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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic
+Evolution, by Pierre Kropotkin
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic Evolution
+       An Address Delivered in Paris
+
+Author: Pierre Kropotkin
+
+Translator: Henry Glasse
+
+Release Date: January 27, 2010 [EBook #31104]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANARCHISM IN SOCIALISTIC EVOLUTION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Fritz Ohrenschall, Stephanie Eason, and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net.
+(This file was produced from images generously made
+available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries.)
+
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+
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+
+
+
+
+
+  New Edition (enlarged) TWO PENCE
+
+
+  The Place of Anarchism
+  in Socialistic Evolution
+
+
+  An Address delivered in Paris
+  BY
+  PIERRE KROPOTKIN
+
+  Translated by HENRY GLASSE
+
+
+  AN APPEAL TO THE YOUNG
+  By Pierre Kropotkin
+  PRICE - - - 2d.
+
+
+  WILLIAM REEVES          83 CHARING CROSS ROAD,
+  BOOKSELLER LIMITED.     --LONDON, W.C.2.--
+
+
+
+
+THE PLACE OF ANARCHISM IN SOCIALISTIC EVOLUTION
+
+
+
+
+PART I.
+
+
+You must often have asked yourselves what is the cause of Anarchism, and
+why, since there are already so many Socialist schools, it is necessary
+to found an additional one--that of Anarchism. In order to answer this
+question I will go back to the close of last century.
+
+You all know the characteristics which marked that epoch: there was an
+expansion of intelligence, a prodigious development of the natural
+sciences, a pitiless examination of accepted prejudices, the formation
+of a theory of Nature based on a truly scientific foundation,
+observation and reasoning. In addition to these there was criticism of
+the political institutions bequeathed to Humanity by preceding ages, and
+a movement towards that ideal of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity which
+has in all times been the ideal of the popular masses. Fettered in its
+free development by despotism and by the narrow selfishness of the
+privileged classes, this movement, being at the same time favoured by an
+explosion of popular indignation, engendered the Great Revolution which
+had to force its way through the midst of a thousand obstacles both
+without and within.
+
+The Revolution was vanquished, but its ideas remained. Though at first
+persecuted and derided, they became the watchword for a whole century of
+slow evolution. The history of the nineteenth century is summed up in an
+effort to put in practice the principles elaborated at the end of last
+century: this is the lot of revolutions: though vanquished they
+establish the course of the evolution which follows them. In the domain
+of politics these ideas are abolition of aristocratic privileges,
+abolition of personal government, and equality before the law. In the
+economic order the Revolution proclaimed freedom of business
+transactions; it said--"Sell and buy freely. Sell, all of you, your
+products, if you can produce, and if you do not possess the implements
+necessary for that purpose but have only your arms to sell, sell them,
+sell your labour to the highest bidder, the State will not interfere!
+Compete among yourselves, contractors! No favour shall be shown, the law
+of natural selection will take upon itself the function of killing off
+those who do not keep pace with the progress of industry, and will
+reward those who take the lead."
+
+The above is at least the _theory_ of the Revolution of 1789, and if the
+State intervenes in the struggle to favour some to the detriment of
+others, as we have lately seen when the monopolies of mining and railway
+companies have been under discussion, such action is regarded by the
+liberal school as a lamentable deviation from the grand principles of
+the Revolution.
+
+What has been the result? You know only too well, both women and men,
+idle opulence for a few and uncertainty for the morrow and misery for
+the greater number; crisis and wars for the conquest of markets, and a
+lavish expenditure of public money to find openings for industrial
+speculators. All this is because in proclaiming liberty of contract an
+essential point was neglected by our fathers. Not but what some of them
+caught sight of it, the best of them earnestly desired but did not dare
+to realise it. While liberty of transactions, that is to say a conflict
+between the members of society, was proclaimed, the contending parties
+were not equally matched, and the powerful, armed for the contest by the
+means inherited from their fathers, have gained the upper hand over the
+weak. Under such conditions the millions of poor ranged against a few
+rich could not do otherwise than give in.
+
+Comrades! you have often asked yourselves--"Whence comes the wealth of
+the rich? Is it from their labour?" It would be a mockery to say that it
+was so. Let us suppose that M. Rothschild has worked all his life: well,
+you also, every one of you working men have also laboured: then why
+should the fortune of M. Rothschild be measured by hundreds of millions
+while your possessions are so small? The reason is simple: you have
+exerted yourselves to produce by your own labour, while M. Rothschild
+has devoted himself to accumulating the product of the labour of
+others--the whole matter lies in that.
+
+But some one may say to me;--"How comes it that millions of men thus
+allow the Rothschilds and the Mackays to appropriate the fruit of their
+labour?" Alas, they cannot help themselves under the existing social
+system! But let us picture to our minds a city all of whose inhabitants
+find their lodging, clothing, food and occupation secured to them, on
+condition of producing things useful to the community, and let us
+suppose a Rothschild to enter this city bringing with him a cask full of
+gold. If he spends his gold it will diminish rapidly; if he locks it up
+it will not increase, because gold does not grow like seed, and after
+the lapse of a twelvemonth he will not find £110 in his drawer if he
+only put £100 into it. If he sets up a factory and proposes to the
+inhabitants of the town that they should work in it for four shillings a
+day while producing to the value of eight shillings a day they
+reply--"Among us you'll find no one willing to work on those terms. Go
+elsewhere and settle in some town where the unfortunate people have
+neither clothing, bread, nor work assured to them, and where they will
+consent to give up to you the lion's share of the result of their labour
+in return for the barest necessaries of life. Go where men starve! there
+you will make your fortune!"
+
+The origin of the wealth of the rich is your misery. Let there be no
+poor, then we shall have no millionaires.
+
+The facts I have just stated were such as the Revolution of last century
+did not comprehend or else could not act upon. That Revolution placed
+face to face two opposing ranks, the one consisting of a hungry,
+ill-clad army of former serfs, the other of men well provided with
+means. It then said to these two arrays--"Fight out your battle." The
+unfortunate were vanquished. They possessed no fortunes, but they had
+something more precious than all the gold in the world--their arms; and
+these arms, the source of all wealth, were monopolised by the wealthy.
+Thus we have seen those immense fortunes which are the characteristic
+feature of our age spring up on all sides. A king of the last century,
+"the great Louis the Fourteenth" of mercenary historians, would never
+have dreamed of possessing a fortune such as are held by those kings of
+the nineteenth century, the Vanderbilts and the Mackays.
+
+On the other hand we have seen the poor reduced still more and more to
+toil for others, and while those who produced on their own account have
+rapidly disappeared, we find ourselves compelled under an ever
+increasing pressure to labour more and more to enrich the rich.
+Attempts have been made to remove these evils. Some have said--"Let us
+give equal instruction to all," and forthwith education has been spread
+abroad. Better human machines have been turned out, but these educated
+machines still labour to enrich others. This illustrious scientist, that
+renowned novelist, despite their education are still beasts of burden to
+the capitalist. Instruction improves the cattle to be exploited but the
+exploitation remains. Next, there was great talk about association, but
+the workers soon learned that they could not get the better of capital
+by associating their miseries, and those who cherished this illusion
+most earnestly were compelled to turn to Socialism.
+
+Timid, at the outset, Socialism spoke at first in the name of Christian
+sentiment and morality: men profoundly imbued with the moral principles
+of Christianity--principles which it possesses in common with all other
+religions--came forward and said--"A Christian has no right to exploit
+his brethren!" But the ruling classes laughed in their faces with the
+reply--"Teach the people Christian resignation, tell them in the name of
+Christ that they should offer their left cheek to whosoever smites them
+on the right, then you will be welcome; as for the dreams of equality
+which you find in Christianity, go and meditate on your discoveries in
+prison."
+
+Later on Socialism spoke in the name of Governmentalism; it said--"Since
+it is the special mission of the State to protect the weak against the
+strong, it is its duty to aid working men's associations; the State
+alone can enable working men to fight against capital and to oppose to
+capitalistic exploitation the free workshop of workers pocketing the
+entire value of the produce of their labour." To this the Bourgeoisie
+replied with grapeshot in 1848.
+
+It was not until between twenty to thirty years later, at a time when
+the popular masses were invited to express their mind in the
+International Working Men's Association, that Socialism spoke in the
+name of the people, and formulating itself little by little in the
+Congresses of the great Association and later on among its successors,
+arrived at some such conclusion as the following:
+
+All accumulated wealth is the product of the labour of all--of the
+present and of all preceding generations. This hall in which we are now
+assembled derives its value from the fact that it is situated in
+Paris--this magnificent city built by the labours of twenty successive
+generations. If this same hall were conveyed amid the snows of Siberia
+its value would be next to nothing. The machinery which you have
+invented and patented bears within itself the intelligence of five or
+six generations and is only possessed of value because it forms part of
+that immense whole that we call the progress of the nineteenth century.
+If you send your lace-making machine among the natives of New Guinea it
+will become valueless. We defy any man of genius of our times to tell us
+what share his intellect has had in the magnificent deductions of the
+book, the work of talent which he has produced! Generations have toiled
+to accumulate facts for him, his ideas have perhaps been suggested to
+him by a locomotive crossing the plains, as for elegance of design he
+has grasped it while admiring the Venus of Milo or the work of Murillo,
+and finally, if his book exercises any influence over us, it does so,
+thanks to all the circumstances of our civilisation.
+
+Everything belongs to all! We defy anyone soever to tell us what share
+of the general wealth is due to each individual. See the enormous mass
+of appliances which the nineteenth century has created; behold those
+millions of iron slaves which we call machines, and which plane and saw,
+weave and spin for us, separate and combine the raw materials, and work
+the miracles of our times. No one has the right to monopolise any one of
+these machines and to say to others--"This is mine, if you wish to make
+use of it you must pay me a tax on each article you produce," any more
+than the feudal lord of the middle ages had the right to say to the
+cultivator--"This hill and this meadow are mine and you must pay me
+tribute for every sheaf of barley you bind, and on each haycock you heap
+up."
+
+All belongs to everyone! And provided each man and woman contributes his
+and her share of labour for the production of necessary objects, they
+have a right to share in all that is produced by everybody.
+
+
+
+
+PART II.
+
+
+All things belong to all, and provided that men and women contribute
+their share of labour for the production of necessary objects, they are
+entitled to their share of all that is produced by the community at
+large. "But this is Communism," you may say. Yes, it is Communism, but
+it is the Communism which no longer speaks in the name of religion or of
+the state, but in the name of the people. During the past fifty years a
+great awakening of the working-class has taken place! the prejudice in
+favour of private property is passing away. The worker grows more and
+more accustomed to regard the factory, the railway, or the mine, not as
+a feudal castle belonging to a lord, but as an institution of public
+utility which the public has the right to control. The idea of
+possession in common has not been worked out from the slow deductions of
+some thinker buried in his private study, it is a thought which is
+germinating in the brains of the working masses, and when the
+revolution, which the close of this century has in store for us, shall
+have hurled confusion into the camp of our exploiters, you will see that
+the mass of the people will demand Expropriation, and will proclaim its
+right to the factory, the locomotive, and the steamship.
+
+Just as the sentiment of the inviolability of the home has developed
+during the latter half of our century, so also the sentiment of
+collective right to all that serves for the production of wealth has
+developed among the masses. It is a fact, and he who, like ourselves,
+wishes to share the popular life and follow its development, must
+acknowledge that this affirmation is a faithful summary of the people's
+aspirations. The tendency of this closing century is towards Communism,
+not the monastic or barrack-room Communism formerly advocated, but the
+free Communism which places the products reaped or manufactured in
+common at the disposal of all, leaving to each the liberty to consume
+them as he pleases in his own home.
