has
+occurred in the case of the postal service. The attitude which would
+refuse to strengthen the power of the State, because this would entrust
+to it the solution of the problems of culture, smacks of the Manchester
+school. We must strip off these Manchesterian egg-shells."[22]
+
+Wilhelm Liebknecht also dealt with those who opposed the strengthening
+of the class State. "We are concerned," he said, " ... first of all
+about the strengthening of the State power. In all similar cases we have
+decided in favor of practical activity. We allowed funds for the
+Northeast Sea Canal; we voted for the labor legislation, although the
+proposed laws did decidedly extend the State power. We are in favor of
+the State railways, although we have thereby brought about ... the
+dependence of numerous livings upon the State."[23] As early, indeed, as
+1881 Liebknecht saw that the present State was preparing the way for
+socialism. Speaking of the compulsory insurance laws proposed by
+Bismarck, he refers to such legislation as embodying "in a decisive
+manner the principle of State regulation of production as opposed to the
+_laissez-faire_ system of the Manchester school. The right of the State
+to regulate production supposes the duty of the State to interest itself
+in labor, and State control of the labor of society leads directly to
+State organization of the labor of society."[24] Further even than this
+goes Karl Kautsky, who has been called the "acutest observer and thinker
+of modern socialism." "Among the social organizations in existence
+to-day," he says, "there is but one that possesses the requisite
+dimensions, and may be used as the framework for the establishment and
+development of the socialist commonwealth, and that is the _modern
+State_."[25]
+
+Without going needlessly far into this subject, it seems safe to
+conclude that the State is no more terrifying to the modern socialist
+than it was to Marx and Engels. There is not a socialist party in any
+country that has not used its power to force the State to undertake
+collective enterprise. Indeed, all the immediate programs of the various
+socialist parties advocate the strengthening of the economic power of
+the State. They are adding more and more to its functions; they are
+broadening its scope; and they are, without question, vastly increasing
+its power. But, at the same time, they are democratizing the State. By
+direct legislation, by a variety of political reforms, and by the power
+of the great socialist parties themselves, they are really wresting the
+control of the State from the hands of special privilege.
+Furthermore--and this is something neither the anarchists nor the
+syndicalists will see--State socialism is in itself undermining and
+slowly destroying the class character of the State. According to the
+view of Marx, the State is to-day "but a committee for managing the
+common affairs of the whole capitalist class."[26] And it is this
+because the economic power of the capitalist class is supreme. But by
+the growth of State socialism the economic power of the private
+capitalists is steadily weakened. The railroads, the mines, the forests,
+and other great monopolies are taken out of their hands, and, to the
+extent that this happens, their control over the State itself
+disappears. Their only power to control the State is their economic
+power, and, if that were entirely to disappear, the class character of
+the State would disappear also. "The State is not abolished. _It dies
+out_"; to repeat Engels' notable words. "As soon as there is no longer
+any social class to be held in subjection, ... nothing more remains to
+be repressed, and a special repressive force, a State, is no longer
+necessary."[27]
+
+The syndicalists are, of course, quite right when they say that State
+socialism is an attempt to allay popular discontent, but they are quite
+wrong when they accept this as proof that it must inevitably sidetrack
+socialism. They overlook the fact that it is always a concession granted
+grudgingly to the growing power of democracy. It is a point yielded in
+order to prevent if possible the necessity of making further
+concessions. Yet history shows that each concession necessitates
+another, and that State socialism is growing with great rapidity in all
+countries where the workers have developed powerful political
+organizations. Even now both friends and opponents see in the growth of
+State socialism the gradual formation of that transitional stage that
+leads from capitalism to socialism. The syndicalist and anarchist alone
+fail to see here any drift toward socialism; they see only a growing
+tyranny creating a class of favored civil servants, who are divorced
+from the actual working class. At the same time, they point out that the
+condition of the toilers for the State has not improved, and that they
+are exploited as mercilessly by the State as they were formerly
+exploited by the capitalist. To dispute this would be time ill spent. If
+it be indeed true, it defeats the argument of the syndicalist. If the
+State in its capitalism outrageously exploits its servants, tries to
+prevent them from organizing, and penalizes them for striking, it will
+only add to the intensity of the working-class revolt. It will aid more
+and more toward creating a common understanding between the workers for
+the State and the workers for the private capitalist. In any case, it
+will accelerate the tendency toward the democratization of the State
+and, therefore, toward socialism.
+
+As an alternative to this actual evolution toward socialism, the
+syndicalists propose to force society to put the means of production
+into the hands of the trade unions. It is perhaps worth pointing out
+that Owen, Proudhon, Blanc, Lassalle, and Bakounin all advocated what
+may be called "group socialism."[28] This conception of future society
+contemplates the ownership of the mines by the miners, of the railroads
+by the railway workers, of the land by the peasants. All the workers in
+the various industries are to be organized into unions and then brought
+together in a federation. Several objections are made to this outline of
+a new society. In the first place, it is artificial. Except for an
+occasional cooeperative undertaking, there is not, nor has there ever
+been, any tendency toward trade-union ownership of industry. In
+addition, it is an idea that is to-day an anachronism. It is conceivable
+that small federated groups might control and conduct countless little
+industries, but it is not conceivable that groups of "self-governing,"
+"autonomous," and "independent" workmen could, or would, be allowed by a
+highly industrialized society to direct and manage such vast enterprises
+as the trusts have built up. If each group is to run industry as it
+pleases, the Standard Oil workers or the steel workers might menace
+society in the future as the owners of those monopolies menace it in the
+present. There is no indication in the literature of the syndicalists,
+and certainly no promise in a system of completely autonomous groups of
+producers, of any solution of the vast problems of modern trustified
+industry. It may be that such ideas corresponded to the state of things
+represented in early capitalism. But the socialist ideas of the present
+are the product of a more advanced state of capitalism than Owen,
+Proudhon, Lassalle, and Bakounin knew, or than the syndicalists of
+France, Italy, and Spain have yet been forced seriously to deal with.
+Indeed, it was necessary for Marx to forecast half a century of
+capitalist development in order to clarify the program of socialism and
+to emphasize the necessity for that program.
+
+It is a noteworthy and rather startling fact that Sidney and Beatrice
+Webb had pointed out the economic fallacies of syndicalism before the
+French Confederation of Labor was founded or Sorel, Berth, and
+Lagardelle had written a line on the subject. In their "History of Trade
+Unionism" they tell most interestingly the story of Owen's early
+trade-union socialism. The book was published in 1894, two or three
+years before the theories of the French school were born. Nevertheless,
+their critique of Owenism expresses as succinctly and forcibly as
+anything yet written the attitude of the socialists toward the economics
+of modern syndicalism. "Of all Owen's attempts to reduce his socialism
+to practice," write the Webbs, "this was certainly the very worst. For
+his short-lived communities there was at least this excuse: that within
+their own area they were to be perfectly homogeneous little socialist
+States. There were to be no conflicting sections, and profit-making and
+competition were to be effectually eliminated. But in 'the Trades
+Union,' as he conceived it, the mere combination of all the workmen in a
+trade as cooeperative producers no more abolished commercial competition
+than a combination of all the employers in it as a joint stock company.
+In effect, his Grand Lodges would have been simply the head offices of
+huge joint stock companies owning the entire means of production in
+their industry, and subject to no control by the community as a whole.
+They would, therefore, have been in a position at any moment to close
+their ranks and admit fresh generations of workers only as employees at
+competitive wages instead of as shareholders, thus creating at one
+stroke a new capitalist class and a new proletariat.[29] ... In short,
+the socialism of Owen led him to propose a practical scheme which was
+not even socialistic, and which, if it could possibly have been carried
+out, would have simply arbitrarily redistributed the capital of the
+country without altering or superseding the capitalist system in the
+least."[30]
+
+Although this "group socialism" would certainly necessitate a Parliament
+in order to harmonize the conflicting interests of the various
+productive associations, there is nothing, it appears, that the
+syndicalist so much abhors. He is never quite done with picturing the
+burlesque of parliamentarism. While, no doubt, this is a necessary
+corollary to his antagonism to the State, it is aggravated by the fact
+that one of the chief ends of a political party is to put its
+representatives into Parliament. The syndicalist, in ridiculing all
+parliamentary activity, is at the same time, therefore, endeavoring to
+prove the folly of political action. That you cannot bring into the
+world a new social order by merely passing laws is something the
+syndicalist never wearies of pointing out. Parliamentarism, he likes to
+repeat, is a new superstition that is weakening the activity and
+paralyzing the mentality of the working class. "The superstitious belief
+in parliamentary action," Leone says, " ... ascribes to acts of
+Parliament the magic power of bringing about new social forces."[31]
+Sorel refers to the same thing as the "belief in the magic influence of
+departmental authority,"[32] while Labriola divines that "parties may
+elect members of Parliament, but they cannot set one machine going, nor
+can they organize one business undertaking."[33] All this reminds one of
+what Marx himself said in the early fifties. He speaks in "Revolution
+and Counter-Revolution," a collection of some articles that were
+originally written for the New York _Tribune_, of "parliamentary
+_cretinism_, a disorder which penetrates its unfortunate victims with
+the solemn conviction that the whole world, its history and future, are
+governed and determined by a majority of votes in that particular
+representative body which has the honor to count them among its members,
+and that all and everything going on outside the walls of their
+house--wars, revolutions, railway constructing, colonizing of whole new
+continents, California gold discoveries, Central American canals,
+Russian armies, and whatever else may have some little claim to
+influence upon the destinies of mankind--is nothing compared with the
+incommensurable events hinging upon the important question, whatever it
+may be, just at that moment occupying the attention of their honorable
+house."[34]
+
+No one can read this statement of Marx's without realizing its essential
+truthfulness. But it should not be forgotten that Marx himself believed,
+and every prominent socialist believes, that the control of the
+parliaments of the world is essential to any movement that seeks to
+transform the world. The powerlessness of parliaments may be easily
+exaggerated. To say that they are incapable of constructive work is to
+deny innumerable facts of history. Laws have both set up and destroyed
+industries. The action of parliaments has established gigantic
+industries. The schools, the roads, the Panama Canal, and a thousand
+other great operations known to us to-day have been set going by
+parliaments. Tariff laws make and destroy industries. Prohibition laws
+have annihilated industries, while legality, which is the peculiar
+product of parliaments, has everything to do with the ownership of
+property, of industry, and of the management of capital. For one who is
+attacking a legal status, who is endeavoring to alter political,
+juridical, as well as industrial and social relations, the conquering of
+parliaments is vitally necessary. The socialist recognizes that the
+parliaments of to-day represent class interests, that, indeed, they are
+dominated by class interests, and, as such, that they do not seek to
+change but to conserve what now exists. As a result, there _is_ a
+parliamentary _cretinism_, because, in a sense, the dominant elements in
+Parliament are only managing the affairs of powerful influences outside
+of Parliament. They are not the guiding hand, but the servile hand, of
+capitalism.
+
+For the above reason, chiefly, the syndicalists are on safe ground when
+they declare that parliaments are corrupt. Corruption is a product of
+the struggle of the classes. To obtain special privilege, class laws,
+and immunity from punishment, the "big interests" bribe and corrupt
+parliaments. However, corruption does not stop there. The trade unions
+themselves suffer. Labor leaders are bought just as labor
+representatives are bought. Insurrection itself is often controlled and
+rendered abortive by corruption. Numberless violent uprisings have been
+betrayed by those who fomented them. The words of Fruneau at Basel in
+1869 are memorable. "Bakounin has declared," he said, "that it is
+necessary to await the Revolution. Ah, well, the Revolution! Away with
+it! Not that I fear the barricades, but, when one is a Frenchman and has
+seen the blood of the bravest of the French running in the streets in
+order to elevate to power the ambitious who, a few months later, sent us
+to Cayenne, one suspects the same snares, because the Revolution, in
+view of the ignorance of the proletarians, would take place only at the
+profit of our adversaries."[35] There is no way to escape the corrupting
+power of capitalism. It has its representatives in every movement that
+promises to be hostile. It has its spies in the labor unions, its
+_agents provocateurs_ in insurrections; and its money can always find
+hands to accept it. One does not escape corruption by abandoning
+Parliament. And Bordat, the anarchist, was the slave of a mania when he
+declared: "To send workingmen to a parliament is to act like a mother
+who would take her daughter to a brothel."[36] Parliaments are perhaps
+more corrupt than trade unions, but that is simply because they have
+greater power. To no small degree bribery and campaign funds are the
+tribute that capitalism pays to the power of the State.
+
+The consistent opposition of the syndicalists to the State is leading
+them desperately far, and we see them developing, as the anarchists did
+before them, a contempt even for democracy. The literature of
+syndicalism teems with attacks on democracy. "Syndicalism and
+Democracy," says Emile Pouget, "are the two opposite poles, which
+exclude and neutralize each other.... Democracy is a social superfluity,
+a parasitic and external excrescence, while syndicalism is the logical
+manifestation of a growth of life, it is a rational cohesion of human
+beings, and that is why, instead of restraining their individuality, it
+prolongs and develops it."[37] Democracy is, in the view of Sorel, the
+regime _par excellence_, in which men are governed "by the magical power
+of high-sounding words rather than by ideas; by formulas rather than by
+reasons; by dogmas, the origin of which nobody cares to find out, rather
+than by doctrines based on observation."[38] Lagardelle declares that
+syndicalism is post-democratic. "Democracy corresponds to a definite
+historical movement," he says, "which has come to an end. Syndicalism is
+an anti-democratic movement."[39] These are but three out of a number
+of criticisms of democracy that might be quoted. Although natural enough
+as a consequence of syndicalist antagonism to the State, these ideas are
+nevertheless fatal when applied to the actual conduct of a working-class
+movement. It means that the minority believes that it can drive the
+majority. We remember that Guerard suggested, in his advocacy of the
+general strike, that, if the railroad workers struck, many other trades
+"would be compelled to quit work." "A daring revolutionary minority
+conscious of its aim can carry away with it the majority."[40] Pouget
+confesses: "The syndicalist has a contempt for the vulgar idea of
+democracy--the inert, unconscious mass is not to be taken into account
+when the minority wishes to act so as to benefit it...."[41] He refers
+in another place to the majority, who "may be considered as human zeros.
+Thus appears the enormous difference in method," concludes Pouget,
+"which distinguishes syndicalism and democracy: the latter, by the
+mechanism of universal suffrage, gives direction to the unconscious ...
+and stifles the minorities who bear within them the hopes of the
+future."[42]
+
+This is anarchism all over again, from Proudhon to Goldman.[43] But,
+while the Bakouninists were forced, as a result of these views, to
+abandon organized effort, the newest anarchists have attempted to
+incorporate these ideas into the very constitution of the French
+Confederation of Labor. And at present they are, in fact, a little
+clique that rides on the backs of the organized workers, and the
+majority cannot throw them off so long as a score of members have the
+same voting power in the Confederation as that of a trade union with ten
+thousand members. All this must, of course, have very serious
+consequences. Opposition to majority rule has always been a cardinal
+principle of the anarchists. It is also a fundamental principle of every
+American political machine. To defeat democracy is obviously the chief
+purpose of a Tammany Hall. But, when this idea is actually advocated as
+an ideal of working-class organization, when it is made to stand as a
+policy and practice of a trade union, it can only result in suspicion,
+disruption, and, eventually, in complete ruin. It appears that the
+militant syndicalist, like the anarchist, realizes that he cannot expect
+the aid of the people. He turns, then, to the minority, the fighting
+inner circle, as the sole hope.
+
+It is inevitable, therefore, that syndicalism and socialism should stand
+at opposite poles. They are exactly as far apart as anarchism and
+socialism. And, if we turn to the question of methods, we find an
+antagonism almost equally great. How are the workers to obtain
+possession of industry? On this point, as well as upon their conception
+of socialism, the syndicalists are not advanced beyond Owenism. "One
+question, and that the most immediately important of all," say the
+Webbs, speaking of Owen's projects, "was never seriously faced: How was
+the transfer of the industries from the capitalists to the unions to be
+effected in the teeth of a hostile and well-armed government? The answer
+must have been that the overwhelming numbers of 'the trades union' would
+render conflict impossible. At all events, Owen, like the early
+Christians, habitually spoke as if the day of judgment of the existing
+order of society was at hand. The next six months, in his view, were
+always going to see the 'new moral world' really established. The change
+from the capitalist system to a complete organization of industry under
+voluntary associations of producers was to 'come suddenly upon society
+like a thief in the night.'... It is impossible not to regret that the
+first introduction of the English Trade Unionist to Socialism should
+have been effected by a foredoomed scheme which violated every economic
+principle of collectivism, and left the indispensable political
+preliminaries to pure chance."[44] Little need be added to what the
+Webbs have said on the utopian features of syndicalism or even upon the
+haphazard method adopted to achieve them. "No politics in the unions"
+follows logically enough from an avowed antagonism to the State. If one
+starts with the assumption that nothing can be done through the
+State--as Owen, Bakounin, and the syndicalists have done--one is, of
+course, led irretrievably to oppose parliamentary and other political
+methods of action.
+
+When the syndicalists throw over democracy and foreswear political
+action, they are fatally driven to the point where they must abandon the
+working class. In the meantime, they are sadly misleading it. It is when
+we touch this phase of the syndicalist movement that we begin to
+discover real bitterness. Here direct action stands in opposition to
+political action. The workers must choose the one method or the other.
+The old clash appears again in all its tempestuous hate. Jules Guesde
+was early one of the adherents of Bakounin, but in all his later life he
+has been pitiless in his warfare on the anarchists. As soon, therefore,
+as the direct-actionists began again to exercise an influence, Guesde
+entered the field of battle. I happened to be at Limoges in 1906 to hear
+Guesde speak these memorable words at the French Socialist Congress:
+"Political action is necessarily revolutionary. It does not address
+itself to the employer, but to the State, while industrial action
+addresses itself to the individual employer or to associations of
+employers. Industrial action does not attack the employer _as an
+institution_, because the employer is the effect, the result of
+capitalist property. As soon as capitalist property will have
+disappeared, the employer will disappear, and not before. It is in the
+socialist party--because it is a political party--that one fights
+against the employer class, and that is why the socialist party is truly
+an economic party, tending to transform social and political economy. At
+the present moment words have their importance. And I should like to
+urge the comrades strongly never to allow it to be believed that
+trade-union action is economic action. No; this latter action is taken
+only by the political organization of the working class. It is the party
+of the working class which leads it--that is to say, the socialist
+party--because property is a social institution which cannot be
+transformed except by the exploited class making use of political power
+for this purpose....
+
+"I realize," he continued, "that the direct-actionists attempt to
+identify political action with parliamentary action. No; electoral
+action as well as parliamentary action may be forms; pieces of political
+action. They are not political action as a whole, which is the effort to
+seize public powers--the Government. Political action is the people of
+Paris taking possession of the Hotel de Ville in 1871. It is the
+Parisian workers marching upon the National Assembly in 1848.... To
+those who go about claiming that political action, as extolled by the
+party, reduces itself to the production of public officials, you will
+oppose a flat denial. Political action is, moreover, not the production
+of laws. It is the grasping by the working class of the manufactory of
+laws; it is the political expropriation of the employer class, which
+alone permits its economic expropriation.... I wish that someone would
+explain to me how the breaking of street lights, the disemboweling of
+soldiers, the burning of factories, can constitute a means of
+transforming the ownership of property.... Supposing that the strikers
+were masters of the streets and should seize the factories, would not
+the factories still remain private property? Instead of being the
+property of a few employers or stockholders, they would become the
+property of the 500 or the 5,000 workingmen who had taken them, and that
+is all. The owners of the property will have changed; the system of
+ownership will have remained the same. And ought we not to consider it
+necessary to say that to the workers over and over again? Ought we to
+allow them to take a path that leads nowhere?... No; the socialists
+could not, without crime, lend themselves to such trickery. It is our
+imperative duty to bring back the workers to reality, to remind them
+always that one can only be revolutionary if one attacks the government
+and the State."[45] "Trade-union action moves within the circle of
+capitalism without breaking through it, and that is necessarily
+reformist, in the good sense of the word. In order to ameliorate the
+conditions of the victims of capitalist society, it does not touch the
+system. All the revolutionary wrangling can avail nothing against this
+fact. Even when a strike is triumphant, the day after the strike the
+wage earners remain wage earners and capitalist exploitation continues.
+It is a necessity, a fatality, which trade-union action suffers."[46]
+
+Any comment of mine would, I think, only serve to mar this masterly
+logic of Guesde's. There is nothing perhaps in socialist literature
+which so ably sustains the traditional position of the socialist
+movement. The battles in France over this question have been bitterly
+fought for over half a century. The most brilliant of minds have been
+engaged in the struggle. Proudhon, Bakounin, Briand, Sorel, Lagardelle,
+Berth, Herve, are men of undoubted ability. Opposed to them we find the
+Marxists, led in these latter years by Guesde and Jaures. And while
+direct action has always been vigorously supported in France both by the
+intellectuals and by the masses, it is the policy of Guesde and Jaures
+which has made headway. At the time when the general strike was looked
+upon as a revolutionary panacea, and the French working class seemed on
+the point of risking everything in one throw of the dice, Jaures uttered
+a solemn warning: "Toward this abyss ... the proletariat is feeling
+itself more and more drawn, at the risk not only of ruining itself
+should it fall over, but of dragging down with it for years to come
+either the wealth or the security of the national life."[47] "If the
+proletarians take possession of the mine and the factory, it will be a
+perfectly fictitious ownership. They will be embracing a corpse, for the
+mines and factories will be no better than dead bodies while economic
+circulation is suspended and production is stopped. So long as a class
+does not own and govern the whole social machine, it can seize a few
+factories and yards, if it wants to, but it really possesses nothing. To
+hold in one's hand a few pebbles of a deserted road is not to be master
+of transportation."[48] "The working class would be the dupe of a fatal
+illusion and a sort of unhealthy obsession if it mistook what can be
+only the tactics of despair for a method of revolution."[49]
+
+The struggle, therefore, between the syndicalists and the socialists is,
+as we see, the same clash over methods that occurred in the seventies
+and eighties between the anarchists and the socialists. In abandoning
+democracy, in denying the efficacy of political action, and in
+resorting to methods which can only end in self-destruction, the
+syndicalist becomes the logical descendant of the anarchist. He is at
+this moment undergoing an evolution which appears to be leading him into
+the same _cul-de-sac_ that thwarted his forefather. His path is blocked
+by the futility of his own weapons. He is fatally driven, as Plechanoff
+said, either to serve the bourgeois politicians or to resort to the
+tactics of Ravachol, Henry, Vaillant, and Most. The latter is the more
+likely, since the masses refuse to be drawn into the general strike as
+they formerly declined to participate in artificial uprisings.[AE] The
+daring conscious minority more and more despair, and they turn to the
+only other weapon in their arsenal, that of sabotage. There is a kind of
+fatality which overtakes the revolutionist who insists upon an
+immediate, universal, and violent revolution. He must first despair of
+the majority. He then loses confidence even in the enlightened minority.
+And, in the end, like the Bakouninist, he is driven to individual acts
+of despair. What will doubtless happen at no distant date in France and
+Italy will be a repetition of the congress at The Hague. When the
+trade-union movement actually develops into a powerful organization, it
+will be forced to throw off this incubus of the new anarchism. It is
+already thought that a majority of the French trade unionists oppose the
+anarchist tendencies of the clique in control, and certainly a number of
+the largest and most influential unions frankly class themselves as
+reformist syndicalists, in order to distinguish themselves from the
+revolutionary syndicalists. What will come of this division time only
+can tell.
+
+In any case, it is becoming clear even to the French unionists that
+direct action is not and cannot be, as Guesde has pointed out,
+revolutionary action. It cannot transform our social system. It is
+destined to failure just as insurrection as a policy was destined to
+failure. Rittinghausen said at Basel in 1869: "Revolution, as a matter
+of fact, accomplishes nothing. If you are not able to formulate, after
+the revolution, by legislation, your legitimate demands, the revolution
+will perish miserably."[50] This was true in 1848, in 1871, and even in
+the great French Revolution itself. Nothing would have seemed easier at
+the time of the French Revolution than for the peasants to have directly
+possessed themselves of the land. They were using it. Their houses were
+planted in the midst of it. Their landlords in many cases had fled. Yet
+Kropotkin, in his story of "The Great French Revolution," relates that
+the redistribution of land awaited the action of Parliament. To be sure,
+some of the peasants had taken the land, but they were not at all sure
+that it might not again be taken from them by some superior force. Their
+rights were not defined, and there was such chaos in the entire
+situation that, in the end, the whole question had to be left to
+Parliament. It was only after the action of the Convention, June 11,
+1793, that the rights of ownership were defined. It was only then, as
+Kropotkin says, that "everyone had a right to the land. It was a
+complete revolution."[51] That the greatest of living anarchists should
+be forced to pay this tribute to the action of Parliament is in itself
+an assurance. For masses in the time of revolution to grab whatever
+they desire is, after all, to constitute what Jaures calls a fictitious
+ownership. Some legality is needed to establish possession and a sense
+of security, and, up to the present, only the political institutions of
+society have been able to do that. For this precise reason every social
+struggle and class struggle of the past has been a political struggle.
+
+There remains but one other fundamental question, which must be briefly
+examined. The syndicalists do not go back to Owen as the founder of
+their philosophy. They constantly reiterate the claim that they alone
+to-day are Marxists and that it is given to them to keep "pure and
+undefiled" the theories of that giant mind. They base their claim on the
+ground of Marx's economic interpretation of history and especially upon
+his oft-repeated doctrine that upon the economic structure of society
+rises the juridical and political superstructure. They maintain that the
+political institutions are merely the reflex of economic conditions.
+Alter the economic basis of society, and the political structure must
+adjust itself to the new conditions. As a result of this truly Marxian
+reasoning, they assert that the revolutionary movement must pursue
+solely economic aims and disregard totally the existing and, to their
+minds, superfluous political relations. They accuse the socialists of a
+contradiction. Claiming to be Marxists and basing their program upon the
+economic interpretation of history, the socialists waste their energies
+in trying to modify the results instead of obliterating the causes.
+Political institutions are parasitical. Why, therefore, ignore economic
+foundations and waste effort remodeling the parasitical superstructure?
+There _is_ a contradiction here, but not on the part of the socialists.
+Proudhon was entirely consistent when he asked: "Can we not administer
+our goods, keep our accounts, arrange our differences, look after our
+common interests?"[52] And, moreover, he was consistent when he
+declared: "I want you to make the very institutions which I charge you
+to abolish, ... so that the new society shall appear as the spontaneous,
+natural, and necessary development of the old."[53] If that were once
+done the dissolution of government would follow, as he says, in a way
+about which one can at present make only guesses. But Proudhon urged his
+followers to establish cooeperative banks, cooeperative industries, and a
+variety of voluntary industrial enterprises, in order eventually to
+possess themselves of the means of production. If the working class,
+through its own cooeperative efforts, could once acquire the ownership of
+industry, if they could thus expropriate the present owners and
+gradually come into the ownership of all natural resources and all means
+of production--in a word, of all social capital--they would not need to
+bother themselves with the State. If, in possessing themselves thus of
+all economic power, they were also to neglect the State, its machinery
+would, of course, tumble into uselessness and eventually disappear. As
+the great capitalists to-day make laws through the stock exchange,
+through their chambers of commerce, through their pools and
+combinations, so the working class could do likewise if they were in
+possession of industry. But the working class to-day has no real
+economic power. It has no participation in the ownership of industry. It
+is claimed that it might withdraw its labor power and in this manner
+break down the entire economic system. It is urged that labor alone is
+absolutely necessary to production and that if, in a great general
+strike, it should cease production, the whole of society would be
+forced to capitulate. And in theory this seems unassailable, but
+actually it has no force whatever. In the first place, this economic
+power does not exist unless the workers are organized and are
+practically unanimous in their action. Furthermore, the economic
+position of the workers is one of utter helplessness at the time of a
+universal strike, in that they cannot feed themselves. As they are the
+nearest of all classes to starvation, they will be the first to suffer
+by a stoppage of work. There is still another vital weakness in this
+so-called economic theory. The battles that result from a general strike
+will not be on the industrial field. They will be battles between the
+armed agents of the State and unarmed masses of hungry men. Whatever
+economic power the workers are said to possess would, in that case,
+avail them little, for the results of their struggles would depend upon
+the military power which they would be able to manifest. The individual
+worker has no economic power, nor has the minority, and it may even be
+questioned if the withdrawal of all the organized workers could bring
+society to its knees. Multitudes of the small propertied classes, of
+farmers, of police, of militiamen, and of others would immediately rush
+to the defense of society in the time of such peril. It is only the
+working class theoretically conceived of as a conscious unit and as
+practically unanimous in its revolutionary aims, in its methods, and in
+its revolt which can be considered as the ultimate economic power of
+modern society. The day of such a conscious and enlightened solidarity
+is, however, so far distant that the syndicalism which is based upon it
+falls of itself into a fantastic dream.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[W] His words are: "What is the General Confederation of Labor, if not
+the continuation of the International?" _Documents et Souvenirs_, Vol.
