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The Project Gutenberg EBook of A Collection of State-Papers, Relative to
the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the United States of America, by John Adams

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Title: A Collection of State-Papers, Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the United States of America

Author: John Adams

Release Date: January 6, 2010 [EBook #30872]

Language: English

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<h1><small>A</small><br />

COLLECTION<br />

<small>OF</small><br />

STATE-PAPERS.</h1>

<h3>[Price Two Shillings.]</h3>

<hr />

<h1><small>A</small><br />

COLLECTION<br />

<small>OF</small><br />

STATE-PAPERS.</h1>

<h4>Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the</h4>

<h3>Sovereignty of the United States of America,</h3>

<h4>And the Reception of their</h4>

<h3>Minister Plenipotentiary, by their High Mightinesses the<br />
States General of the United Netherlands.</h3>

<h3>To which is prefixed, the Political Character of</h3>

<h2>JOHN ADAMS,</h2>

<h3>Ambassador Plenipotentiary from the States of North America,<br />
to their High Mightinesses the States General of the<br />
United Provinces of the Netherlands.</h3>

<hr class="thought" />
<h2><span class="smcap">By an American</span>.</h2>
<hr class="thought" />

<h3>LIKEWISE,</h3>

<h2><span class="smcap">An Essay on Canon and Feudal Law</span>,</h2>

<h2><span class="smcap">By JOHN ADAMS, Esq</span>;</h2>

<hr class="thought" />

<h3>LONDON:</h3>

<h3>Printed for <span class="smcap">John Fielding</span>, No. 23, Pater-noster-row;<br />
<span class="smcap">John Debrett</span>, opposite Burlington-House, Piccadilly; and<br />
<span class="smcap">John Sewell</span>, No. 32, Cornhill. 1782.</h3>

<h3>[Entered at Stationers-Hall.]</h3>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p>

<h2>INTRODUCTION</h2>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">As</span> the States General of the United Provinces have
acknowledged the independency of the United States
of North America, and made a treaty of commerce with
them, it may not be improper to prefix a short account of
John Adams, Esq; who, pursuing the interests of his
country, hath brought about these important events.</p>

<p>Mr. Adams is descended from one of the first families
which founded the colony of the Massachusets Bay in 1630.
He applied himself early to the study of the laws of his
country; and no sooner entered upon the practice thereof,
but he drew the attention, admiration, and esteem of
his countrymen, on account of his eminent abilities and
probity of character. Not satisfied with barely maintaining
the rights of individuals, he soon signalized himself
in the defence of his country, and mankind at large, by
writing his admirable Dissertation on the Canon and
Feudal Laws; a work so well worth the attention of every
man who is an enemy to ecclesiastical and civil tyranny,
that it is here subjoined. It showed the author at an early
period capable of seconding efficaciously the formation of
republics on the principles of justice and virtue. Such a
man became most naturally an object of Governor Barnard's
seduction. The perversion of his abilities might be of use in
a bad cause; the corruption of his principles might tarnish
the best. But the arts of the Governor, which had succeeded
with so many, were ineffectual with Mr. Adams, who
openly declared he would not accept a favour, however
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span>flatteringly offered, which might in any manner connect
him with the enemy of the rights of his country, or tend
to embarrass him, as it had happened with too many
others, in the discharge of his duty to the public. Seduction
thus failing of its ends, calumny, menaces, and
the height of power were made use of against him. They
lost the effect proposed, but had that, which the show of
baseness and violence ever produce on a mind truly virtuous.
They increased his honest firmness, because they
manifested, that the times required more than ordinary
exertions of manliness. In consequence of this conduct,
Mr. Adams obtained the highest honours which a virtuous
man can receive from the good and the bad. He was
honoured with the disapprobation of the Governor, who
refused his admission into the council of the province;
and he met with the applause of his countrymen in general,
who sent him to assist at the Congress in 1774,
in which he was most active, being one of the principal
promoters of the famous resolution of the 4th of July,
when the colonies declared themselves <span class="smcap">free and independent
states</span>.</p>