+
+This is the solution of which the mass of the people can most readily
+take hold, and it is the solution which the people demands at the most
+solemn epochs. In 1848 the formula "From each according to his
+abilities, to each according to his needs" was the one which went
+straight to the heart of the masses, and if they acclaimed the Republic
+and universal suffrage, it was because they hoped to attain to Communism
+through them. In 1871, also, when the people besieged in Paris desired
+to make a supreme effort to resist the invader, what was their
+demand?--That free rations should be served out to everyone. Let all
+articles be put into one common stock and let them be distributed
+according to the requirements of each. Let each one take freely of all
+that is abundant and let those objects which are less plentiful be
+distributed more sparingly and in due proportions--this is the solution
+which the mass of the workers understand best. This is also the system
+which is commonly practised in the rural districts (of France). So long
+as the common lands afford abundant pasture, what Commune seeks to
+restrict their use? When brush-wood and chestnuts are plentiful, what
+Commune forbids its members to take as much as they want? And when the
+larger wood begins to grow scarce, what course does the peasant
+adopt?--The allowancing of individuals.
+
+Let us take from the common stock the articles which are abundant, and
+let those objects whose production is more restricted be served out in
+allowances according to requirements, giving preference to children and
+old persons, that is to say, to the weak. And, moreover, let all be
+consumed, not in public, but at home, according to individual tastes and
+in company with one's family and friends. This is the ideal of the
+masses.
+
+But it is not enough to argue about, "Communism" and "Expropriation;" it
+is furthermore necessary to know who should have the management of the
+common patrimony, and it is especially on this question that different
+schools of Socialists are opposed to one another, some desiring
+authoritarian Communism, and others, like ourselves, declaring
+unreservedly in favour of anarchist Communism. In order to judge between
+these two, let us return once again to our starting point, the
+Revolution of last century.
+
+In overturning royalty the Revolution proclaimed the sovereignty of the
+people; but, by an inconsistency which was very natural at that time, it
+proclaimed, not a permanent sovereignty, but an intermittent one, to be
+exercised at certain intervals only, for the nomination of deputies
+supposed to represent the people. In reality it copied its institutions
+from the representative government of England. The Revolution was
+drowned in blood, and, nevertheless, representative government became
+the watchword of Europe. All Europe, with the exception of Russia, has
+tried it, under all possible forms, from government based on a property
+qualification to the direct government of the little Swiss republics.
+But, strange to say, just in proportion as we have approached nearer to
+the ideal of a representative government, elected by a perfectly free
+universal suffrage, in that same proportion have its essential vices
+become manifest to us, till we have clearly seen that this mode of
+government is radically defective. Is it not indeed absurd to take a
+certain number of men from out the mass, and to entrust them with the
+management of _all_ public affairs, saying to them, "Attend to these
+matters, we exonerate ourselves from the task by laying it upon you: it
+is for you to make laws on all manner of subjects--armaments and mad
+dogs, observatories and chimneys, instruction and street-sweeping:
+arrange these things as you please and make laws about them, since you
+are the chosen ones whom the people has voted capable of doing
+everything!" It appears to me that if a thoughtful and honest man were
+offered such a post, he would answer somewhat in this fashion:--
+
+"You entrust me with a task which I am unable to fulfil. I am
+unacquainted with most of the questions upon which I shall be called on
+to legislate. I shall either have to work to some extent in the dark,
+which will not be to your advantage, or I shall appeal to you and summon
+meetings in which you will yourselves seek to come to an understanding
+on the questions at issue, in which case my office will be unnecessary.
+If you have formed an opinion and have formulated it, and if you are
+anxious to come to an understanding with others who have also formed an
+opinion on the same subject, then all you need do is to communicate with
+your neighbours and send a delegate to come to an understanding with
+other delegates on this specific question; but you will certainly
+reserve to yourselves the right of taking an ultimate decision; you will
+not entrust your delegate with the making of laws for you. This is how
+scientists and business men act each time that they have to come to an
+agreement."
+
+But the above reply would be a repudiation of the representative system,
+and nevertheless it is a faithful expression of the idea which is
+growing everywhere since the vices of representative government have
+been exposed in all their nakedness. Our age, however, has gone still
+further, for it has begun to discuss the rights of the State and of
+Society in relation to the individual; people now ask to what point the
+interference of the State is necessary in the multitudinous functions of
+society.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Do we require a government to educate our children? Only let the worker
+have leisure to instruct himself, and you will see that, through the
+free initiative of parents and of persons fond of tuition, thousands of
+educational societies and schools of all kinds will spring up, rivalling
+one another in the excellence of their teaching. If we were not crushed
+by taxation and exploited by employers, as we now are, could we not
+ourselves do much better than is now done for us? The great centres
+would initiate progress and set the example, and you may be sure that
+the progress realised would be incomparably superior to what we now
+attain through our ministeries.--Is the State even necessary for the
+defence of a territory? If armed brigands attack a people, is not that
+same people, armed with good weapons, the surest rampart to oppose to
+the foreign aggressor? Standing armies are always beaten by invaders,
+and history teaches that the latter are to be repulsed by a popular
+rising alone.--While Government is an excellent machine to protect
+monopoly, has it ever been able to protect us against ill-disposed
+persons? Does it not, by creating misery, increase the number of crimes
+instead of diminishing them? In establishing prisons into which
+multitudes of men, women, and children are thrown for a time in order to
+come forth infinitely worse than when they went in, does not the State
+maintain nurseries of vice at the expense of the tax-payers? In obliging
+us to commit to others the care of our affairs, does it not create the
+most terrible vice of societies--indifference to public matters?
+
+On the other hand, if we analyse all the great advances made in this
+century--our international traffic, our industrial discoveries, our
+means of communication--do we find that we owe them to the State or to
+private enterprise? Look at the network of railways which cover Europe.
+At Madrid, for example, you take a ticket for St. Petersburg direct. You
+travel along railroads which have been constructed by millions of
+workers, set in motion by dozens of companies; your carriage is attached
+in turn to Spanish, French, Bavarian, and Russian locomotives: you
+travel without losing twenty minutes anywhere, and the two hundred
+francs which you paid in Madrid will be divided to a nicety among the
+companies which have combined to forward you to your destination. This
+line from Madrid to St. Petersburg has been constructed in small
+isolated branches which have been gradually connected, and direct trains
+are the result of an understanding which has been arrived at between
+twenty different companies. Of course there has been considerable
+friction at the outset, and at times some companies, influenced by an
+unenlightened egotism have been unwilling to come to terms with the
+others; but, I ask, was it better to put up with this occasional
+friction, or to wait until some Bismarck, Napoleon, or Zengis Khan
+should have conquered Europe, traced the lines with a pair of compasses,
+and regulated the despatch of the trains? If the latter course had been
+adopted, we should still be in the days of stage-coaches.
+
+The network of railways is the work of the human mind proceeding from
+the simple to the complex by the spontaneous efforts of the parties
+interested, and it is thus that all the great enterprises of our age
+have been undertaken. It is quite true, indeed, that we pay too much to
+the managers of these enterprises; this is an additional reason for
+suppressing their incomes, but not for confiding the management of
+European railways to a central European government.
+
+What thousands of examples one could cite in support of his same idea!
+Take all great enterprises such as the Suez Canal, the lines of Atlantic
+steamers, the telegraph which connects us with North and South America.
+Consider also that commercial organisation which enables you on rising
+in the morning to find bread at the baker's--that is, if you have the
+money to pay for it, which is not always the case now-a-days--meat at
+the butcher's, and all other things that you want at other shops. Is
+this the work of the State? It is true that we pay abominably dearly for
+middlemen; this is, however, an additional reason for suppressing them,
+but not for believing that we must entrust government with the care of
+providing for our feeding and clothing. If we closely scan the
+development of the human mind in our times we are struck by the number
+of associations which spring up to meet the varied requirement of the
+individual of our age--societies for study, for commerce, for pleasure
+and recreation; some of them, very small, for the propagation of a
+universal language or a certain method of short-hand writing; others
+with large arms, such as that which has recently been established for
+the defence of the English coast, or for the avoidance of lawsuits, and
+so on. To make a list of the associations which exist in Europe, volumes
+would be necessary, and it would be seen that there is not a single
+branch of human activity with which one or other does not concern
+itself. The State itself appeals to them in the discharge of its most
+important function--war; it says, "We undertake to slaughter, but we
+cannot take care of our victims; form a Red Cross Society to gather up
+the wounded on the battle-field and to take care of them."
+
+Let others, if they will, advocate industrial barracks or the monastery
+of Authoritarian Communism, we declare that the tendency of society is
+in an opposite direction. We foresee millions and millions of groups
+freely constituting themselves for the satisfaction of all the varied
+needs of human beings--some of these groups organised by quarter,
+street, and house; others extending hands across the walls of cities,
+over frontiers and oceans. All of these will be composed of human beings
+who will combine freely, and after having performed their share of
+productive labour will meet together, either for the purpose of
+consumption, or to produce objects of art or luxury, or to advance
+science in a new direction. This is the tendency of the nineteenth
+century, and we follow it; we only ask to develop it freely, without any
+governmental interference. Individual liberty! "Take pebbles," said
+Fourrier, "put them into a box and shake them, and they will arrange
+themselves in a mosaic that you could never get by entrusting to anyone
+the work of arranging them harmoniously."
+
+
+
+
+PART III.
+
+
+Now let me pass to the third part of my subject--the most important with
+respect to the future.
+
+There is no more room for doubting that religions are going; the
+nineteenth century has given them their death blow. But religions--all
+religions--have a double composition. They contain in the first place a
+primitive cosmogony, a rude attempt at explaining nature, and they
+furthermore contain a statement of the public morality born and
+developed within the mass of the people. But when we throw religions
+overboard or store them among our public records as historical
+curiosities, shall we also relegate to museums the moral principles
+which they contain? This has sometimes been done, and we have seen
+people declare that as they no longer believed in the various religions
+so they despised morality and boldly proclaimed the maxim of bourgeois
+selfishness, "Everyone for himself." But a Society, human or animal,
+cannot exist without certain rules and moral habits springing up within
+it; religion may go, morality remains. If we were to come to consider
+that a man did well in lying, deceiving his neighbours, or plundering
+them when possible (this is the middle-class business morality), we
+should come to such a pass that we could no longer live together. You
+might assure me of your friendship, but perhaps you might only do so in
+order to rob me more easily; you might promise to do a certain thing for
+me, only to deceive me; you might promise to forward a letter for me,
+and you might steal it just like an ordinary governor of a jail. Under
+such conditions society would become impossible, and this is so
+generally understood that the repudiation of religions in no way
+prevents public morality from being maintained, developed, and raised to
+a higher and ever higher standard. This fact is so striking that
+philosophers seek to explain it by the principles of utilitarianism, and
+recently Spencer sought to base the morality which exists among us upon
+physiological causes and the needs connected with the preservation of
+the race.
+
+Let me give you an example in order to explain to you what _we_ think on
+the matter.