+IV, p. vii.
+
+[X] In justice to the French unions it must be said that a large number,
+probably a considerable majority, do not share these views. The views of
+the latter are almost identical with those of the American and English
+unions; but at present the new anarchists are in the saddle, although
+their power appears to be waning.
+
+[Y] See pp. 234, 235, _supra_.
+
+[Z] See p. 52, _supra_.
+
+[AA] I have not dealt in this chapter with the Industrial Workers of the
+World, which is the American representative of syndicalist ideas. First,
+because the American organization has developed no theories of
+importance. Their chief work has been to popularize some of the French
+ideas. Second, because the I. W. W. has not yet won for itself a place
+in the labor movement. It has done much agitation, but as yet no
+organization to speak of. Furthermore, there is great confusion of ideas
+among the various factions and elements, and it would be difficult to
+state views which are held in common by all of them. It should be said,
+however, that all the American syndicalists have emphasized industrial
+unionism, that is to say, organization by industries instead of by
+crafts--an idea that the French lay no stress upon.
+
+[AB] At the Sixth International Conference of the National Trade Union
+Centers, held in Paris, 1909, the French syndicalists endeavored to
+persuade the trade unions to hold periodical international trade-union
+congresses that would rival the international socialist congresses. The
+proposition was so strongly opposed by all countries except France that
+the motion was withdrawn.
+
+[AC] The comments are by Plechanoff.[20]
+
+[AD] It should, however, be pointed out that the German social democrats
+voted at first against the State ownership of railroads, because it was
+considered a military measure.
+
+[AE] The committee on the general strike of the French Confederation
+said despairingly in 1900: "The idea of the general strike is
+sufficiently understood to-day. In repeatedly putting off the date of
+its coming, we risk discrediting it forever by enervating the
+revolutionary energies." Quoted by Levine, "The Labor Movement in
+France," p. 102.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+THE OLDEST ANARCHISM
+
+
+It is perhaps just as well to begin this chapter by reminding ourselves
+that anarchy means literally no government. Consequently, there will be
+no laws. "I am ready to make terms, but I will have no laws," said
+Proudhon; adding, "I acknowledge none."[1] However revolutionary this
+may seem, it is, after all, not so very unlike what has always existed
+in the affairs of men. Without the philosophy of the idealist anarchist,
+with no pretense of justice or "nonsense" about equality, there have
+always been in this old world of ours those powerful enough to make and
+to break law, to brush aside the State and any and every other hindrance
+that stood in their path. "Laws are like spiders' webs," said
+Anacharsis, "and will, like them, only entangle and hold the poor and
+weak, while the rich and powerful will easily break through them." He
+might have said, with equal truth, that, with or without laws, the rich
+and powerful have been able in the past to do very much as they pleased.
+For the poor and the weak there have always been, to be sure, hard and
+fast rules that they could not break through. But the rich and powerful
+have always managed to live more or less above the State or, at least,
+so to dominate the State that to all intents and purposes, other than
+their own, it did not exist. When Bakounin wrote his startling and now
+famous decree abolishing the State, he created no end of hilarity among
+the Marxists, but had Bakounin been Napoleon with his mighty army, or
+Morgan and Rockefeller with their great wealth, he could no doubt in
+some measure have carried out his wish. Without, however, either wealth
+or numbers behind him, Bakounin preached a polity that, up to the
+present, only the rich and powerful have been able even partly to
+achieve. The anarchy of Proudhon was visionary, humanitarian, and
+idealistic. At least he thought he was striving for a more humane social
+order than that of the present. But this older anarchism is as ancient
+as tyranny, and never at any moment has it ceased to menace human
+civilization. Based on a real mastery over the industrial and political
+institutions of mankind, this actual anarchy has never for long allowed
+the law, the Constitution, the State, or the flag to obstruct its path
+or thwart its avarice.
+
+Moreover, under the anarchism proposed by Proudhon and Bakounin, the
+maintenance of property rights, public order, and personal security
+would be left to voluntary effort, that is to say, to private
+enterprise. As all things would be decided by mutual agreement, the only
+law would be a law of contracts, and that law would need to be enforced
+either by associations formed for that purpose or by professionals
+privately employed for that purpose. So far as one can see, then, the
+methods of the feudal lords would be revived, by which they hired their
+own personal armies or went shares in the spoils with their bandits,
+buccaneers, and assassins. By organizing their own military forces and
+maintaining them in comfort, they were able to rob, burn, and murder, in
+order to protect the wealth and power they had, or to gain more wealth
+and power. For them there was no law but that of a superior fighting
+force. There was an infinite variety of customs and traditions that
+were in the nature of laws, but even these were seldom allowed to stand
+in the way of those who coveted, and were strong enough to take, the
+land, the money, or the produce of others. Indeed, the feudal duke or
+prince was all that Nechayeff claimed for the modern robber. He was a
+glorified anarchist, "without phrase, without rhetoric." He could scour
+Europe for mercenaries, and, when he possessed himself of an army of
+marauders, he became a law unto himself. The most ancient and honorable
+anarchy is despotism, and its most effective and available means of
+domination have always been the employment of its own personal military
+forces.
+
+It will be remembered that Bakounin developed a kind of robber worship.
+The bandit leaders Stenka Razin and Pougatchoff appeared to him as
+national heroes, popular avengers, and irreconcilable enemies of the
+State. He conceived of the brigands scattered throughout Russia and
+confined in the prisons of the Empire as "a unique and indivisible
+world, strongly bound together--the world of the Russian revolution."
+The robber was "the wrestler in life and in death against all this
+civilization of officials, of nobles, of priests, and of the crown." Of
+course, Bakounin says here much that is historically true. Thieves,
+marauders, highwaymen, bandits, brigands, villains, mendicants, and all
+those other elements of mediaeval life for whom society provided neither
+land nor occupation, often organized themselves into guerilla bands in
+order to war upon all social and civil order. But Bakounin neglects to
+mention that it was these very elements that eagerly became the
+mercenaries of any prince who could feed them. They were lawless,
+"without phrase, without rhetoric," and, if anyone were willing to pay
+them, they would gladly pillage, burn, and murder in his interest. They
+would have served anybody or anything--the State, society, a prince, or
+a tyrant. They had no scruples and no philosophies. They were in the
+market to be bought by anyone who wanted a choice brand of assassins.
+And the feudal duke or prince bought, fed, and cared for these
+"veritable and unique revolutionists," in order to have them ready for
+service in his work of robbery and murder. To be sure, when these
+marauders had no employer they were dangerous, because then they
+committed crimes and outrages on their own hook. But the vast majority
+of them were hirelings, and many of them achieved fame for the bravery
+of their exploits in the service of the dukes, the princes, and the
+priests of that time. There were even guilds of mercenaries, such as the
+_Condottieri_ of Italy; and the Swiss were famous for their superior
+service. They were, it seems, revolutionists in Bakounin's use of the
+term, and every prince knew "no money, no Swiss" ("_point d'argent,
+point de Suisse_").
+
+A very slight acquaintance with history teaches us that this anarchy has
+been checked and that the history of recent times consists largely of
+the struggles of the masses to harness and subdue this anarchy of the
+powerful. And perhaps the most notable step in that direction was that
+development of the State which took away the right of the nobles to
+employ and maintain their own private armies. In England, policing by
+the State began as late as 1826, when Sir Robert Peel passed the law
+establishing the Metropolitan force in London, and these agents of order
+are even now called "Bobbies" and "Peelers," in memory of him.
+Throughout all Europe the military, naval, and police forces are to-day
+in the hands of the State. We have, then, in contradistinction to the
+old anarchy, the State maintenance of law and order, and of protection
+to life and property. Even in Russia the coercive forces are under the
+control of the Government, and nowhere are individuals--be they Grand
+Dukes or Princes--allowed to employ their own military forces. When
+trouble arises without, it is the State that calls together its armed
+men for aggression or for defense. When trouble arises within--such as
+strikes, riots, and insurrections--it is the State that is supposed to
+deal with them. Individuals, no matter how powerful, are not to-day
+permitted to organize armies to invade a foreign land, to subdue its
+people, and to wrest from them their property. In the case of uprisings
+within a country, the individual is not allowed to raise his armies,
+subdue the troublesome elements, and make himself master. Within the
+last few centuries the State has thus gradually drawn to itself the
+powers of repression, of coercion, and of aggression, and it is the
+State alone that is to-day allowed to maintain military forces.
+
+At any rate, this is true of all civilized countries except the United
+States. This is the only modern State wherein coercive military powers
+are still wielded by individuals. In the United States it is still
+possible for rich and powerful individuals or for corporations to employ
+their own bands of armed men. If any legislator were to propose a law
+allowing any man or group of men to have their own private battleships
+and to organize their own private navies and armies, or if anyone
+suggested the turning over of the coercive powers of the State to
+private enterprise, the masses would rise in rebellion against the
+project. No congressman would, of course, venture to suggest such a law,
+and few individuals would undertake to defend such a plan. Yet the fact
+is that now, without legal authority, private armies may be employed and
+are indeed actually employed in the United States. In the most stealthy
+and insidious manner there has grown up within the last fifty years an
+extensive and profitable commerce for supplying to the lords of finance
+their own private police. And the strange fact appears that the newest,
+and supposedly the least feudal, country is to-day the only country that
+allows the oldest anarchists to keep in their hands the power to arm
+their own mercenaries and, in the words of an eminent Justice, to expose
+"the lives of citizens to the murderous assaults of hireling
+assassins."[2] It is with these "hireling assassins," who, for the
+convenience of the wealthy, are now supplied by a great network of
+agencies, that we shall chiefly concern ourselves in this chapter. We
+must here leave Europe, since it is in the United States alone that the
+workings of this barbarous commerce in anarchy can be observed.
+
+Robert A. Pinkerton was the originator of a system of extra-legal police
+agents that has gradually grown to be one of the chief commercial
+enterprises of the country. According to his own testimony,[3] he began
+in 1866 to supply armed men to the owners of large industries, and ever
+since his firm has carried on a profitable business in that field.
+Envious of his prosperity, other individuals have formed rival agencies,
+and to-day there exist in the United States thousands of so-called
+detective bureaus where armed men can be employed to do the bidding of
+any wealthy individual. While, no doubt, there are agencies that conduct
+a thoroughly legitimate business, there are unquestionably numerous
+agencies in this country where one may employ thugs, thieves,
+incendiaries, dynamiters, perjurers, jury-fixers, manufacturers of
+evidence, strike-breakers and murderers. A regularly established
+commerce exists, which enables a rich man, without great difficulty or
+peril, to hire abandoned criminals, who, for certain prices, will
+undertake to execute any crime. If one can afford it, one may have
+always at hand a body of highwaymen or a small private army. Such a
+commerce as this was no doubt necessary and proper in the Middle Ages
+and would no doubt be necessary and proper in a state of anarchy, but
+when individuals are allowed to employ private police, armies, thugs,
+and assassins in a country which possesses a regularly established
+State, courts, laws, military forces, and police the traffic constitutes
+a menace as alarming as the Black Hand, the Camorra, or the Mafia. The
+story of these hired terrorists and of this ancient anarchy revived
+surpasses in cold-blooded criminality any other thing known in modern
+history. That rich and powerful patrons should be allowed to purchase in
+the market poor and desperate criminals eager to commit any crime on the
+calendar for a few dollars, is one of the most amazing and incredible
+anachronisms of a too self-complaisant Republic.
+
+For some reason not wholly obscure the American people generally have
+been kept in such ignorance of the facts of this commerce that few even
+dream that it exists. And I am fully conscious of the need for proof in
+support of what to many must appear to be unwarranted assertions.
+Indeed, it is rare to find anyone who suspects the character of the
+private detective. The general impression seems to be that he performs a
+very useful and necessary service, that the profession is an honorable
+one, and that the mass of detectives have only one ambition in life, and
+that is to ferret out the criminal and to bring him to justice. To
+denounce detectives as a class appears to most persons as absurdly
+unreasonable. To speak of them with contempt is to convey the impression
+that detectives stand in the way of some evil schemes of their
+detractor. Fiction of a peculiarly American sort has built up among the
+people an exalted conception of the sleuth. And it must appear with
+rather a shock to those persons who have thus idealized the detective to
+learn that thousands of men who have been in the penitentiaries are
+constantly in the employ of the detective agencies. In a society which
+makes it almost impossible for an ex-convict to earn an honorable living
+it is no wonder that many of them grasp eagerly at positions offered
+them as "strike-breakers" and as "special officers." The first and most
+important thing, then, in this chapter is to prove, with perhaps undue
+detail, the ancient saying that "you must be a thief to catch a thief,"
+and that possibly for that proverbial reason many private detectives are
+schooled and practiced in crime.
+
+So far as I know, the first serious attempt to inform the general public
+of the real character of American detectives and to tell of their
+extensive traffic in criminality was made by a British detective, who,
+after having been stationed in America for several years, was impelled
+to make public the alarming conditions which he found. This was Thomas
+Beet, the American representative of the famous John Conquest, ex-Chief
+Inspector of Scotland Yard, who, in a public statement, declared his
+astonishment that "few ... recognize in them [detective agencies] an
+evil which is rapidly becoming a vital menace to American society.
+Ostensibly conducted for the repression and punishment of crime, they
+are in fact veritable hotbeds of corruption, trafficking upon the honor
+and sacred confidences of their patrons and the credulity of the public,
+and leaving in their wake an aftermath of disgrace, disaster, and even
+death."[4] He pointed out the odium that must inevitably attach itself
+to the very name "private detective," unless society awakens and
+protects in some manner the honest members of the profession. "It may
+seem a sweeping statement," he says, "but I am morally convinced that
+fully ninety per cent. of the private detective establishments,
+masquerading in whatever form, are rotten to the core and simply exist
+and thrive upon a foundation of dishonesty, deceit, conspiracy, and
+treachery to the public in general and their own patrons in
+particular."[5]
+
+The statements of Thomas Beet are, however, not all of this general
+character, and he specifically says: "I know that there are detectives
+at the head of prominent agencies in this country whose pictures adorn
+the rogues' gallery; men who have served time in various prisons for
+almost every crime on the calendar.... Thugs and thieves and criminals
+don the badge and outward semblance of the honest private detective in
+order that they may prey upon society.... Private detectives such as I
+have described do not, as a usual thing, go out to learn facts, but
+rather to make, at all costs, the evidence desired by the patron."[6] He
+shows the methods of trickery and deceit by which these detectives
+blackmail the wealthy, and the various means they employ for convicting
+any man, no matter how innocent, of any crime. "We shudder when we hear
+of the system of espionage maintained in Russia," he adds, "while in the
+great American cities, unnoticed, are organizations of spies and
+informers."[7] It is interesting to get the views of an impartial and
+expert observer upon this rapidly growing commerce in espionage,
+blackmail, and assault, and no less interesting is the opinion of the
+most notable American detective, William J. Burns, on the character of
+these men. Speaking of detectives he declared that, "as a class, they
+are the biggest lot of blackmailing thieves that ever went unwhipped of
+justice."[8] Only a short time before Burns made this remark the late
+Magistrate Henry Steinert, according to reports in the New York press,
+grew very indignant in his court over the shooting of a young lad by
+these private officers. "I think it an outrage," he declared, "that the
+Police Commissioner is enabled to furnish police power to these special
+officers, many of them thugs, men out of work, some of whom would commit
+murder for two dollars. Most of the arrests which have been made by
+these men have been absolutely unwarranted. In nearly every case one of
+these special officers had first pushed a gun into the prisoner's face.
+The shooting last night when a boy was killed shows the result of giving
+power to such men. It is a shame and a disgrace to the Police Department
+of the city that such conditions are allowed to exist."[9]
+
+Anyone who will take the time to search through the testimony gathered
+by various governmental commissions will find an abundance of evidence
+indicating that many of these special officers and private detectives
+are in reality thugs and criminals. As long ago as 1892 an inquiry was
+made into the character of the men who were sent to deal with a strike
+at Homestead, Pennsylvania. A well-known witness testified: "We find
+that one is accused of wife-murder, four of burglary, two of
+wife-beating, and one of arson."[10] A thoroughly reliable and
+responsible detective, who had been in the United States secret service,
+also gave damaging testimony. "They were the scum of the earth.... There
+is not one out of ten that would not commit murder; that you could not
+hire him to commit murder or any other crime." Furthermore, he declared,
+"I would not believe any detective under oath without his evidence was
+corroborated." He spoke of ex-convicts being employed, and alleged that
+the manager of one of the large agencies "was run out of Cincinnati for
+blackmail."[11] Similar statements were made by another detective, named
+Le Vin, to the Industrial Commission of the United States when it was
+investigating the Chicago labor troubles of 1900. He declared that the
+Contractors' Association of Chicago had come to him repeatedly to employ
+sluggers, and that on one occasion the employers had told him to put
+Winchesters in the hands of his men and to manage somehow to get into a
+fight with the pickets and the strikers. The Commission, evidently
+surprised at this testimony, asked Mr. Le Vin whether it was possible to
+hire detectives to beat up men. His answer was: "You cannot hire every
+man to do it." "Q. 'But can they hire men?' A. 'Yes, they could hire
+men.'
+
+"Q. 'From other private detective agencies?' A. 'Unfortunately, from
+some, yes.'"[12]
+
+In the hearing before a Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary,
+United States Senate, August 13, 1912, lengthy testimony was given
+concerning a series of two hundred assaults that had been made upon the
+union molders of Milwaukee during a strike in 1906. One of the leaders
+of the union was killed, while others were brutally attacked by thugs in
+the employ of a Chicago detective agency. A serious investigation was
+begun by Attorney W. B. Rubin, acting for the Molders' Union, and in
+court the evidence clearly proved that the Chicago detective agency
+employed ex-convicts and other criminals for the purposes of slugging,
+shooting, and even killing union men. When some of these detectives were
+arrested they testified that they had acted under strict instructions.
+They had been sent out to beat up certain men. Sometimes these men were
+pointed out to them, at other times they were given the names of the men
+that were to be slugged. They told the amounts that they had been paid,
+of the lead pipe, two feet long, which they had used for the assault,
+and of the fact that they were all armed. There was also testimony given
+that nearly twenty-two thousand dollars had been paid by one firm to
+this one detective agency for services of this character. It was also
+shown that immediately after the assaults were committed the thugs were,
+if possible, shipped out of town for a few days; but, if they were
+arrested, they were defended by able attorneys and their fines paid.
+Although many assaults were committed where no arrests could be made,
+over forty "detectives" were actually arrested, and, when brought into
+court, were found guilty of crimes ranging from disturbing the peace and
+carrying concealed weapons to aggravated assault and shooting with
+intent to kill. Many of these detectives convicted in Milwaukee had been
+previously convicted of similar crimes committed in other cities.
+Although some of them had long criminal records, they were,
+nevertheless, regularly in the employ of the detective agency. It
+appeared in one trial that one of the men employed was very much
+incensed when he saw three of his associates attack a union molder with
+clubs, knocking him down and beating him severely. With indignation he
+protested against the outrage. When the head of the agency heard of this
+the man was discharged. The court records also show that the head of the
+detective agency had gone himself to Chicago to secure two men to
+undertake what proved to be a fatal assault upon a trade-union leader
+named Peter J. Cramer. When arrested and brought into court they
+testified that they received twenty dollars per day for their services.
+
+Equally direct and positive evidence concerning the character of the
+men supplied by detective agencies for strike-breaking and other
+purposes is found in the annual report of the Chicago & Great Western
+Railway for the period ending in the spring of the year 1908. "To man
+the shops and roundhouses," says the report, "the company was compelled
+to resort to professional strike-breakers, a class of men who are
+willing to work during the excitement and dangers of personal injury
+which attend strikes, but who refuse to work longer than the excitement
+and dangers last.... Perhaps ten per cent. of the first lot of
+strike-breakers were fairly good mechanics, but fully 90 per cent, knew
+nothing about machinery, and had to be gotten rid of. To get rid of such
+men, however, is easier said than done.
+
+"The first batch which was discharged, consisting of about 100 men,
+refused to leave the barricade, made themselves a barricade within the
+company's barricade, and, producing guns and knives, refused to budge.
+The company's fighting men, after a day or two, forced them out of the
+barricade and into a special train, which carried them under guard to
+Chicago." Here was one gang of hired criminals, "the company's fighting
+men," called into service to fight another gang, the company's
+strike-breakers. The character of these "detectives," as testified to in
+this case by the employers, appears to have been about the same as that
+of those described by "Kid" Hogan, who, after an experience as a
+strike-breaker, told the New York Sunday _World_: "There was the finest
+bunch of crooks and grafters working as strike-breakers in those
+American Express Company strikes you would ever want to see. I was one
+of 'em and know what I am talking about. That gang of grafters cost the
+Express Company a pile of money. Why, they used to start trouble
+themselves just to keep their jobs a-going and to get a chance to swipe
+stuff off the wagons.
+
+"It was the same way down at Philadelphia on the street car strike.
+Those strike-breakers used to get a car out somewhere in the suburbs and
+then get off and smash up the windows, tip the car over, and put up an
+awful holler about being attacked by strikers, just so they'd have to be
+kept on the job."[13]
+
+Thus we see that some American "detective" agencies have many and varied
+trades. But they not only supply strike-breakers, perjurers, spies, and
+even assassins, they have also been successful in making an utter farce
+of trial by jury. It appears that even some of the best known American
+detectives are not above the packing of a jury. At least, such was the
+startling charge made by Attorney-General George W. Wickersham, May 10,
+1912. In the report to President Taft Mr. Wickersham accused the head of
+one of the chief detective agencies of the country of fixing a jury in
+California. The agents of this detective, with the cooeperation of the
+clerk of the court, investigated the names of proposed jurors. In order
+to be sure of getting a jury that would convict, the record of each
+individual was carefully gone into and a report handed to the
+prosecuting attorneys. Some of the comments on the jurors follow:
+"Convictor from the word go." "Socialist. Anti-Mitchell." "Convictor
+from the word go; just read the indictment. Populist." "Think he is a
+Populist. If so, convictor. Good, reliable man." "Convictor. Democrat.
+Hates Hermann." "Hidebound Democrat. Not apt to see any good in a
+Republican." "Would be apt to be for conviction." "He is apt to wish
+Mitchell hung. Think he would be a fair juror." "Would be likely to
+convict any Republican politician." "Convictor." "Would convict
+Christ." "Convict Christ. Populist." "Convict anyone. Democrat."[14]
+This great detective even had the audacity, it seems, to telegraph
+William Scott Smith, at that time secretary to the Hon. E. A. Hitchcock,
+the Secretary of the Interior: "Jury commissioners cleaned out old box
+from which trial jurors were selected and put in 600 names, _every one
+of which was investigated before they were placed in the box. This
+confidential._"[15] It is impossible to reproduce here some of the
+language of this great detective. The foul manner in which he comments
+upon the character of the jurors is altogether worthy of his vocation.
+That, however, is unimportant compared to the more serious fact that a
+well-paid detective can so pervert trial by jury that it would "convict
+Christ."
+
+I shall be excused in a matter so devastating to republican institutions
+as this if I quote further from the disclosures of Thomas Beet: "There
+is another phase," he says, "of the private detective evil which has
+worked untold damage in America. This is the private constabulary system
+by which armed forces are employed during labor troubles. It is a
+condition akin to the feudal system of warfare, when private interests
+can employ troops of mercenaries to wage war at their command.
+Ostensibly, these armed private detectives are hurried to the scene of
+the trouble to maintain order and prevent destruction of property,
+although this work always should be left to the official guardians of
+the peace. That there is a sinister motive back of the employment of
+these men has been shown time and again. Have you ever followed the
+episodes of a great strike and noticed that most of the disorderly
+outbreaks were so guided as to work harm to the interests of the
+strikers?... Private detectives, unsuspected in their guise of workmen,
+mingle with the strikers and by incendiary talk or action sometimes
+stir them up to violence. When the workmen will not participate, it is
+an easy matter to stir up the disorderly faction which is invariably
+attracted by a strike, although it has no connection therewith.
+
+"During a famous strike of car builders in a western city some years
+ago, ... to my knowledge much of the lawlessness was incited by private
+detectives, who led mobs in the destruction of property. In one of the
+greatest of our strikes, that involving the steel industry, over two
+thousand armed detectives were employed supposedly to protect property,
+while several hundred more were scattered in the ranks of strikers as
+workmen. Many of the latter became officers in the labor bodies, helped
+to make laws for the organizations, made incendiary speeches, cast their
+votes for the most radical movements made by the strikers, participated
+in and led bodies of the members in the acts of lawlessness that
+eventually caused the sending of State troops and the declaration of
+martial law. While doing this, these spies within the ranks were making
+daily reports of the plans and purposes of the strikers. To my
+knowledge, when lawlessness was at its height and murder ran riot, these
+men wore little patches of white on the lapels of their coats that their
+fellow detectives of the 'two thousand' would not shoot them down by
+mistake.... In no other country in the world, with the exception of
+China, is it possible for an individual to surround himself with a
+standing army to do his bidding in defiance of law and order."[16]
+
+That the assertions of Thomas Beet are well founded can, I think, be
+made perfectly clear by three tragic periods in the history of labor
+disputes in America. At Homestead in 1892, in the railway strikes of
+1894, and in Colorado during the labor wars of 1903-1904 detectives
+were employed on a large scale. For reasons of space I shall limit
+myself largely to these cases, which, without exaggeration, are typical
+of conditions which constantly arise in the United States. Within the
+last year West Virginia has been added to the list. Incredible outrages
+have been committed there by the mine guards. They have deliberately
+murdered men in some cases, and, on one dark night in February last,
+they sent an armored train into Holly Grove and opened fire with machine
+guns upon a sleeping village of miners. They have beaten, clubbed, and
+stabbed men and women in the effort either to infuriate them into open
+war, or to reduce them to abject slavery. Unfortunately, at this time
+the complete report of the Senate investigation has not been issued, and
+it seems better to confine these pages to those facts only that careful
+inquiry has proved unquestionable. We are fortunate in having the
+reports of public officials--certainly unbiased on the side of labor--to
+rely upon for the facts concerning the use of thugs and hirelings in
+Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Colorado during three terrible battles
+between capital and labor.
+
+The story of the shooting of Henry C. Frick by Alexander Berkman is
+briefly referred to in the first chapter, but the events which led up to
+that shooting have well-nigh been forgotten. Certainly, nothing could
+have created more bitterness among the working classes than the act of
+the Carnegie Steel Company when it ordered a detective agency to send to
+Homestead three hundred men armed with Winchester rifles. There was the
+prospect of a strike, and it appears that the management was in no mood
+to parley with its employees, and that nineteen days before any trouble
+occurred the Carnegie Steel Company opened negotiations for the
+employment of a private army. It had been the custom of the Carnegie
+Company to meet the representatives of the Amalgamated Association of
+Iron and Steel Workers from time to time and at these conferences to
+agree upon wages. On June 30, 1892, the agreement expired, and previous
+to that date the Company announced a reduction of wages, declaring that
+the new scale would terminate in January instead of June. The employees
+rejected the proposed terms, principally on the ground that they could
+not afford to strike in midwinter and in that case they would not be
+able to resist a further reduction in wages. Upon receiving this
+statement the company locked out its employees and the battle began.