<p>This step being taken, Mr. Adams saw the inefficacy of
meeting the English Commissioners, and voted against
the proposition; Congress, however, having determined
to pursue this measure, sent him, together with Dr.
Franklin and Mr. Rutledge, to General Howe's head
quarters. These Deputies, leading with them, in a manly
way, the hostages which the general had given for their
security, marched to the place of conference, in the midst
of twenty thousand men ranged under arms. Whether
this military shew was meant to do honour to the Americans,
or to give them an high idea of the English force,
is not worth enquiry. If its object was to terrify the Deputies
of Congress, it failed; making no more impression
on them, than the sudden discovery of elephants did upon
certain embassadors of old. The utmost politeness having
passed on both sides, the conference ended, as had been
foreseen, without any effect.</p>

<p>Mr. Adams having been fifteen months one of the
Commissioners of the War department, and a principal
suggestor of the terms to be offered to France, for forming
treaties of alliance and commerce, he was sent to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span>
court of Versailles, as one of the Ministers Plenipotentiary
of the United States. After continuing some time
invested with this important trust, he returned to America;
where he no sooner appeared, than he was called
upon by the State of Massachusets Bay, to assist in forming
a system of government, that might establish the rights
of all on clear, just, and permanent grounds. He was
never employed in a business more agreeable to himself;
for, the happiness of his Fellow-Citizens is his great object.
He sought not honour in this arduous undertaking,
but it fell ultimately upon <i>Him</i>. He has gained it all
over Europe. If he endeavoured to obtain by it the
esteem and love of his countrymen, he has succeeded;
for they know they are chiefly indebted to him for the
constitution of the State of Massachusets Bay, as it stands
at this day.</p>

<p>This important business being completed to the satisfaction
of all, he came back to Europe, with full powers
from Congress to assist at any conferences which might be
opened for the establishment of peace; and had sent him,
soon after, other powers to negociate a loan of money
for the use of the United States; and to represent them,
as their Minister Plenipotentiary, to their High Mightinesses
the States General of the United Provinces. Such
important trusts shew, in what estimation he is held by
his country; and his manner of executing them, that confidence
is well placed.</p>

<p>On his arrival in Holland, nothing could have been
more unpromising to the happy execution of his mission,
than were the affairs of that country. The influence
of the Court of St. James's over a certain set of men,
the interest that many had in the funds and commerce of
England, and the dread of her power, which generally
prevailed throughout the Provinces, obliged him to act
with the utmost circumspection. Unknown, and at first
unnoticed, (at least but by a few) he had nothing to do
but to examine into the state of things, and characters of
the leading men. This necessary knowledge was scarcely
acquired, when the conduct of the British Ministry afforded
him an opportunity of shewing himself more
openly. The contempt, insult and violence, with which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span>
the whole Belgic nation was treated, gave him great
advantages over the English Embassador at the Hague.
He served himself of his rivals rashness and folly with
great coolness and ability; and, by consequence, became
so particularly obnoxious to the prevailing party, that
he did not dare to go to a village scarcely a day's journey
from his residence, but with the utmost secrecy: the fate
of Dorislaus was before his eyes. Having been therefore
under the necessity of making himself a Burgher of Amsterdam,
for protection against the malice of the times,
he soon gained the good opinion of the Magistrates by his
prudent conduct as a private Citizen. The bad policy of
England, enabled him to step forward as a public character.
As such he presented to the States General his
famous Memorial, dated the 19th of April, 1781, wherein
the declaration of the independency of America on the
4th of July, 1776, was justified; the unalterable resolution
of the United States to abide thereby asserted; the
interest that all the powers of Europe, and particularly
the States General, have in maintaining it, proved; the
political and natural grounds of a commercial connection
between the two Republics pointed out; and information
given that the Memorialist was invested with full powers
from Congress to treat with their High Mightinesses for
the good of both countries.</p>

<p>The presenting this Memorial was a delicate step;
Mr. Adams was sensible, that he alone was answerable
for its consequences, it being taken not merely from his
own single suggestion, but contrary to the opinion and
advice of some of great weight and authority. However,
maturely considering the measure, he saw it in all
its lights, and boldly ventured on the undertaking. The
full and immediate effect of it was not expected at once.
The first object was, that the nation should consider the
matter thoroughly; it being evident, that the more it
was ruminated on, the more obvious would be the advantages
and necessity of a connection between the two
countries. When, therefore, the Memorial was taken by
the States General <i>ad referendum</i>, the first point was gained;
the people thought of, and reasoned on the matter set
before them; many excellent writings appeared, and they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span>
made the greatest impression; a weekly paper in particular,
entitled Le Politique Hollandois, drew the attention of
all, on account of its information, the soundness of its
argument, and its political judgment and patriotism.
At length the time came when the work was to be compleated:
the generality of the people of Holland, seeing the
necessity of opening a new course to their trade, which
the violent aggression of England, and the commercial
spirit of other nations tended to diminish, demanded an
immediate connection with the United States of America,
as a means of indemnifying themselves for the loss which
a declared enemy had brought on them, and the rivalship
of neighbouring nations might produce.</p>