+
+A child is drowning, and four men who stand upon the bank see it
+struggling in the water. One of them does not stir, he is a partisan of
+"Each one for himself," the maxim of the commercial middle-class; this
+one is a brute and we need not speak of him further. The next one
+reasons thus: "If I save the child, a good report of my action will be
+made to the ruler of heaven, and the Creator will reward me by
+increasing my flocks and my serfs," and thereupon he plunges into the
+water. Is he therefore a moral man? Clearly not! He is a shrewd
+calculator, that is all. The third, who is an utilitarian, reflects thus
+(or at least utilitarian philosophers represent him as so reasoning):
+"Pleasures can be classed in two categories, inferior pleasures and
+higher ones. To save the life of anyone is a superior pleasure
+infinitely more intense and more durable than others; therefore I will
+save the child." Admitting that any man ever reasoned thus, would he not
+be a terrible egotist? and, moreover, could we ever be sure that his
+sophistical brain would not at some given moment cause his will to
+incline toward an inferior pleasure, that is to say, towards refraining
+from troubling himself? There remains the fourth individual. This man
+has been brought up from his childhood to feel himself _one_ with the
+rest of humanity: from his childhood he has always regarded men as
+possessing interests in common: he has accustomed himself to suffer when
+his neighbours suffer, and to feel happy when everyone around him is
+happy. Directly he hears the heart-rending cry of the mother, he leaps
+into the water, not through reflection but by instinct, and when she
+thanks him for saving her child, he says, "What have I done to deserve
+thanks, my good woman? I am happy to see you happy; I have acted from
+natural impulse and could not do otherwise!"
+
+You recognise in this case the truly moral man, and feel that the others
+are only egotists in comparison with him. The whole anarchist morality
+is represented in this example. It is the morality of a people which
+does not look for the sun at midnight--a morality without compulsion or
+authority, a morality of habit. Let us create circumstances in which man
+shall not be led to deceive nor exploit others, and then by the very
+force of things the moral level of humanity will rise to a height
+hitherto unknown. Men are certainly not to be moralised by teaching them
+a moral catechism: tribunals and prisons do not diminish vice; they pour
+it over society in floods. Men are to be moralised only by placing them
+in a position which shall contribute to develop in them those habits
+which are social, and to weaken those which are not so. A morality which
+has become instinctive is the true morality, the only morality which
+endures while religions and systems of philosophy pass away.
+
+Let us now combine the three preceding elements, and we shall have
+Anarchy and its place in Socialistic Evolution.
+
+Emancipation of the producer from the yoke of capital; production in
+common and free consumption of all the products of the common labour.
+
+Emancipation from the governmental yoke; free development of individuals
+in groups and federations; free organisation ascending from the simple
+to the complex, according to mutual needs and tendencies.
+
+Emancipation from religious morality; free morality, without compulsion
+or authority, developing itself from social life and becoming habitual.
+
+The above is no dream of students, it is a conclusion which results from
+an analysis of the tendencies of modern society: Anarchist Communism is
+the union of the two fundamental tendencies of our society--a tendency
+towards economic equality, and a tendency towards political liberty. So
+long as Communism presented itself under an authoritarian form, which
+necessarily implies government, armed with much greater power than that
+which it possesses to-day, inasmuch as it implies economic in addition
+to political power--so long as this was the case, Communism met with no
+sufficient response. Before 1848 it could, indeed, sometimes excite for
+a moment the enthusiasm of the worker who was prepared to submit to any
+all-powerful government, provided it would release him from the terrible
+situation in which he was placed, but it left the true friends of
+liberty indifferent.
+
+Anarchist Communism maintains that most valuable of all
+conquests--individual liberty--and moreover extends it and gives it a
+solid basis--economic liberty--without which political liberty in
+delusive; it does not ask the individual who has rejected god, the
+universal tyrant, god the king, and god the parliament, to give unto
+himself a god more terrible than any of the preceding--god the
+Community, or to abdicate upon its altar his independence, his will, his
+tastes, and to renew the vow of asceticism which he formerly made before
+the crucified god. It says to him, on the contrary, "No society is free
+so long as the individual is not so! Do not seek to modify society by
+imposing upon it an authority which shall make everything right; if you
+do, you will fail as popes and emperors have failed. Modify society so
+that your fellows may not be any longer your enemies by the force of
+circumstances: abolish the conditions which allow some to monopolise the
+fruit of the labour of others; and instead of attempting to construct
+society from top to bottom, or from the centre to the circumference, let
+it develop itself freely from the simple to the composite, by the free
+union of free groups. This course, which is so much obstructed at
+present, is the true forward march of society: do not seek to hinder it,
+do not turn your back on progress, but march along with it! Then the
+sentiment of sociability which is common to human beings, as it is to
+all animals living in society, will be able to develop itself freely,
+because our fellows will no longer be our enemies, and we shall thus
+arrive at a state of things in which each individual will be able to
+give free rein to his inclinations, and even to his passions, without
+any other restraint than the love and respect of those who surround
+him."
+
+This is our ideal, and it is the ideal which lies deep in the hearts of
+peoples--of all peoples. We know full well that this ideal will not be
+attained without violent shocks; the close of this century has a
+formidable revolution in store for us: whether it begins in France,
+Germany, Spain, or Russia, it will be an European one, and spreading
+with the same rapidity as that of our fathers, the heroes of 1848, it
+will set all Europe in a blaze. This coming Revolution will not aim at a
+mere change of government, but will have a social character; the work of
+expropriation will commence, and exploiters will be driven out. Whether
+we like it or not, this will be done independently of the will of
+individuals, and when hands are laid on private property we shall arrive
+at Communism, because we shall be forced to do so. Communism, however,
+cannot be either authoritarian or parliamentary, it must either be
+anarchist or non-existent; the mass of the people does not desire to
+trust itself again to any saviour, but will seek to organise itself by
+itself.
+
+We do not advocate Communism and Anarchy because we imagine men to be
+better than they really are; if we had angels among us we might be
+tempted to entrust to them the task of organising us, though doubtless
+even _they_ would show the cloven foot very soon. But it is just because
+we take men as they are that we say: "Do not entrust them with the
+governing of you. This or that despicable minister might have been an
+excellent man if power had not been given to him. The only way of
+arriving at harmony of interests is by a society without exploiters and
+without rulers." It is precisely because men are not angels that we say,
+"Let us arrange matters so that each man may see his interest bound up
+with the interests of others, then you will no longer have to fear his
+evil passions."
+
+Anarchist Communism being the inevitable result of existing tendencies,
+it is towards this ideal that we must direct our steps, instead of
+saying, "Yes, Anarchy is an excellent ideal," and then turning our backs
+upon it. Should the approaching revolution not succeed in realising the
+whole of this ideal, still all that shall have been effected in the
+direction of it will remain; but all that shall have been done in a
+contrary direction will be doomed to disappear. It is a general rule
+that a popular revolution may be vanquished, but that, nevertheless, it
+furnishes a motto for the evolution of the succeeding century. France
+expired under the heel of the allies in 1815, and yet the action of
+France had rendered serfdom impossible of continuance, all over Europe,
+and representative government inevitable; universal suffrage was drowned
+in blood, and yet universal suffrage is the watchword of the century. In
+1871 the Commune expired under volleys of grapeshot, and yet the
+watchword in France to-day is "the Free Commune." And if Anarchist
+Communism is vanquished in the coming revolution, after having asserted
+itself in the light of day, not only will it leave behind it the
+abolition of private property, not only will the working man have
+learned his true place in society, not only will the landed and
+mercantile aristocracy have received a mortal blow, but Communist
+Anarchism will be the goal of the evolution of the twentieth century.
+
+Anarchist Communism sums up all that is most beautiful and most durable
+in the progress of humanity; the sentiment of justice, the sentiment of
+liberty, and solidarity or community of interest. It guarantees the free
+evolution, both of the individual and of society. Therefore, it will
+triumph.
+
+
+Printed by THE NEW TEMPLE PRESS, Norbury, London, Great Britain.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
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+  </head>
+<body>
+
+
+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic
+Evolution, by Pierre Kropotkin
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic Evolution
+       An Address Delivered in Paris
+
+Author: Pierre Kropotkin
+
+Translator: Henry Glasse
+
+Release Date: January 27, 2010 [EBook #31104]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANARCHISM IN SOCIALISTIC EVOLUTION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Fritz Ohrenschall, Stephanie Eason, and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net.
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+</pre>
+
+
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="5" summary="title">
+<tr><td>New Edition (enlarged)</td><td><span class="spacer">&nbsp;</span><span class="spacer">&nbsp;</span></td><td align="left">TWO PENCE</td></tr></table>
+<p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1>The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic Evolution</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>An Address delivered in Paris</h2>
+<h3>BY</h3>
+<h2>PIERRE KROPOTKIN</h2>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>Translated by HENRY GLASSE</h2>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<table class="bbox" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="5" summary="title">
+<tr><td align="center">AN APPEAL TO THE YOUNG<br />By Pierre Kropotkin<br />PRICE&nbsp;-&nbsp;-&nbsp;-&nbsp;2d.</td></tr></table>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="5" summary="title">
+<tr><td>WILLIAM REEVES</td><td><span class="spacer">&nbsp;</span></td><td align="left">83 <span class="smcap">Charing Cross Road</span>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td><span class="smcap">Bookseller Limited</span>.</td><td>&nbsp;</td><td align="left">&mdash;<span class="smcap">London</span>, W.C.2.&mdash;</td></tr></table>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span></p>
+<h2>THE PLACE OF ANARCHISM IN SOCIALISTIC EVOLUTION</h2>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h3>PART I.</h3>
+
+<p>You must often have asked yourselves what is the cause of Anarchism, and
+why, since there are already so many Socialist schools, it is necessary
+to found an additional one&mdash;that of Anarchism. In order to answer this
+question I will go back to the close of last century.</p>
+
+<p>You all know the characteristics which marked that epoch: there was an
+expansion of intelligence, a prodigious development of the natural
+sciences, a pitiless examination of accepted prejudices, the formation
+of a theory of Nature based on a truly scientific foundation,
+observation and reasoning. In addition to these there was criticism of
+the political institutions bequeathed to Humanity by preceding ages, and
+a movement towards that ideal of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity which
+has in all times been the ideal of the popular masses. Fettered in its
+free development by despotism and by the narrow selfishness of the
+privileged classes, this movement, being at the same time favoured by an
+explosion of popular indignation, engendered the Great Revolution which
+had to force its way through the midst of a thousand obstacles both
+without and within.</p>
+
+<p>The Revolution was vanquished, but its ideas remained. Though at first
+persecuted and derided, they became the watchword for a whole century of
+slow evolution. The history of the nineteenth century is summed up in an
+effort to put in practice the principles elaborated at the end of last
+century: this is the lot of revolutions: though vanquished they
+establish the course of the evolution which follows them. In the domain
+of politics these ideas are abolition of aristocratic privileges,
+abolition of personal government, and equality before the law. In the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span>
+economic order the Revolution proclaimed freedom of business
+transactions; it said&mdash;"Sell and buy freely. Sell, all of you, your
+products, if you can produce, and if you do not possess the implements
+necessary for that purpose but have only your arms to sell, sell them,
+sell your labour to the highest bidder, the State will not interfere!