+
+The steel works were surrounded by a fence three miles long, fifteen
+feet in height, and covered with barbed wire. It was called "Fort
+Frick," and the three hundred detectives were to be brought down the
+river by boat and landed in the fort. Morris Hillquit gives the
+following account of the pitched battle that occurred in the early
+morning hours of July 6: "As soon as the boat carrying the Pinkertons
+was sighted by the pickets the alarm was sounded. The strikers were
+aroused from their sleep and within a few minutes the river front was
+covered with a crowd of coatless and hatless men armed with guns and
+rifles and grimly determined to prevent the landing of the Pinkertons.
+The latter, however, did not seem to appreciate the gravity of the
+situation. They sought to intimidate the strikers by assuming a
+threatening attitude and aiming the muzzles of their shining revolvers
+at them. A moment of intense expectation followed. Then a shot was fired
+from the boat and one of the strikers fell to the ground mortally
+wounded. A howl of fury and a volley of bullets came back from the line
+of the strikers, and a wild fusillade was opened on both sides. In vain
+did the strike leaders attempt to pacify the men and to stop the
+carnage--the strikers were beyond control. The struggle lasted several
+hours, after which the Pinkertons retreated from the river bank and
+withdrew to the cabin of the boat. There they remained in the sweltering
+heat of the July sun without air or ventilation, under the continuing
+fire of the enraged men on the shore, until they finally surrendered.
+They were imprisoned by the strikers in a rink, and in the evening they
+were sent out of town by rail. The number of dead on both sides was
+twelve, and over twenty were seriously wounded."[17]
+
+These events aroused the entire country, and the state of mind among the
+working people generally was exceedingly bitter. It was a tension that
+under certain circumstances might have provoked a civil war. Both the
+Senate and the House of Representatives immediately appointed committees
+to inquire into this movement from state to state of armed men, and the
+employment by corporations of what amounted to a private army. It seems
+to have been clearly established that the employers wanted war, and that
+the attorney of the Carnegie Company had commanded the local sheriff to
+deputize a man named Gray, who was to meet the mercenaries and make all
+of them deputy sheriffs. This plan to make the detectives "legal"
+assassins did not carry, and the result was that a band of paid thugs,
+thieves, and murderers invaded Homestead and precipitated a bloody
+conflict. This was, of course, infamous, and, compared with its
+magnificent anarchy, Berkman's assault was child-like in its simplicity.
+Yet the enthusiastic and idealistic Berkman spent seventeen years in
+prison and is still abhorred; while no one responsible for the murder of
+twelve workingmen and the wounding of twenty others, either among the
+mercenaries or their employers, has yet been apprehended or convicted.
+With such equality of justice do we treat these agents of the two
+anarchies!
+
+However, if Berkman spent seventeen years in prison, the other
+anarchists were mildly rebuked by the Committee of Investigation
+appointed by the Senate. "Your committee is of the opinion," runs the
+report, "that the employment of the private armed guards at Homestead
+was unnecessary. There is no evidence to show that the slightest damage
+was done, or attempted to be done, to property on the part of the
+strikers...."[18] "It was claimed by the Pinkerton agency that in all
+cases they require that their men shall be sworn in as deputy sheriffs,
+but it is a significant circumstance that in the only strike your
+committee made inquiry concerning--that at Homestead--the fact was
+admitted on all hands that the armed men supplied by the Pinkertons were
+not so sworn, and that as private citizens acting under the direction of
+such of their own men as were in command they fired upon the people of
+Homestead, killing and wounding a number."[19] "Every man who testified,
+including the proprietors of the detective agencies, admitted that the
+workmen are strongly prejudiced against the so-called Pinkertons, and
+that their presence at a strike serves to unduly inflame the passions of
+the strikers. The prejudice against them arises partly from the fact
+that they are frequently placed among workmen, in the disguise of
+mechanics, to report alleged conversations to their agencies, which, in
+turn, is transmitted to the employers of labor. Your committee is
+impressed with the belief that this is an utterly vicious system, and
+that it is responsible for much of the ill-feeling and bad blood
+displayed by the working classes. No self-respecting laborer or mechanic
+likes to feel that the man beside him may be a spy from a detective
+agency, and especially so when the laboring man is utterly at the mercy
+of the detective, who can report whatever he pleases, be it true or
+false....[20] Whether assumedly legal or not, the employment of armed
+bodies of men for private purposes, either by employers or employees, is
+to be deprecated and should not be resorted to. Such use of private
+armed men is an assumption of the State's authority by private citizens.
+If the State is incapable of protecting citizens in their rights of
+person and property, then anarchy is the result, and the original law of
+force should neither be approved, encouraged, nor tolerated until all
+known legal processes have failed."[21]
+
+We must leave this black page in American history with such comfort as
+we can wring from the fact that the modern exponents of the oldest
+anarchy have been at least once rebuked, and with the further
+satisfaction that the Homestead tragedy brought momentarily to the
+attention of the entire nation a practice which even at that time was a
+source of great alarm to many serious men. In the great strikes which
+occurred in the late eighties and early nineties there was a great deal
+of violence, and C. H. Salmons, in his history of "The Burlington
+Strike" of 1888, relates how private detectives systematically planned
+outrages that destroyed property and how others committed murder. A few
+cases were fought out in the courts with results very disconcerting to
+the railroads who had hired these private detectives. In the strike on
+the New York Central Railroad which occurred in 1890 many detectives
+were employed. They were, of course, armed, and, as a result of certain
+criminal operations undertaken by them, Congress was asked to consider
+the drafting of a bill "to prevent corporations engaged in
+interstate-commerce traffic from employing unjustifiably large bodies of
+armed men denominated 'detectives,' but clothed with no legal
+functions."[22] Roger A. Pryor, then Justice of the Supreme Court of New
+York, vigorously protested against these "watchmen." "I mean," he said,
+"the enlistment of banded and armed mercenaries under the command of
+private detectives on the side of corporations in their conflicts with
+employees. The pretext for such an extraordinary measure is the
+protection of the corporate property; and surely the power of this great
+State is adequate to the preservation of the public order and security.
+At all events, in this particular instance, it was not pretended either
+that the strikers had invaded property or person, or that the police or
+militia in Albany had betrayed reluctance or inability to cope with the
+situation. On the contrary, the facts are undisputed that the moment the
+men went out Mr. Pinkerton and his myrmidons appeared on the scene, and
+the police of Albany declared their competency to repel any trespass on
+person or property. The executive of the State, too, denied any
+necessity for the presence of the military.
+
+"I do not impute to the railroad officials a purpose, without
+provocation, to precipitate their ruffians upon a defenseless and
+harmless throng of spectators; but the fact remains that the ruffians in
+their hire did shoot into the crowd without occasion, and did so shed
+innocent blood. And it is enough to condemn the system that it
+authorizes unofficial and irresponsible persons to usurp the most
+delicate and difficult functions of the State and exposes the lives of
+citizens to the murderous assaults of hireling assassins, stimulated to
+violence by panic or by the suggestion of employers to strike terror by
+an appalling exhibition of force. If the railroad company may enlist
+armed men to defend its property, the employees may enlist armed men to
+defend their persons, and thus private war be inaugurated, the authority
+of the State defied, the peace and tranquillity of society destroyed,
+and the citizens exposed to the hazard of indiscriminate slaughter."[23]
+
+Perhaps the most extensive use of these so-called detectives was at the
+time of the great railway strike of 1894. The strike of the workers at
+Pullman led to a general sympathetic strike on all the railroads
+entering Chicago, and from May 11 to July 13 there was waged one of the
+greatest industrial battles in American history. A railway strike is
+always a serious matter, and in a short time the Government came to the
+active support of the railroads. At one time over fourteen thousand
+soldiers, deputy marshals, deputy sheriffs, and policemen were on duty
+in Chicago. During the period of the strike twelve persons were shot and
+fatally wounded. A number of riots occurred, cars were burned, and, as a
+result of the disturbances, no less than seven hundred persons were
+arrested, accused of murder, arson, burglary, assault, intimidation,
+riot, and other crimes. The most accurate information we have concerning
+conditions in Chicago during the strike is to be found in the evidence
+which was taken by the United States Strike Commission appointed by
+President Cleveland July 26, 1894. There seems to be no doubt that
+during the early days of the strike perfect peace reigned in Chicago. At
+the very beginning of the trouble three hundred strikers were detailed
+by the unions to guard the property of the Pullman company from any
+interference or destruction. "It is in evidence, and uncontradicted,"
+reports the Commission, "that no violence or destruction of property by
+strikers or sympathizers took place at Pullman."[24] It also appears
+that no violence occurred in Chicago in connection with the strike until
+after several thousand men were made United States deputy marshals.
+These "United States deputy marshals," says the Commission, "to the
+number of 3,600, were selected by and appointed at the request of the
+General Managers' Association, and of its railroads. They were armed and
+paid by the railroads."[25] In other words, the United States Government
+gave over its police power directly into the hands of one of the
+combatants. It allowed these private companies, through detective
+agencies, to collect as hastily as possible a great body of unemployed,
+to arm them, and to send them out as officials of the United States to
+do whatsoever was desired by the railroads. They were not under the
+control of the army or of responsible United States officials, and their
+intrusion into a situation so tense and critical as that then existing
+in Chicago was certain to produce trouble. And the fact is, the
+lawlessness that prevailed in Chicago during that strike began only
+after the appearance of these private "detectives."
+
+It will astonish the ordinary American citizen to read of the character
+of the men to whom the maintenance of law and order was entrusted.
+Superintendent of Police Brennan referred to these deputy marshals in an
+official report to the Council of Chicago as "thugs, thieves, and
+ex-convicts," and in his testimony before the Commission itself he said:
+"Some of the deputy marshals who are now over in the county jail ...
+were arrested while deputy marshals for highway robbery."[26] Several
+newspaper men, when asked to testify regarding the character of these
+United States deputies, referred to them variously as "drunkards,"
+"loafers," "bums," and "criminals." The now well-known journalist, Ray
+Stannard Baker, was at that time reporting the strike for the _Chicago
+Record_. He was asked by Commissioner Carroll D. Wright as to the
+character of the United States deputy marshals. His answer was: "From my
+experience with them I think it was very bad indeed. I saw more cases of
+drunkenness, I believe, among the United States deputy marshals than I
+did among the strikers."[27] Benjamin H. Atwell, reporter for the
+_Chicago News_, testified: "Many of the marshals were men I had known
+around Chicago as saloon characters.... The first day, I believe, after
+the troops arrived ... the deputy marshals went up into town and some of
+them got pretty drunk."[28] Malcomb McDowell, reporter for the _Chicago
+Record_, testified that the deputy marshals and deputy sheriffs "were
+not the class of men who ought to be made deputy marshals or deputy
+sheriffs.... They seemed to be hunting trouble all the time.... At one
+time a serious row nearly resulted because some of the deputy marshals
+standing on the railroad track jeered at the women that passed and
+insulted them.... I saw more deputy sheriffs and deputy marshals drunk
+than I saw strikers drunk."[29] Harold I. Cleveland, reporter for the
+_Chicago Herald_, testified: "I was ... on the Western Indiana tracks
+for fourteen days ... and I suppose I saw in that time a couple of
+hundred deputy marshals.... I think they were a very low, contemptible
+set of men."[30]
+
+In Mr. Baker's testimony he speaks of seeing in one of the riots "a big,
+rough-looking fellow, whom the people called 'Pat.'"[31] He was the
+leader of the mob, and when the riot was over, "he mounted a beer keg in
+front of one of the saloons and advised men to go home, get their guns,
+and come out and fight the troops, fire on them.... The same man
+appeared two nights later at Whiting, Indiana, and made quite a
+disturbance there, roused the people up. In all that mob that had hold
+of the ropes I do not think there were many American Railway Union men.
+I think they were mostly roughs from Chicago.... The police knew well
+enough all about this man I have mentioned who was the ringleader of the
+mob, but they did nothing and the deputy marshals were not any
+better."[32] For some inscrutable reason, certain men, none of whom were
+railroad employees, were allowed openly to provoke violence.
+Fortunately, however, they were not able to induce the actual strikers
+to participate in their assaults upon railroad property, and every
+newspaper man testified that the riots were, in the main, the work of
+the vicious elements of Chicago. They were, said one witness, "all
+loafers, idlers, a petty class of criminals well known to the
+police."[33] Malcomb McDowell testified concerning one riot which he had
+reported for the papers: "The men did not look like railroad men....
+Most of them were foreigners, and one of the men in the crowd told me
+afterward that he was a detective from St. Louis. He gave me the name of
+the agency at the time."[34]
+
+Mr. Eugene V. Debs, the leader of that great strike, in a pamphlet
+entitled _The Federal Government and the Chicago Strike_, calls
+particular attention to the following declaration of the United States
+Strike Commission: "There is no evidence before the Commission that the
+officers of the American Railway Union at any time participated in or
+advised intimidation, violence or destruction of property. _They knew
+and fully appreciated that, as soon as mobs ruled, the organized forces
+of society would crush the mobs and all responsible for them in the
+remotest degree, and that this means defeat._"[35] Commenting upon this
+statement, Mr. Debs asks: "To whose interest was it to have riots and
+fires, lawlessness and crime? To whose advantage was it to have
+disreputable 'deputies' do these things? Why were only freight cars,
+largely hospital wrecks, set on fire? Why have the railroads not yet
+recovered damages from Cook County, Illinois, for failing to protect
+their property?... The riots and incendiarism turned defeat into victory
+for the railroads. They could have won in no other way. They had
+everything to gain and the strikers everything to lose. The violence was
+instigated in spite of the strikers, and the report of the Commission
+proves that they made every effort in their power to preserve the
+peace."[36]
+
+This history is important in a study of the extensive system of
+subsidized violence that has grown up in America. Nearly every witness
+before the Commission testified that the strikers again and again gave
+the police valuable assistance in protecting the property of the
+railroads. No testimony was given that the workingmen advocated violence
+or that union men assisted in the riots. The ringleaders of all the
+serious outbreaks were notorious toughs from Chicago's vicious sections,
+and they were allowed to go for days unmolested by the deputy
+marshals--who, although representatives of the United States Government,
+were in the pay of the railroads. In fact, the evidence all points to
+the one conclusion, that the deputy marshals encouraged the violence of
+ruffians and tried to provoke the violence of decent men by insulting,
+drunken, and disreputable conduct. The strikers realized that violence
+was fatal to their cause, and the deputy marshals knew that violence
+meant victory for the railroads. And that proved to be the case.
+
+Before leaving this phase of anarchy I want to refer as briefly as
+possible to that series of fiercely fought political and industrial
+battles that occurred in Colorado in the period from 1894 to 1904. The
+climax of the long-drawn-out battles there was perhaps the most
+unadulterated anarchy that has yet been seen in America. It was a
+terrorism of powerful and influential anarchists who frankly and
+brutally answered those who protested against their many violations of
+the United States Constitution: "To hell with the Constitution!"[37] The
+story of these Colorado battles is told in a report of an investigation
+made by the United States Commissioner of Labor (1905). The reading of
+that report leaves one with the impression that present-day society
+rests upon a volcano, which in favorable periods seems very harmless
+indeed, but, when certain elemental forces clash, it bursts forth in a
+manner that threatens with destruction civilization itself. The trouble
+in Colorado began with the effort on the part of the miners' union to
+obtain through the legislature a law limiting the day's work to eight
+hours in all underground mines and in all work for reducing and refining
+ores. That was in 1894. The next year an eight-hour bill was presented
+in the legislature. Expressing fear that such a bill might be
+unconstitutional, the legislature, before acting upon it, asked the
+Supreme Court to render a decision. The Supreme Court replied that, in
+its opinion, such a bill would be unconstitutional. In 1899, as a result
+of further agitation by the miners, an eight-hour law was enacted by the
+legislature--a large majority in both houses voting for the bill. By
+unanimous decision the same year the Supreme Court of Colorado declared
+the statute unconstitutional. The miners were not, however, discouraged,
+and they began a movement to secure the adoption of a constitutional
+amendment which would provide for the enactment of an eight-hour law.
+All the political parties in the State of Colorado pledged themselves in
+convention to support such a measure. In the general election of 1902
+the constitutional amendment providing for an eight-hour day was adopted
+by the people of the State by 72,980 votes against 26,266. This was a
+great victory for the miners, and it seemed as if their work was done.
+According to all the traditions and pretensions of political life, they
+had every reason to believe that the next session of the legislature
+would pass an eight-hour law. It appears, however, that the corporations
+had determined at all cost to defeat such a bill. They set out therefore
+to corrupt wholesale the legislature, and as a result the eight-hour
+bill was defeated. After having done everything in their power,
+patiently, peacefully, and legally to obtain their law, and only after
+having been outrageously betrayed by corrupt public servants, the miners
+as a last resort, on the 3d of July, 1903, declared a strike to secure
+through their own efforts what a decade of pleading and prayers had
+failed to achieve.
+
+I suppose no unbiased observer would to-day question that the political
+machines of Colorado had sold themselves body and soul to the mine
+owners. There can surely be no other explanation for their violation of
+their pledges to the people and to the miners. And further evidence of
+their perfidy was given on the night of September 3, 1903, at a
+conference between some of the State officials and certain officers of
+the Mine Owners' Association. Although the strike up to this time had
+been conducted without any violence, the State officials agreed that the
+mine owners could have the aid of the militia, provided they would pay
+the expenses of the soldiers while they remained in the strike district.
+Two days later over one thousand men were encamped in Cripple Creek. All
+the strike districts were at once put under martial law; the duly
+elected officials of the people were commanded to resign from office;
+hundreds of unoffending citizens were arrested and thrown into "bull
+pens"; the whole working force of a newspaper was apprehended and taken
+to the "bull pen"; all the news that went out concerning the strike was
+censored, the manager of one of the mines acting as official censor. At
+the same time this man, together with other mine managers and friends,
+organized mobs to terrorize union miners and to force out of town anyone
+whom they thought to be in sympathy with the strikers.
+
+In the effort to determine whether the courts or the military powers
+were supreme, a writ of _habeas corpus_ was obtained for four men who
+had been sent by the military authorities to the "bull pen." The court
+sent an order to produce the men. Ninety cavalrymen were then sent to
+the court house. They surrounded it, permitting no person to pass
+through the lines unless he was an officer of the court, a member of the
+bar, a county official, or a press representative. A company of
+infantrymen then escorted the four prisoners to the court, while
+fourteen soldiers with loaded guns and fixed bayonets guarded the
+prisoners until the court was called to order. When the court was
+adjourned, after an argument upon the motion to quash the return of the
+writ, the soldiers took the prisoners back to the "bull pen." The next
+day Judge Seeds was forced to adjourn the court, because the prisoners
+were not present. An officer of the militia was ordered to have them in
+court at two o'clock in the afternoon, but, as they did not appear at
+that time, a continuance was granted until the following day. On
+September 23 a large number of soldiers, cavalry and infantry,
+surrounded the court house. A Gatling gun was placed in position nearby,
+and a detail of sharpshooters was stationed where they could command
+the streets. The court, in the face of this military display, cited the
+Constitution of Colorado, which declares that the military shall always
+be in strict subordination to the civil power, and pointed out that this
+did not specify sometimes but always, declaring: "There could be no
+plainer statement that the military should never be permitted to rise
+superior to the civil power within the limits of Colorado."[38] The
+judge then ordered the military authorities to release the prisoners,
+but this they refused to do.
+
+At Victor certain mine owners commanded the sheriff to come to their
+club rooms, where his resignation was demanded. When he refused to
+resign, guns were produced, a coiled rope was dangled before him, and on
+the outside several shots were fired. He was told that unless he
+resigned the mob outside the building would be admitted and he would be
+taken out and hanged. He then signed a written resignation, and a member
+of the Mine Owners' Association was appointed sheriff. With this new
+sheriff in charge, the mine owners, mine managers, and all they could
+employ for the purpose arrested on all hands everybody that seemed
+unfriendly to their anarchy. The new sheriff and a militia officer
+commanded the Portland mine, which was then having no trouble with its
+employees, to shut down. By this order four hundred and seventy-five men
+were thrown out of employment. In these various ways the mobs organized
+by the mine owners were allowed to obliterate the Government and abolish
+republican institutions, under the immediate protection of their leased
+military forces.
+
+At Telluride, also, the military overpowered the civil authorities. When
+Judge Theron Stevens came there to hold the regular session of court he
+was met by soldiers and a mob of three hundred persons. Seeing that it
+was impossible for the civil authorities to exercise any power, he
+decided to adjourn the court until the next term, declaring: "The
+demonstration at the depot last night upon the arrival of the train
+could only have been planned and executed for the purpose of showing the
+contempt of the militia and a certain portion of this community for the
+civil authority of the State and the civil authority of this district. I
+had always been led to suppose from such research as I have been able to
+make that in a republic like ours the people were supreme; that the
+people had expressed their will in a constitution which was enacted for
+the government of all in authority in this State. That constitution
+provides that the military shall always be in strict subordination to
+the civil authorities."[39]
+
+While this terrorism of the powerful was in full sway in Colorado, the
+entire world was being told through the newspapers of the infamous
+crimes being committed daily by the Western Federation of Miners.
+Countless newspaper stories were sent out telling in detail of mines
+blown up, of trains wrecked, of men murdered through agents of this
+federation of toilers engaged day in and day out at a dangerous
+occupation in the bowels of the earth. Not loafers, idlers, or
+drunkards, but men with calloused hands and bent backs. Stories were
+sent around the world of these laborers being arraigned in court charged
+with the most infamous and dastardly crimes. Yet hardly once has it been
+reported in the press of the world that in "every trial that has been
+held in the State of Colorado during the present strike where the
+membership has been charged with almost every perfidy in the catalogue
+of crime, a jury has brought in a verdict of acquittal."[40] On the
+other hand, a multitude of murders, wrecks, and dynamite explosions
+have been brought to the door of the detectives employed by the Mine
+Owners' Association. It was found that many ex-convicts and other
+desperate characters were employed by the detective agencies to commit
+crimes that could be laid upon the working miners. The story of Orchard
+and the recital of his atrocious crimes have occupied columns of every
+newspaper, but the fact is rarely mentioned that many of the crimes that
+he committed, and which the world to-day attributes to the officials of
+the Western Federation of Miners, were paid for by detective agencies.
+The special detective of one of the railroads and a detective of the
+Mine Owners' Association were known to have employed Orchard and other
+criminals. When Orchard first went to Denver to seek work from the
+officials of the Western Federation of Miners he was given a railroad
+pass by these detectives and the money to pay his expenses.[41] During
+the three months preceding the blowing up of the Independence depot
+Orchard had been seen at least eighteen or twenty times entering at
+night by stealth the rooms of a detective attached to the Mine Owners'
+Association, and at least seven meetings were held between him and the
+railroad detective already mentioned.
+
+Previous to all this--in September and in November, 1903--attempts were
+made to wreck trains. A delinquent member of the Western Federation of
+Miners was charged with these crimes. He involved in his confession
+several prominent members of the Western Federation of Miners. On
+cross-examination he testified that he had formerly been a prize-fighter
+and that he had come to Cripple Creek under an assumed name. He further
+testified that $250 was his price for wrecking a train carrying two
+hundred to three hundred people, but that he had asked $500 for this
+job, as another man would have to work with him. Two detectives had
+promised him that amount. An associate of this man was discovered to
+have been a detective who had later joined the Western Federation of
+Miners. He testified that he had kept the detective agencies informed as
+to the progress of the plot to derail the train. The detective of the
+Mine Owners' Association admitted that he and the other detectives had
+endeavored to induce members of the miners' union to enter into the
+plot; while the railroad detective testified that he and another
+detective were standing only a few feet away when men were at work
+pulling the spikes from the rails. An engineer on the Florence and
+Cripple Creek Railroad testified that the railroad detective had, a few
+days before, asked him where there was a good place for wrecking the
+train. The result of the case was that all were acquitted except the
+ex-prize-fighter, who was held for a time, but eventually released on
+$300 bond, furnished by representatives of the mine owners.[42]
+
+On June 6, 1904, when about twenty-five non-union miners were waiting at
+the Independence depot for a train, there was a terrible explosion which
+resulted in great loss of life. It has never been discovered who
+committed the crime, though the mine owners lost no time in attributing
+the explosion to the work of "the assassins" of the Federation of
+Miners. When, however, bloodhounds were put on the trail, they went
+directly to the home of one of the detectives in the employ of the Mine
+Owners' Association. They were taken back to the scene of the disaster
+and again followed the trail to the same place. A third attempt was made
+with the hounds and they followed a trail to the powder magazine of a
+nearby mine. The Western Federation of Miners offered a reward of $5,000
+for evidence which would lead to the arrest and conviction of the
+criminal who had perpetrated the outrage at Independence. Unfortunately,
+the criminal was never found. Orchard, a year or so later, confessed
+that he had committed the crime and was paid for it by the officials of
+the Western Federation of Miners. The absurdity of that statement
+becomes clear when it is known that the court in Denver was at the very
+moment of the explosion deciding the _habeas corpus_ case of Moyer,
+President of the Western Federation of Miners. In fact, a few hours
+after the explosion the decision of the court was handed down. As the
+action of the court was vital not only to Moyer but to the entire
+trade-union movement, and, indeed, to republican institutions, it is
+inconceivable that he or his friends should have organized an outrage
+that would certainly have prejudiced the court at the very moment it was
+writing its decision. On the other hand, there was every reason why the
+mine owners should have profited by such an outrage and that their
+detectives should have planned one for that moment.[AF]
+
+The atrocities of the Congo occurred in a country without law, in the
+interest of a great property, and in a series of battles with a
+half-savage people. History has somewhat accustomed us to such
+barbarity; but when, in a civilized country, with a written
+constitution, with duly established courts, with popularly elected
+representatives, and apparently with all the necessary machinery for
+dealing out equal justice, one suddenly sees a feudal despotism arise,
+as if by magic, to usurp the political, judicial, and military powers of
+a great state, and to use them to arrest hundreds without warrant and
+throw them into "bull pens"; to drive hundreds of others out of their
+homes and at the point of the bayonet out of the state; to force others
+to labor against their will or to be beaten; to depose the duly elected
+officials of the community; to insult the courts; to destroy the
+property of those who protest; and even to murder those who show signs
+of revolt--one stands aghast. It makes one wonder just how far in
+reality we are removed from barbarism. Is it possible that the
+likelihood of the workers achieving an eight-hour day--which was all
+that was wanted in Colorado--could lead to civil war? Yet that is what
+might and perhaps should have happened in Colorado in 1904, when, for a
+few months, a military despotism took from the people there all that had
+been won by centuries of democratic striving and thrust them back into
+the Middle Ages.
+
+Chaotic political and industrial conditions are, of course, occasionally
+inevitable in modern society--torn as it is by the very bitter struggle
+going on constantly between capital and labor. When this struggle breaks
+into war, as it often does, we are bound to suffer some of the evils
+that invariably attend war. Certainly, it is to be expected that the
+owners of property will exercise every power they possess to safeguard
+their property. They will, whenever possible, use the State and all its
+coercive powers in order to retain their mastery over men and things.
+The only question is this, must people in general continue to be the
+victims of a commerce which has for its purpose the creation of
+situations that force nearly every industrial dispute to become a bloody
+conflict? When men combine to commit depredations, destroy property,
+and murder individuals, society must deal with them--no matter how
+harshly. But it is an altogether different matter to permit privately
+paid criminals to create whenever desired a state of anarchy, in order
+to force the military to carry out ferocious measures of repression
+against those who have been in no wise responsible for disorder.
+
+If we will look into this matter a little, we shall discover certain
+sinister motives back of this work of the detective agencies. It is well
+enough understood by them that violence creates a state of reaction. One
+very keen observer has pointed out that "the anarchist tactics are so
+serviceable to the reactionaries that, whenever a draconic, reactionary
+law is required, they themselves manufacture an anarchist plot or
+attempted crime."[43] Kropotkin himself, in telling the story of "The
+Terror in Russia," points out that a certain Azeff, who for sixteen
+years was an agent of the Russian police, was also the chief organizer
+of acts of terrorism among the social revolutionists.[44] Every
+conceivable crime was committed under his direct instigation, including
+even the murder of some officials and nobles. The purpose of the work of
+this police agent was, of course, to serve the Russian reactionaries and
+to furnish them a pretext and excuse for the most bloody measures of
+repression. In America "hireling assassins," ex-convicts, and thugs in
+the employ of detective agencies commit very much the same crimes for
+the same purpose. And the men on strike, who have neither planned nor
+dreamed of planning an outrage, suddenly find themselves faced by the
+military forces, who have not infrequently in the past shot them down.