<p>Mr. Adams seized the occasion which the public disposition
afforded him, and presented his Ulteriour Address
of the 9th of January, 1782; referring therein to his
Memorial of the 19th of April, 1781, and demanding a
categorical answer thereto. The Towns, Cities, Quarters,
and States of the several Provinces took the whole
matter into immediate deliberation, and instructed their
several Deputies, in the States General, to concur in the
admission of Mr. Adams in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States of North America. This was
done by a resolution, passed by their High Mightinesses
the 19th of April, 1782; and on the 22d of the same
month, Mr. Adams was admitted accordingly, with all the
usual ceremonies.</p>

<p>This event seems to have been as great a blow as any
that has been given to the pride and interests of England
during the war. It shewed the Dutch were no longer
over-awed by the power of their enemy, for they dared
to brave him to his teeth. It set an example to other
nations, to partake of the commerce of those countries,
which England had lost by her inconsiderate conduct. It
confounded at once the English partisans in Holland, and
proved that Sir Joseph Yorke was not the great minister
he had hitherto been supposed to be. It gave occasion to
an ambassador of one of the greatest monarchs of Europe
to say to Mr. Adams: <i>Vous avez frappé, Monsieur, le plus
grand coup de tout l' Europe. C'est le plus grand coup, qui
à etè frappé dans le cause Americain. C'est vous qui à effrayé<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span>
et terrasse les Anglomannes. C'est vous qui à rempli cette
nation d'enthousiasme.</i> And then turning to another gentleman,
he said, <i>Ce n'est pas pour faire compliment a Monsieur
Adams, que je dis cela: c'est parcequ'en verité, je crois
que c'est sa due.</i></p>

<p>This diplomatic compliment has been followed by others.
I transcribe with pleasure a convivial one contained in the
following lines, which an ingenious and patriotic Dutchman
addressed to his excellency Mr. Adams, on drinking
to him out of a large beautiful glass, which is called a
<i>baccale</i>, and had inscribed round its brim, <i>Aurea Libertas</i>:</p>

<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
<span class="i0"><span class="smcap">Aurea Libertas!</span> <i>gaude! pars altera mundi</i><br /></span>
<span class="i2"><i>Vindice te renuit subdere colla jugo.</i><br /></span>
<span class="i0"><i>Hæc tibi legatum quem consors Belga recepit</i><br /></span>
<span class="i2"><i>Pectore sincero pocula plena fero.</i><br /></span>
<span class="i0"><i>Utraque gens nectet, mox suspicienda tyrannis,</i><br /></span>
<span class="i2"><i>Quæ libertati vincula sacra precor!</i><br /></span>
</div></div>

<p>They who have an opportunity of knowing his Excellency
Mr. Adams trace in his features the most unequivocal
marks of probity and candour. He unites to that
gravity, suitable to the character with which he is invested,
an affability, which prejudices you in his favour.
Although of a silent turn, as William the Prince of Orange
was, and most great men are, who engage in important
affairs, he has nevertheless a natural eloquence for the
discussion of matters which are the objects of his mission,
and for the recommending and enforcing the truths, measures,
and systems, which are dictated by sound policy.
He has neither the corrupted nor corrupting principles
of Lord Chesterfield, nor the qualities of Sir Joseph
Yorke, but the plain and virtuous demeanor of Sir
William Temple. Like him too he is simple in negociation,
where he finds candour in those who treat with
him. Otherwise he has the severity of a true republican,
his high idea of virtue giving him a rigidness, which makes
it difficult for him to accommodate himself to those intrigues
which European politics have introduced into
negociation. "<i>Il sait que l'art de negocier n'est pas l'art<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> d'intriguer et de tromper; quil ne consiste pas à corrompre;
à se jouer des sermens et à semer les alarmes et les divisions;
qu'un negociateur habile peut parvenir à son but sans ces
expediens, qui sont la triste ressource des intriguans, sans avoir
recours à des man&oelig;uvres detournès et extraordinaires. Il
trouve dans la nature même des affaires quil négocie des incidens
propres à faire réussir tous ses</i> <ins title="Transcriber's note: Added quotes after projets.">
<i>projéts.</i>"</ins></p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span></p>