+Compete among yourselves, contractors! No favour shall be shown, the law
+of natural selection will take upon itself the function of killing off
+those who do not keep pace with the progress of industry, and will
+reward those who take the lead."</p>
+
+<p>The above is at least the <i>theory</i> of the Revolution of 1789, and if the
+State intervenes in the struggle to favour some to the detriment of
+others, as we have lately seen when the monopolies of mining and railway
+companies have been under discussion, such action is regarded by the
+liberal school as a lamentable deviation from the grand principles of
+the Revolution.</p>
+
+<p>What has been the result? You know only too well, both women and men,
+idle opulence for a few and uncertainty for the morrow and misery for
+the greater number; crisis and wars for the conquest of markets, and a
+lavish expenditure of public money to find openings for industrial
+speculators. All this is because in proclaiming liberty of contract an
+essential point was neglected by our fathers. Not but what some of them
+caught sight of it, the best of them earnestly desired but did not dare
+to realise it. While liberty of transactions, that is to say a conflict
+between the members of society, was proclaimed, the contending parties
+were not equally matched, and the powerful, armed for the contest by the
+means inherited from their fathers, have gained the upper hand over the
+weak. Under such conditions the millions of poor ranged against a few
+rich could not do otherwise than give in.</p>
+
+<p>Comrades! you have often asked yourselves&mdash;"Whence comes the wealth of
+the rich? Is it from their labour?" It would be a mockery to say that it
+was so. Let us suppose that M. Rothschild has worked all his life: well,
+you also, every one of you working men have also laboured: then why
+should the fortune of M. Rothschild be measured by hundreds of millions
+while your possessions are so small? The reason is simple: you have
+exerted yourselves to produce by your own labour, while M. Rothschild
+has devoted himself to accumulating the product of the labour of
+others&mdash;the whole matter lies in that.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span>But some one may say to me;&mdash;"How comes it that millions of men thus
+allow the Rothschilds and the Mackays to appropriate the fruit of their
+labour?" Alas, they cannot help themselves under the existing social
+system! But let us picture to our minds a city all of whose inhabitants
+find their lodging, clothing, food and occupation secured to them, on
+condition of producing things useful to the community, and let us
+suppose a Rothschild to enter this city bringing with him a cask full of
+gold. If he spends his gold it will diminish rapidly; if he locks it up
+it will not increase, because gold does not grow like seed, and after
+the lapse of a twelvemonth he will not find &pound;110 in his drawer if he
+only put &pound;100 into it. If he sets up a factory and proposes to the
+inhabitants of the town that they should work in it for four shillings a
+day while producing to the value of eight shillings a day they
+reply&mdash;"Among us you'll find no one willing to work on those terms. Go
+elsewhere and settle in some town where the unfortunate people have
+neither clothing, bread, nor work assured to them, and where they will
+consent to give up to you the lion's share of the result of their labour
+in return for the barest necessaries of life. Go where men starve! there
+you will make your fortune!"</p>
+
+<p>The origin of the wealth of the rich is your misery. Let there be no
+poor, then we shall have no millionaires.</p>
+
+<p>The facts I have just stated were such as the Revolution of last century
+did not comprehend or else could not act upon. That Revolution placed
+face to face two opposing ranks, the one consisting of a hungry,
+ill-clad army of former serfs, the other of men well provided with
+means. It then said to these two arrays&mdash;"Fight out your battle." The
+unfortunate were vanquished. They possessed no fortunes, but they had
+something more precious than all the gold in the world&mdash;their arms; and
+these arms, the source of all wealth, were monopolised by the wealthy.
+Thus we have seen those immense fortunes which are the characteristic
+feature of our age spring up on all sides. A king of the last century,
+"the great Louis the Fourteenth" of mercenary historians, would never
+have dreamed of possessing a fortune such as are held by those kings of
+the nineteenth century, the Vanderbilts and the Mackays.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand we have seen the poor reduced still more and more to
+toil for others, and while those who produced on their own account have
+rapidly disappeared, we find ourselves compelled under an ever
+increasing pressure<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> to labour more and more to enrich the rich.
+Attempts have been made to remove these evils. Some have said&mdash;"Let us
+give equal instruction to all," and forthwith education has been spread
+abroad. Better human machines have been turned out, but these educated
+machines still labour to enrich others. This illustrious scientist, that
+renowned novelist, despite their education are still beasts of burden to
+the capitalist. Instruction improves the cattle to be exploited but the
+exploitation remains. Next, there was great talk about association, but
+the workers soon learned that they could not get the better of capital
+by associating their miseries, and those who cherished this illusion
+most earnestly were compelled to turn to Socialism.</p>
+
+<p>Timid, at the outset, Socialism spoke at first in the name of Christian
+sentiment and morality: men profoundly imbued with the moral principles
+of Christianity&mdash;principles which it possesses in common with all other
+religions&mdash;came forward and said&mdash;"A Christian has no right to exploit
+his brethren!" But the ruling classes laughed in their faces with the
+reply&mdash;"Teach the people Christian resignation, tell them in the name of
+Christ that they should offer their left cheek to whosoever smites them
+on the right, then you will be welcome; as for the dreams of equality
+which you find in Christianity, go and meditate on your discoveries in prison."</p>
+
+<p>Later on Socialism spoke in the name of Governmentalism; it said&mdash;"Since
+it is the special mission of the State to protect the weak against the
+strong, it is its duty to aid working men's associations; the State
+alone can enable working men to fight against capital and to oppose to
+capitalistic exploitation the free workshop of workers pocketing the
+entire value of the produce of their labour." To this the Bourgeoisie
+replied with grapeshot in 1848.</p>
+
+<p>It was not until between twenty to thirty years later, at a time when
+the popular masses were invited to express their mind in the
+International Working Men's Association, that Socialism spoke in the
+name of the people, and formulating itself little by little in the
+Congresses of the great Association and later on among its successors,
+arrived at some such conclusion as the following:</p>
+
+<p>All accumulated wealth is the product of the labour of all&mdash;of the
+present and of all preceding generations. This hall in which we are now
+assembled derives its value from the fact that it is situated in
+Paris&mdash;this magnificent city built by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> labours of twenty successive
+generations. If this same hall were conveyed amid the snows of Siberia
+its value would be next to nothing. The machinery which you have
+invented and patented bears within itself the intelligence of five or
+six generations and is only possessed of value because it forms part of
+that immense whole that we call the progress of the nineteenth century.
+If you send your lace-making machine among the natives of New Guinea it
+will become valueless. We defy any man of genius of our times to tell us
+what share his intellect has had in the magnificent deductions of the
+book, the work of talent which he has produced! Generations have toiled
+to accumulate facts for him, his ideas have perhaps been suggested to
+him by a locomotive crossing the plains, as for elegance of design he
+has grasped it while admiring the Venus of Milo or the work of Murillo,
+and finally, if his book exercises any influence over us, it does so,
+thanks to all the circumstances of our civilisation.</p>
+
+<p>Everything belongs to all! We defy anyone soever to tell us what share
+of the general wealth is due to each individual. See the enormous mass
+of appliances which the nineteenth century has created; behold those
+millions of iron slaves which we call machines, and which plane and saw,
+weave and spin for us, separate and combine the raw materials, and work
+the miracles of our times. No one has the right to monopolise any one of
+these machines and to say to others&mdash;"This is mine, if you wish to make
+use of it you must pay me a tax on each article you produce," any more
+than the feudal lord of the middle ages had the right to say to the
+cultivator&mdash;"This hill and this meadow are mine and you must pay me
+tribute for every sheaf of barley you bind, and on each haycock you heap up."</p>
+
+<p>All belongs to everyone! And provided each man and woman contributes his
+and her share of labour for the production of necessary objects, they
+have a right to share in all that is produced by everybody.</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3>PART II.</h3>
+
+<p class="dropcap"><span class="caps">All</span> things belong to all, and provided that men and women contribute
+their share of labour for the production of necessary objects, they are
+entitled to their share of all that is produced by the community at
+large. "But this is Communism," you may say. Yes, it is Communism, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span>
+it is the Communism which no longer speaks in the name of religion or of
+the state, but in the name of the people. During the past fifty years a
+great awakening of the working-class has taken place! the prejudice in
+favour of private property is passing away. The worker grows more and
+more accustomed to regard the factory, the railway, or the mine, not as
+a feudal castle belonging to a lord, but as an institution of public
+utility which the public has the right to control. The idea of
+possession in common has not been worked out from the slow deductions of
+some thinker buried in his private study, it is a thought which is
+germinating in the brains of the working masses, and when the
+revolution, which the close of this century has in store for us, shall
+have hurled confusion into the camp of our exploiters, you will see that
+the mass of the people will demand Expropriation, and will proclaim its
+right to the factory, the locomotive, and the steamship.</p>
+
+<p>Just as the sentiment of the inviolability of the home has developed
+during the latter half of our century, so also the sentiment of
+collective right to all that serves for the production of wealth has
+developed among the masses. It is a fact, and he who, like ourselves,
+wishes to share the popular life and follow its development, must
+acknowledge that this affirmation is a faithful summary of the people's
+aspirations. The tendency of this closing century is towards Communism,
+not the monastic or barrack-room Communism formerly advocated, but the
+free Communism which places the products reaped or manufactured in
+common at the disposal of all, leaving to each the liberty to consume
+them as he pleases in his own home.</p>
+
+<p>This is the solution of which the mass of the people can most readily
+take hold, and it is the solution which the people demands at the most
+solemn epochs. In 1848 the formula "From each according to his
+abilities, to each according to his needs" was the one which went
+straight to the heart of the masses, and if they acclaimed the Republic
+and universal suffrage, it was because they hoped to attain to Communism
+through them. In 1871, also, when the people besieged in Paris desired
+to make a supreme effort to resist the invader, what was their
+demand?&mdash;That free rations should be served out to everyone. Let all
+articles be put into one common stock and let them be distributed
+according to the requirements of each. Let each one take freely of all
+that is abundant and let those objects which are less plentiful be
+distributed more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> sparingly and in due proportions&mdash;this is the solution
+which the mass of the workers understand best. This is also the system
+which is commonly practised in the rural districts (of France). So long
+as the common lands afford abundant pasture, what Commune seeks to
+restrict their use? When brush-wood and chestnuts are plentiful, what
+Commune forbids its members to take as much as they want? And when the
+larger wood begins to grow scarce, what course does the peasant
+adopt?&mdash;The allowancing of individuals.</p>
+
+<p>Let us take from the common stock the articles which are abundant, and
+let those objects whose production is more restricted be served out in
+allowances according to requirements, giving preference to children and
+old persons, that is to say, to the weak. And, moreover, let all be
+consumed, not in public, but at home, according to individual tastes and
+in company with one's family and friends. This is the ideal of the masses.</p>
+
+<p>But it is not enough to argue about, "Communism" and "Expropriation;" it
+is furthermore necessary to know who should have the management of the
+common patrimony, and it is especially on this question that different
+schools of Socialists are opposed to one another, some desiring
+authoritarian Communism, and others, like ourselves, declaring
+unreservedly in favour of anarchist Communism. In order to judge between
+these two, let us return once again to our starting point, the
+Revolution of last century.</p>
+
+<p>In overturning royalty the Revolution proclaimed the sovereignty of the
+people; but, by an inconsistency which was very natural at that time, it
+proclaimed, not a permanent sovereignty, but an intermittent one, to be
+exercised at certain intervals only, for the nomination of deputies
+supposed to represent the people. In reality it copied its institutions
+from the representative government of England. The Revolution was
+drowned in blood, and, nevertheless, representative government became
+the watchword of Europe. All Europe, with the exception of Russia, has
+tried it, under all possible forms, from government based on a property
+qualification to the direct government of the little Swiss republics.
+But, strange to say, just in proportion as we have approached nearer to
+the ideal of a representative government, elected by a perfectly free
+universal suffrage, in that same proportion have its essential vices
+become manifest to us, till we have clearly seen that this mode of
+government is radically defective. Is it not indeed absurd to take a
+certain number of men from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> out the mass, and to entrust them with the
+management of <i>all</i> public affairs, saying to them, "Attend to these
+matters, we exonerate ourselves from the task by laying it upon you: it
+is for you to make laws on all manner of subjects&mdash;armaments and mad
+dogs, observatories and chimneys, instruction and street-sweeping:
+arrange these things as you please and make laws about them, since you
+are the chosen ones whom the people has voted capable of doing
+everything!" It appears to me that if a thoughtful and honest man were
+offered such a post, he would answer somewhat in this fashion:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"You entrust me with a task which I am unable to fulfil. I am
+unacquainted with most of the questions upon which I shall be called on
+to legislate. I shall either have to work to some extent in the dark,
+which will not be to your advantage, or I shall appeal to you and summon
+meetings in which you will yourselves seek to come to an understanding
+on the questions at issue, in which case my office will be unnecessary.