+That the lawless situations which make these infamous acts possible, and
+to the general public often excusable, are the deliberate work of
+mercenaries, is, to my mind, open to no question whatever.
+
+Anyone who cares to look up the history of the labor movement for the
+last hundred years will find that in every great strike private
+detectives and police agents have been at work provoking violence. It is
+almost incredible what a large number of criminal operations can be
+traced to these paid agents. From 1815 to the present day the bitterness
+of nearly every industrial conflict of importance has been intensified
+by the work of these spies, thugs, and _provocateurs_. "It was not until
+we became infested by spies, incendiaries, and their dupes--distracting,
+misleading, and betraying--that physical force was mentioned among us,"
+says Bamford, speaking of the trade-union activity of 1815-1816. "After
+that our moral power waned, and what we gained by the accession of
+demagogues we lost by their criminal violence and the estrangement of
+real friends."[45] Some of the notable police agents that appear in the
+history of labor are Powell, Mitchell, Legg, Stieber, Greif, Fleury,
+Baron von Ungern-Sternberg, Schroeder-Brennwald, Krueger, Kaufmann,
+Peukert, Haupt, Von Ehrenberg, Friedeman, Weiss, Schmidt, and
+Ihring-Mahlow. In addition we find Andre, Andrieux, Pourbaix, Melville,
+and scores of other high police officials directing the work of these
+agents. In America, McPartland, Schaack, and Orchard--to mention the
+most notorious only--have played infamous roles in provoking others, or
+in undertaking themselves, to commit outrages. There were and are, of
+course, thousands of others besides those mentioned, but these are
+historic characters, who planned and executed the most dastardly deeds
+in order to discredit the trade-union and socialist movements. The space
+here is too limited to go into the historic details of this commerce in
+violence. But he who is curious to pursue the study further will find a
+list of references at the end of the volume directing him to some of the
+sources of information.[46] He will there discover an appalling record
+of crime, for, as Thomas Beet points out, hardly a strike occurs where
+these special officers are not sent to make trouble. There are sometimes
+thousands of them at work, and, if one undertook to go into the various
+trials that have arisen as a result of labor disputes, one could prepare
+a long list of murders committed by these "hireling assassins."
+
+The pecuniary interest of the detective agencies in provoking crime is
+immense. It is obvious enough, if one will but think of it, that these
+detective agencies depend for their profit on the existence, the
+extension, and the promotion of criminal operations. The more that
+people are frightened by the prospect of danger to their property or
+menace to their lives, the more they seek the aid of detectives. Nothing
+proves so advantageous to detectives as epidemics of strikes and even of
+robberies and murders. The heyday of their prosperity comes in that
+moment when assaults upon men and property are most frequent. Nothing
+would seem to be clearer, then, than that it is to the interest of these
+agencies to create alarm, to arouse terror, and, through these means, to
+enlarge their patronage. When a trade or profession has not only every
+pecuniary incentive to create trouble, but when it is also largely
+promoted by notorious criminals and other vicious elements, the amount
+of mischief that is certain to result from the combination may well
+exceed the powers of imagination.
+
+And it must not be forgotten that this trade has developed into a great
+and growing business, actuated by exactly the same economic interests as
+any other business. With the agencies making so much per day for each
+man employed, the way to improve business is to get more men employed.
+Rumors of trouble or actual deeds, such as an explosion of dynamite or
+an assault, help to make the detective indispensable to the employer. It
+is with an eye to business, therefore, that the private detective
+creates trouble. It is with a keen sense of his own material interest
+that he keeps the employer in a state of anxiety regarding what may be
+expected from the men. And, naturally enough, the modern employer,
+unlike a trained ruler such as Bismarck, never seems to realize that
+most of the alarming reports sent him are masses of lies. Nothing
+appears to have been clearer to the Iron Chancellor than that his own
+police forces, in order to gain favor, "lie and exaggerate in the most
+shameful manner."[47] But such an idea seems never to enter the minds of
+the great American employers, who, although becoming more and more like
+the ruling classes of Europe, are not yet so wise. However, the great
+employer, like the great ruler, is unable now to meet his employees in
+person and to find out their real views. Consequently, he must depend
+upon paid agents to report to him the views of his men. This might all
+be very well if the returns were true. But, when it happens that evil
+reports are very much to the pecuniary advantage of the man who makes
+them, is it likely that there will be any other kind of report?
+Thousands of employers, therefore, are coming more and more to be
+convinced that their workmen spend most of their time plotting against
+them. It seems unreasonable that sane men could believe that their
+employees, who are regularly at work every day striving with might and
+main to support and bring up decently their families, should be at the
+same time planning the most diabolical outrages. Nothing is rarer than
+to find criminals among workingmen, for if they were given to crime
+they would not be at work. But with the great modern evil--the
+separation of the classes--there comes so much of misunderstanding and
+of mistrust that the employer seems only too willing to believe any paid
+villain who tells him that his tired and worn laborers have murder in
+their hearts. The class struggle is a terrible fact; but the class
+hatred and the personal enmity that are growing among both masters and
+men in the United States are natural and inevitable results of this
+system of spies and informers.
+
+How widespread this evil has become is shown by the fact that nearly
+every large corporation now employs numerous spies, informers, and
+special officers, from whom they receive daily reports concerning the
+conversations among their men and the plans of the unions. Thousands of
+these detectives are, in fact, members of the unions. The employers are,
+of course, under the impression that they are thus protecting themselves
+from misinformation and also from the possibility of injury, but, as we
+have seen, they are in reality placing themselves at the mercy of these
+spies in the same manner as every despot in the past has placed himself
+at the mercy of those who brought him information. It may, perhaps, be
+possible that the Carnegie Company in 1892, the railroads in 1894, and
+the mine owners in 1904 were convinced that their employees were under
+the influence of dangerous men. Very likely they were told that their
+workmen were planning assaults upon their lives and property. It would
+not be strange if these large owners of property had been so informed.
+Indeed, the economics of this whole wretched commerce becomes clear only
+when we realize that the terror that results from such reports leads
+these capitalists to employ more and more hirelings, to pay them larger
+and larger fees, and in this manner to reward lies and to make even
+assaults prove immensely profitable to the detectives. So it happens
+that the great employers are chiefly responsible for introducing among
+their men the very elements that are making for riot, crime, and
+anarchy.
+
+Close and intimate relations with the employers and with the men during
+several fiercely fought industrial conflicts have convinced me that the
+struggle between them rarely degenerates to that plane of barbarism in
+which either the men or the masters deliberately resort to, or
+encourage, murder, arson, and similar crimes. So far as the men are
+concerned, they have every reason in the world to discourage violence,
+and nothing is clearer to most of them than the solemn fact that every
+time property is destroyed, or men injured, the employers win public
+support, the aid of the press, the pulpit, the police, the courts, and
+all the powers of the State. Men do not knowingly injure themselves or
+persist in a course adverse to their material interests. It is true, as
+I think I have made clear in the previous chapters, that some of the
+workers do advocate violence, and, in a few cases that instantly became
+notorious, labor leaders have been found guilty of serious crimes. That
+these instances are comparatively rare is explained, of course, by the
+fact that violence is known invariably to injure the cause of the
+worker. It would be strange, therefore, if the workers did
+systematically plan outrages. On the other hand, it would be strange if
+the employers did not at times rejoice that somebody--the workmen, the
+detectives, or others--had committed some outrage and thus brought the
+public sentiment and the State's power to the aid of the employers. One
+cannot escape the thought that the employers would hardly finance so
+readily these so-called detectives, and inquire so little into their
+actual deeds, if they were not convinced that violence at the time of a
+strike materially aids the employer. Yet, despite evidence to the
+contrary, it may, I think, be said with truth that the lawlessness
+attending strikes is not, as a rule, the result of deliberate planning
+on the part of the men or of the masters.
+
+There are, of course, numerous exceptions, and if we find the McNamaras
+on the one side, we also find some unscrupulous employers on the other.
+To the latter, violence becomes of the greatest service, in that it
+enables them to say with apparent truth that they are not fighting
+reasonable, law-abiding workmen, but assassins and incendiaries. No
+course is easier for the employer who does not seek to deal honestly
+with his men, and none more secure for that employer whose position is
+wholly indefensible on the subject of hours and wages, than to sidetrack
+all these issues by hypocritically declaring that he refuses to deal
+with men who are led by criminals. And it is quite beyond question that
+some such employers have deliberately urged their "detectives" to create
+trouble. Positive evidence is at hand that a few such employers have
+themselves directed the work of incendiaries, thugs, and rioters. With
+such amazing evidence as we have recently had concerning the
+systematically lawless work of the Manufacturers' Association, it is
+impossible to free the employers of all personal responsibility for the
+outrages committed by their criminal agents. There are many different
+ways in which violence benefits the employer, and it may even be said
+that in all cases it is only to the interest of the employer. As a
+matter of fact, with the systems of insurance now existing, any injury
+to the property of the employer means no loss to him whatever. The only
+possible loss that he can suffer is through the prolongation and
+success of the strike. If the workers can be discredited and the strike
+broken through the aid of violence, the ordinary employer is not likely
+to make too rigid an investigation into whether or not his "detectives"
+had a hand in it.
+
+Curiously enough, the general public never dreams that special officers
+are responsible for most of the violence at times of strike, and, while
+the men loudly accuse the employers, the employers loudly accuse the
+men. The employers are, of course, informed by the detectives that the
+outrages have been committed by the strikers, and the detectives have
+seen to it that the employers are prepared to believe that the strikers
+are capable of anything. On the other hand, the men are convinced that
+the employers are personally responsible. They see hundreds and
+sometimes thousands of special officers swarming throughout the
+district. They know that these men are paid by somebody, and they are
+convinced that their bullying, insulting talk and actions represent the
+personal wishes of the employers. When they knock down strikers, beat
+them up, arrest them, or even shoot them, the men believe that all these
+acts are dictated by the employers. It is utterly impossible to describe
+the bitterness that is aroused among the men by the presence of these
+thugs. And the testimony taken by various commissions regarding strikes
+proves clearly enough that strikes are not only embittered but prolonged
+by the presence of detectives. Again and again, mediators have declared
+that, as soon as thugs are brought into the conflict, the settlement of
+a strike is made impossible until either the employers or the men are
+exhausted by the struggle. A number of reputable detectives have
+testified that the chief object of those who engage in "strike-breaking"
+is to prolong strikes in order to keep themselves employed as long as
+possible. Thus, the employers as well as the men are the victims of this
+commerce in violence.
+
+It will, I am sure, be obvious to the reader that it would require a
+very large volume to deal with all the various phases of the work of the
+detective in the numerous great strikes that have occurred in recent
+years. I have endeavored merely to mention a few instances where their
+activities have led to the breaking down of all civil government. It is
+important, however, to emphasize the fact that there is no strike of any
+magnitude in which these hirelings are not employed. I have taken the
+following quotation as typical of numerous circulars which I have seen,
+that have been issued by detective agencies: "This bureau has made a
+specialty of handling strikes for over half a century, and our clients
+are among the largest corporations in the world. During the recent
+trouble between the steamboat companies and the striking longshoremen in
+New York City this office ... supplied one thousand guards.... Our
+charges for guards, motormen, conductors, and all classes of men during
+the time of trouble is $5.00 per day, your company to pay
+transportation, board, and lodge the men."[48] Here is another agency
+that has been engaged in this business for half a century, and there are
+thousands of others engaged in it now. One of them is known to have in
+its employ constantly five thousand men. And, if we look into the deeds
+of these great armies of mercenaries, we find that there is not a state
+in the Union in which they have not committed assault, arson, robbery,
+and murder. Several years ago at Lattimer, Pennsylvania, a perfectly
+peaceable parade of two hundred and fifty miners was attacked by guards
+armed with Winchester rifles, with the result that twenty-nine workers
+were killed and thirty others seriously injured. This was deliberate
+and unprovoked slaughter. Recently, in the Westmoreland mining district,
+no less than twenty striking miners have been murdered, while several
+hundred have been seriously injured. On one occasion deputies and
+strike-breakers became intoxicated and "shot up the town" of Latrobe. In
+the recent strike against the Lake Carriers' Association six union men
+were killed by private detectives. In Tampa, Florida, in Columbus, Ohio,
+in Birmingham, Alabama, in Lawrence, Massachusetts, in Bethlehem,
+Pennsylvania, in the mining districts of West Virginia, and in
+innumerable other places many workingmen have been murdered, not by
+officers of the law, but by privately paid assassins.
+
+Even while writing these lines I notice a telegram to the _Appeal to
+Reason_ from Adolph Germer, an official of the United Mine Workers of
+America, that some thugs, formerly in West Virginia, are now in
+Colorado, and that their first work there was to shoot down in cold
+blood a well-known miner. John Walker, a district president of the
+United Mine Workers of America, telegraphs the same day to the labor
+press that two of the strikers in the copper mines in Michigan were shot
+down by detectives, in the effort, he says, to provoke the men to
+violence. Anyone who cares to follow the labor press for but a short
+period will be astonished to find how frequently such outrages occur,
+and he will marvel that men can be so self-controlled as the strikers
+usually are under such terrible provocation. I mention hastily these
+facts in order to emphasize the point that the cases in which I have
+gone into detail in this chapter are more or less typical of the bloody
+character of many of the great strikes because of the deeds of the
+so-called detectives.
+
+Brief, however, as this statement is of the work of these anarchists
+"without phrase" and of the great commerce they have built up, it must,
+nevertheless, convince anyone that republican institutions cannot long
+exist in a country which tolerates such an extensive private commerce in
+lawlessness and crime. Government by law cannot prevail in the same
+field with a widespread and profitable traffic in disorder, thuggery,
+arson, and murder. Here is a whole brood of mercenaries, the output of
+hundreds of great penitentiaries, that has been organized and
+systematized into a great commerce to serve the rich and powerful. Here
+is a whole mess of infamy developed into a great private enterprise that
+militates against all law and order. It has already brought the United
+States on more than one occasion to the verge of civil war. And, despite
+the fact that numerous judges have publicly condemned the work of these
+agencies, and that various governmental commissions have deprecated in
+the most solemn words this traffic in crime, it continues to grow and
+prosper in the most alarming manner. Certainly, no student of history
+will doubt that, if this commerce is permitted to continue, it will not
+be long until no man's life, honor, or property will be secure. And it
+is a question, even at this moment, whether the legislators have the
+courage to attack this powerful American Mafia that has already
+developed into a "vested interest."
+
+As I said at the beginning, no other country has this form of anarchy to
+contend with. In all countries, no doubt, there are associations of
+criminals, and everywhere, perhaps, it is possible for wealthy men to
+employ criminals to work for them. But even the Mafia, the Camorra, and
+the Black Hand do not exist for the purpose of collecting and organizing
+mercenaries to serve the rich and powerful. Nor anywhere else in the
+world are these criminals made special officers, deputy sheriffs,
+deputy marshals, and thus given the authority of the State itself. The
+assumption is so general that the State invariably stands behind the
+private detective that few seem to question it, and even the courts
+frequently recognize them as quasi-public officials. Thus, the State
+itself aids and abets these mercenary anarchists, while it sends to the
+gallows idealist anarchists, such as Henry, Vaillant, Lingg, and their
+like. That the State fosters this "infant industry" is the only possible
+explanation for the fact that in every industrial conflict of the past
+the real provokers and executors of arson, riot, and murder have escaped
+prison, while in every case labor leaders have been put in jail--often
+without warrant--and in many cases kept there for many months without
+trial. Even the writ of _habeas corpus_ has been denied them repeatedly.
+Without the active connivance of the State such conditions could not
+exist. However, the State goes even further in its opposition to labor.
+The power of a state governor to call out the militia, to declare even a
+peaceful district in a state of insurrection, and to abolish the writ of
+_habeas corpus_ is a very great power indeed and one that is
+unquestionably an anomaly in a republic. If that power were used with
+equal justice, it might not create the intense bitterness that has been
+so frequently aroused among the workers by its exercise. Again and again
+it has been used in the interest of capital, but there is not one single
+case in all the records where this extraordinary prerogative has been
+exercised to protect the interest of the workers. It is not, then,
+either unreasonable or unjustifiable that among workmen the sentiment is
+almost unanimous that the State stands invariably against them. The
+three instances which I have dealt with here at some length prove
+conclusively that there is now no penalty inflicted upon the capitalist
+who hires thugs to invade a community and shoot down its citizens, or
+upon those who hire him these assassins, or upon the assassins
+themselves. Nor are the powerful punished when they collect a great army
+of criminals, drunkards, and hoodlums and make them officials of the
+United States to insult and bully decent citizens. Nor does there seem
+to be any punishment inflicted upon those who manage to transform the
+Government itself into a shield to protect toughs and criminals in their
+assaults upon men and property, when those assaults are in the interest
+of capital. Moreover, what could be more humiliating in a republic than
+the fact that a governor who has leased to his friends the military
+forces of an entire state should end his term of office unimpeached?
+
+These various phases of the class conflict reveal a distressing state of
+industrial and political anarchy, and there can be no question that, if
+continued, it has in it the power of making many McNamaras, if not
+Bakounins. It will be fortunate, indeed, if there do not arise new
+Johann Mosts, and if the United States escapes the general use in time
+of that terrible, secretive, and deadly weapon of sabotage. Sabotage is
+the arm of the slave or the coward, who dares neither to speak his views
+nor to fight an open fight. As someone has said, it may merely mean the
+kicking of the master's dog. Yet no one is so cruel as the weak and the
+cowardly. And should it ever come about that millions and millions of
+men have all other avenues closed to them, there is still left to them
+sabotage, assassination, and civil war. These can neither be outlawed
+nor even effectively guarded against if there are individuals enough who
+are disposed to wield them. And it is not by any means idle speculation
+that a country which can sit calmly by and face such evils as are
+perpetrated by this vast commerce in violence, by this class use of the
+State, and by such monstrous outrages as were committed in Homestead, in
+Chicago, and in Colorado, will find one day its composure interrupted by
+a working class that has suffered more than human endurance can stand.
+
+The fact is that society--the big body of us--is now menaced by two sets
+of anarchists. There are those among the poor and the weak who preach
+arson, dynamite, and sabotage. They are the products of conditions such
+as existed in Colorado--as Bakounin was the product of the conditions in
+Russia. These, after all, are relatively few, and their power is almost
+nothing. They are listened to now, but not heeded, because there yet
+exist among the people faith in the ultimate victory of peaceable means
+and the hope that men and not property will one day rule the State. The
+other set of anarchists are those powerful, influential terrorists who
+talk hypocritically of their devotion to the State, the law, the
+Constitution, and the courts, but who, when the slightest obstacle
+stands in the path of their greed, seize from their corrupt tools the
+reins of government, in order to rule society with the black-jack and
+the "bull pen." The idealist anarchist and even the more practical
+syndicalist, preaching openly and frankly that there is nothing left to
+the poor but war, are, after all, few in number and weak in action. Yet
+how many to-day despair of peaceable methods when they see all these
+outrages committed by mercenaries, protected and abetted by the official
+State, in the interest of the most sordid anarchism!
+
+As a matter of fact, the socialist is to-day almost alone, among those
+watching intently this industrial strife, in keeping buoyant his abiding
+faith in the ultimate victory of the people. He has fought successfully
+against Bakounin. He is overcoming the newest anarchists, and he is
+already measuring swords with the oldest anarchists. He is confident as
+to the issue. He has more than dreams; he knows, and has all the comfort
+of that knowledge, that anarchy in government like anarchy in production
+is reaching the end of its rope. Outlawry for profit, as well as
+production for profit, are soon to be things of the past. The socialist
+feels himself a part of the growing power that is soon to rule society.
+He is conscious of being an agent of a world-wide movement that is
+massing into an irresistible human force millions upon millions of the
+disinherited. He has unbounded faith that through that mass power
+industry will be socialized and the State democratized. No longer will
+its use be merely to serve and promote private enterprise in foul
+tenements, in sweatshops, and in all the products that are necessary to
+life and to death. All these vast commercial enterprises that exist not
+to serve society but to enrich the rich--including even this sordid
+traffic in thuggery and in murder--are soon to pass into history as part
+of a terrible, culminating epoch in commercial, financial, and political
+anarchy. The socialist, who sees the root of all anti-social
+individualism in the predominance of private material interests over
+communal material interests, knows that the hour is arriving when the
+social instincts and the life interests of practically all the people
+will be arrayed against anarchy in all its forms. Commerce in violence,
+like commerce in the necessaries of life, is but a part of a social
+regime that is disappearing, and, while most others in society seem to
+see only phases of this gigantic conflict between capital and labor,
+and, while most others look upon it as something irremediable, the
+socialist, standing amidst millions upon millions of his comrades, is
+even now beginning to see visions of victory.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[AF] The Supreme Court sustained the action of the military authorities,
+Chief Justice William H. Gabbert, Associate justice John Campbell,
+concurring, Associate Justice Robert W. Steele dissenting. The
+dissenting opinion of Justice Steele deserves a wider reading than it
+has received, and no doubt it will rank among the most important
+statements that have been made against the anarchy of the powerful and
+the tyranny of class government. See Report, U. S. Bureau of Labor,
+1905, p. 243.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+VISIONS OF VICTORY
+
+
+We left the socialists, on September 30, 1890, in the midst of
+jubilation over the great victory they had just won in Germany. The Iron
+Chancellor, with all the power of State and society in his hands, had
+capitulated before the moral force and mass power of the German working
+class. And, when the sensational news went out to all countries that the
+German socialists had polled 1,427,000 votes, the impulse given to the
+political organizations of the working class was immense. Once again the
+thought of labor throughout the world was centered upon those stirring
+words of Marx and Engels: "Workingmen of all countries, Unite!" First
+uttered by them in '47, repeated in '64, and pleaded for once again in
+'72, this call to unity began to appear in the nineties as the one
+supreme commandment of the labor movement. And, in truth, it is an
+epitome of all their teachings. It is the pith of their program and the
+marrow of their principles. Nearly all else can be waived. Other
+principles can be altered; other programs abandoned; other methods
+revolutionized; but this principle, program, and method must not be
+tampered with. It is the one and only unalterable law. In unity, and in
+unity alone, is the power of salvation. And under the inspiration of
+this call more and more millions have come together, until to-day, in
+every portion of the world, there are multitudes affiliated to the one
+and only international army. In '47 it was not yet born. In '64 efforts
+were made to bring it into being. In '72 it was broken into fragments.
+In '90 it won its first battle--its right to exist. Now, twenty-three
+years later, nothing could be so eloquent and impressive as the figures
+themselves of the rising tide of international socialism.
+
+
+THE SOCIALIST AND LABOR VOTE, 1887-1913.
+
+----------------------------------------------------------------------
+----------------------------------------------------------------------
+                1887       1892        1897        1903         1913
+----------------------------------------------------------------------
+Germany       763,000   1,786,000   2,107,000   3,010,000    4,250,329
+France         47,000     440,000     790,000     805,000    1,125,877
+Austria                               750,000     780,000    1,081,441
+United States   2,000      21,000      55,000     223,494      931,406
+Italy                      26,000     135,000     300,000      825,280
+Australia                                                      678,012
+Belgium                   320,000     457,000     464,000[AG]  600,000
+Great Britain                          55,000     100,000      373,645
+Finland                                            10,000      320,289
+Russia                                                         200,000
+Sweden                        723                  10,000      170,299
+Norway                                  7,000      30,000      124,594
+Denmark         8,000      20,000      32,000      53,000      107,015
+Switzerland     2,000      39,000      40,000      70,000      105,000
+Holland         1,500                  13,000      38,000       82,494
+New Zealand                                                     44,960
+Spain                       5,000      14,000      23,000       40,725
+Bulgaria                                                        25,565
+Argentina                                                       54,000
+Chile                                                           18,000
+Greece                                                          26,000
+Canada                                                          10,780
+Servia                                                           9,000
+Luxembourg                                                       4,000
+Portugal                                                         3,308
+Roumania                                                         2,057
+              -------   ---------   ---------   ---------   ----------
+Total         823,500   2,657,723   4,455,000   5,916,494   11,214,076
+----------------------------------------------------------------------
+----------------------------------------------------------------------
+
+
+The above table explains, in no small measure, the quiet patience and
+supreme confidence of the socialist. He looks upon that wonderful array
+of figures as the one most significant fact in the modern world. Within
+a quarter of a century his force has grown from 800,000 to 11,000,000.
+And, while no other movement in history has grown so rapidly and
+traversed the entire world with such speed, the socialist knows that
+even this table inadequately indicates his real power. For instance, in
+Great Britain the Labor Party has over one million dues-paying members,
+yet its vote is here placed at 373,645. Owing to the peculiar political
+conditions existing in that country, it is almost impossible for the
+Labor Party to put up its candidates in all districts, and these figures
+include only that small proportion of workingmen who have been able to
+cast their votes for their own candidates. The two hundred thousand
+socialist votes in Russia do not at all represent the sentiment in that
+country. Everything there militates against the open expression, and,
+indeed, the possibility of any expression, of the actual socialist
+sentiment. In addition, great masses of workingmen in many countries are
+still deprived of the suffrage, and in nearly all countries the wives of
+these men are deprived of the suffrage. Leaving, however, all this
+aside, and taking the common reckoning of five persons to each voter,
+the socialist strength of the world to-day cannot be estimated at less
+than fifty million souls.
+
+Coming to the parliamentary strength of the socialists, we find the
+table on the following page illuminating.
+
+
+SOCIALIST AND LABOR REPRESENTATIVES IN PARLIAMENT.
+
+                  Number of Seats         Per
+                  in Lower House.        Cent.
+                 Total   Socialist.    Socialist
+  ----------------------------------------------
+  Australia        75       41           54.61
+  Finland         200       90           45.00
+  Sweden          165       64           38.79
+  Denmark         114       32           28.07
+  Germany         397      110           27.71
+  Belgium         186       39           20.96
+  Norway          123       23           18.70
+  Holland         100       17           17.00
+  Austria         516       82           15.89
+  Italy           508       78           15.35
+  Luxembourg       53        7           13.21
+  France          597       75           12.56
+  Switzerland     170       15            8.82
+  Great Britain   670       41            6.12
+  Russia          442       16            3.62
+  Greece          207        4            2.00
+  Argentina       120        2            1.67
+  Servia          160        1             .62
+  Portugal        164        1             .61
+  Bulgaria        189        1             .53
+  Spain           404        1             .25
+  ----------------------------------------------
+  ----------------------------------------------
+
+
+It appears that labor is in control of Australia, that 45 per cent. of
+the Finnish Parliament is socialist, while in Sweden more than a third,
+and in Germany and Denmark somewhat less than a third, is socialist. In
+several of the Northern countries of Europe the parliamentary position
+of the socialists is stronger than that of any other single party. In
+addition to the representatives here listed, Belgium has seven senators,
+Denmark four, and Sweden twelve, while in the state legislatures Austria
+has thirty-one, Germany one hundred and eighty-five, and the United
+States twenty. Here again the strength of socialism is greatly
+understated. In the United States, for instance, the astonishing fact
+appears that, with a vote of nearly a million, the socialist party has
+not one representative in Congress. On the basis of proportional
+representation it would have at least twenty-five Congressmen; and, if
+it were a sectional party, it could, with its million votes, control all
+the Southern states and elect every Congressman and Senator from those
+states. The socialists in the German Reichstag are numerous, but on a
+fair system of representation they would have two or three score more
+representatives than at present. However, this, too, is of little
+consequence, and in no wise disturbs the thoughtful socialist. The
+immense progress of his cause completely satisfies him, and, if the rate
+of advance continues, it can be only a few years until a world victory
+is at hand.