<h2>MEMORIAL</h2>

<h3>TO THEIR<br />

HIGH MIGHTINESSES<br />

THE<br />

STATES GENERAL<br />

OF THE<br />

United Provinces of the Low Countries.</h3>


<p class="hanging-indent"><i>High and Mighty Lords</i>;</p>

<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">The</span> Subscriber has the honour to propose to your
High Mightinesses, that the United States of America,
in Congress assembled, have lately thought fit to
send him a commission (with full powers and instructions)
to confer with your High Mightinesses concerning a treaty
of amity and commerce, an authentic copy of which he
has the honour to annex to this memorial.</p>

<p>At the times when the treaties between this Republic
and the Crown of Great Britain were made, the people,
who now compose the United States of America, were
a part of the English nation; as such, allies of the Republic,
and parties to those treaties; entitled to all their
benefits, and submitting chearfully to all their obligations.</p>

<p>It is true, that when the British Administration, renouncing
the ancient character of Englishmen for generosity,
justice, and humanity, conceived the design of
subverting the political systems of the Colonies; depriving
them of the rights and liberties of Englishmen, and reducing
them to the worst of all forms of government;
starving the people by blockading the ports, and cutting
off their fisheries and commerce; sending fleets and ar<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span>mies to destroy every principle and sentiment of liberty,
and to consume their habitations and their lives; making
contracts for foreign troops, and alliances with savage
nations to assist them in their enterprise; casting formally,
by act of parliament, three millions of people at
once out of the protection of the Crown: Then, and not
till then, did the United States of America, in Congress
assembled, pass that memorable act, by which they assumed
an equal station among the nations.</p>

<p>This immortal declaration, of the 4th of July, 1776,
when America was invaded by an hundred vessels of war,
and, according to estimates laid before parliament, by
55,000 of veteran troops, was not the effect of any sudden
passion or enthusiasm; but a measure which had been
long in deliberation among the people, maturely discussed
in some hundreds of popular assemblies, and by public
writings in all the states. It was a measure which Congress
did not adopt, until they had received the positive instructions
of their constituents in all the States: It was
then unanimously adopted by Congress, subscribed by all
its members, transmitted to the assemblies of the several
States, and by them respectively accepted, ratified, and
recorded among their archives; so that no decree, edict,
statute, placart, or fundamental law of any nation was
ever made with more solemnity, or with more unanimity
or cordiality adopted, as the act and consent of the whole
people, than this: And it has been held sacred to this
day by every state, with such unshaken firmness, that
not even the smallest has ever been induced to depart
from it; although the English have wasted many millions,
and vast fleets and armies, in the vain attempt to invalidate
it. On the contrary, each of the Thirteen States
has instituted a form of government for itself, under the
<span class="smcap">Authority of the People</span>; has erected its legislature
in the several branches; its executive authority with
all its offices; its judiciary departments and judges; its
army, militia, revenue, and some of them their navy:
And all those departments of government have been regularly
and constitutionally organized under the associated
superintendency of Congress, now these five years, and
have acquired a consistency, solidity, and activity equal
to the oldest and most established governments. It is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span>
true, that in some speeches and writings of the English it
is still contended that the people of America are still in
principle and affection with them: But these assertions
are made against such evident truth and demonstration,
that it is surprising they should find at this day one believer
in the world. One may appeal to the writings and
recorded speeches of the English for the last seventeen
years, to shew that similar misrepresentations have been
incessantly repeated through that whole period; and that
the conclusion of every year has in fact confuted the confident
assertions and predictions of the beginning of it.
The subscriber begs leave to say from his own knowledge
of the people of America, (and he has a better right
to obtain credit, because he has better opportunities to
know, than any Briton whatsoever) that <i>they are unalterably
determined to maintain their Independence</i>. He confesses,
that, notwithstanding his confidence through his
whole life in the virtuous sentiments and uniformity of
character among his countrymen, their unanimity has
surprised him. That all the power, arts, intrigues, and
bribes which have been employed in the several States,
should have seduced from the standard of virtue so contemptible
a few, is more fortunate than could have been
expected. This independence stands upon so broad and
firm a bottom of the people's interests, honour, consciences,
and affections, that it will not be affected by any
successes the English may obtain either in America, or
against the European powers at war, nor by any alliances
they can possibly form; if indeed, in so unjust and desperate
a cause they can obtain any. Nevertheless, although
compelled by necessity, and warranted by the fundamental
laws of the colonies, and of the British constitution,
by principles avowed in the English laws, and confirmed
by many examples in the English history; by principles
interwoven into the history and public right of Europe,
in the great examples of the Helvetic and Belgic
confederacies, and many others; and frequently acknowledged
and ratified by the diplomatic body; principles
founded in eternal justice, and the laws of God and nature,
to cut asunder for ever all the ties which had connected
them with Great Britain: Yet the people of America
did not consider themselves as separating from their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span>
allies, especially the Republic of the United Provinces, or
departing from their connections with any of the people
under their government; but, on the contrary, they preserved
the same affection, esteem and respect, for the
Dutch nation, in every part of the world, which they and
their ancestors had ever entertained.</p>