+If you have formed an opinion and have formulated it, and if you are
+anxious to come to an understanding with others who have also formed an
+opinion on the same subject, then all you need do is to communicate with
+your neighbours and send a delegate to come to an understanding with
+other delegates on this specific question; but you will certainly
+reserve to yourselves the right of taking an ultimate decision; you will
+not entrust your delegate with the making of laws for you. This is how
+scientists and business men act each time that they have to come to an agreement."</p>
+
+<p>But the above reply would be a repudiation of the representative system,
+and nevertheless it is a faithful expression of the idea which is
+growing everywhere since the vices of representative government have
+been exposed in all their nakedness. Our age, however, has gone still
+further, for it has begun to discuss the rights of the State and of
+Society in relation to the individual; people now ask to what point the
+interference of the State is necessary in the multitudinous functions of society.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 25%;' />
+
+<p>Do we require a government to educate our children? Only let the worker
+have leisure to instruct himself, and you will see that, through the
+free initiative of parents and of persons fond of tuition, thousands of
+educational societies and schools of all kinds will spring up, rivalling
+one another in the excellence of their teaching. If we were not crushed
+by taxation and exploited by employers, as we now are, could we not
+ourselves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> do much better than is now done for us? The great centres
+would initiate progress and set the example, and you may be sure that
+the progress realised would be incomparably superior to what we now
+attain through our ministeries.&mdash;Is the State even necessary for the
+defence of a territory? If armed brigands attack a people, is not that
+same people, armed with good weapons, the surest rampart to oppose to
+the foreign aggressor? Standing armies are always beaten by invaders,
+and history teaches that the latter are to be repulsed by a popular
+rising alone.&mdash;While Government is an excellent machine to protect
+monopoly, has it ever been able to protect us against ill-disposed
+persons? Does it not, by creating misery, increase the number of crimes
+instead of diminishing them? In establishing prisons into which
+multitudes of men, women, and children are thrown for a time in order to
+come forth infinitely worse than when they went in, does not the State
+maintain nurseries of vice at the expense of the tax-payers? In obliging
+us to commit to others the care of our affairs, does it not create the
+most terrible vice of societies&mdash;indifference to public matters?</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, if we analyse all the great advances made in this
+century&mdash;our international traffic, our industrial discoveries, our
+means of communication&mdash;do we find that we owe them to the State or to
+private enterprise? Look at the network of railways which cover Europe.
+At Madrid, for example, you take a ticket for St. Petersburg direct. You
+travel along railroads which have been constructed by millions of
+workers, set in motion by dozens of companies; your carriage is attached
+in turn to Spanish, French, Bavarian, and Russian locomotives: you
+travel without losing twenty minutes anywhere, and the two hundred
+francs which you paid in Madrid will be divided to a nicety among the
+companies which have combined to forward you to your destination. This
+line from Madrid to St. Petersburg has been constructed in small
+isolated branches which have been gradually connected, and direct trains
+are the result of an understanding which has been arrived at between
+twenty different companies. Of course there has been considerable
+friction at the outset, and at times some companies, influenced by an
+unenlightened egotism have been unwilling to come to terms with the
+others; but, I ask, was it better to put up with this occasional
+friction, or to wait until some Bismarck, Napoleon, or Zengis Khan
+should have conquered Europe, traced the lines with a pair of compasses,
+and regulated the despatch of the trains? If the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> latter course had been
+adopted, we should still be in the days of stage-coaches.</p>
+
+<p>The network of railways is the work of the human mind proceeding from
+the simple to the complex by the spontaneous efforts of the parties
+interested, and it is thus that all the great enterprises of our age
+have been undertaken. It is quite true, indeed, that we pay too much to
+the managers of these enterprises; this is an additional reason for
+suppressing their incomes, but not for confiding the management of
+European railways to a central European government.</p>
+
+<p>What thousands of examples one could cite in support of his same idea!
+Take all great enterprises such as the Suez Canal, the lines of Atlantic
+steamers, the telegraph which connects us with North and South America.
+Consider also that commercial organisation which enables you on rising
+in the morning to find bread at the baker's&mdash;that is, if you have the
+money to pay for it, which is not always the case now-a-days&mdash;meat at
+the butcher's, and all other things that you want at other shops. Is
+this the work of the State? It is true that we pay abominably dearly for
+middlemen; this is, however, an additional reason for suppressing them,
+but not for believing that we must entrust government with the care of
+providing for our feeding and clothing. If we closely scan the
+development of the human mind in our times we are struck by the number
+of associations which spring up to meet the varied requirement of the
+individual of our age&mdash;societies for study, for commerce, for pleasure
+and recreation; some of them, very small, for the propagation of a
+universal language or a certain method of short-hand writing; others
+with large arms, such as that which has recently been established for
+the defence of the English coast, or for the avoidance of lawsuits, and
+so on. To make a list of the associations which exist in Europe, volumes
+would be necessary, and it would be seen that there is not a single
+branch of human activity with which one or other does not concern
+itself. The State itself appeals to them in the discharge of its most
+important function&mdash;war; it says, "We undertake to slaughter, but we
+cannot take care of our victims; form a Red Cross Society to gather up
+the wounded on the battle-field and to take care of them."</p>
+
+<p>Let others, if they will, advocate industrial barracks or the monastery
+of Authoritarian Communism, we declare that the tendency of society is
+in an opposite direction. We foresee millions and millions of groups
+freely constituting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> themselves for the satisfaction of all the varied
+needs of human beings&mdash;some of these groups organised by quarter,
+street, and house; others extending hands across the walls of cities,
+over frontiers and oceans. All of these will be composed of human beings
+who will combine freely, and after having performed their share of
+productive labour will meet together, either for the purpose of
+consumption, or to produce objects of art or luxury, or to advance
+science in a new direction. This is the tendency of the nineteenth
+century, and we follow it; we only ask to develop it freely, without any
+governmental interference. Individual liberty! "Take pebbles," said
+Fourrier, "put them into a box and shake them, and they will arrange
+themselves in a mosaic that you could never get by entrusting to anyone
+the work of arranging them harmoniously."</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3>PART III.</h3>
+
+<p class="dropcap"><span class="caps">Now</span> let me pass to the third part of my subject&mdash;the most important with
+respect to the future.</p>
+
+<p>There is no more room for doubting that religions are going; the
+nineteenth century has given them their death blow. But religions&mdash;all
+religions&mdash;have a double composition. They contain in the first place a
+primitive cosmogony, a rude attempt at explaining nature, and they
+furthermore contain a statement of the public morality born and
+developed within the mass of the people. But when we throw religions
+overboard or store them among our public records as historical
+curiosities, shall we also relegate to museums the moral principles
+which they contain? This has sometimes been done, and we have seen
+people declare that as they no longer believed in the various religions
+so they despised morality and boldly proclaimed the maxim of bourgeois
+selfishness, "Everyone for himself." But a Society, human or animal,
+cannot exist without certain rules and moral habits springing up within
+it; religion may go, morality remains. If we were to come to consider
+that a man did well in lying, deceiving his neighbours, or plundering
+them when possible (this is the middle-class business morality), we
+should come to such a pass that we could no longer live together. You
+might assure me of your friendship, but perhaps you might only do so in
+order to rob me more easily; you might promise to do a certain thing for
+me, only to deceive me; you might promise to forward a letter for me,
+and you might steal it just like an ordinary governor of a jail. Under<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span>
+such conditions society would become impossible, and this is so
+generally understood that the repudiation of religions in no way
+prevents public morality from being maintained, developed, and raised to
+a higher and ever higher standard. This fact is so striking that
+philosophers seek to explain it by the principles of utilitarianism, and
+recently Spencer sought to base the morality which exists among us upon
+physiological causes and the needs connected with the preservation of
+the race.</p>
+
+<p>Let me give you an example in order to explain to you what <i>we</i> think on the matter.</p>
+
+<p>A child is drowning, and four men who stand upon the bank see it
+struggling in the water. One of them does not stir, he is a partisan of
+"Each one for himself," the maxim of the commercial middle-class; this
+one is a brute and we need not speak of him further. The next one
+reasons thus: "If I save the child, a good report of my action will be
+made to the ruler of heaven, and the Creator will reward me by
+increasing my flocks and my serfs," and thereupon he plunges into the
+water. Is he therefore a moral man? Clearly not! He is a shrewd
+calculator, that is all. The third, who is an utilitarian, reflects thus
+(or at least utilitarian philosophers represent him as so reasoning):
+"Pleasures can be classed in two categories, inferior pleasures and
+higher ones. To save the life of anyone is a superior pleasure
+infinitely more intense and more durable than others; therefore I will
+save the child." Admitting that any man ever reasoned thus, would he not
+be a terrible egotist? and, moreover, could we ever be sure that his
+sophistical brain would not at some given moment cause his will to
+incline toward an inferior pleasure, that is to say, towards refraining
+from troubling himself? There remains the fourth individual. This man
+has been brought up from his childhood to feel himself <i>one</i> with the
+rest of humanity: from his childhood he has always regarded men as
+possessing interests in common: he has accustomed himself to suffer when
+his neighbours suffer, and to feel happy when everyone around him is
+happy. Directly he hears the heart-rending cry of the mother, he leaps
+into the water, not through reflection but by instinct, and when she
+thanks him for saving her child, he says, "What have I done to deserve
+thanks, my good woman? I am happy to see you happy; I have acted from
+natural impulse and could not do otherwise!"</p>
+
+<p>You recognise in this case the truly moral man, and feel that the others
+are only egotists in comparison with him. The whole<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> anarchist morality
+is represented in this example. It is the morality of a people which
+does not look for the sun at midnight&mdash;a morality without compulsion or
+authority, a morality of habit. Let us create circumstances in which man
+shall not be led to deceive nor exploit others, and then by the very
+force of things the moral level of humanity will rise to a height
+hitherto unknown. Men are certainly not to be moralised by teaching them
+a moral catechism: tribunals and prisons do not diminish vice; they pour
+it over society in floods. Men are to be moralised only by placing them
+in a position which shall contribute to develop in them those habits
+which are social, and to weaken those which are not so. A morality which
+has become instinctive is the true morality, the only morality which
+endures while religions and systems of philosophy pass away.</p>
+
+<p>Let us now combine the three preceding elements, and we shall have
+Anarchy and its place in Socialistic Evolution.</p>
+
+<p>Emancipation of the producer from the yoke of capital; production in
+common and free consumption of all the products of the common labour.</p>
+
+<p>Emancipation from the governmental yoke; free development of individuals
+in groups and federations; free organisation ascending from the simple
+to the complex, according to mutual needs and tendencies.</p>
+
+<p>Emancipation from religious morality; free morality, without compulsion
+or authority, developing itself from social life and becoming habitual.</p>
+
+<p>The above is no dream of students, it is a conclusion which results from
+an analysis of the tendencies of modern society: Anarchist Communism is
+the union of the two fundamental tendencies of our society&mdash;a tendency
+towards economic equality, and a tendency towards political liberty. So
+long as Communism presented itself under an authoritarian form, which
+necessarily implies government, armed with much greater power than that
+which it possesses to-day, inasmuch as it implies economic in addition
+to political power&mdash;so long as this was the case, Communism met with no
+sufficient response. Before 1848 it could, indeed, sometimes excite for
+a moment the enthusiasm of the worker who was prepared to submit to any