+
+If, now, we turn from the political aspects of the labor movement to
+examine the growth of cooeperatives and of trade unions, we find a
+progress no less striking. In actual membership the trade unions of
+twenty nations in 1911 had amassed over eleven million men and women.
+And the figures sent out by the international secretary do not include
+countries so strongly organized as Canada, New Zealand, and Australia.
+Unfortunately, it is impossible to add here reliable figures regarding
+the wealth of the great and growing cooeperative movement. In Britain,
+Germany, Belgium, France, Italy, and Switzerland, as well as in the
+Northern countries of Central Europe, the cooeperative movement has made
+enormous headway in recent years. The British cooeperators, according to
+the report of the Federation of Cooeperative Societies, had in 1912 a
+turnover amounting to over six hundred millions of dollars. They have
+over twenty-four hundred stores scattered throughout the cities of Great
+Britain. The Cooeperative Productive Society and the Cooeperative
+Wholesale Society produced goods in their own shops to a value of over
+sixty-five millions of dollars; while the goods produced by the
+Cooeperative Provision Stores amounted to over forty million dollars.
+Seven hundred and sixty societies have Children's Penny Banks, with a
+total balance in hand of about eight million dollars. The members of
+these various cooeperative societies number approximately three
+million.[AH] Throughout all Europe, through cooeperative effort, there
+have been erected hundreds of splendid "Houses of the People," "Labor
+Temples," and similar places of meeting and recreation. The entire
+labor, socialist, and cooeperative press, numbering many thousands of
+monthly and weekly journals, and hundreds of daily papers, is also
+usually owned cooeperatively. Unfortunately, the statistics dealing with
+this phase of the labor movement have never been gathered with any idea
+of completeness, and there is little use in trying even to estimate the
+immense wealth that is now owned by these organizations of workingmen.
+
+America lags somewhat behind the other countries, but nowhere else have
+such difficulties faced the labor movement. With a working class made up
+of many races, nationalities, and creeds, trade-union organization is
+excessively difficult. Moreover, where the railroads secretly rebate
+certain industries and help to destroy the competitors of those
+industries, and where the trusts exercise enormous power, a cooeperative
+movement is well-nigh impossible. Furthermore, where vast numbers of the
+working class are still disfranchised, and where elections are
+notoriously corrupt and more or less under the control of a hireling
+class of professional political manipulators, an independent political
+movement faces almost insurmountable obstacles. Nor is this all. No
+other country allows its ruling classes to employ private armies, thugs,
+and assassins; and no other country makes such an effort to prevent the
+working classes from acting peaceably and legally. While nearly
+everywhere else the unions may strike, picket, and boycott, in America
+there are laws to prevent both picketing and boycotting, and even some
+forms of strikes. The most extraordinary despotic judicial powers are
+exercised to crush the unions, to break strikes, and to imprison union
+men. And, if paid professional armies of detectives deal with the
+unions, so paid professional armies of politicians deal with the
+socialists. By every form of debauchery, lawlessness, and corruption
+they are beaten back, and, although it is absolutely incredible, not a
+single representative of a great party polling nearly a million votes
+sits in the Congress of the United States.
+
+Nevertheless, the American socialist and labor movement is making
+headway, and the day is not far distant when it will exercise the power
+its strength merits. Although somewhat more belated, the various
+elements of the working class are coming closer and closer together, and
+it cannot be long until there will be perfect harmony throughout the
+entire movement. In many other countries this harmony already exists.
+The trade-union, cooeperative, and socialist movements are so closely
+tied together that they move in every industrial, political, and
+commercial conflict in complete accord. So far as the immediate aims of
+labor are concerned, they may be said to be almost identical in all
+countries. Professor Werner Sombart, who for years has watched the world
+movement more carefully perhaps than anyone else, has pointed out that
+there is a strong tendency to uniformity in all countries--a "tendency,"
+in his own words, "of the movement in all lands toward socialism."[1]
+Indeed, nothing so much astonishes careful observers of the labor
+movement as the extraordinary rapidity with which the whole world of
+labor is becoming unified, in its program of principles, in its form of
+organization, and in its methods of action. The books of Marx and
+Engels are now translated into every important language and are read
+with eagerness in all parts of the world. The Communist Manifesto of
+1847 is issued by the socialist parties of all countries as the
+text-book of the movement. Indeed, it is not uncommon nowadays to see a
+socialist book translated immediately into all the chief languages and
+circulated by millions of copies. And, if one will take up the political
+programs of the party in the twenty chief nations of the world, he will
+find them reading almost word for word alike. For these various reasons
+no informed person to-day questions the claims of the socialist as to
+the international, world-wide character of the movement.
+
+Perhaps there is no experience quite like that of the socialist who
+attends one of the great periodical gatherings of the international
+movement. He sees there a thousand or more delegates, with credentials
+from organizations numbering approximately ten million adherents. They
+come from all parts of the world--from mills, mines, factories, and
+fields--to meet together, and, in the recent congresses, to pass in
+utmost harmony their resolutions in opposition to the existing regime
+and their suggestions for remedial action. Not only the countries of
+Western Europe, but Russia, Japan, China, and the South American
+Republics send their representatives, and, although the delegates speak
+as many as thirty different languages, they manage to assemble in a
+common meeting, and, with hardly a dissenting voice, transact their
+business. When we consider all the jealousy, rivalry, and hatred that
+have been whipped up for hundreds of years among the peoples of the
+various nations, races, and creeds, these international congresses of
+workingmen become in themselves one of the greatest achievements of
+modern times.
+
+Although Marx was, as I think I have made clear, and still is, the
+guiding spirit of modern socialism, the huge structure of the present
+labor movement has not been erected by any great architect who saw it
+all in advance, nor has any great leader molded its varied and wonderful
+lines. It is the work of a multitude, who have quarreled among
+themselves at every stage of its building. They differed as to the
+purpose of the structure, as to the materials to be used, and, indeed,
+upon every detail, big and little, that has had to do with it. At times
+all building has been stopped in order that the different views might be
+harmonized or the quarrels fought to a finish. Again and again portions
+have been built only to be torn down and thrown aside. Some have seen
+more clearly than others the work to be done, and one, at least, of the
+architects must be recognized as a kind of prophet who, in the main,
+outlined the structure. But the architects were not the builders, and
+among the multitude engaged in that work there have been years of
+quarrels and decades of strife. The story of terrorism, as told, is that
+of a group who had no conception of the structure to be erected. They
+were a band of dissidents, without patience to build. They and their
+kind have never been absent from the labor movement, and, in fact, for
+nearly one hundred years a battle has raged in one form or another
+between those few of the workers who were urging, with passionate fire,
+what they called "action" and that multitude of others who day and night
+were laying stone upon stone.
+
+No individual--in fact, nothing but a force as strong and compelling as
+a natural law--could have brought into existence such a vast solidarity
+as now exists in the world of labor. Like food and drink, the
+organization of labor satisfies an inherent necessity. The workers
+crave its protection, seek its guidance, and possess a sense of security
+only when supported by its solidarity. Only something as intuitively
+impelling as the desire for life could have called forth the labor and
+love and sacrifice that have been lavishly expended in the disheartening
+and incredibly tedious work of labor organization. The upbuilding of the
+labor movement has seemed at times like constructing a house of cards:
+often it was hardly begun before some ill wind cast it down. It has cost
+many of its creators exile, imprisonment, starvation, and death. With
+one mighty assault its opponents have often razed to the ground the work
+of years. Yet, as soon as the eyes of its destroyers were turned, a
+multitude of loving hands and broken hearts set to work to patch up its
+scattered fragments and build it anew. The labor movement is
+unconquerable.
+
+Unlike many other aggregations, associations, and benevolent orders,
+unlike the Church, to which it is frequently compared, the labor
+movement is not a purely voluntary union. No doubt there is a
+_camaraderie_ in that movement, and unquestionably the warmest spirit of
+fellowship often prevails, but the really effective cause for
+working-class unity is economic necessity. The workers have been driven
+together. The unions subsist not because of leaders and agitators, but
+because of the compelling economic interests of their members. They are
+efforts to allay the deadly strife among workers, as organizations of
+capital are efforts to allay the deadly strife among capitalists. The
+cooeperative movement has grown into a vast commerce wholly because it
+served the self-interest of the workers. The trade unions have grown big
+in all countries because of the protection, they offer and the insurance
+they provide against low wages, long hours, and poverty. The socialist
+parties have grown great because they express the highest social
+aspirations of the workers and their antagonism toward the present
+regime. Moreover, they offer an opportunity to put forward, in the most
+authoritative places, the demands of the workers for political, social,
+and economic reform. The whole is a struggle for democracy, both
+political and industrial, that is by no means founded merely on whim or
+caprice. It has gradually become a religion, an imperative religion, of
+millions of workingmen and women. Chiefly because of their economic
+subjection, they are striving in the most heroic manner to make their
+voice heard in those places where the rules of the game of life are
+decided. Thus, every phase of the labor movement has arisen in response
+to actual material needs.
+
+And, if the labor movement has arisen in response to actual material
+needs, it is now a very great and material actuality. The workingmen of
+the world are, as we have seen, uniting at a pace so rapid as to be
+almost unbelievable. There are to-day not only great national
+organizations of labor in nearly every country, but these national
+movements are bound closely together into one unified international
+power. The great world-wide movement of labor, which Marx and Engels
+prophesied would come, is now here. And, if they were living to-day,
+they could not but be astonished at the real and mighty manifestation of
+their early dreams. To be sure, Engels lived long enough to be jubilant
+over the massing of labor's forces, but Marx saw little of it, and even
+the German socialists, who started out so brilliantly, were at the time
+of his death fighting desperately for existence under the anti-socialist
+law. Indeed, in 1883, the year of his death, the labor movement was
+still torn by quarrels and dissensions over problems of tactics, and in
+America, France, and Austria the terrorists were more active than at
+any time in their history. It was still a question whether the German
+movement could survive, while in the other countries the socialists were
+still little more than sects. That was just thirty years ago, while
+to-day, as we have seen, over ten millions of workingmen, scattered
+throughout the entire world, fight every one of their battles on the
+lines laid down by Marx. The tactics and principles he outlined are now
+theirs. The unity of the workers he pleaded for is rapidly being
+achieved throughout the entire world, and everywhere these armies are
+marching toward the goal made clear by his life and labor. "Although I
+have seen him to-night," writes Engels to Liebknecht, March 14, 1883,
+"stretched out on his bed, the face rigid in death, I cannot grasp the
+thought that this genius should have ceased to fertilize with his
+powerful thoughts the proletarian movement of both worlds. Whatever we
+all are, we are through him; and whatever the movement of to-day is, it
+is through his theoretical and practical work; without him we should
+still be stuck in the mire of confusion."[2]
+
+What was this mire? If we will cast our eyes back to the middle of last
+century we cannot but realize that the ideas of the world have undergone
+a complete revolution. When Marx began his work with the labor movement
+there was absolute ignorance among both masters and men concerning the
+nature of capitalism. It was a great and terrible enigma which no one
+understood. The working class itself was broken up into innumerable
+guerilla bands fighting hopelessly, aimlessly, with the most antiquated
+and ineffectual weapons. They were in misery; but why, they knew not.
+They left their work to riot for days and weeks, without aim and without
+purpose. They were bitter and sullen. They smashed machines and burned
+factories, chiefly because they were totally ignorant of the causes of
+their misery or of the nature of their real antagonist. Not seldom in
+those days there were meetings of hundreds of thousands of laborers, and
+not infrequently mysterious epidemics of fires and of machine-breaking
+occurred throughout all the factory districts. Again and again the
+soldiers were brought out to massacre the laborers. In all England--then
+the most advanced industrially--there were few who understood
+capitalism, and among masters or men there was hardly one who knew the
+real source of all the immense, intolerable economic evils.
+
+The class struggle was there, and it was being fought more furiously and
+violently than ever before or since. The most striking rebels of the
+time were those that Marx called the "bourgeois democrats." They were
+forever preaching open and violent revolution. They were dreaming of the
+glorious day when, amid insurrection and riot, they should stand at the
+barricades, fighting the battle for freedom. In their little circles
+they "were laying plans for the overthrow of the world and intoxicating
+themselves day by day, evening by evening, with the hasheesh-drink of:
+'To-morrow it will start;'"[3] Before and after the revolutionary period
+of '48 there were innumerable thousands of these fugitives, exiles, and
+men of action obsessed with the dream that a great revolutionary
+cataclysm was soon to occur which would lay in ruins the old society.
+That a crisis was impending everyone believed, including even Marx and
+Engels. In fact, for over twenty years, from 1847 to 1871, the
+"extemporizers of revolutions" fretfully awaited the supreme hour.
+Toward the end of the period appeared Bakounin and Nechayeff with their
+robber worship, conspiratory secret societies, and international network
+of revolutionists. Wherever capitalism made headway the workers grew
+more and more rebellious, but neither they nor those who sought to lead
+them, and often did, in fact, lead them, had much of any program beyond
+destruction. Bakounin was not far wrong, at the time, in thinking that
+he was "spreading among the masses ideas corresponding to the instincts
+of the masses,"[4] when he advocated the destruction of the Government,
+the Church, the mills, the factories, and the palaces, to the end that
+"not a stone should be left upon a stone."
+
+This was the mire of confusion that Engels speaks of. There was not one
+with any program at all adequate to meet the problem. The aim of the
+rebels went little beyond retaliation and destruction. What were the
+weapons employed by the warriors of this period? Street riots and
+barricades were those of the "bourgeois democrats"; strikes,
+machine-breaking, and incendiarism were those of the workers; and later
+the terrorists came with their robber worship and Propaganda of the
+Deed. In the midst of this veritable passion for destruction Marx and
+Engels found themselves. Here was a period when direct action was
+supreme. There was nothing else, and no one dreamed of anything else.
+The enemies of the existing order were employing exactly the same means
+and methods used by the upholders of that order. Among the workers, for
+instance, the only weapons used were general strikes, boycotts, and what
+is now called sabotage. These were wholly imitative and retaliative. It
+is clear that the strike is, after all, only an inverted lockout; and as
+early as 1833 a general strike was parried by a general lockout. The
+boycott is identical with the blacklist. The employer boycotts union
+leaders and union men. The employees boycott the non-union products of
+the employer; while sabotage, the most ancient weapon of labor, answers
+poor pay with poor work, and broken machines for broken lives. And, if
+the working class was striking back with the same weapons that were
+being used against it, so, too, were the "pan-destroyers," except that
+for the most part their weapons were incredibly inadequate and
+ridiculous. Sticks and stones and barricades were their method of
+combating rifles and trained armies. All this again is more evidence of
+the mire of confusion.
+
+However, if the weapons of the rebellious were utterly futile and
+ineffectual, there were no others, for every move the workers or their
+friends made was considered lawless. All political and trades
+associations were against the law. Peaceable assembly was sedition.
+Strikes were treason. Picketing was intimidation; and the boycott was
+conspiracy in restraint of trade. Such associations as existed were
+forced to become secret societies, and, even if a working-class
+newspaper appeared, it was almost immediately suppressed. And, if all
+forms of trade-union activity were criminal, political activity was
+impossible where the vast majority of toilers had no votes. With methods
+mainly imitative, retaliative, and revengeful; with no program of what
+was wanted; in total ignorance of the causes of their misery; and with
+little appreciation that in unity there is strength, the workers and
+their friends, in the middle of the last century, were stuck in the
+mire--of ignorance, helplessness, and confusion.
+
+This was the world in which Marx and Engels began their labor. Direct
+action was at its zenith, and the struggle of the classes was ferocious.
+Indeed, all Europe was soon to see barricades in every city, and thrones
+and governments tumbling into apparent ruin. Yet in the midst of all
+this wild confusion, and even touching elbows with the leaders of these
+revolutionary storms, Marx and Engels outlined in clear, simple, and
+powerful language the nature of capitalism--what it was, how it came
+into being, and what it was yet destined to become. They pointed out
+that it was not individual employers or individual statesmen or the
+Government or even kings and princes who were responsible for the evils
+of society, but that unemployment, misery, and oppression were due to an
+economic system, and that so long as capitalism existed the mass of
+humanity would be sunk in poverty. They called attention to the long
+evolutionary processes that had been necessary to change the entire
+world from a state of feudalism into a state of capitalism; and how it
+was not due to man's will-power that the great industrial revolution
+occurred, but to the growth of machines, of steam, and of electrical
+power; and that it was these that have made the modern world, with its
+intense and terrible contrasts of riches and of poverty. They also
+pointed out that little individual owners of property were giving way to
+joint-stock companies, and that these would in turn give way to even
+greater aggregations of capital. An economic law was driving the big
+capitalists to eat up the little capitalists. It was forcing them to
+take from the workers their hand tools and to drive them out of their
+home workshops; it was forcing them also to take from the small property
+owners their little properties and to appropriate the wealth of the
+world into their own hands. As a result of this economic process,
+"private property," they said, "is already done away with for
+nine-tenths of the population."[5] But they also pointed out that
+capitalism had within itself the seeds of its own dissolution, that it
+was creating a new class, made up of the overwhelming majority, that was
+destined in time to overthrow capitalism. "What the bourgeoisie
+therefore produces, above all, are its own grave diggers."[6] In the
+interest of society the nine-tenths would force the one-tenth to yield
+up its private property, that is to say, its "power to subjugate the
+labor of others."[7]
+
+Taking their stand on this careful analysis of historic progress and of
+economic evolution, they viewed with contempt the older fighting methods
+of the revolutionists, and turned their vials of satire and wrath upon
+Herwegh, Willich, Schapper, Kinkel, Ledru-Rollin, Bakounin, and all
+kinds and species of revolution-makers. They deplored incendiarism,
+machine destruction, and all the purely retaliative acts of the
+laborers. They even ridiculed the general strike.[AI] And, while for
+thirty years they assailed anarchists, terrorists, and
+direct-actionists, they never lost an opportunity to impress upon the
+workers of Europe the only possible method of effectually combating
+capitalism. There must first be unity--world-wide, international
+unity--among all the forces of labor. And, secondly, all the energies of
+a united labor movement must be centered upon the all-important contest
+for control of political power. They fought incessantly with their pens
+to bring home the great truth that every class struggle is a political
+struggle; and, while they were working to emphasize that fact, they
+began in 1864 actually to organize the workers of Europe to fight that
+struggle. The first great practical work of the International was to get
+votes for workingmen. It was the chief thought and labor of Marx during
+the first years of that organization to win for the English workers the
+suffrage, while in Germany all his followers--including Lassalle as well
+as Bebel and Liebknecht--labored throughout the sixties to that end. Up
+to the present the main work of the socialist movement throughout the
+world has been to fight for, and its main achievement to obtain, the
+legal weapons essential for its battles.
+
+Let us try to grasp the immensity of the task actually executed by Marx.
+First, consider his scientific work. During all the period of these many
+battles every leisure moment was spent in study. While others were
+engaged in organizing what they were pleased to call the "Revolution"
+and waiting about for it to start, Marx, Engels, Liebknecht, and all
+this group were spending innumerable hours in the library. We see the
+result of that labor in the three great volumes of "Capital," in many
+pamphlets, and in other writings. By this painstaking scientific work of
+Marx the nature of capitalism was made known and, consequently, what it
+was that should be combated, and how the battle should be waged. In
+addition to these studies, which have been of such priceless value to
+the labor and socialist movements of the world, Marx, by his pitiless
+logic and incessant warfare, destroyed every revolution-maker, and then,
+by an act of surgery that many declared would prove fatal, cut out of
+the labor movement the "pan-destroyers." Once more, by a supreme effort,
+he turned the thought of labor throughout the world to the one end and
+aim of winning its political weapons, of organizing its political
+armies, and of uniting the working classes of all lands. Here, then, is
+a brief summary of the work of this genius, who fertilized with his
+powerful thoughts the proletarian movements of both worlds. The most
+wonderful thing of all is that, in his brief lifetime, he should not
+only have planned this gigantic task, but that he should have obtained
+the essentials for its complete accomplishment.
+
+And, as we look out upon the world to-day, we find it actually a
+different world, almost a new world. The present-day conflict between
+capital and labor has no more the character of the guerilla warfare of
+half a century ago. It is now a struggle between immense organizations
+of capital and immense organizations of labor. And not only has there
+been a revolution in ideas concerning the nature of capitalism but there
+has been as a consequence a revolution in the methods of combat between
+labor and capital. While all the earlier and more brutal forms of
+warfare are still used, the conflict as a whole is to-day conducted on a
+different plane. The struggle of the classes is no longer a vague,
+undefined, and embittered battle. It is no longer merely a contest
+between the violent of both classes. It is now a deliberate, and largely
+legal, tug-of-war between two great social categories over the _ends_ of
+a social revolution that both are beginning to recognize as inevitable.
+The representative workers to-day understand capitalism, and labor now
+faces capital with a program, clear, comprehensive, world-changing; with
+an international army of so many millions that it is almost past
+contending with; while its tactics and methods of action can neither be
+assailed nor effectively combated. From one end of the earth to the
+other we see capital with its gigantic associations of bankers,
+merchants, manufacturers, mine owners, and mill owners striving to
+forward and to protect its economic interests. On the other hand, we see
+labor with its millions upon millions of organized men all but united
+and solidified under the flag of international socialism.
+
+And, most strange and wondrous of all--as a result of the logic of
+things and of the logic of Marx--the actual positions of the two classes
+have been completely transposed. Marx persuaded the workers to take up a
+weapon which they alone can use. Like Siegfried, they have taken the
+fragments of a sword and welded them into a mighty weapon--so mighty,
+indeed, that the working class alone, with its innumerable millions, is
+capable of wielding it. The workers are the only class in society with
+the numerical strength to become the majority and the only class which,
+by unity and organization, can employ the suffrage effectively. While
+fifty years ago the workers had every legal and peaceable means denied
+them, to-day they are the only class which can assuredly profit through
+legal and peaceable means. It is obvious that the beneficiaries of
+special privilege can hope to retain their power only so long as the
+working class is divided and too ignorant to recognize its own
+interests. As soon as its eyes open, the privileged classes must lose
+its political support and, with that political support, everything else.
+That is absolutely inevitable. The interests of mass and class are too
+fundamentally opposed to permit of permanent political harmony.
+
+Nobody sees this more clearly than the intelligent capitalist. As the
+workers become more and more conscious of their collective power and
+more and more convinced that through solidarity they can quietly take
+possession of the world, their opponents become increasingly conscious
+of their growing weakness, and already in Europe there is developing a
+kind of upper-class syndicalism, that despairs of Parliaments, deplores
+the bungling work of politics, and ridicules the general incompetence of
+democratic institutions. At the same time, however, they exercise
+stupendous efforts, in the most devious and questionable ways, to retain
+their political power. Facing the inevitable, and realizing that
+potentially at least the suffrages of the immense majority stand over
+them as a menace, they are beginning to seek other methods of action. Of
+course, in all the more democratic countries the power of democracy has
+already made itself felt, and in America, at any rate, the powerful have
+long had resort to bribery, corruption, and all sorts of political
+conspiracy in order to retain their power. Much as we may deplore the
+debauchery of public servants, it nevertheless yields us a certain
+degree of satisfaction, in that it is eloquent testimony of this
+agreeable fact, that the oldest anarchists are losing their control over
+the State. They hold their sway over it more and more feebly, and even
+when the State is entirely obedient to their will, it is not
+infrequently because they have temporarily purchased that power. When
+the manufacturers, the trusts, and the beneficiaries of special
+privilege generally are forced periodically to go out and purchase the
+State from the Robin Hoods of politics, when they are compelled to
+finance lavishly every political campaign, and then abjectly go to the
+very men whom their money has put into power and buy them again, their
+bleeding misery becomes an object of pity.
+
+This really amounts to an almost absolute transposition of the classes.
+In the early nineties Engels saw the beginning of this change, and, in
+what Sombart rightly says may be looked upon as a kind of "political
+last will and testament" to the movement, Engels writes: "The time for
+small minorities to place themselves at the head of the ignorant masses
+and resort to force in order to bring about revolutions is gone. A
+complete change in the organization of society can be brought about only
+by the conscious cooeperation of the masses; they must be alive to the
+aim in view; they must know what they want. The history of the last
+fifty years has taught that. But, if the masses are to understand the
+line of action that is necessary, we must work hard and continuously to
+bring it home to them. That, indeed, is what we are now engaged upon,
+and our success is driving our opponents to despair. The irony of
+destiny is turning everything topsy-turvy. We, the 'revolutionaries,'
+are profiting more by lawful than by unlawful and revolutionary means.
+The parties of order, as they call themselves, are being slowly
+destroyed by their own weapons. Their cry is that of Odilon Barrot:
+'Lawful means are killing us.'... We, on the contrary, are thriving on
+them, our muscles are strong, and our cheeks are red, and we look as
+though we intend to live forever!"[8]
+
+And if lawful means are killing them, so are science and democracy. We
+no longer live in an age when any suggestion of change is deemed a
+sacrilege. The period has gone by when political, social, and industrial
+institutions are supposed to be unalterable. No one believes them
+fashioned by Divinity, and there is nothing so sacred in the worldly
+affairs of men that it cannot be questioned. There is no law, or
+judicial decision, or decree, or form of property, or social status that
+cannot be critically examined; and, if men can agree, none is so firmly
+established that it cannot be changed. It is agreed that men shall be
+allowed to speak, write, and propagate their views on all questions,
+whether religious, political, or industrial. In theory, at least, all
+authority, law, administrative institutions, and property relations are
+decided ultimately in the court of the people. Through their press these
+things may be discussed. On their platform these things may be approved
+or denounced. In their assemblies there is freedom to make any
+declaration for or against things as they are. And through their votes
+and representatives there is not one institution that cannot be molded,
+changed, or even abolished. Upon this theory modern society is held
+together. It is a belief so firmly rooted in the popular mind that,
+although everything goes against the people, they peacefully submit. So
+firmly established, indeed, is this tradition that even the most irate
+admit that where wrong exists the chief fault lies with the people
+themselves.
+
+Whatever may be said concerning its limitations and its perversions,
+this, then, is an age of democracy, founded upon a widespread faith in
+majority rule. Whether it be true or not, the conviction is almost
+universal that the majority can, through its political power, accomplish
+any and every change, no matter how revolutionary. Our whole Western
+civilization has had bred into it the belief that those who are
+dissatisfied with things as they are can agitate to change them, are
+even free to organize for the purpose of changing them, and can, in
+fact, change them whenever the majority is won over to stand with them.
+This, again, is the theory, although there is no one of us, of course,
+but will admit that a thousand ways are found to defeat the will of the
+majority. There are bribery, fraudulent elections, and an infinite
+variety of corrupting methods. There is the control of parliaments, of
+courts, and of political parties by special privilege. There are
+oppressive and unjust laws obtained through trickery. There is the
+overwhelming power exercised by the wealthy through their control of the
+press and of nearly all means of enlightenment. Through their power and
+the means they have to corrupt, the majority is indeed so constantly
+deceived that, when one dwells only on this side of our political life,
+it is easy to arrive at the conviction that democracy is a myth and
+that, in fact, the end may never come of this power of the few to divert
+and pervert the institutions for expressing the popular will.
+
+But there is no way of achieving democracy in any form except through
+democracy, and we have found that he who rejects political action finds
+himself irresistibly drawn into the use of means that are both
+indefensible and abortive. Curiously enough, in this use of methods, as
+in other ways, extremes meet. Both the despot and the terrorist are
+anti-democrats. Neither the anarchist of Bakounin's type nor the
+anarchist of the Wall Street type trusts the people. With their cliques
+and inner circles plotting their conspiracies, they are forced to travel
+the same subterranean passages. The one through corruption impresses the
+will of the wealthy and powerful upon the community. The other hopes
+that by some dash upon authority a spirited, daring, and reckless
+minority can overturn existing society and establish a new social order.