<p>When sound policy dictated to Congress the precaution
of sending persons to negotiate natural alliances in Europe,
it was not from a failure in respect that they did not
send a minister to your High Mightinesses, with the first
whom they sent abroad: but, instructed in the nature of
the connections between Great Britain and the Republic,
and in the system of peace and neutrality, which she had
so long pursued, they thought proper to respect both so
far, as not to seek to embroil her with her allies, to excite
divisions in the nation, or lay embarrassments before it.
But, since the British administration, uniform and persevering
in injustice, despising their allies, as much as
their colonists and fellow-subjects; disregarding the faith
of treaties, as much as that of royal charters; violating
the law of nations, as they had before done the fundamental
laws of the Colonies and the inherent rights of
British subjects, have arbitrarily set aside all the treaties
between the Crown and the Republic, declared war and
commenced hostilities, the settled intentions of which
they had manifested long before; all those motives, which
before restrained the Congress, cease: and an opportunity
presents itself of proposing such connections, as the United
States of America have a right to form, consistent with
the treaties already formed with France and Spain, which
they are under every obligation of duty, interest and inclination,
to observe sacred and inviolate; and consistent
with such other treaties, as it is their intention to propose
to other sovereigns.</p>

<p>If there was ever among nations a natural alliance,
one may be formed between the two Republics. The
first planters of the four northern States found in this
country an asylum from persecution, and resided here
from the year 1608 to the year 1620, twelve years preceding
their migration. They ever entertained and have
transmitted to posterity, a grateful remembrance of that
protection and hospitality, and especially of that religious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span>
liberty they found here, having sought it in vain in
England.</p>

<p>The first inhabitants of two other States, New-York
and New-Jersey, were immediate emigrants from this
nation, and have transmitted their religion, language,
customs, manners and character: And America in general,
until her connections with the House of Bourbon,
has ever considered this nation as her first friend in
Europe, whose history, and the great characters it exhibits,
in the various arts of peace, as well as <ins
title="Transcriber's note: Archaic spelling of achievements.">atchievements</ins>
of war by sea and land, have been particularly
studied, admired and imitated in every State.</p>

<p>A similitude of religion, although it is not deemed so
essential in this as in former ages to the alliance of nations,
is still, as it ever will be thought, a desirable circumstance.
Now it may be said with truth, that there are no
two nations, whose worship, doctrine and discipline, are
more alike than those of the two Republics. In this particular
therefore, as far as it is of weight, an alliance
would be perfectly natural.</p>

<p>A similarity in the forms of government, is usually
considered as another circumstance, which renders alliances
natural: And although the constitutions of the
two Republics are not perfectly alike, there is yet analogy
enough between them, to make a connection easy in this
respect.</p>

<p>In general usages, and in the liberality of sentiments in
those momentous points, the freedom of enquiry, the
right of private judgment and the liberty of conscience, of
so much importance to be supported in the world, and
imparted to all mankind, and which at this hour are in
more danger from Great Britain and that intolerant spirit
which is secretly fomenting there, than from any other
quarter, the two nations resemble each other more than
any others.</p>