+all-powerful government, provided it would release him from the terrible
+situation in which he was placed, but it left the true friends of
+liberty indifferent.</p>
+
+<p>Anarchist Communism maintains that most valuable of all
+conquests&mdash;individual liberty&mdash;and moreover extends it and gives it a
+solid basis&mdash;economic liberty&mdash;without which political<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> liberty in
+delusive; it does not ask the individual who has rejected god, the
+universal tyrant, god the king, and god the parliament, to give unto
+himself a god more terrible than any of the preceding&mdash;god the
+Community, or to abdicate upon its altar his independence, his will, his
+tastes, and to renew the vow of asceticism which he formerly made before
+the crucified god. It says to him, on the contrary, "No society is free
+so long as the individual is not so! Do not seek to modify society by
+imposing upon it an authority which shall make everything right; if you
+do, you will fail as popes and emperors have failed. Modify society so
+that your fellows may not be any longer your enemies by the force of
+circumstances: abolish the conditions which allow some to monopolise the
+fruit of the labour of others; and instead of attempting to construct
+society from top to bottom, or from the centre to the circumference, let
+it develop itself freely from the simple to the composite, by the free
+union of free groups. This course, which is so much obstructed at
+present, is the true forward march of society: do not seek to hinder it,
+do not turn your back on progress, but march along with it! Then the
+sentiment of sociability which is common to human beings, as it is to
+all animals living in society, will be able to develop itself freely,
+because our fellows will no longer be our enemies, and we shall thus
+arrive at a state of things in which each individual will be able to
+give free rein to his inclinations, and even to his passions, without
+any other restraint than the love and respect of those who surround him."</p>
+
+<p>This is our ideal, and it is the ideal which lies deep in the hearts of
+peoples&mdash;of all peoples. We know full well that this ideal will not be
+attained without violent shocks; the close of this century has a
+formidable revolution in store for us: whether it begins in France,
+Germany, Spain, or Russia, it will be an European one, and spreading
+with the same rapidity as that of our fathers, the heroes of 1848, it
+will set all Europe in a blaze. This coming Revolution will not aim at a
+mere change of government, but will have a social character; the work of
+expropriation will commence, and exploiters will be driven out. Whether
+we like it or not, this will be done independently of the will of
+individuals, and when hands are laid on private property we shall arrive
+at Communism, because we shall be forced to do so. Communism, however,
+cannot be either authoritarian or parliamentary, it must either be
+anarchist or non-existent; the mass of the people does not desire to
+trust itself again to any saviour, but will seek to organise itself by itself.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span>We do not advocate Communism and Anarchy because we imagine men to be
+better than they really are; if we had angels among us we might be
+tempted to entrust to them the task of organising us, though doubtless
+even <i>they</i> would show the cloven foot very soon. But it is just because
+we take men as they are that we say: "Do not entrust them with the
+governing of you. This or that despicable minister might have been an
+excellent man if power had not been given to him. The only way of
+arriving at harmony of interests is by a society without exploiters and
+without rulers." It is precisely because men are not angels that we say,
+"Let us arrange matters so that each man may see his interest bound up
+with the interests of others, then you will no longer have to fear his
+evil passions."</p>
+
+<p>Anarchist Communism being the inevitable result of existing tendencies,
+it is towards this ideal that we must direct our steps, instead of
+saying, "Yes, Anarchy is an excellent ideal," and then turning our backs
+upon it. Should the approaching revolution not succeed in realising the
+whole of this ideal, still all that shall have been effected in the
+direction of it will remain; but all that shall have been done in a
+contrary direction will be doomed to disappear. It is a general rule
+that a popular revolution may be vanquished, but that, nevertheless, it
+furnishes a motto for the evolution of the succeeding century. France
+expired under the heel of the allies in 1815, and yet the action of
+France had rendered serfdom impossible of continuance, all over Europe,
+and representative government inevitable; universal suffrage was drowned
+in blood, and yet universal suffrage is the watchword of the century. In
+1871 the Commune expired under volleys of grapeshot, and yet the
+watchword in France to-day is "the Free Commune." And if Anarchist
+Communism is vanquished in the coming revolution, after having asserted
+itself in the light of day, not only will it leave behind it the
+abolition of private property, not only will the working man have
+learned his true place in society, not only will the landed and
+mercantile aristocracy have received a mortal blow, but Communist
+Anarchism will be the goal of the evolution of the twentieth century.</p>
+
+<p>Anarchist Communism sums up all that is most beautiful and most durable
+in the progress of humanity; the sentiment of justice, the sentiment of
+liberty, and solidarity or community of interest. It guarantees the free
+evolution, both of the individual and of society. Therefore, it will
+triumph.</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p class="center">Printed by <span class="smcap">The New Temple Press</span>, Norbury, London, Great Britain.</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic
+Evolution, by Pierre Kropotkin
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic Evolution
+       An Address Delivered in Paris
+
+Author: Pierre Kropotkin
+
+Translator: Henry Glasse
+
+Release Date: January 27, 2010 [EBook #31104]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANARCHISM IN SOCIALISTIC EVOLUTION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Fritz Ohrenschall, Stephanie Eason, and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net.
+(This file was produced from images generously made
+available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries.)
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+
+
+
+
+
+
+  New Edition (enlarged) TWO PENCE
+
+
+  The Place of Anarchism
+  in Socialistic Evolution
+
+
+  An Address delivered in Paris
+  BY
+  PIERRE KROPOTKIN
+
+  Translated by HENRY GLASSE
+
+
+  AN APPEAL TO THE YOUNG
+  By Pierre Kropotkin
+  PRICE - - - 2d.
+
+
+  WILLIAM REEVES          83 CHARING CROSS ROAD,
+  BOOKSELLER LIMITED.     --LONDON, W.C.2.--
+
+
+
+
+THE PLACE OF ANARCHISM IN SOCIALISTIC EVOLUTION
+
+
+
+
+PART I.
+
+
+You must often have asked yourselves what is the cause of Anarchism, and
+why, since there are already so many Socialist schools, it is necessary
+to found an additional one--that of Anarchism. In order to answer this
+question I will go back to the close of last century.
+
+You all know the characteristics which marked that epoch: there was an
+expansion of intelligence, a prodigious development of the natural
+sciences, a pitiless examination of accepted prejudices, the formation
+of a theory of Nature based on a truly scientific foundation,
+observation and reasoning. In addition to these there was criticism of
+the political institutions bequeathed to Humanity by preceding ages, and
+a movement towards that ideal of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity which
+has in all times been the ideal of the popular masses. Fettered in its
+free development by despotism and by the narrow selfishness of the
+privileged classes, this movement, being at the same time favoured by an
+explosion of popular indignation, engendered the Great Revolution which
+had to force its way through the midst of a thousand obstacles both
+without and within.
+
+The Revolution was vanquished, but its ideas remained. Though at first
+persecuted and derided, they became the watchword for a whole century of
+slow evolution. The history of the nineteenth century is summed up in an
+effort to put in practice the principles elaborated at the end of last
+century: this is the lot of revolutions: though vanquished they
+establish the course of the evolution which follows them. In the domain
+of politics these ideas are abolition of aristocratic privileges,
+abolition of personal government, and equality before the law. In the
+economic order the Revolution proclaimed freedom of business
+transactions; it said--"Sell and buy freely. Sell, all of you, your
+products, if you can produce, and if you do not possess the implements
+necessary for that purpose but have only your arms to sell, sell them,
+sell your labour to the highest bidder, the State will not interfere!
+Compete among yourselves, contractors! No favour shall be shown, the law
+of natural selection will take upon itself the function of killing off
+those who do not keep pace with the progress of industry, and will
+reward those who take the lead."
+
+The above is at least the _theory_ of the Revolution of 1789, and if the
+State intervenes in the struggle to favour some to the detriment of
+others, as we have lately seen when the monopolies of mining and railway
+companies have been under discussion, such action is regarded by the
+liberal school as a lamentable deviation from the grand principles of
+the Revolution.
+
+What has been the result? You know only too well, both women and men,
+idle opulence for a few and uncertainty for the morrow and misery for
+the greater number; crisis and wars for the conquest of markets, and a
+lavish expenditure of public money to find openings for industrial
+speculators. All this is because in proclaiming liberty of contract an
+essential point was neglected by our fathers. Not but what some of them
+caught sight of it, the best of them earnestly desired but did not dare
+to realise it. While liberty of transactions, that is to say a conflict
+between the members of society, was proclaimed, the contending parties
+were not equally matched, and the powerful, armed for the contest by the
+means inherited from their fathers, have gained the upper hand over the
+weak. Under such conditions the millions of poor ranged against a few
+rich could not do otherwise than give in.
+
+Comrades! you have often asked yourselves--"Whence comes the wealth of
+the rich? Is it from their labour?" It would be a mockery to say that it
+was so. Let us suppose that M. Rothschild has worked all his life: well,
+you also, every one of you working men have also laboured: then why
+should the fortune of M. Rothschild be measured by hundreds of millions
+while your possessions are so small? The reason is simple: you have
+exerted yourselves to produce by your own labour, while M. Rothschild
+has devoted himself to accumulating the product of the labour of
+others--the whole matter lies in that.
+
+But some one may say to me;--"How comes it that millions of men thus
+allow the Rothschilds and the Mackays to appropriate the fruit of their
+labour?" Alas, they cannot help themselves under the existing social
+system! But let us picture to our minds a city all of whose inhabitants
+find their lodging, clothing, food and occupation secured to them, on
+condition of producing things useful to the community, and let us
+suppose a Rothschild to enter this city bringing with him a cask full of
+gold. If he spends his gold it will diminish rapidly; if he locks it up
+it will not increase, because gold does not grow like seed, and after
+the lapse of a twelvemonth he will not find L110 in his drawer if he
+only put L100 into it. If he sets up a factory and proposes to the
+inhabitants of the town that they should work in it for four shillings a
+day while producing to the value of eight shillings a day they
+reply--"Among us you'll find no one willing to work on those terms. Go
+elsewhere and settle in some town where the unfortunate people have
+neither clothing, bread, nor work assured to them, and where they will
+consent to give up to you the lion's share of the result of their labour
+in return for the barest necessaries of life. Go where men starve! there
+you will make your fortune!"
+
+The origin of the wealth of the rich is your misery. Let there be no
+poor, then we shall have no millionaires.
+
+The facts I have just stated were such as the Revolution of last century
+did not comprehend or else could not act upon. That Revolution placed
+face to face two opposing ranks, the one consisting of a hungry,
+ill-clad army of former serfs, the other of men well provided with
+means. It then said to these two arrays--"Fight out your battle." The
+unfortunate were vanquished. They possessed no fortunes, but they had
+something more precious than all the gold in the world--their arms; and
+these arms, the source of all wealth, were monopolised by the wealthy.
+Thus we have seen those immense fortunes which are the characteristic
+feature of our age spring up on all sides. A king of the last century,
+"the great Louis the Fourteenth" of mercenary historians, would never
+have dreamed of possessing a fortune such as are held by those kings of
+the nineteenth century, the Vanderbilts and the Mackays.
+
+On the other hand we have seen the poor reduced still more and more to
+toil for others, and while those who produced on their own account have
+rapidly disappeared, we find ourselves compelled under an ever
+increasing pressure to labour more and more to enrich the rich.
+Attempts have been made to remove these evils. Some have said--"Let us
+give equal instruction to all," and forthwith education has been spread
+abroad. Better human machines have been turned out, but these educated
+machines still labour to enrich others. This illustrious scientist, that
+renowned novelist, despite their education are still beasts of burden to
+the capitalist. Instruction improves the cattle to be exploited but the
+exploitation remains. Next, there was great talk about association, but
+the workers soon learned that they could not get the better of capital
+by associating their miseries, and those who cherished this illusion
+most earnestly were compelled to turn to Socialism.