+The method of the political boss, the aristocrat, the self-seeker, the
+monopolist--even in the use of thugs, private armies, spies, and
+_provocateurs_--differs little from the methods proposed by Bakounin in
+his Alliance. And it is not in the least strange that much of the
+lawlessness and violence of the last half-century has had its origin in
+these two sources. In all the unutterably despicable work of detective
+agencies and police spies that has led to the destruction of property,
+to riots and minor rebellions that have cost the lives of many thousands
+in recent decades, we find the sordid materialism of special privilege
+seeking to gain its secret ends. In all the unutterably tragic work of
+the terrorists that has cost so many lives we find the rage and despair
+of self-styled revolutionists seeking to gain their secret ends. After
+all, it matters little whether the aim of a group of conspirators is
+purely selfish or wholly altruistic. It matters little whether their
+program is to build into a system private monopoly or to save the world
+from that monopoly. Their methods outrage democracy, even when they are
+not actually criminal. The oldest anarchist believes that the people
+must be _deceived_ into a worse social order, and that at least is a
+tribute to their intelligence. On the other hand, the Bakouninists, old
+and new, believe that the people must be _deceived_ into a better social
+order, and that is founded upon their complete distrust of the people.
+
+And, rightly enough, the attitude of the masses toward the secret and
+conspiratory methods of both the idealist anarchist and the materialist
+anarchist is the same. If the latter distrust the people, the people no
+less distrust them. If the masses would mob the terrorist who springs
+forth to commit some fearful act, the purpose of which they cannot in
+the least understand, they would, if possible, also mob the individual
+responsible for manipulation of elections, for the buying of
+legislatures, and for the purchasing of court decisions. They fear,
+distrust, and denounce the terrorist who goes forth to commit arson,
+pillage, or assassination no less than the anarchist who purchases
+private armies, hires thugs to beat up unoffending citizens, and uses
+the power of wealth to undermine the Government. In one sense, the acts
+of the materialist anarchist are clearer even than those of the other.
+The people know the ends sought by the powerful. On the other hand, the
+ends sought by the terrorist are wholly mysterious; he has not even
+taken the trouble to make his program clear. We find, then, that the
+anarchist of high finance, who would suppress democracy in the interest
+of a new feudalism, and the anarchist of a sect, who would override
+democracy in the hope of communism, are classed together in the popular
+mind. The man who in this day deifies the individual or the sect, and
+would make the rights of the individual or the sect override the rights
+of the many, is battling vainly against the supreme current of the age.
+
+Democracy may be a myth. Yet of all the faiths of our time none is more
+firmly grounded, none more warmly cherished. If any man refuses to abide
+by the decisions of democracy and takes his case out of that court, he
+ranges against himself practically the entire populace. On the other
+hand, the man who takes his case to that court is often forced to suffer
+for a long time humiliating defeats. If the case be a new one but little
+understood, there is no place where a hearing seems so hard to win as in
+exactly that court. Universal suffrage, by which such cases are decided,
+appears to the man with a new idea as an obstacle almost overwhelming.
+He must set out on a long and dreary road of education and of
+organization; he must take his case before a jury made up of untold
+millions; he must wait maybe for centuries to obtain a majority. To go
+into this great open court and plead an entirely new cause requires a
+courage that is sublime and convictions that have the intensity of a
+religion. One who possesses any doubt cannot begin a task so gigantic,
+and certainly one who, for any reason, distrusts the people cannot, of
+course, put his case in that court. It was with full realization of the
+difficulties, of the certainty of repeated defeats, and of the
+overwhelming power against them that the socialists entered this great
+arena to fight their battle. Universal suffrage is a merciless thing.
+How often has it served the purpose of stripping the socialist naked and
+exposing him to a terrible humiliation! Again and again, in the history
+of the last fifty years, have the socialists, after tremendous
+agitation, gigantic mass meetings, and widespread social unrest, marched
+their followers to the polls with results positively pitiful. A dozen
+votes out of thousands have in more cases than one marked their relative
+power. There is no other example in the world of such faith, courage,
+and persistence in politics as that of the socialists, who, despite
+defeat after defeat, humiliation after humiliation, have never lost
+hope, but on every occasion, in every part of the modern world, have
+gone up again and again to be knocked down by that jury.
+
+And let it be said to their credit that never once anywhere have the
+socialists despaired of democracy. "_Socialism and democracy ... belong
+to each other, round out each other, and can never stand in
+contradiction to each other. Socialism without democracy is
+pseudo-socialism, just as democracy without socialism is
+pseudo-democracy. The democratic state is the only possible form of a
+socialised society._"[9] The inseparableness of democracy and socialism
+has served the organized movement as an unerring guide at every moment
+of its struggle for existence and of its fight against the ruling
+powers. It has served to keep its soul free from that cynical distrust
+of the people which is evident in the writings of the anarchists and of
+the syndicalists--in Bakounin, Nechayeff, Sorel, Berth, and Pouget. It
+has also served to keep it from those emotional reactions which have led
+nearly every great leader of the direct-actionists in the last century
+to become in the end an apostate. Feargus O'Connor, Joseph Rayner
+Stephens, the fierce leaders of Chartism; Bakounin, Blanc, Richard,
+Jaclard, Andrieux, Bastelica, the flaming revolutionists of the
+Alliance; Briand, Sorel, Berth, the leading propagandists and
+philosophers of modern syndicalism; every one of them turned in despair
+from the movement. Cobden, Bonaparte, Clemenceau, the Empire, the "new
+monarchy," or a comfortable berth, claimed in the end every one of these
+impatient middle-class intellectuals, who never had any real
+understanding of the actual labor movement. And, if the union of
+democracy and socialism has saved the movement from reactions such as
+these, it has also saved it from the desperation that gives birth to
+individual methods, such as the Propaganda of the Deed and sabotage.
+That is what the inseparableness of democracy and socialism has done for
+the movement in the past; and it has in it an even greater service yet
+to perform. It has the power of salvation for society itself in the not
+remote future, when it will be face to face, throughout the world, with
+an irresistible current toward State socialism. Industrial democracy and
+political democracy are indissolubly united; their union cannot be
+sundered except at the cost of destruction to them both.
+
+In adopting, then, the methods of education, of organization, and of
+political action the socialists rest their case upon the decision of
+democracy. They accept the weapons that civilization has put into their
+hands, and they are testing the word of kings and of parliaments that
+democracy can, if it wishes, alter the bases of society. And in no small
+measure this is the secret of their immense strength and of their
+enormous growth. There is nothing strange in the fact that the
+socialists stand almost alone to-day faithful to democracy. It simply
+means that they believe in it even for themselves, that is to say, for
+the working class. They believe in it for industry as well as for
+politics, and, if they are at war with the political despot, they are
+also at war with the industrial despot. Everyone is a socialist and a
+democrat within his circle. No capitalist objects to a group of
+capitalists cooeperatively owning a great railroad. The fashionable clubs
+of both city and country are almost perfect examples of group socialism.
+They are owned cooeperatively and conducted for the benefit of all the
+members. Even some reformers are socialists in this measure--that they
+believe it would be well for the community to own public utilities,
+provided skilled, trained, honorable men, like themselves, are permitted
+to conduct them. Indeed, the only democracy or socialism that is
+seriously combated is that which embraces the most numerous and most
+useful class in society, "the only class that is not a class";[10] the
+only class so numerous that it "cannot effect its emancipation without
+delivering all society from its division into classes."[11]
+
+In any case, here it is, "the self-conscious, independent movement of
+the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority,"[12]
+already with its eleven million voters and its fifty million souls. It
+has slowly, patiently, painfully toiled up to a height where it is
+beginning to see visions of victory. It has faith in itself and in its
+cause. It believes it has the power of deliverance for all society and
+for all humanity. It does not expect the powerful to have faith in it;
+but, as Jesus came out of despised Nazareth, so the new world is coming
+out of the multitude, amid the toil and sweat and anguish of the mills,
+mines, and factories of the world. It has endured much; suffered ages
+long of slavery and serfdom. From being mere animals of production, the
+workers have become the "hands" of production; and they are now reaching
+out to become the masters of production. And, while in other periods of
+the world their intolerable misery led them again and again to strike
+out in a kind of torrential anarchy that pulled down society itself,
+they have in our time, for the first time in the history of the world,
+patiently and persistently organized themselves into a world power.
+Where shall we find in all history another instance of the organization
+in less than half a century of eleven million people into a compact
+force for the avowed purpose of peacefully and legally taking possession
+of the world? They have refused to hurry. They have declined all short
+cuts. They have spurned violence. The "bourgeois democrats," the
+terrorists, and the syndicalists, each in their time, have tried to
+point out a shorter, quicker path. The workers have refused to listen to
+them. On the other hand, they have declined the way of compromise, of
+fusions, and of alliances, that have also promised a quicker and a
+shorter road to power. With the most maddening patience they have
+declined to take any other path than their own--thus infuriating not
+only the terrorists in their own ranks but those Greeks from the other
+side who came to them bearing gifts. Nothing seems to disturb them or to
+block their path. They are offered reforms and concessions, which they
+take blandly, but without thanks. They simply move on and on, with the
+terrible, incessant, irresistible power of some eternal, natural force.
+They have been fought; yet they have never lost a single great battle.
+They have been flattered and cajoled, without ever once anywhere being
+appeased. They have been provoked, insulted, imprisoned, calumniated,
+and repressed. They are indifferent to it all. They simply move on and
+on--with the patience and the meekness of a people with the vision that
+they are soon to inherit the earth.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[AG] The vote for Belgium is estimated. The Liberals and the Socialists
+combined at the last election in opposition to the Clericals, and
+together polled over 1,200,000 votes. The British Socialist Year Book,
+1913, estimates the total Socialist vote at about 600,000.
+
+[AH] Above data taken from International News Letter of National Trade
+Union Centers, Berlin, May 30, 1913.
+
+[AI] "The general strike," Engels said, "is in Bakounin's program the
+lever which must be applied in order to inaugurate the social
+revolution.... The proposition is far from being new; some French
+socialists, and, after them, some Belgian socialists have since 1848
+shown a partiality for riding this beast of parade." This appeared in a
+series of articles written for _Der Volksstaat_ in 1873 and republished
+in the pamphlet "_Bakunisten an der Arbeit_."
+
+
+
+
+AUTHORITIES
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+[1] Macaulay, Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays: The Earl
+of Chatham, p. 3.
+
+[2] Bakounin, _OEuvres_, Vol. III, p. 21. (P. V, Stock, Paris,
+1912-1913.)
+
+[3] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. xiv.
+
+[4] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. xlvii.
+
+[5] _L'Alliance de la Democratie Socialiste et l'Association
+Internationale des Travailleurs_, p. 121. (Secret Statutes of the
+Alliance.) A. Darson, London, and Otto Meissner, Hamburg, 1873.
+
+[6] _Idem_, p. 125. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)
+
+[7] _Idem_, p. 128. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)
+
+[8] _Idem_, p. 11. (The Secret Alliance.)
+
+[9] _Idem_, p. 129. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)
+
+[10] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. viii.
+
+[11] _L'Alliance_, etc., p. 95.
+
+[12] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. viii.
+
+[13] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. xxiii.
+
+[14] Quoted in _L'Alliance_, etc., p. 112.
+
+[15] _Idem_, p. 117.
+
+[16] _L'Alliance_, etc., p. 129. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)
+
+[17] _Idem_, pp. 128-129. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)
+
+[18] _Idem_, p. 132. (Secret Statutes of the Alliance.)
+
+[19] _Cf._ Guillaume, _L'Internationale; documents et souvenirs_
+(1864-1878). Vol. I, p. 131. (Edouard Cornely et Cie., Paris,
+1905-1910.)
+
+[20] _Cf. Idem_, Vol. I, pp. 132-133, for entire program.
+
+[21] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. V, p. 53.
+
+[22] _L'Alliance_, etc., pp. 64-65.
+
+[23] _Idem_, p. 65 (quotations from The Principles of the Revolution).
+
+[24] _Idem_, p. 66 (The Principles of the Revolution).
+
+[25] _Idem_, p. 68 (The Principles of the Revolution).
+
+[26] _Idem_, pp. 90-92.
+
+[27] _Idem_, pp. 93-94.
+
+[28] _Idem_, pp. 94-95.
+
+[29] _Idem_, p. 95.
+
+[30] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 60.
+
+[31] _Idem_, Vol. II, pp. 61-63.
+
+[32] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 312.
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+[1] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 90.
+
+[2] Lefrancais, _Memoires d'un revolutionnaire_, p. 348 (Paris).
+
+[3] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 92 (Oscar Testut).
+
+[4] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 92.
+
+[5] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 93.
+
+[6] _Idem_, Vol. II. pp. 94-95.
+
+[7] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 96.
+
+[8] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 96.
+
+[9] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 96.
+
+[10] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 97.
+
+[11] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 97.
+
+[12] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 97.
+
+[13] _Idem_, Vol. II, pp. 98-99.
+
+[14] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 98.
+
+[15] Quoted by _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 101. Cf. The Social Democrat, April
+15, 1903.
+
+[16] _L'Alliance_, etc., p. 21.
+
+[17] Marx, The Commune of Paris (Bax's translation), p. 123. (Twentieth
+Century Press, Ltd., London, 1895.)
+
+[18] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. III, p. 100.
+
+[19] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 98.
+
+[20] _Bakunisten an der Arbeit_, I, by Frederick Engels, printed in _Der
+Volksstaat_, October 31, 1873, No. 105.
+
+[21] Quoted by Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. III, p. 154.
+
+[22] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 100.
+
+[23] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 204.
+
+[24] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 207.
+
+[25] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 208.
+
+[26] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 186.
+
+[27] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 186.
+
+[28] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 146.
+
+[29] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 237.
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+[1] Kropotkin, Memoirs of a Revolutionist, p. 394. (Houghton, Mifflin &
+Co., Boston, 1899.)
+
+[2] _Idem_, p. 287.
+
+[3] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. IV, pp. 113-114.
+
+[4] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 225.
+
+[5] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 225.
+
+[6] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 226.
+
+[7] Kropotkin, _Paroles d'un revolte_, pp. 285-288 (E. Flammarion,
+Paris, 1885).
+
+[8] _L'Alliance_, etc., p. 65 (The Principles of the Revolution).
+
+[9] Prolo, _Les Anarchistes_, pp. 14-15 (Marcel Riviere et Cie., Paris,
+1912); _or_ Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. IV, pp. 160-168.
+
+[10] Prolo, _op. cit._, pp. 15-17; _or_ Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. IV,
+pp. 184-188.
+
+[11] Bebel, My Life, p. 330 (Chicago University Press, 1912).
+
+[12] Zenker, Anarchism: A Criticism and History of the Anarchist Theory,
+p. 282 (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New Y
+ork, 1901).
+
+[13] _Idem_, pp. 294-295.
+
+[14] Kropotkin, _op. cit._, pp. 448-449.
+
+[15] Zenker, _op. cit._, p. 286.
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+[1] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. IV, p. 209.
+
+[2] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 227.
+
+[3] Quoted by Zenker, _op. cit._, pp. 235-236.
+
+[4] Zenker, _op. cit._, pp. 282-283.
+
+[5] Emma Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays, p. 47 (Mother Earth
+Publishing Co., New York, 1911).
+
+[6] Quoted in History of Socialism in the United States, p. 219 (Funk &
+Wagnalls, New York, 1910), by Morris Hillquit, who gives a fuller
+account of this period.
+
+[7] Quoted by Ely, The Labor Movement in America, p. 262 (Thomas Y.
+Crowell, New York, 3d ed., 1910).
+
+[8] _Idem_, p. 263.
+
+[9] The Chicago Martyrs, p. 30 (Free Society Publishing Co., San
+Francisco, 1899).
+
+[10] Reprinted in Instead of a Book, by Benjamin R. Tucker, pp. 429-432
+(Benj. R. Tucker, New York, 1897).
+
+[11] _Idem_, p. 429.
+
+[12] Bebel, My Life, p. 237.
+
+[13] Alexander Berkman, Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist, p. 7 (Mother
+Earth Publishing Company, New York, 1912).
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+[1] Quoted by Prolo, _Les Anarchistes_, p. 44.
+
+[2] Prolo, _op. cit._, p. 45.
+
+[3] Quoted from _L'Eclair_ by Prolo, _op. cit._, p. 46.
+
+[4] Quoted by Prolo, _op. cit._, p. 47.
+
+[5] Quoted by _Idem_, p. 47.
+
+[6] Quoted by _Idem_, p. 47.
+
+[7] Emma Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays, p. 101.
+
+[8] _Idem_, pp. 99-100.
+
+[9] _Idem_, pp. 102-103.
+
+[10] Prolo, _op. cit._, p. 52.
+
+[11] _Idem_, pp. 54-55.
+
+[12] _Pall Mall Gazette_, April 29, 1912.
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+[1] Emma Goldman, _op. cit._, p. 98.
+
+[2] _Idem_, p. 113.
+
+[3] _Idem_, pp. 113-114.
+
+[4] Percy Bysshe Shelley, Julian and Maddalo.
+
+[5] _Idem._
+
+[6] Angiolillo, quoted by Goldman, _op. cit._, pp. 104-105.
+
+[7] Goldman, _op. cit._, p. 103.
+
+[8] The Chicago Martyrs, p. 30.
+
+[9] Alfred Tennyson, The Vision of Sin, IV.
+
+[10] Lombroso, _Les Anarchistes_, pp. 184, 181-183, 196 (Flammarion,
+Paris, 1896).
+
+[11] _Idem_, pp. 205-207.
+
+[12] Quoted by Lombroso, _op. cit._, p. 207.
+
+[13] Zenker, _op. cit._, pp. 306-307.
+
+[14] Bebel, _Attentate und Sozialdemokratie_, p. 6, a speech delivered
+at Berlin, November 2, 1898 (_Vorwaerts_, Berlin, 1905).
+
+[15] The Chicago Martyrs, p. 130.
+
+[16] _Idem_, p. 16.
+
+[17] _Idem_, p. 62.
+
+[18] Max Stirner, The Ego and His Own, p. 477 (A. C. Fifield, London,
+1912).
+
+[19] _Idem_, p. 425.
+
+[20] _Idem_, p. 394.
+
+[21] Lombroso, _op. cit._, pp. 52-54.
+
+[22] Marx and Engels, The Communist Manifesto, p. 29 (C. H. Kerr & Co.,
+Chicago, 1906).
+
+[23] Reprinted in Guesde's _Quatre ans de lutte des classes_, pp. 88-91
+(G. Jacques et Cie., Paris, 1901).
+
+[24] _Idem_, p. 92.
+
+[25] Bebel, _Attentate und Sozialdemokratie_, pp. 12-14.
+
+[26] _Idem_, p. 1.
+
+[27] Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays, pp. 92-93.
+
+[28] _Idem_, pp. 85-86.
+
+[29] This is a translation of an editorial that has appeared in various
+foreign newspapers and also, it is said, in the _Illinois
+Staats-Zeitung_; _Cf._ De Leon, Socialism _versus_ Anarchism, p. 61 (New
+York Labor News Company, New York).
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+[1] _L'Alliance de la Democratie Socialiste_, etc., p. 48.
+
+[2] George Brandes, Main Currents in Nineteenth Century Literature, Vol.
+VI (The Macmillan Company, New York, 1906).
+
+[3] Engels in the introduction to _Revelations sur le Proces des
+Communistes_, published together with, and under the title of, Marx's
+_L'Allemagne en 1848_, p. 268 (Schleicher Freres, Paris, 1901).
+
+[4] _Idem_, p. 268.
+
+[5] _Idem_, pp. 268-269. My italics.
+
+[6] _Idem_, pp. 269-270.
+
+[7] Communist Manifesto, p. 12.
+
+[8] _Idem_, p. 44.
+
+[9] _Idem_, p. 15.
+
+[10] _Idem_, p. 25.
+
+[11] _Idem_, p. 25.
+
+[12] _Idem_, p. 26.
+
+[13] _Idem_, p. 30.
+
+[14] _Idem_, p. 44.
+
+[15] _Idem_, pp. 42, 46.
+
+[16] Engels, _op. cit._, p. 287.
+
+[17] _Idem_, p. 287.
+
+[18] Quoted by Engels in _op. cit._, p. 297.
+
+[19] Albion W. Small, Socialism in the Light of Social Science,
+reprinted from the _American journal of Sociology_, Vol. XVII, No. 6
+(May, 1912), p. 810.
+
+[20] Communist Manifesto, pp. 12, 13.
+
+[21] Albion W. Small, article cited, p. 812.
+
+[22] _Idem_, p. 812.
+
+[23] Address and Provisional Rules of the International Working Men's
+Association (London, 1864), p. 12.
+
+[24] Letter of Marx's of October 9, 1866, published in the _Neue Zeit_,
+April 12, 1902.
+
+[25] Address and Provisional Rules of the International Working Men's
+Association (London, 1864), p. 9.
+
+[26] _Idem_, p. 9.
+
+[27] _Idem_, p. 10.
+
+[28] _Idem_, p. 11.
+
+[29] Engels, _op. cit._, p. 287.
+
+[30] Marx, _L'Allemagne en 1848_, p. 188.
+
+[31] Letter of October 9, 1866, published in the _Neue Zeit_, April 12,
+1902.
+
+[32] Quoted by Jaeckh, The International, p. 32 (Twentieth Century
+Press, Ltd., London).
+
+[33] Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X, p. 53
+(Francis D. Tandy Co., New York). My italics.
+
+[34] Jaures, Studies in Socialism, p. 133 (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New
+York, 1906, translated by Mildred Minturn).
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+[1] Bakounin, _OEuvres_, Vol. II, p. viii.
+
+[2] _Idem_, Vol. II, pp. xi-xii.
+
+[3] _L'Allemagne en 1848_, p. 279.
+
+[4] Liebknecht, Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs, pp. 62-63 (C. H. Kerr,
+Chicago, 1904).
+
+[5] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. xvii.
+
+[6] _Cf._ Marx, Revolution and Counter-Revolution, p. 126 (Scribner's,
+New York, 1896).
+
+[7] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. xx.
+
+[8] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 383.
+
+[9] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. I, p. 103.
+
+[10] _Idem_, Vol. I, p. 103.
+
+[11] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, Basel, 1869, pp. 6-7
+(Bruxelles, 1869).
+
+[12] _Idem_, p. 7.
+
+[13] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. I, p. 202.
+
+[14] I am following here the English version, published by the General
+Council, pp. 26-27.
+
+[15] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, pp. 85-86.
+
+[16] _Idem_, p. 89.
+
+[17] _Idem_, pp. 144-145.
+
+[18] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. I, p. 204.
+
+[19] Quoted by Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. V, p. 223.
+
+[20] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. V, p. 232.
+
+[21] _Idem_, Vol. V, p. 233.
+
+[22] _Idem_, Vol. V, pp. 234-235.
+
+[23] _Idem_, Vol. I, pp. xxxii-xxxiii.
+
+[24] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 62.
+
+[25] Communist Manifesto, p. 44.
+
+[26] Engels, Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, pp. 69-70 (Scribner's,
+New York, 1892).
+
+[27] _Idem_, pp. 71-72. Italics mine.
+
+[28] _Idem_, p. 86.
+
+[29] _Idem_, pp. 86-87.
+
+[30] _Idem_, pp. 76-77.
+
+[31] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, p. 86.
+
+[32] Bakounin, _op. cit._, Vol. IV, pp. 31-32.
+
+[33] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 32.
+
+[34] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 32.
+
+[35] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 37.
+
+[36] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 39.
+
+[37] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 40.
+
+[38] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 59.
+
+[39] _Idem_, Vol. IV, pp. 191-192.
+
+[40] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 31.
+
+[41] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 40.
+
+[42] _Idem_, Vol. III, p. 72.
+
+[43] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 415.
+
+[44] _Idem_, Vol. VI, p. 38.
+
+[45] _Idem_, Vol. VI, pp. 38-39.
+
+[46] _Idem_, Vol. IV, pp. 438-439.
+
+[47] _Idem_, Vol. VI, p. 75.
+
+[48] Engels, Landmarks of Scientific Socialism, p. 190 (Kerr, Chicago,
+1907).
+
+[49] _Idem_, p. 186.
+
+[50] _Idem_, pp. 184-185.
+
+[51] _Idem_, p. 190. My italics.
+
+[52] Resolutions of the Conference of Delegates of the International
+Working Men's Association, Assembled at London from the 17th to the 23d
+of September, 1871, No. IX (London, 1871).
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+[1] _L'Alliance de la Democratie Socialiste_, etc., p. 12.
+
+[2] Bakounin, _OEuvres_, Vol. IV, p. 342.
+
+[3] _Cf._ _Compte-Rendu Officiel_ of the Geneva Congress, 1873, p. 51
+(Locle, 1873).
+
+[4] _Idem_, pp. 55-56.
+
+[5] _Idem_, p. 86.
+
+[6] _Idem_, p. 87.
+
+[7] _Idem_, p. 85.
+
+[8] _Idem_, p. 35.
+
+[9] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. III, p. 118.
+
+[10] Plechanoff, Anarchism and Socialism, p. 84 (The Twentieth Century
+Press, Ltd., London, 1906; trans, by Eleanor Marx Aveling).
+
+[11] Guillaume, _op. cit._, Vol. IV, pp. 114-115.
+
+[12] _Idem_, Vol. IV, p. 115.
+
+[13] _Idem_, Vol. IV, pp. 223-224.
+
+[14] Dawson, German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle, p. 169,
+(Scribner's Sons, New York, 1899).
+
+[15] Ferdinand Lassalle, _Reden und Schriften_, Vol. II, pp. 543-544
+(_Vorwaerts_, Berlin, 1893).
+
+[16] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 383.
+
+[17] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 22.
+
+[18] _Idem_, Vol. II, p. 104.
+
+[19] Quoted by Dawson, _op. cit._, p. 187.
+
+[20] _Idem_, p. 168; _Cf._ also, Bernstein, Ferdinand Lassalle as a
+Social Reformer, pp. 167-170 (Scribner's Sons, New York, 1893).
+
+[21] Quoted by Dawson, _op. cit._, p. 168.
+
+[22] Quoted by Milhaud, _La Democratie socialiste allemande,_ p. 32
+(Felix Alcan, Paris, 1903).
+
+[23] _Idem_, pp. 32-33.
+
+[24] _Idem_, p. 41.
+
+[25] _Idem_, p. 42.
+
+[26] These sections are reduced from Dawson's summary in _op. cit._, pp.
+255-257.
+
+[27] Quoted in Dawson, _op. cit._, p. 260.
+
+[28] Bebel, _Attentate und Sozialdemokratie_, p. 2.
+
+[29] _Protokoll_ of the Congress of the German Social-Democracy, Wyden,
+1880, p. 38 (Zurich, 1880).
+
+[30] _Idem_, p. 42.
+
+[31] _Idem_, p. 43.
+
+[32] Quoted by Dawson, _op. cit._, p. 265.
+
+[33] Speech in the Reichstag, March 21, 1884; quoted by Dawson, _op.
+cit._, pp. 268-269.
+
+[34] Speech in the Reichstag, April 2, 1886; quoted by Dawson, _op.
+cit._, p. 271.
+
+[35] _Protokoll_ of the Proceedings of Party Conferences of the German
+Social-Democracy, Erfurt, 1891, p. 206 (Berlin, 1891).
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+[1] Quoted by Prolo, _Les Anarchistes_, p. 66.
+
+[2] International Socialist Workers and Trade Union Congress, London,
+1896, p. 31.
+
+[3] _Idem_, p. 50.
+
+[4] De Seilhac, _Les Congres Ouvriers en France_, p. 331 (Armand Colin
+et Cie., Paris, 1899).
+
+[5] _Idem_, pp. 331-332.
+
+[6] _Compte-Rendu du Congres National Corporatif_, Montpelier, 1902.
+
+[7] _L'Alliance de la Democratie Socialiste_, etc., pp. 48-49.
+
+[8] Sombart, Socialism and the Socialist Movement, pp. 98-99 (E. P.
+Dutton & Co., New York, 1909; trans, from 6th German edition).
+
+[9] Louis Levine, The Labor Movement in France, p. 147 (Columbia
+University, New York, 1912).
+
+[10] Arthur D. Lewis, Syndicalism and the General Strike, p. 70 (T.
+Fisher Unwin, London, 1912).
+
+[11] Berth, _Les Nouveaux aspects du Socialisme_, p. 36 (Marcel Riviere
+et Cie., Paris, 1908).