<p>The originals of the two Republics are so much alike,
that the history of one seems but a transcript from that of
the other: so that every Dutchman instructed in the
subject, must pronounce the American revolution just and
necessary, or pass a censure upon the greatest actions of
his immortal ancestors: actions which have been approved<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span>
and applauded by mankind, and justified by the decision
of Heaven.</p>

<p>But the circumstance, which perhaps in this age has
stronger influence than any other in the formation of
friendships between nations, is the great and growing
interest of commerce; of the whole system of which
through the globe, your High Mightinesses are too perfect
masters for me to say any thing that is not familiarly
known. It may not, however, be amiss to hint, that
the central situation of this country, her extensive navigation,
her possessions in the East and West Indies, the
intelligence of her merchants, the number of her capitalists,
and the riches of her funds, render a connection
with her very desirable to America: and, on the other
hand, the abundance and variety of the productions of
America, the materials of manufactures, navigation and
commerce; the vast demand and consumption in America
of the manufactures of Europe, of merchandises from
the Baltic, and from the East Indies, and the situation of
the Dutch possessions in the West Indies, cannot admit of
a doubt, that a connection with the United States would
be useful to this Republic. The English are so sensible
of this, that notwithstanding all their professions of friendship,
they have ever considered this nation as their rival in
the American trade; a sentiment which dictated and
maintained their severe act of navigation, as injurious to
the commerce and naval power of this country, as it was
both to the trade and the rights of the Colonists. There
is now an opportunity offered to both, to shake off this
shackle for ever. If any consideration whatever could
have induced them to have avoided a war with your High
Mightinesses, it would have been the apprehension of an
alliance between the two Republics: and it is easy to
foresee, that nothing will contribute more to oblige them
to a peace, than such a connection once completely
formed. It is needless to point out, particularly, what
advantages might be derived to the possessions of the Republic
in the West Indies from a trade opened, protected
and encouraged, between them and the Continent of
America; or what profits might be made by the Dutch
East India Company, by carrying their effects directly to
the American market; or how much even the trade of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span>
the Baltic might be secured and extended by a free intercourse
with America; which has ever had so large a demand,
and will have more for hemp, cordage, sail-cloth,
and other articles of that commerce: how much the
national navigation would be benefited by building and
purchasing ships there: how much the number of seamen
might be increased, or how much more advantageous it
would prove to both countries, to have their ports mutually
opened to their men of war and privateers, and to their
prizes.</p>

<p>If, therefore, an analogy of religion, government,
origin, manners, and the most extensive and lasting commercial
interests, can form a ground and an invitation to
political connections, the subscriber flatters himself that,
in all these particulars, the union is so obviously natural,
that there has seldom been a more distinct designation of
Providence to any two distant nations to unite themselves
together.</p>

<p>It is further submitted to the wisdom and humanity of
your High Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for the
good of mankind, that the powers of Europe, who are
convinced of the justice of the American cause, (and
where is one to be found that is not?) should make haste
to acknowledge the independence of the United States,
and form equitable treaties with them, as the surest means
of convincing Great Britain of the impracticability of her
pursuits? Whether the late marine treaty concerning the
rights of neutral vessels, noble and useful as it is, can be
established against Great Britain, who will never adopt it,
nor submit to it, but from necessity, without the independence
of America? Whether the return of America,
with her nurseries of seamen and magazines of materials
for navigation and commerce, to the domination and
monopoly of Great Britain, if that were practicable,
would not put the possessions of other nations beyond seas
wholly in the power of that enormous empire, which has
been long governed wholly by the feeling of its own
power, at least without a proportional attention to justice,
humanity, or decency. When it is obvious and certain
that the Americans are not inclined to submit again to the
British government, on the one hand, and that the powers
of Europe ought not and could not with safety consent to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span>
it, if they were so inclined, on the other; why should a
source of contention be left open, for future contingencies
to involve the nations of Europe in still more bloodshed,
when, by one decisive step of the maritime powers, in
making treaties with a nation long in possession of sovereignty
by right and in fact, it might be closed?</p>