+
+Timid, at the outset, Socialism spoke at first in the name of Christian
+sentiment and morality: men profoundly imbued with the moral principles
+of Christianity--principles which it possesses in common with all other
+religions--came forward and said--"A Christian has no right to exploit
+his brethren!" But the ruling classes laughed in their faces with the
+reply--"Teach the people Christian resignation, tell them in the name of
+Christ that they should offer their left cheek to whosoever smites them
+on the right, then you will be welcome; as for the dreams of equality
+which you find in Christianity, go and meditate on your discoveries in
+prison."
+
+Later on Socialism spoke in the name of Governmentalism; it said--"Since
+it is the special mission of the State to protect the weak against the
+strong, it is its duty to aid working men's associations; the State
+alone can enable working men to fight against capital and to oppose to
+capitalistic exploitation the free workshop of workers pocketing the
+entire value of the produce of their labour." To this the Bourgeoisie
+replied with grapeshot in 1848.
+
+It was not until between twenty to thirty years later, at a time when
+the popular masses were invited to express their mind in the
+International Working Men's Association, that Socialism spoke in the
+name of the people, and formulating itself little by little in the
+Congresses of the great Association and later on among its successors,
+arrived at some such conclusion as the following:
+
+All accumulated wealth is the product of the labour of all--of the
+present and of all preceding generations. This hall in which we are now
+assembled derives its value from the fact that it is situated in
+Paris--this magnificent city built by the labours of twenty successive
+generations. If this same hall were conveyed amid the snows of Siberia
+its value would be next to nothing. The machinery which you have
+invented and patented bears within itself the intelligence of five or
+six generations and is only possessed of value because it forms part of
+that immense whole that we call the progress of the nineteenth century.
+If you send your lace-making machine among the natives of New Guinea it
+will become valueless. We defy any man of genius of our times to tell us
+what share his intellect has had in the magnificent deductions of the
+book, the work of talent which he has produced! Generations have toiled
+to accumulate facts for him, his ideas have perhaps been suggested to
+him by a locomotive crossing the plains, as for elegance of design he
+has grasped it while admiring the Venus of Milo or the work of Murillo,
+and finally, if his book exercises any influence over us, it does so,
+thanks to all the circumstances of our civilisation.
+
+Everything belongs to all! We defy anyone soever to tell us what share
+of the general wealth is due to each individual. See the enormous mass
+of appliances which the nineteenth century has created; behold those
+millions of iron slaves which we call machines, and which plane and saw,
+weave and spin for us, separate and combine the raw materials, and work
+the miracles of our times. No one has the right to monopolise any one of
+these machines and to say to others--"This is mine, if you wish to make
+use of it you must pay me a tax on each article you produce," any more
+than the feudal lord of the middle ages had the right to say to the
+cultivator--"This hill and this meadow are mine and you must pay me
+tribute for every sheaf of barley you bind, and on each haycock you heap
+up."
+
+All belongs to everyone! And provided each man and woman contributes his
+and her share of labour for the production of necessary objects, they
+have a right to share in all that is produced by everybody.
+
+
+
+
+PART II.
+
+
+All things belong to all, and provided that men and women contribute
+their share of labour for the production of necessary objects, they are
+entitled to their share of all that is produced by the community at
+large. "But this is Communism," you may say. Yes, it is Communism, but
+it is the Communism which no longer speaks in the name of religion or of
+the state, but in the name of the people. During the past fifty years a
+great awakening of the working-class has taken place! the prejudice in
+favour of private property is passing away. The worker grows more and
+more accustomed to regard the factory, the railway, or the mine, not as
+a feudal castle belonging to a lord, but as an institution of public
+utility which the public has the right to control. The idea of
+possession in common has not been worked out from the slow deductions of
+some thinker buried in his private study, it is a thought which is
+germinating in the brains of the working masses, and when the
+revolution, which the close of this century has in store for us, shall
+have hurled confusion into the camp of our exploiters, you will see that
+the mass of the people will demand Expropriation, and will proclaim its
+right to the factory, the locomotive, and the steamship.
+
+Just as the sentiment of the inviolability of the home has developed
+during the latter half of our century, so also the sentiment of
+collective right to all that serves for the production of wealth has
+developed among the masses. It is a fact, and he who, like ourselves,
+wishes to share the popular life and follow its development, must
+acknowledge that this affirmation is a faithful summary of the people's
+aspirations. The tendency of this closing century is towards Communism,
+not the monastic or barrack-room Communism formerly advocated, but the
+free Communism which places the products reaped or manufactured in
+common at the disposal of all, leaving to each the liberty to consume
+them as he pleases in his own home.
+
+This is the solution of which the mass of the people can most readily
+take hold, and it is the solution which the people demands at the most
+solemn epochs. In 1848 the formula "From each according to his
+abilities, to each according to his needs" was the one which went
+straight to the heart of the masses, and if they acclaimed the Republic
+and universal suffrage, it was because they hoped to attain to Communism
+through them. In 1871, also, when the people besieged in Paris desired
+to make a supreme effort to resist the invader, what was their
+demand?--That free rations should be served out to everyone. Let all
+articles be put into one common stock and let them be distributed
+according to the requirements of each. Let each one take freely of all
+that is abundant and let those objects which are less plentiful be
+distributed more sparingly and in due proportions--this is the solution
+which the mass of the workers understand best. This is also the system
+which is commonly practised in the rural districts (of France). So long
+as the common lands afford abundant pasture, what Commune seeks to
+restrict their use? When brush-wood and chestnuts are plentiful, what
+Commune forbids its members to take as much as they want? And when the
+larger wood begins to grow scarce, what course does the peasant
+adopt?--The allowancing of individuals.
+
+Let us take from the common stock the articles which are abundant, and
+let those objects whose production is more restricted be served out in
+allowances according to requirements, giving preference to children and
+old persons, that is to say, to the weak. And, moreover, let all be
+consumed, not in public, but at home, according to individual tastes and
+in company with one's family and friends. This is the ideal of the
+masses.
+
+But it is not enough to argue about, "Communism" and "Expropriation;" it
+is furthermore necessary to know who should have the management of the
+common patrimony, and it is especially on this question that different
+schools of Socialists are opposed to one another, some desiring
+authoritarian Communism, and others, like ourselves, declaring
+unreservedly in favour of anarchist Communism. In order to judge between
+these two, let us return once again to our starting point, the
+Revolution of last century.
+
+In overturning royalty the Revolution proclaimed the sovereignty of the
+people; but, by an inconsistency which was very natural at that time, it
+proclaimed, not a permanent sovereignty, but an intermittent one, to be
+exercised at certain intervals only, for the nomination of deputies
+supposed to represent the people. In reality it copied its institutions
+from the representative government of England. The Revolution was
+drowned in blood, and, nevertheless, representative government became
+the watchword of Europe. All Europe, with the exception of Russia, has
+tried it, under all possible forms, from government based on a property
+qualification to the direct government of the little Swiss republics.
+But, strange to say, just in proportion as we have approached nearer to
+the ideal of a representative government, elected by a perfectly free
+universal suffrage, in that same proportion have its essential vices
+become manifest to us, till we have clearly seen that this mode of
+government is radically defective. Is it not indeed absurd to take a
+certain number of men from out the mass, and to entrust them with the
+management of _all_ public affairs, saying to them, "Attend to these
+matters, we exonerate ourselves from the task by laying it upon you: it
+is for you to make laws on all manner of subjects--armaments and mad
+dogs, observatories and chimneys, instruction and street-sweeping:
+arrange these things as you please and make laws about them, since you
+are the chosen ones whom the people has voted capable of doing
+everything!" It appears to me that if a thoughtful and honest man were
+offered such a post, he would answer somewhat in this fashion:--
+
+"You entrust me with a task which I am unable to fulfil. I am
+unacquainted with most of the questions upon which I shall be called on
+to legislate. I shall either have to work to some extent in the dark,
+which will not be to your advantage, or I shall appeal to you and summon
+meetings in which you will yourselves seek to come to an understanding
+on the questions at issue, in which case my office will be unnecessary.
+If you have formed an opinion and have formulated it, and if you are
+anxious to come to an understanding with others who have also formed an
+opinion on the same subject, then all you need do is to communicate with
+your neighbours and send a delegate to come to an understanding with
+other delegates on this specific question; but you will certainly
+reserve to yourselves the right of taking an ultimate decision; you will
+not entrust your delegate with the making of laws for you. This is how
+scientists and business men act each time that they have to come to an
+agreement."
+
+But the above reply would be a repudiation of the representative system,
+and nevertheless it is a faithful expression of the idea which is
+growing everywhere since the vices of representative government have
+been exposed in all their nakedness. Our age, however, has gone still
+further, for it has begun to discuss the rights of the State and of
+Society in relation to the individual; people now ask to what point the
+interference of the State is necessary in the multitudinous functions of
+society.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Do we require a government to educate our children? Only let the worker
+have leisure to instruct himself, and you will see that, through the
+free initiative of parents and of persons fond of tuition, thousands of
+educational societies and schools of all kinds will spring up, rivalling
+one another in the excellence of their teaching. If we were not crushed
+by taxation and exploited by employers, as we now are, could we not
+ourselves do much better than is now done for us? The great centres
+would initiate progress and set the example, and you may be sure that
+the progress realised would be incomparably superior to what we now
+attain through our ministeries.--Is the State even necessary for the
+defence of a territory? If armed brigands attack a people, is not that
+same people, armed with good weapons, the surest rampart to oppose to
+the foreign aggressor? Standing armies are always beaten by invaders,
+and history teaches that the latter are to be repulsed by a popular
+rising alone.--While Government is an excellent machine to protect
+monopoly, has it ever been able to protect us against ill-disposed
+persons? Does it not, by creating misery, increase the number of crimes
+instead of diminishing them? In establishing prisons into which
+multitudes of men, women, and children are thrown for a time in order to
+come forth infinitely worse than when they went in, does not the State
+maintain nurseries of vice at the expense of the tax-payers? In obliging
+us to commit to others the care of our affairs, does it not create the
+most terrible vice of societies--indifference to public matters?
+
+On the other hand, if we analyse all the great advances made in this
+century--our international traffic, our industrial discoveries, our
+means of communication--do we find that we owe them to the State or to
+private enterprise? Look at the network of railways which cover Europe.
+At Madrid, for example, you take a ticket for St. Petersburg direct. You
+travel along railroads which have been constructed by millions of
+workers, set in motion by dozens of companies; your carriage is attached
+in turn to Spanish, French, Bavarian, and Russian locomotives: you
+travel without losing twenty minutes anywhere, and the two hundred
+francs which you paid in Madrid will be divided to a nicety among the
+companies which have combined to forward you to your destination. This
+line from Madrid to St. Petersburg has been constructed in small
+isolated branches which have been gradually connected, and direct trains
+are the result of an understanding which has been arrived at between
+twenty different companies. Of course there has been considerable
+friction at the outset, and at times some companies, influenced by an
+unenlightened egotism have been unwilling to come to terms with the
+others; but, I ask, was it better to put up with this occasional
+friction, or to wait until some Bismarck, Napoleon, or Zengis Khan
+should have conquered Europe, traced the lines with a pair of compasses,
+and regulated the despatch of the trains? If the latter course had been
+adopted, we should still be in the days of stage-coaches.
+
+The network of railways is the work of the human mind proceeding from
+the simple to the complex by the spontaneous efforts of the parties
+interested, and it is thus that all the great enterprises of our age
+have been undertaken. It is quite true, indeed, that we pay too much to
+the managers of these enterprises; this is an additional reason for
+suppressing their incomes, but not for confiding the management of
+European railways to a central European government.
+
+What thousands of examples one could cite in support of his same idea!
+Take all great enterprises such as the Suez Canal, the lines of Atlantic
+steamers, the telegraph which connects us with North and South America.