+
+[12] Robert Browning, Cleon.
+
+[13] Sombart, _op. cit._, p. 110.
+
+[14] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Seventh International Socialist Congress,
+Stuttgart, 1907, p. 202.
+
+[15] _Cf._ _Compte-Rendu_ of the Sixth International Socialist Congress,
+Amsterdam, 1904, p. 53.
+
+[16] Levine, _op. cit._, p. 195.
+
+[17] _Compte-Rendu du Congres National Corporatif_, Toulouse, 1910, p.
+226.
+
+[18] Etienne Buisson, _La Greve Generale_, p. 59 (Librairie George
+Bellais, Paris, 1905).
+
+[19] Labriola, Karl Marx, pp. 255-259 (Marcel Riviere et Cie., Paris,
+1910).
+
+[20] Plechanoff, Anarchism and Socialism, p. 63.
+
+[21] Kampffmeyer, Changes in the Theory and Tactics of the German Social
+Democracy, pp. 87-88 (C. H. Kerr, Chicago, 1908).
+
+[22] Quoted in Kampffmeyer, _op. cit._, p. 88.
+
+[23] _Idem_, p. 89.
+
+[24] Quoted in Jaures, Studies in Socialism, pp. 75-76.
+
+[25] Kautsky, _Das Erfurter Programm_, pp. 117-119 (8th Edition,
+Stuttgart, 1907); _Cf._ also The Socialist Republic, by Kautsky, pp.
+10-11.
+
+[26] Communist Manifesto, p. 15.
+
+[27] Engels, Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, p. 76.
+
+[28] _Cf._ Menger, The Right to the Whole Produce of Labor, p. 117
+(Macmillan & Co., London, 1899).
+
+[29] Webb, The History of Trade Unionism, p. 145.
+
+[30] _Idem_, p. 146.
+
+[31] Quoted by Sombart, _op. cit._, p. 118.
+
+[32] Sombart, _op. cit._, p. 118.
+
+[33] _Idem_, p. 118.
+
+[34] Marx, Revolution and Counter-Revolution, pp. 109-110.
+
+[35] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, p. 88.
+
+[36] Quoted by Plechanoff, _op. cit._, p. 90.
+
+[37] Emile Pouget, _Le Syndicat_, p. 13 (Emile Pouget, Paris, 2d
+Edition).
+
+[38] Sorel, _Illusions du progres_, p. 10 (Marcel Riviere et Cie.,
+Paris, 1911).
+
+[39] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Fifth National Congress of the French
+Socialist Party, 1908, p. 352.
+
+[40] _XIe. Congres National Corporatif_, Paris, 1900, p. 198; quoted by
+Levine, _op. cit._, p. 97.
+
+[41] _La Confederation Generale du Travail_; II _La Tactique_.
+
+[42] _Idem._
+
+[43] _Cf._ Proudhon, _La Revolution sociale et le coup d'Etat_, (Ernest
+Flammarion, Paris); Goldman, Minorities _versus_ Majorities, in
+Anarchism and Other Essays; and Kropotkin, _Les Minorites
+Revolutionnaires_, in _Paroles d'un revolte_.
+
+[44] Webb, The History of Trade Unionism, pp. 147-148.
+
+[45] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Third National Congress of the French
+Socialist Party, 1906, pp. 189-192.
+
+[46] _Idem_, p. 186.
+
+[47] Jaures, Studies in Socialism, pp. 127-128.
+
+[48] _Idem_, pp. 124-125.
+
+[49] _Idem_, pp. 128-129.
+
+[50] _Compte-Rendu_ of the Fourth International Congress of the
+International Working Men's Association, Basel, 1869, p. 6.
+
+[51] Kropotkin, The Great French Revolution, p. 423 (G. P. Putnam's
+Sons, New York, 1909).
+
+[52] Proudhon, _Idee Generale de la Revolution au XIXe. Siecle_, p. 304
+(Garnier Freres, Paris, 1851).
+
+[53] _Idem_, p. 197.
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+[1] Proudhon, _Idee Generale de la Revolution_, p. 149.
+
+[2] Roger A. Pryor, quoted in the report of the Investigation of the
+Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House Special Committee Report,
+1892, p. 225.
+
+[3] Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: Senate
+Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 247.
+
+[4] Thomas Beet, Methods of American Private Detective Agencies,
+_Appleton's Magazine_, October, 1906.
+
+[5] _Idem._
+
+[6] _Idem._
+
+[7] _Idem._
+
+[8] _New York Sun_, May 8, 1911.
+
+[9] _New York Call_, September 14, 1910.
+
+[10] Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House
+Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 226.
+
+[11] See his testimony, pp. 92-94 of the Senate Report.
+
+[12] Report of the Industrial Commission, 1901, Vol. VIII, pp. 257-258,
+261 (Chicago Labor Disputes).
+
+[13] _American Federationist_, November, 1911, Vol. XVIII, p. 889.
+
+[14] Limiting Federal Injunction: Hearings before a Subcommittee of the
+Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Jan. 6, 1913, Part I,
+p. 19.
+
+[15] _Idem_, p. 20.
+
+[16] _Appleton's Magazine_, October, 1906.
+
+[17] Hillquit, History of Socialism in the United States, pp. 280-281.
+
+[18] Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives, Senate
+Special Committee Report, 1892, p. xiii.
+
+[19] _Idem_, p. ii.
+
+[20] _Idem_, p. xii.
+
+[21] _Idem_, p. xv.
+
+[22] Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House
+Special Committee Report, 1892, p. 224.
+
+[23] _Idem_, p. 225.
+
+[24] Report on the Chicago Strike of June-July, 1894, by the United
+States Strike Commission, p. xxxviii.
+
+[25] _Idem_, p. xliv.
+
+[26] _Idem_, p. 356.
+
+[27] _Idem_, p. 370.
+
+[28] _Idem_, p. 397.
+
+[29] _Idem_, pp. 366-367.
+
+[30] _Idem_, p. 371.
+
+[31] _Idem_, p. 368.
+
+[32] _Idem_, pp. 368-369.
+
+[33] _Idem_, p. 372 (from the testimony of Harold I. Cleveland).
+
+[34] _Idem_, p. 360.
+
+[35] Debs, The Federal Government and the Chicago Strike, p. 24
+(Standard Publishing Co., Terre Haute, Ind., 1904).
+
+[36] _Idem_, p. 24.
+
+[37] Emma F. Langdon, The Cripple Creek Strike, p. 153 (The Great
+Western Publishing Co., Denver, 1905).
+
+[38] Report of the Commissioner of Labor, 1905, on Labor Disturbances in
+Colorado, p. 186.
+
+[39] _Idem_, p. 206.
+
+[40] _Idem_, p. 304.
+
+[41] Cf. Clarence S. Darrow, Speech in the Haywood Case, p. 56
+(_Wayland's Monthly_, Girard, Kan., October, 1907).
+
+[42] Report of the Commissioner of Labor, 1905, on Labor Disturbances in
+Colorado, p. 192.
+
+[43] C. Dobrogeaunu-Gherea, Socialism _vs._ Anarchism, _New York Call_,
+February 5, 1911.
+
+[44] Kropotkin, The Terror in Russia, p. 57 (Methuen & Co., London,
+1909).
+
+[45] Bamford, Passages in the Life of a Radical, Vol. II, p. 14 (T.
+Fisher Unwin, London, 1893).
+
+[46] In Bamford's "Passages in the Life of a Radical" (T. Fisher Unwin,
+London, 1893), we find that spies and _provocateurs_ were sent into the
+labor movement as early as 1815. In Holyoake's "Sixty Years of an
+Agitator's Life" (Unwin, 1900), in Howell's "Labor Legislation, Labor
+Movements, Labor Leaders" (Unwin, 1902), and in Webb's "History of Trade
+Unionism" (Longmans, Green & Co., London, 1902), the work of several
+noted police agents is spoken of. In Gammage's "History of the Chartist
+Movement" (Truslove & Hanson, London, 1894) and in Davidson's "Annals of
+Toil" (F. R. Henderson, London, n.d.) we are told of one police agent
+who gave balls and ammunition to the men and endeavored to persuade them
+to commit murder.
+
+Marx, in "Revolution and Counter-Revolution" (Scribner's Sons, 1896),
+and Engels, in _Revelations sur le Proces des Communistes_ (Schleicher
+Freres, Paris, 1901), tell of the work of the German police agents in
+connection with the Communist League; while Bebel, in "My Life" (Chicago
+University Press, 1912), and in _Attentate und Sozialdemokratie_
+(_Vorwaerts_, Berlin, 1905), tells of the infamous work of _provocateurs_
+sent among the socialists at the time of Bismarck's repression.
+Kropotkin, in "The Memoirs of a Revolutionist" (Houghton, Mifflin & Co.,
+Boston, 1899), and in "The Terror in Russia" (Methuen & Co., London,
+1909), devotes many pages to the crimes committed by the secret police
+of Russia, not only in that country but elsewhere. Mazzini, Marx,
+Bakounin, and nearly all prominent anarchists, socialists, and
+republicans of the middle of the last century, were surrounded by spies,
+who made every effort to induce them to enter into plots.
+
+In the "Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives: House
+and Senate Special Committee Reports, 1892"; in the "Report on Chicago
+Strike of June-July, 1894; U. S. Strike Commission, 1895"; in the
+"Report of the Commissioner of Labor on Labor Disturbances in Colorado,
+1905"; in the "Report of the Industrial Commission, 1901, Vol. VIII",
+there is a great mass of evidence on the work of detectives, both in
+committing violence themselves and in seeking to provoke others to
+violence.
+
+In "Conditions in the Paint Creek District of West Virginia: Hearings
+before a subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, U. S.
+Senate; 1913"; in "Hearings before the Committee on Rules, House of
+Representatives, on Conditions in the Westmoreland Coal Fields"; in the
+"Report on the Strike at Bethlehem, Senate Document No. 521"; in
+"Peonage in Western Pennsylvania: Hearings before the Committee on
+Labor, House of Representatives, 1911," considerable evidence is given
+of the thuggery and murder committed by detectives, guards, and state
+constabularies. Some of this evidence reveals conditions that could
+hardly be equaled in Russia.
+
+"History of the Conspiracy to Defeat Striking Molders" (Internatl.
+Molders' Union of N. America); "Limiting Federal Injunction: Hearings
+before the Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, U. S. Senate,
+1912, Part V"; the report of the same hearings for January, 1913, Part
+I, "United States Steel Corporation: Hearings before Committee on
+Investigation, House of Representatives, Feb. 12, 1912"; the "Report on
+Strike of Textile Workers in Lawrence, Mass.: Commissioner of Labor,
+1912"; and "Strike at Lawrence, Mass.: Hearings before the Committee on
+Rules, House of Representatives, March 2-7, 1912," also contain a mass
+of evidence concerning the crimes of detectives and the terrorist
+tactics used by those employed to break strikes.
+
+Alexander Irvine's "Revolution in Los Angeles" (Los Angeles, 1911); F.
+E. Wolfe's "Capitalism's Conspiracy in California" (The White Press, Los
+Angeles, 1911); Debs's "The Federal Government and the Chicago Strike"
+(Standard Publishing Co., Terre Haute, Ind., 1904); Ben Lindsey's "The
+Rule of Plutocracy in Colorado"; the "Reply of the Western Federation of
+Miners to the 'Red Book' of the Mine Operators"; "Anarchy in Colorado:
+Who Is to Blame?" (The Bartholomew Publishing Co., Denver, Colo., 1905);
+the _American Federationist_, April, 1912; the _American Federationist_,
+November, 1911; Job Harriman's "Class War in Idaho" (_Volks-Zeitung_
+Library, New York, 1900), Emma F. Langdon's "The Cripple Creek Strike"
+(The Great Western Publishing Co., Denver, 1905); C. H. Salmons' "The
+Burlington Strike" (Bunnell & Ward, Aurora, Ill., 1889); and Morris
+Friedman's "The Pinkerton Labor Spy" (Wilshire Book Co., New York,
+1907), contain the statements chiefly of labor leaders and socialists
+upon the violence suffered by the unions as a result of the work of the
+courts, of the police, of the militia, and of detectives. "The Pinkerton
+Labor Spy" gives what purports to be the inside story of the Pinkerton
+Agency and the details of its methods in dealing with strikes. Clarence
+S. Darrow's "Speech in the Haywood Case" (_Wayland's Monthly_, Girard,
+Kan., Oct., 1907) is the plea made before the jury in Idaho that freed
+Haywood. Only the oratorical part of it was printed in the daily press,
+while the crushing evidence Darrow presents against the detective
+agencies and their infamous work was ignored.
+
+Capt. Michael J. Schaack's "Anarchy and Anarchists" (F. J. Schulte &
+Co., Chicago, 1899); and Pinkerton's "The Molly Maguires and Detectives"
+(G. W. Dillingham Co., New York, 1898) are the naive stories of those
+who have performed notable roles in labor troubles. They read like
+"wild-west" stories written by overgrown boys, and the manner in which
+these great detectives frankly confess that they or their agents were at
+the bottom of the plots which they describe is quite incredible.
+
+"The Chicago Martyrs: The Famous Speeches of the Eight Anarchists in
+Judge Gary's Court and Altgeld's Reasons for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe
+and Schwab" (Free Society, San Francisco, 1899), contains the memorable
+message of Governor Altgeld when pardoning the anarchists. In his
+opinion they were in no small measure the dupes of police spies and the
+victims of judicial injustice. I have dealt at length with Thomas
+Beet's article on "Methods of American Private Detectives" in
+_Appleton's Magazine_ for October, 1906, but it will repay a full
+reading. "Coeur d'Alene Mining Troubles: The Crime of the Century"
+(Senate Document) and "Statement and Evidence in Support of Charges
+Against the U. S. Steel Corporation by the American Federation of Labor"
+are perhaps worth mentioning.
+
+I have not attempted to give an exhaustive list of references, but only
+to call attention to a few books and pamphlets which have found their
+way into my library.
+
+[47] Quoted by August Bebel in _Attentate und Sozialdemokratie_, p. 12.
+
+[48] Limiting Federal Injunctions: Hearings before a Subcommittee of the
+Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 1913, Part I, p. 8.
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+[1] Sombart, Socialism and the Socialist Movement, p. 176.
+
+[2] Liebknecht, Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs, p. 46.
+
+[3] _Idem_, p. 85.
+
+[4] _L'Alliance de la Democratie Socialiste_, etc., p. 132 (Secret
+Statutes of the Alliance).
+
+[5] Communist Manifesto, p. 37.
+
+[6] _Idem_, p. 32.
+
+[7] _Idem_, p. 38.
+
+[8] Engels' introduction to Struggle of the Social Classes in France;
+quoted by Sombart, _op. cit._, pp. 68-69.
+
+[9] Liebknecht, No Compromise, No Political Trading, p. 28; my italics.
+
+[10] Frederic Harrison, quoted in Davidson's Annals of Toil, p. 273 (F.
+R. Henderson, London, n.d.).
+
+[11] Engels in _L'Allemagne en 1848_, p. 269.
+
+[12] Communist Manifesto, p. 30.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+A
+
+Adam, Paul, quoted concerning case of Ravachol, 81-82.
+
+_Agents provocateurs_, work of, in popular uprisings and socialist
+  and labor movements, 110-120, 203-204, 264;
+  use of private detectives as, in United States, 290-292, 312-314.
+
+Alexander II of Russia, assassination of, 56, 221.
+
+America. _See_ United States.
+
+Anarchism, introduction of doctrines of, in Western Europe by
+  Bakounin, 5 ff.;
+  secret societies founded in interests of, 11-14;
+  insurrections under auspices of, 28-39;
+  criticism of, by socialists, 40;
+  uprisings in Italy fathered by, 41-44;
+  unbridgeable chasm between socialism and, 47-48;
+  with the Propaganda of the Deed becomes synonymous with violence
+  and crime, 55;
+  foothold secured by, in Germany, 55-57;
+  in Austria-Hungary, 57-58;
+  agitation in France, 58-60;
+  doctrines of, carried to America by Johann Most, 64-68;
+  the Haymarket tragedy, 68-70;
+  defense of, by Benjamin R. Tucker, and disowning of terrorist
+  tactics, 70-74;
+  responsibility for deeds of leaders of, laid at Bismarck's
+  door, 74-75;
+  assassination of President McKinley and shooting of H. C. Frick, 75;
+  failure of, to take firm root in America any more than in Germany
+  and England, 75-76;
+  in the Latin countries, 76;
+  acts of violence in name of, in Europe, 77-89;
+  question of responsibility of, for acts of violence committed by
+  terrorists, 90 ff.;
+  different types attracted by socialism and, 92-93;
+  the psychology of devotees of, 93-94;
+  causes of terrorist tactics assigned by Catholic Church to
+  doctrines of socialism, 98-100;
+  source of, traceable to great-man theory, 102 ff.;
+  work of police agents in connection with, 110-120;
+  the battle between socialism and, 154-192;
+  emergence of, as a distinct philosophy, 193;
+  history of, after Hague congress of 1872, 194 ff.;
+  congress in Geneva in 1873, 196-199;
+  insolvable problem created by, in rejecting political action of the
+  working class, 200;
+  assaults on the Marxists by adherents of, 201-204;
+  bitter warfare between socialism and, 201-205;
+  appearance of syndicalism as an aid to, 229-239;
+  ignoring of, in socialist congresses, 232;
+  appearance of the "intellectuals" in ranks of, 239-241;
+  similarities between philosophies and methods of syndicalism
+  and, 239-245;
+  differences between syndicalism and, 245-246;
+  consideration of the oldest form of, that of the wealthy and ruling
+  classes, 276-326;
+  of the powerful in the United States, 280 ff.
+
+Andrieux, French revolutionist, 29.
+
+Angiolillo, Italian terrorist, 87.
+
+Anti-socialist law, Bismarck's, responsible for Most's career as a
+  terrorist, 74-75;
+  passage of, and chief measures contained in, 214-217;
+  growth of socialist vote under, 225;
+  failure and repeal of, 225-226.
+
+Arson practiced by revolutionists in America, 73-74.
+
+Assassination, preaching of, by Bakounin and Nechayeff, 18;
+  practice of, by anarchists in France, 77-89;
+  the Catholic Church and, 98-100;
+  glorification of, in history, 101-103.
+
+Atwell, B. A., on character of deputy marshals in Chicago railway
+  strike, 300.
+
+Australia, parliamentary power of socialists in, 329, 330.
+
+Austria, Empress of, assassinated by Italian anarchist, 87.
+
+Austria-Hungary, development and checking of anarchist movement
+  in, 57-58;
+  growth of socialist and labor vote in, 328.
+
+
+B
+
+Baker, Ray Stannard, quoted on character of deputy marshals in
+  Chicago railway strike, 299-300.
+
+Bakounin, Michael, father of terrorism, 4;
+  admiration of, for Satan, 5;
+  views held by, on absolutism, 5-6;
+  destruction of all States and all Churches advocated by, 6;
+  varying opinions of, 7;
+  shown to be human in his contradictions, 7-8;
+  chief characteristics and qualities of his many-sided nature, 8;
+  birth, family, and early life, 8-9;
+  leaves Russia for Germany, Switzerland, and France, 9;
+  meets Proudhon, Marx, George Sand, and other revolutionary
+  spirits, 9;
+  leads insurrectionary movements, 9-10;
+  captured, sentenced to death, and finally banished to Siberia, 10;
+  escapes and reaches England, 10;
+  change in views shown in writings of, 10-11;
+  spends some time in Italy, 11-12;
+  forms secret organization of revolutionists, 11-13;
+  the International Brothers, the National Brothers, and the
+  International Alliance of Social Democracy, 12-14;
+  enters the International Working Men's Association, with the hope
+  of securing leadership, 15;
+  declares war on political and economic powers of Europe and assails
+  Marx, Engels, and other leaders, 15-16;
+  interest of, in Russian affairs, 16;
+  collaborates with Sergei Nechayeff, 16-17;
+  expounds doctrines of criminal activity, 17-22;
+  the "Words Addressed to Students," 17-19;
+  the "Revolutionary Catechism," 19-22;
+  quarrel between Nechayeff and, 23-26;
+  remains in Switzerland and trains young revolutionists, 26-27;
+  takes part in unsuccessful insurrection at Lyons, 28-35;
+  Marx quoted concerning action of, at Lyons, 35-36;
+  influence of, felt in Spanish revolution of 1873, 37-41;
+  in Italy, during uprisings of 1874, 42-43;
+  retires from public life, 45-46;
+  humiliating experiences of last years, 46-47;
+  opinions expressed by anarchists and by socialists concerning, upon
+  death of, 47-48;
+  teachings of, the inspiration of the Propaganda of the Deed, 52;
+  principles of, preached by Johann Most, 65;
+  spread of terrorist ideas of, in America, 65;
+  history of the battle between Marx and, 154-193;
+  suspected and charged with being a Russian police agent, 156, 158;
+  quoted on Marx, 157;
+  victory won over Marx by, at Basel congress of International in
+  1869, 162-169;
+  attack of Marx and his followers on, and reply by, in the "Study upon
+  the German Jews," 169-171;
+  flood of literature by, based on his antagonism to religion and to
+  Government, 172-174;
+  inability of, to comprehend doctrines of Marxian socialism, 178-179;
+  irreconcilability of doctrines of, with those of socialists, 179-185;
+  expulsion of, from the International, 191;
+  attacks the General Council of the International as a new incarnation
+  of the State, 195;
+  quoted to show antagonism between his doctrines and those of
+  Marxists, 251;
+  the robber worship of, 278-279.
+
+Barcelona, bomb-throwing in, 87.
+
+Barrot, Odilon, 348.
+
+Basel, congress of International at (1869), 162-169.
+
+Bauer, Heinrich, 131.
+
+Bauler, Madame A., quoted on influence of Bakounin, 26-27.
+
+Bebel, August, quoted on Bismarck's repressive measures, 55-56;
+  quoted on Johann Most, 74-75;
+  on the condoning of assassination by the Catholic Church, 98-99;
+  reveals participations of high officials in crimes of the
+  anarchists, 114-118;
+  mentioned, 205, 209-210;
+  account of struggle between Bismarck and party of, 211-227;
+  State-socialist propositions favored by, 255-256.
+
+Beesby, E. S., 35; urges political activity on early trade unions, 151.
+
+Beet, Thomas, exposure by, of evils attending use of detectives in
+  United States, 283-284, 290-291, 314.
+
+Berkman, Alexander, shooting of H. C. Frick by, 75;
+  motive which actuated, 101;
+  events which led up to action of, 292-295;
+  fate of, contrasted with that of agents of the anarchy of the wealthy
+  during Homestead strike, 295.
+
+Bern, revolutionary manifestation at (1877), 53.
+
+Berth, Edward, quoted in connection with the "intellectuals," 240-241;
+  mentioned, 270, 353.
+
+Bismarck, stirs up Germany against social-democratic party on account
+  of anarchistic acts, 55;
+  effect of action of, on anarchism in Germany, 56;
+  responsibility of, for Johann Most and other terrorists, and for
+  Haymarket tragedy, 74-75;
+  Bebel quoted in connection with the hero-worship of, in
+  Germany, 103-104;
+  admiration of, for Lassalle, 206;
+  corruption introduced into German labor movement by, 210-211;
+  exposed by Liebknecht and Bebel, begins war upon Marxian
+  socialists, 211-212;
+  futile efforts of, to provoke social democrats to violence, 218-219;
+  reaction of his violent measures upon himself, 227.
+
+Blanc, Gaspard, 29, 31.
+
+Blanc, Louis, 128, 129, 353;
+  Lassalle's views compared with those of, 207.
+
+Blanqui, socialist insurrectionist, 128-129.
+
+Bonnot, French motor bandit, 88-89, 104.
+
+Booth, J. Wilkes, motive which actuated, in killing of Lincoln, 101.
+
+Brandes, George, "Young Germany" by, 132;
+  quoted on Lassalle, 205-206.
+
+Brass, August, tool of Bismarck, 211.
+
+Bray, J. F., 130.
+
+Bresci, Gaetano, assassin of King Humbert, 87.
+
+Briand, Aristide, 184 n., 270, 353.
+
+Brousse, Paul, 49, 196-197, 198;
+  originates phrase, "the Propaganda of the Deed," 51-52;
+  leads revolutionary manifestation at Bern, 53;
+  leaves the Bakouninists, 204.
+
+Bucher, Lothar, tool of Bismarck, 210.
+
+Burlington strike, outrages by private detectives during, 296.
+
+Burns, William J., quoted on character of detectives as a
+  class, 284-285.
+
+
+C
+
+Cabet, utopian socialism of, 144.
+
+Cafiero, Carlo, Italian revolutionist, disciple of Bakounin, 38,
+  45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 54.
+
+Camorra, an organization of Italians which pursues terrorist
+  tactics, 100.
+
+"Capital," Marx's work, 152, 344.
+
+Capitalism, workingmen's ignorance concerning, previous to advent of
+  Karl Marx, 338-341.
+
+Carnot, President, assassination of, 85.
+
+Caserio, assassin of President Carnot, 79, 85-86.
+
+Castillo, Canovas del, torture of suspected terrorists by, 87.
+
+Catholic Church, burden of anarchism laid on doctrines of socialism
+  by, 98;
+  right of assassination upheld by clergy of, 98-99;
+  terrorist tactics pursued by organizations of, 100.
+
+Cerretti, Celso, Italian insurrectionist, 42.
+
+Chartists, the, 130, 136, 137, 149.
+
+Cluseret, General, 29, 32, 36.
+
+Colorado, governmental tyranny during labor wars in, 217;
+  political and industrial battles in (1894-1904), 302-311.
+
+Commune of Paris, viewed as a spontaneous uprising of the working
+  class, 36-37.
+
+Communist League, Marx presents his views to, resulting in the
+  Communist Manifesto, 137-138.
+
+Communist Manifesto, of Marx and Engels, 137-141;
+  the universal text-book of the socialist movement, 334.
+
+Communist societies in Germany, 131.
+
+Congress of United States, socialists not represented in, 330, 333.
+
+Congresses, international, of socialists, 334.
+
+Cooper, Thomas, 130.
+
+Cooeperative movement, beginning of, in England, 130;
+  progress in growth of, 331-332.
+
+Corruption, the omnipresence of, 263-264.
+
+Costa, Andrea, 42;
+  at anarchist congress in Geneva (1873), 197-198;
+  article by, attacking socialists, 201;
+  leaves the Bakouninists, 204.
+
+Courts, prevalence of violence set down to corruption of, 107, 108.
+
+Cramer, Peter J., union leader killed by special police, 287.
+
+Criminal elements, part played by, in uprisings, 109-110;
+  use of, as the tool of reactionary intrigue, 110 ff., 281-326.
+
+Cripple Creek, Colo., strike, 304-306.
+
+Cyvoct, militant anarchist of Lyons, 59-60.
+
+Czolgosz, assassin of President McKinley, 75, 88;
+  motive which actuated, 101.
+
+
+D
+
+Debs, Eugene V., on instigation to violence by deputies in Chicago
+  railway strike, 301-302.
+
+Decamps, French terrorist, 79.
+
+Delesalle, French anarchist, a sponsor of sabotage as a war measure
+  of trade unionists, 236.
+
+Democracy, attacks of syndicalism on, 264-265;
+  view of the present day as the age of, 349;
+  to be achieved only through democracy, 350, 352;
+  eternal faith of socialists in, 353.
+
+Detectives, employment of, as weapons of anarchists of the wealthy
+  class in the United States, 281 ff.;
+  character of the so-called, employed during big strikes in United
+  States, 282-290;
+  use of, as instigators and perpetrators of acts of violence, 290-292,
+  299-302, 312-314;
+  pecuniary interest of, in provoking crime, 314;
+  intentional misleading of employers by, 316-319;
+  prolongation of strikes by, 319-320;
+  a few of the outrages committed by, 320-321.
+
+Deville, Gabriel, 202.
+
+Direct action, opposed by syndicalists to the political action of
+  socialists, 267 ff.;
+  cannot be revolutionary action and is destined to failure, 272.
+
+Duehring, Eugene, mistaken views of socialism held by, 186.
+
+Duval, Clement, French anarchist and robber, 77-78.
+
+Dynamite, glorifying of, by terrorists, as the poor man's weapon
+  against capitalism, 69.
+
+
+E
+
+Eccarius, reply of, to Bakounin at Basel congress, 178;
+  at anarchist congress in Geneva (1873), 196.
+
+Egoistic conception of history, carried to its extreme by
+  anarchism, 102 ff.
+
+Engels, Frederick, 15;
+  criticism by, of position of Bakouninists in Spanish
+  revolution, 40, 41;
+  description by, of early communist societies in Germany, 131;
+  first meeting of Marx and, and beginning of their cooeperative
+  labors, 132-133;
+  reply of, to Dr. Duehring, 186;
+  socialist view of the State as expressed by, 257-258;
+  on the lasting power exercised by Marx over the labor movement, 338;
+  on the reorganization of society through the conscious cooeperation
+  of the masses, 347-348.
+
+
+F
+
+Fenians, an organization of Irishmen which pursued terrorist
+  tactics, 100.
+
+Feudal lords, anarchism of the, 277-278, 279.
+
+Fortis, Italian revolutionist, 42.
+
+Fourier, 128;
+  utopian socialism of, 144.
+
+France, anarchist activities in (1882), 58-60;
+  deeds of terrorists in, 77-86;
+  effects of terrorist tactics in, 86-87;
+  crimes of motor bandits in, 88-89;
+  early days of socialism in, 128-129;
+  launching of socialist labor party in (1878), 202-203;
+  individualism in, one cause for rise of syndicalism, 242-243;
+  poverty as a cause for reliance upon violence of trade unions
+  in, 244.
+
+Frick, Henry C., shooting of, 75;
+  events which led up to shooting of, 292-295.
+
+Fruneau, quoted on corruption in revolutions, 263.
+
+
+G
+
+General Confederation of Labor, organization of, 233.
+
+General strike, inauguration of idea, by French trade
+  unionists, 233-234;
+  Guerard's argument for, 234-235;
+  notable points in program of action of, 235-236;
+  program of trade unionists in case of success in, 237-238;
+  conditions which produce agitation for, 243-244;
+  doubts of syndicalists as to success of a peaceable strike, 246-247;
+  Jaures' warning against the, 270;
+  ridicule of, by Marx and Engels, 343.
+
+Geneva, congress of anarchists at, in 1873, 196-199.
+
+Germany, beginning of anarchist activity in, 55-57;
+  great political organization built up by socialists in, 203;
+  meteoric career of Lassalle in, 205-209;
+  history of Bismarck's losing battle with social democracy
+  in, 211-227;
+  State ownership favored by socialists in, 254-256;
+  growth of socialist and labor vote in, 328;
+  strong parliamentary position of socialists in, 329-330.
+
+Goldman, Emma, quoted on Johann Most, 67;
+  quoted on causes of violent acts by terrorists, 91;
+  on the connection of police with anarchist outrages, 119.
+
+Grave, Jean, French anarchist, 81.
+
+Gray, John, 130.
+
+Great-man theory, terrorist deeds of violence traceable to, 102 ff.
+
+Guerard, argument of, for revolutionary general strike, 234-235.
+
+Guesde, Jules, 202, 204;
+  quoted on direct action vs. political action, 267-269.
+
+Guillaume, James, Swiss revolutionist, friend of Bakounin, 28,
+  38, 42, 45, 47, 53, 197, 199, 229;
+  takes part in manifestation at Bern (1877), 53.
+
+
+H
+
+Hales, John, at anarchist congress in Geneva (1873), 196-199.
+
+Hall, Charles, 130.
+
+Harney, George Julian, 137.
+
+Harrison, Frederic, quoted, 151.
+
+Hasselmann, German revolutionist, 56, 65;
+  ejection of, from socialist party, 220.
+
+Haymarket catastrophe, Chicago, 68-70.
+
+Henry, Emile, French terrorist, 79, 84-85, 104.
+
+Herwegh, German poet and revolutionist, 157-158.
+
+Hess, Moritz, secret history of Basel congress of 1869 by, 169-170.
+
+Hillquit, Morris, description by, of battle between strikers and
+  detectives at Homestead, 293-294.
+
+Hins, follower of Bakounin, quoted, 163;
+  outlines, in 1869, program of modern syndicalists, 166-167.
+
+Hoedel, assassin of Emperor William, 55, 213.
+
+Hodgskin, Thomas, 130.
+
+Hogan, "Kid," quoted on strike-breakers, 288-289.
+
+Homestead strike, character of Pinkertons employed in, 285-286;
+  account of battle between strikers and special police, 292-294.
+
+Houses of the People, in Europe, 332.
+
+Humbert, King, attempt upon life of, 55;
+  assassination of, 87.
+
+Hume, Joseph, 130.
+
+
+I
+
+Individualism in France a contributing cause to rise of
+  syndicalism, 242-243.
+
+Industrial Workers of the World, American syndicalism, 247 n.
+
+Inheritance, abolition of right of, advocated by Bakounin, 163-164.
+
+Intellectuals, appearance of, as an aid to anarchism, 239-241;
+  lack of real understanding of labor movement by, and fate of, 354.
+
+International Alliance of Social Democracy, 12-14.
+
+International Brothers, 12-14.
+
+International Working Men's Association (the "International"),
+  Bakounin's attempt to inject his ideas into, 7, 15;
+  launching of the, 145-146;
+  beginning made by, in actual political work, 150-152;
+  struggles in, between followers of Marx and followers of Bakounin's
+  anarchist doctrines, 154 ff.;
+  congress of, at Basel in 1869 the turning-point in its
+  history, 162-168;
+  overturning of foundation principles of, owing to anarchist
+  tendencies of the congress, 168;
+  period of slight accomplishment, from 1869 to 1873, 189-190;
+  congress of 1873 at The Hague, 191;
+  expulsion of Bakounin and removal of seat of General Council to New
+  York, 191-192;
+  motives of Marx in destroying, 192;
+  one chief result of existence of, the distinct separation of
+  anarchism and socialism, 192-193;
+  attempts of Bakouninists to revive, after Hague congress, 196 ff.;
+  end of efforts of anarchists to build a new, 200.
+
+International Working People's Association, anarchist society in
+  America, 68, 73.
+
+Italy, anarchist uprisings in, in 1874, 41-44;
+  demonstration under doctrines of Propaganda of the Deed in (1877),
+  53-54;
+  reasons for individual execution of justice in, found in expense of
+  official justice and corruptness of courts, 108;
+  conditions in, leading to rise of syndicalism, 242, 243;
+  socialist and labor vote in, 328;
+  parliamentary strength of socialists in, 330.
+
+Iwanoff, Russian revolutionist, 22-23.
+
+
+J
+
+Jaclard, Victor, 14, 29.
+
+Jaures, tribute paid to Marx by, 152-153;
+  warning pronounced by, against the general strike, 270.
+
+Jesuits and doctrine of assassination, 98-99.
+
+Jones, Ernest, 130.
+
+
+K
+
+Kammerer, anarchist in Austria-Hungary, 57, 58.
+
+Kampffmeyer, Paul, quoted on State-socialist propositions in
+  Germany, 255.
+
+Kautsky, Karl, on the Statism of the socialist party, 256.
+
+Kropotkin, Prince, 49-50;
+  enthusiasm of, over the Propaganda of the Deed, 52;
+  quoted on anarchist activities at Lyons, 59;
+  on act of United States Supreme Court declaring unconstitutional
+  the eight-hour law on Government work, 62-63;
+  quoted on the Pittsburgh strike, 63-64;
+  on treatment of anarchists by socialists, 92 n.;
+  quoted on Russian secret police system, 113 n.;
+  articles by, attacking socialist parliamentary tactics, 201-202;
+  on the necessity of parliamentary action in distribution of land
+  after the French Revolution, 272.
+
+
+L
+
+Labor movement, violence characteristic of early years of the, 125-126;
+  beginning of real building of, in the middle of the last century, 127;
+  profit to, from aid of "intellectual" circles, 127;
+  in France, 128-129;
+  in England, 129-131;
+  setback to, in England due to various causes, 131;
+  beginnings of, in Germany, 131-134;
+  beginning of work of Marx and Engels in connection with, 132 ff.;
+  attempt of early socialist and anarchist sects to inject their ideas
+  into, 145;
+  launching of the International, 145 ff.;
+  entrance of the International into actual political work, 150-152;
+  the ideal of the labor movement as expressed by Lincoln, 152;
+  part played by the International as an organization of labor, 192;
+  origins of, in Germany, 209;
+  Bismarck's persecution of social democrats in Germany, 211-227;
+  entrance of anarchism into, in France, 231 ff.;
+  illegitimate activities of capital against, in United States, 280-326;
+  process of building structure of the present, 335-337;
+  position as a great and material actuality, 337;
+  tracing of work done by Marx in connection with, 338 ff.;
+  progress of, as indicated by socialist and labor vote, 328-329;
+  parliamentary strength of, 329-331;
+  growth of cooeperations and trade unions, 331-333.
+
+_Labor Standard_ article on United States Supreme Court decision, 62-63.
+
+Labor Temples in Europe, 332.
+
+Labriola, Arturo, syndicalist criticism of socialism by, 249-251;
+  views of, on Parliamentarism, 261.
+
+Lafargue, Paul, 202.
+
+Lagardelle, on the antagonism of syndicalism and democracy, 264-265.
+
+Lankiewicz, Valence, 28.
+
+Lassalle, German socialist agitator, 205 ff.;
+  by organizing the Universal German Working Men's Association, becomes
+  founder of German labor movement, 209;
+  relations between Bismarck and, 210.
+
+Legien, Carl, quoted on French labor movement, 243.
+
+Le Vin, detective, quoted on character of special police, 286.
+
+Levine, Louis, "The Labor Movement in France" by, quoted, 244.
+
+Liebknecht, Wilhelm, quoted on Marx's opposition to insurrection led by
+  Herwegh, 158;
+  mentioned, 205, 209-210;
+  efforts of Bismarck to corrupt, 211;
+  persecution of, by Bismarck, 211-212;
+  frank statement of republican principles by, 212-213;
+  quoted on defeat of Bismarck by socialists, 226;
+  quoted as in favor of State-socialist propositions in Germany, 256.
+
+Lincoln, Abraham, ideal of the labor movement as expressed by, 152.
+
+Lingg, Louis, Chicago anarchist, 70, 95.
+
+Lombroso, on corrective measures to be used with anarchists, 96-97;
+  on the complicity of criminality and politics, 109.
+
+Lovett, William, 130.
+
+Luccheni, Italian assassin, 87.
+
+Lynchings, an explanation given for, 107, 108.
+
+Lyons, unsuccessful insurrection at, in 1870, 28-35.
+
+
+M
+
+McDowell, Malcomb, on character of deputy marshals in Chicago railway
+  strike, 300-301.
+
+McKinley, President, assassination of, 75, 88.
+
+McNamaras, the, 318, 324.
+
+Mafia, the, an organization of Italians which pursues terrorist
+  tactics, 100.
+
+Malatesta, Enrico, Italian revolutionist, 43-44, 49, 51.
+
+Manufacturers' Association, lawless work of the, 318.
+
+Mariana, Jesuit who upheld assassination of tyrants, 98, 99.
+
+Marx, Karl, view of Bakounin held by, 7;
+  meeting of Bakounin and, 9;
+  assailed by Bakounin upon latter's entrance into the
+  International, 15-16;
+  quoted on the insurrection at Lyons in 1870, 35-36;
+  on Bakounin's "abolition of the State," 36;
+  on the Commune of Paris, 37;
+  education and early career of, 132-134;
+  the Communist Manifesto, 137-141;
+  resignation of, from central council of Communist League, 141-142;
+  gives evidence of perception of lack of revolutionary promise in
+  sectarian organizations, secret societies, and political
+  conspiracies, 142;
+  gigantic intellectual labors of, in laying foundations of a
+  scientific socialism, 143;
+  the International launched by, 145-146;
+  essence of socialism of, in Preamble of the Provisional Rules of the
+  International, 147-148;
+  statement of idea of, as to revolutionary character of political
+  activity, 149-150;
+  immense work of, in connection with the International, and publishing
+  of "Capital" by, 152;
+  summing up of services of, by Jaures, 152-153;
+  the battle between Bakounin and, 154 ff.;
+  annoyance and humiliation of, by victory of Bakouninists at Basel
+  congress, 168-169;
+  bitter attack made on Bakounin and his circle by, 169-170;
+  motives of, in destroying the International by moving seat of General
+  Council to New York, 191-192;
+  Bismarck's attempt to corrupt, 210;
+  view held by, of the State and its functions, 257;
+  quoted on "parliamentary cretinism," 261-262;
+  battles of workingmen fought on lines laid down by, 338;
+  immensity of task actually executed by, 344-356.
+
+Merlino, Italian anarchist, 81.
+
+Michel, Louise, French anarchist, 60.
+
+Milwaukee, character of special police employed during molders' strike
+  in, 286-287.
+
+Mine Owners' Association, anarchism of, in Colorado, 304-311.
+
+Moll, Joseph, 132, 137.
+
+Molly Maguires, an organization of Irishmen which pursued terrorist
+  tactics, 100.
+
+Most, Johann, a product of Bismarck's man-hunting policy and legal
+  tyranny, 56;
+  the Freiheit of, 57, 65;
+  brings terrorist ideas of Bakounin and Nechayeff to America, 64-65;
+  early history of, 65-66;
+  Emma Goldman's description of, 67;
+  effect of agitation and doctrines of, on socialism in America, 67-68;
+  climax of theories of, reached in the Haymarket tragedy, Chicago,
+  68-70;
+  article on "Revolutionary Principles" by, 69-70;
+  history of terrorist tactics in America centers about career of, 74;
+  responsibility of anti-socialist laws for misguided efforts and final
+  downfall of, 74-75;
+  ejected from socialist party for advocating violence in war with
+  Bismarck, 219-220.
+
+Motor bandits, career of, in France, 88-89.
+
+Museux, quoted on Ravachol, 82.
+
+"Muzzle Bill," Bismarck's, 221.
+
+
+N
+
+National Brothers, the, 12-14.
+
+Nechayeff, Sergei, young Russian revolutionist, 16;
+  collaboration of, with Bakounin, 16 ff.;
+  question of share of "Words Addressed to Students" and "The
+  Revolutionary Catechism" to be attributed to, 22;
+  activities of, in Russia, 22-23;
+  murder of Iwanoff by, 23;
+  quarrels with Bakounin, steals his papers, and flees to London, 23;
+  subsequent career and death, 25-26.
+
+Nobiling, Dr. Karl, 55, 214.
+
+
+O
+
+O'Brien, J. B., 130.
+
+O'Connor, Feargus, 130, 353.
+
+Orchard, Harry, crimes of, paid for by detective agencies, 307-310.
+
+Owen, Robert, 130;
+  utopian socialism of, 144;
+  in the Webbs' critique of, the economic fallacies of syndicalism are
+  revealed, 260-261.
+
+Ozerof, revolutionary enthusiast, friend of Bakounin, 28, 30, 34.
+
+
+P
+
+Paris, anarchist movement in (1883), 60;
+  acts of violence in, 77-89.
+
+Parliamentarism, criticism of, by syndicalists, 249, 261;
+  attitude of socialism toward, 262-263.
+
+Parliamentary strength of socialism at present day, 329-331.
+
+Pelloutier, leader in French labor movement, 231.
+
+Peukert, anarchist in Austria-Hungary, 57, 58;
+  found to be a police spy, 113-114.
+
+Pinkerton detectives, the tools of anarchists of the capitalist class
+  in the United States, 281 ff.
+
+Place, Francis, 130.
+
+Plechanoff, George, 53;
+  quoted, 200;
+  breaks with the Bakouninists, 204.
+
+Pini, French anarchist and robber, 96.
+
+Police agents, work of, against anarchism, socialism, and trade-union
+  movements, 110-120, 203-204;
+ infamous roles played by, in United States, 290-292, 299-302, 312-314;
+  list of notable, who have played a double part in labor
+  movements, 313.
+
+Policing by the State, a check on anarchism of individuals, 279.
+
+Political action, dependence of Marx's program on, 137-141;
+  fight of anarchists against, 232;
+  criticism of, by syndicalists, 249 ff.;
+  direct action placed over against, by the syndicalists, 267 ff.
+
+Pougatchoff, Bakounin's idealizing of, 278.
+
+Pouget, Emil, French anarchist, 60;
+  origin of modern syndicalism with, 231;
+  sabotage introduced by, at trade-union congress in Toulouse, 235;
+  attack of syndicalism on democracy voiced by, 264;
+  on the syndicalist's contempt for democracy, 265.
+
+Poverty, as a cause of reliance upon violence by French
+  trade-unions, 244.
+
+Propaganda of the Deed, origin of the, 49-52;
+  inspiration of, found in the teachings of Bakounin, 52;
+  revolutionary demonstrations organized under doctrines of, 52-54;
+  as the chief expression of anarchism, makes the name anarchism
+  synonymous with violence and crime, 55;
+  progress of, as shown by anarchist activities in Germany,
+  Austria-Hungary, and France, 55-60;
+  influence of, in Italy, Spain, and Belgium, 60-61;
+  bringing of, to America by Johann Most, 62-76.
+  _See_ Terrorism.
+
+Proudhon, acquaintance between Bakounin and, 9;
+  the father of anarchism, 129.
+
+Proudhonian anarchists, inability of, to comprehend socialism of Marx,
+  148-149.
+
+Pryor, Judge Roger A., condemnation by, of use of private detectives by
+  corporations, 297-298.
+
+Pullman strike, employment and character of private detectives in,
+  298-302.
+
+
+R
+
+Ravachol, French terrorist, 79-82, 104.
+
+Razin, Stenka, leader of Russian peasant insurrection, 17;
+  Bakounin's robber worship of, 278.
+
+Reclus, Elisee, 14;
+  quoted concerning Ravachol, 81.
+
+_Red Flag_, Hasselmann's paper, 56.
+
+Reinsdorf, August, assassin of German Emperor, 69-70.
+
+"Revolutionary Catechism," by Bakounin and Nechayeff, 19-22.
+
+Rey, Aristide, 14.
+
+Richard, Albert, 29, 32.
+
+Rittinghausen, delegate to congress of the International, quoted,
+  162-163;
+  on the futility of insurrection as a policy, 272.
+
+Robber-worship, Bakounin's, 17, 278.
+
+Rochdale Pioneers, the, 130.
+
+Rochefort, Henri, remarks of, on anarchists, 70-71.
+
+Rubin, W. B., investigation of character of special police by, 286-287.
+
+Rull, Juan, Spanish gang leader, 119.
+
+
+S
+
+Sabotage, danger of use of, in United States, 324-325;
+  appearance of, and explanation, 236;
+  as really another name for the Propaganda of the Deed, 247.
+
+Saffi, Italian revolutionist, 42.
+
+Saignes, Eugene, 30, 31.
+
+Saint-Simon, 128.
+
+Salmons, C. H., on outrages by private detectives during Burlington
+  strike, 296.
+
+Sand, George, 9, 158.
+
+Schapper, Karl, 131, 141.
+
+Secret societies organized by Bakounin, 11-14.
+
+Shelley, P. B., psychology of the anarchists depicted by, 93.
+
+Small, Albion W., estimate of Marx by, 143.
+
+Socialism, early use of word, 34 n.;
+  split between anarchism and, in 1869, 47-48, 162-169;
+  rapid spread of, in America after panic of 1873, 64-65;
+  disastrous effect on, of Most's agitation in America, 67-68;
+  contrasted with anarchism on the point of the latter's inspiring
+  deeds of violence by terrorists, 90-92;
+  different types attracted by anarchism and, 92-93;
+  burden of anarchism placed on, by Catholic clergy, 98;
+  growth of, 125 ff., 202-203;
+  early days of, in France, 128-129;
+  in England, 129-131;
+  in Germany, 131-134;
+  Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels a part of the basic literature
+  of, 138;
+  the utopian, destroyed by Marx's scientific theory, 144-145;
+  the blending of labor and, a matter of decades, 145;
+  essence of Marx's, found in the Preamble of the Provisional Rules of
+  the International, 147-148;
+  routing of, by anarchist doctrines in congress of International at
+  Basel in 1869, 162-169;
+  inquiry into and exposition of the aims of the Marxian, 174-178;
+  attacks on, by anarchists after Hague congress of 1872, 201 ff.;
+  fruitless war waged on German social democracy by Bismarck, 211-227;
+  defeat and humiliation of Bismarck by, 225-227;
+  strength of, throughout Europe shown in elections of 1892, 227-228;
+  difference between aims and methods of, and those of syndicalism,
+  238-239;
+  antagonism between syndicalism and, 247 ff., 266;
+  Statism of, criticised by syndicalists, 249-251, 252;
+  real position of, regarding State ownership and State capitalism,
+  252-258;
+  criticism of, by syndicalists on grounds of Parliamentarism, 261;
+  real attitude of, toward control of parliaments, 262-263;
+  battle of, is against both the old anarchists, and the new anarchists
+  of the wealthy class in the United States, 325-326;
+  statistics of increase in vote of, 328-329;
+  parliamentary strength of, 329-331;
+  conditions which retard progress of, in United States, 332-333;
+  tendency of labor movement in all lands toward, 333-334;
+  international congresses of party, 334;
+  results of inseparableness of democracy and, 353-354;
+  slow but sure and steady progress of, 355-356.
+
+Sombart, Werner, quoted on syndicalism and the "social sybarites,"
+  241;
+  quoted on tendency of labor movement in all lands toward
+  socialism, 333.
+
+Sorel, quoted to show hostility of syndicalism to democracy, 264.
+
+Spain, revolution of 1873 in, 37-41;
+  repression of terrorist tactics in, 87.
+
+Spies, August, "revenge circular" of, 68.
+
+State, check placed on anarchism of the individual by the, 279-280;
+  activity of, in opposition to labor in United States, 322-324.
+
+Statism, criticism of, of the socialist party, by syndicalists, 249-252;
+  statement of attitude of socialism toward, 252-258;
+  economic fallacies of syndicalists regarding, pointed out by the Webbs
+  on their critique of Owen's trade-union socialism, 260-261.
+
+Steinert, Henry, quoted on special police and detectives, 285.
+
+Stellmacher, anarchist in Austria-Hungary, 57, 58.
+
+Stephens, Joseph Rayner, 130, 353.
+
+Stirner, Max, "The Ego and His Own" by, quoted, 105.
+
+"Study upon the German Jews," Bakounin's, 170-171.
+
+Supreme Court of United States, act of, declaring unconstitutional the
+  eight-hour law on Government work, 62-63.
+
+Syndicalism, program of, outlined at congress of International in 1869,
+  166-167;
+  forecast of, contained in Bakounin's arguments, 185;
+  revival in 1895 of anarchism under name of, 229;
+  explanation of, and reason for existence, 230 ff.;
+  wherein aim and methods differ from those of socialism, 238-239;
+  connection of the "intellectuals" with, 239-241;
+  reasons found for, in certain French and Italian conditions, 242-245;
+  essential differences between anarchism and, 245-246;
+  necessary antagonism between socialism and, 247 ff.;
+  objections to the outline of a new society contemplated by, 259 ff.;
+  criticism of Parliamentarism of socialism by, 261;
+  attacks of, on democracy, 264-265;
+  antagonism of socialism and, in aim and methods, 266 ff.;
+  proven to be the logical descendant of anarchism, 270-271;
+  its fate to be the same as that of anarchism, 271-272;
+  claim of, that revolutionary movement must pursue economic aims and
+  disregard political relations, 273.
+
+
+T
+
+Tennyson, quotation from, 96.
+
+Terrorism, doctrine of, brought into Western Europe by Bakounin, 4,
+  9-10, 17 ff.;
+  set forth in "Revolutionary Catechism" by Bakounin and Nechayeff,
+  19-22;
+  practical introduction of, in insurrections of the early seventies,
+  28 ff., 41-44;
+  criticism of, by socialists, 40;
+  advent of the Propaganda of the Deed, and resultant acts of violence
+  in Italy, 50-55;
+  carried into Germany, Austria-Hungary, and France, 56-60;
+  doctrine of, spread in America by Johann Most, 65-68;
+  protest voiced by Tucker, American anarchist, against terrorist
+  tactics, 70-74;
+  failure of, to take deep root in America, 75-76;
+  acts of, committed by anarchists in France, 77-89;
+  causes of, 90 ff.;
+  due to hysteria and pseudo-insanity, 93-94;
+  wrong attitude of society as to corrective measures, 94-98;
+  burden of, placed by Catholics on socialism, 98-101;
+  glorification of, in annals of history, 101;
+  egoistic conception of history carried to an extreme in, 102-106;
+  caused by corruption of courts and oppressive laws, 107-108;
+  complicity of criminality and, 109;
+  use of, by European governments, 110-120, 219 ff.;
+  introduced into the International by Bakounin, and struggles of
+  Marxists against, 154-193;
+  part played by, in Bismarck's war on social democracy, 213, 217, 218;
+  attempts of Bismarck to provoke, 219 ff.;
+  reaction of, on Bismarck, 227;
+  employed by ruling class in America, by means of private detectives
+  and special police, 276-324.
+
+Thompson, William, 130.
+
+Tolstoi, Berth's characterization of, 241.
+
+Tortellier, French agitator and anarchist, 231;
+  declaration of, against political action, 232.
+
+Trade unions, at basis of Spanish revolution of 1873, 39;
+  entrance into, of anarchism, resulting in syndicalism, 231 ff.
+  _See_ Labor movement.
+
+Tucker, Benjamin R., New York anarchist, quoted on "The Beast of
+  Communism," 70-74.
+
+
+U
+
+United States, unsettled conditions in, after panic of 1873, 62-64;
+  development of socialist and trade-union organizations in, 64;
+  Bakounin's terrorist ideas brought to, by Johann Most, 65;
+  acts of violence in, 67-70;
+  protests of anarchists of, against terrorism, 70-74;
+  failure of anarchism to take firm root in, 75;
+  anarchism of the powerful in, 280 ff.;
+  system of extra-legal police agents in, 281-291, 311 ff.;
+  account of tragic episodes in history of labor disputes in, 291-311;
+  abetting by the State of mercenary anarchists in, 322-325;
+  figures of socialist and labor vote in, 328;
+  socialists of, wholly lacking in representation in Congress, 330, 333;
+  conditions in, calculated to retard progress of socialist and labor
+  movement, 332-333.
+
+Universal German Working Men's Association, organization of, 209.
+
+Utopian socialism destroyed by Marx's scientific socialism, 144.
+
+
+V
+
+Vaillant, August, French terrorist, 79, 82-84, 104.
+
+Valzania, Italian revolutionist, 42.
+
+Vincenzo, Tomburri, Italian revolutionist, 54.
+
+Violence, analysis of causes of, 90-122.
+  _See_ Terrorism.
+
+Vliegen, Dutch labor leader, on the general strike, 243-244.
+
+Von Schweitzer, leader in German labor movement, reported to have sold
+  out to Bismarck, 211.
+
+Vote of socialists and laborites (1887-1913), 328, 329.
+
+
+W
+
+Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, economic fallacies of syndicalism indicated
+  by, 260-261.
+
+Weitling, early German socialist agitator, 132.
+
+Western Federation of Miners, crimes falsely attributed to, 307-310.
+
+West Virginia, governmental tyranny during labor troubles in, 217;
+  outrages committed by special police in, 292.
+
+Wickersham, George W., testimony of, as to packing of a jury by private
+  detectives, 289.
+
+William I., Emperor, attempts on life of, 55, 213-214.
+
+"Words Addressed to Students," Bakounin and Nechayeff's, 17.
+
+Wyden, secret conference of German social democrats at, 219-220.
+
+
+Y
+
+Yvetot, quoted on syndicalism and anarchism, 245.
+
+
+Z
+
+Zenker, quoted on anarchist movement in Austria-Hungary, 57-58;
+  on association formed by Most for uniting revolutionists, 66;
+  on motives behind deeds of violence, 100.
+
+Zola, psychology of the anarchist depicted by, 93.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's Violence and the Labor Movement, by Robert Hunter
+
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