+Consider also that commercial organisation which enables you on rising
+in the morning to find bread at the baker's--that is, if you have the
+money to pay for it, which is not always the case now-a-days--meat at
+the butcher's, and all other things that you want at other shops. Is
+this the work of the State? It is true that we pay abominably dearly for
+middlemen; this is, however, an additional reason for suppressing them,
+but not for believing that we must entrust government with the care of
+providing for our feeding and clothing. If we closely scan the
+development of the human mind in our times we are struck by the number
+of associations which spring up to meet the varied requirement of the
+individual of our age--societies for study, for commerce, for pleasure
+and recreation; some of them, very small, for the propagation of a
+universal language or a certain method of short-hand writing; others
+with large arms, such as that which has recently been established for
+the defence of the English coast, or for the avoidance of lawsuits, and
+so on. To make a list of the associations which exist in Europe, volumes
+would be necessary, and it would be seen that there is not a single
+branch of human activity with which one or other does not concern
+itself. The State itself appeals to them in the discharge of its most
+important function--war; it says, "We undertake to slaughter, but we
+cannot take care of our victims; form a Red Cross Society to gather up
+the wounded on the battle-field and to take care of them."
+
+Let others, if they will, advocate industrial barracks or the monastery
+of Authoritarian Communism, we declare that the tendency of society is
+in an opposite direction. We foresee millions and millions of groups
+freely constituting themselves for the satisfaction of all the varied
+needs of human beings--some of these groups organised by quarter,
+street, and house; others extending hands across the walls of cities,
+over frontiers and oceans. All of these will be composed of human beings
+who will combine freely, and after having performed their share of
+productive labour will meet together, either for the purpose of
+consumption, or to produce objects of art or luxury, or to advance
+science in a new direction. This is the tendency of the nineteenth
+century, and we follow it; we only ask to develop it freely, without any
+governmental interference. Individual liberty! "Take pebbles," said
+Fourrier, "put them into a box and shake them, and they will arrange
+themselves in a mosaic that you could never get by entrusting to anyone
+the work of arranging them harmoniously."
+
+
+
+
+PART III.
+
+
+Now let me pass to the third part of my subject--the most important with
+respect to the future.
+
+There is no more room for doubting that religions are going; the
+nineteenth century has given them their death blow. But religions--all
+religions--have a double composition. They contain in the first place a
+primitive cosmogony, a rude attempt at explaining nature, and they
+furthermore contain a statement of the public morality born and
+developed within the mass of the people. But when we throw religions
+overboard or store them among our public records as historical
+curiosities, shall we also relegate to museums the moral principles
+which they contain? This has sometimes been done, and we have seen
+people declare that as they no longer believed in the various religions
+so they despised morality and boldly proclaimed the maxim of bourgeois
+selfishness, "Everyone for himself." But a Society, human or animal,
+cannot exist without certain rules and moral habits springing up within
+it; religion may go, morality remains. If we were to come to consider
+that a man did well in lying, deceiving his neighbours, or plundering
+them when possible (this is the middle-class business morality), we
+should come to such a pass that we could no longer live together. You
+might assure me of your friendship, but perhaps you might only do so in
+order to rob me more easily; you might promise to do a certain thing for
+me, only to deceive me; you might promise to forward a letter for me,
+and you might steal it just like an ordinary governor of a jail. Under
+such conditions society would become impossible, and this is so
+generally understood that the repudiation of religions in no way
+prevents public morality from being maintained, developed, and raised to
+a higher and ever higher standard. This fact is so striking that
+philosophers seek to explain it by the principles of utilitarianism, and
+recently Spencer sought to base the morality which exists among us upon
+physiological causes and the needs connected with the preservation of
+the race.
+
+Let me give you an example in order to explain to you what _we_ think on
+the matter.
+
+A child is drowning, and four men who stand upon the bank see it
+struggling in the water. One of them does not stir, he is a partisan of
+"Each one for himself," the maxim of the commercial middle-class; this
+one is a brute and we need not speak of him further. The next one
+reasons thus: "If I save the child, a good report of my action will be
+made to the ruler of heaven, and the Creator will reward me by
+increasing my flocks and my serfs," and thereupon he plunges into the
+water. Is he therefore a moral man? Clearly not! He is a shrewd
+calculator, that is all. The third, who is an utilitarian, reflects thus
+(or at least utilitarian philosophers represent him as so reasoning):
+"Pleasures can be classed in two categories, inferior pleasures and
+higher ones. To save the life of anyone is a superior pleasure
+infinitely more intense and more durable than others; therefore I will
+save the child." Admitting that any man ever reasoned thus, would he not
+be a terrible egotist? and, moreover, could we ever be sure that his
+sophistical brain would not at some given moment cause his will to
+incline toward an inferior pleasure, that is to say, towards refraining
+from troubling himself? There remains the fourth individual. This man
+has been brought up from his childhood to feel himself _one_ with the
+rest of humanity: from his childhood he has always regarded men as
+possessing interests in common: he has accustomed himself to suffer when
+his neighbours suffer, and to feel happy when everyone around him is
+happy. Directly he hears the heart-rending cry of the mother, he leaps
+into the water, not through reflection but by instinct, and when she
+thanks him for saving her child, he says, "What have I done to deserve
+thanks, my good woman? I am happy to see you happy; I have acted from
+natural impulse and could not do otherwise!"
+
+You recognise in this case the truly moral man, and feel that the others
+are only egotists in comparison with him. The whole anarchist morality
+is represented in this example. It is the morality of a people which
+does not look for the sun at midnight--a morality without compulsion or
+authority, a morality of habit. Let us create circumstances in which man
+shall not be led to deceive nor exploit others, and then by the very
+force of things the moral level of humanity will rise to a height
+hitherto unknown. Men are certainly not to be moralised by teaching them
+a moral catechism: tribunals and prisons do not diminish vice; they pour
+it over society in floods. Men are to be moralised only by placing them
+in a position which shall contribute to develop in them those habits
+which are social, and to weaken those which are not so. A morality which
+has become instinctive is the true morality, the only morality which
+endures while religions and systems of philosophy pass away.
+
+Let us now combine the three preceding elements, and we shall have
+Anarchy and its place in Socialistic Evolution.
+
+Emancipation of the producer from the yoke of capital; production in
+common and free consumption of all the products of the common labour.
+
+Emancipation from the governmental yoke; free development of individuals
+in groups and federations; free organisation ascending from the simple
+to the complex, according to mutual needs and tendencies.
+
+Emancipation from religious morality; free morality, without compulsion
+or authority, developing itself from social life and becoming habitual.
+
+The above is no dream of students, it is a conclusion which results from
+an analysis of the tendencies of modern society: Anarchist Communism is
+the union of the two fundamental tendencies of our society--a tendency
+towards economic equality, and a tendency towards political liberty. So
+long as Communism presented itself under an authoritarian form, which
+necessarily implies government, armed with much greater power than that
+which it possesses to-day, inasmuch as it implies economic in addition
+to political power--so long as this was the case, Communism met with no
+sufficient response. Before 1848 it could, indeed, sometimes excite for
+a moment the enthusiasm of the worker who was prepared to submit to any
+all-powerful government, provided it would release him from the terrible
+situation in which he was placed, but it left the true friends of
+liberty indifferent.
+
+Anarchist Communism maintains that most valuable of all
+conquests--individual liberty--and moreover extends it and gives it a
+solid basis--economic liberty--without which political liberty in
+delusive; it does not ask the individual who has rejected god, the
+universal tyrant, god the king, and god the parliament, to give unto
+himself a god more terrible than any of the preceding--god the
+Community, or to abdicate upon its altar his independence, his will, his
+tastes, and to renew the vow of asceticism which he formerly made before
+the crucified god. It says to him, on the contrary, "No society is free
+so long as the individual is not so! Do not seek to modify society by
+imposing upon it an authority which shall make everything right; if you
+do, you will fail as popes and emperors have failed. Modify society so
+that your fellows may not be any longer your enemies by the force of
+circumstances: abolish the conditions which allow some to monopolise the
+fruit of the labour of others; and instead of attempting to construct
+society from top to bottom, or from the centre to the circumference, let
+it develop itself freely from the simple to the composite, by the free
+union of free groups. This course, which is so much obstructed at
+present, is the true forward march of society: do not seek to hinder it,
+do not turn your back on progress, but march along with it! Then the
+sentiment of sociability which is common to human beings, as it is to
+all animals living in society, will be able to develop itself freely,
+because our fellows will no longer be our enemies, and we shall thus
+arrive at a state of things in which each individual will be able to
+give free rein to his inclinations, and even to his passions, without
+any other restraint than the love and respect of those who surround
+him."
+
+This is our ideal, and it is the ideal which lies deep in the hearts of
+peoples--of all peoples. We know full well that this ideal will not be
+attained without violent shocks; the close of this century has a
+formidable revolution in store for us: whether it begins in France,
+Germany, Spain, or Russia, it will be an European one, and spreading
+with the same rapidity as that of our fathers, the heroes of 1848, it
+will set all Europe in a blaze. This coming Revolution will not aim at a
+mere change of government, but will have a social character; the work of
+expropriation will commence, and exploiters will be driven out. Whether
+we like it or not, this will be done independently of the will of
+individuals, and when hands are laid on private property we shall arrive
+at Communism, because we shall be forced to do so. Communism, however,
+cannot be either authoritarian or parliamentary, it must either be
+anarchist or non-existent; the mass of the people does not desire to
+trust itself again to any saviour, but will seek to organise itself by
+itself.
+
+We do not advocate Communism and Anarchy because we imagine men to be
+better than they really are; if we had angels among us we might be
+tempted to entrust to them the task of organising us, though doubtless
+even _they_ would show the cloven foot very soon. But it is just because
+we take men as they are that we say: "Do not entrust them with the
+governing of you. This or that despicable minister might have been an
+excellent man if power had not been given to him. The only way of
+arriving at harmony of interests is by a society without exploiters and
+without rulers." It is precisely because men are not angels that we say,
+"Let us arrange matters so that each man may see his interest bound up
+with the interests of others, then you will no longer have to fear his
+evil passions."
+
+Anarchist Communism being the inevitable result of existing tendencies,
+it is towards this ideal that we must direct our steps, instead of
+saying, "Yes, Anarchy is an excellent ideal," and then turning our backs
+upon it. Should the approaching revolution not succeed in realising the
+whole of this ideal, still all that shall have been effected in the
+direction of it will remain; but all that shall have been done in a
+contrary direction will be doomed to disappear. It is a general rule
+that a popular revolution may be vanquished, but that, nevertheless, it
+furnishes a motto for the evolution of the succeeding century. France
+expired under the heel of the allies in 1815, and yet the action of
+France had rendered serfdom impossible of continuance, all over Europe,
+and representative government inevitable; universal suffrage was drowned
+in blood, and yet universal suffrage is the watchword of the century. In
+1871 the Commune expired under volleys of grapeshot, and yet the
+watchword in France to-day is "the Free Commune." And if Anarchist
+Communism is vanquished in the coming revolution, after having asserted
+itself in the light of day, not only will it leave behind it the
+abolition of private property, not only will the working man have
+learned his true place in society, not only will the landed and
+mercantile aristocracy have received a mortal blow, but Communist
+Anarchism will be the goal of the evolution of the twentieth century.
+
+Anarchist Communism sums up all that is most beautiful and most durable
+in the progress of humanity; the sentiment of justice, the sentiment of
+liberty, and solidarity or community of interest. It guarantees the free
+evolution, both of the individual and of society. Therefore, it will
+triumph.
+
+
+Printed by THE NEW TEMPLE PRESS, Norbury, London, Great Britain.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #31104 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/31104)