<p>The example of your High Mightinesses would, it is,
hoped, be followed by all the maritime powers, especially
those which are parties to the late marine treaty: nor can
the apprehension that the independence of America would
be injurious to the trade of the Baltic, be any objection.
This jealousy is so groundless that the reverse would happen.
The freight and insurance in voyages across the
Atlantic are so high, and the price of labour in America
so dear, that tar, pitch, turpentine, and ship-timber never
can be transported to Europe at so cheap a rate, as it has
been and will be afforded by countries round the Baltic.
This commerce was supported by the English before the
revolution with difficulty, and not without large parliamentary
bounties. Of hemp, cordage, and sail-cloth
there will not probably be a sufficiency raised in America
for her own consumption in many centuries, for the plainest
of all reasons, because these articles may be imported
from Amsterdam, or even from Petersburg and Archangel,
cheaper than they can be raised at home. America will
therefore be for ages a market for these articles of the
Baltic trade.</p>

<p>Nor is there more solidity in another supposition, propagated
by the English to prevent other nations from
pursuing their true interests, that the colonies of other
nations will follow the example of the United States.
Those powers, who have as large possessions as any beyond
seas, have already declared against England, apprehending
no such consequences. Indeed there is no probability
of any other power of Europe following the example
of England, in attempting to change the whole
system of the government of colonies, and reducing them
by oppression to the necessity of governing themselves:
and, without such manifest injustice and cruelty on the
part of the metropolis, there is no danger of colonies
attempting innovations. Established governments are
founded deep in the hearts, the passions, the imaginations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>
and understandings of the people; and without some violent
change from without, to alter the temper and character
of the whole people, it is not in human nature to
exchange safety for danger, and certain happiness for very
precarious benefits.</p>

<p>It is submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses,
whether the system of the United States, which
was minutely considered and discussed, and unanimously
agreed on in Congress in the year 1776, in planning the
treaty they proposed to France, to form equitable commercial
treaties with all the maritime powers of Europe,
without being governed or monopolized by any: a system
which was afterwards approved by the king, and made
the foundation of the treaties with his majesty: a system
to which the United States have hitherto constantly adhered,
and from which they never will depart, unless
compelled by some powers declaring against them, which
is not expected, is not the only means of preventing this
growing country from being an object of everlasting jealousies,
rivalries, and wars among the nations. If this
idea be just, it follows, that <i>it is the interest of every state
in Europe to acknowledge American independency immediately</i>.
If such benevolent policy should be adopted, the new
world will be a proportional blessing to every part of
the old.</p>

<p>The subscriber has the farther honour of informing your
High Mightinesses, that the United States of America,
in Congress assembled, impressed with an high sense of the
wisdom and magnanimity of your High Mightinesses, and
of your inviolable attachment to the rights and liberties
of mankind, and being desirous of cultivating the friendship
of a nation, eminent for its wisdom, justice, and
moderation, have appointed the subscriber to be their
minister plenipotentiary to reside near you, that he may
give you more particular assurances of the great respect
they entertain for your High Mightinesses; beseeching your
High Mightinesses to give entire credit to every thing,
which their said minister shall deliver on their part, especially
when he shall assure you of the sincerity of their
friendship and regard. The original letter of credence,
under the seal of Congress, the subscriber is ready to deliver
to your High Mightinesses, or to such persons as you<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span>
shall direct to receive it. He has also a similar letter
of credence to his most Serene Highness the Prince
Stadtholder.</p>

<p>All which is respectfully submitted to the consideration
of your High Mightinesses, together with the propriety of
appointing some person, or persons, to treat on the subject
of his mission, by</p>

<p>
<span class="smcap">Leyden</span><br />
19 April 1781.</p>

<div class="right">J. ADAMS.<br /></div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span></p>


<h2>GUELDERLAND.</h2>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">In</span> the assembly of the States of Guelderland, holden in
October 1781, to consider of the requisition of the king
of France, of a negotiation of five millions of florins,
under the warranty of the Republic, some were for an
alliance with France. The Baron Nagel, Seneschal of
Zutphen, avoided putting of the question, and said among
other things, "That he had rather acknowledge the independence
of the Americans, than contract an alliance
with France."</p>

<p>The Baron van der Capellen de Marsch was for an
alliance with France and America too. He observed,
"That nothing being more natural than to act in concert
with the enemies of our enemy, it was an object of serious
deliberation, to see, if the interest of the Republic
did not require to accept, without farther tergiversations,
the invitations and offers of the Americans: that no condescension
for England could hinder us, at present, from
uniting ourselves against a common enemy, with a nation
so brave and so virtuous: a nation, which, after our
example, owes its liberty to its valour, and even at this
moment is employed in defending itself from the tyranny
of the enemy of the two nations: that, consequently, nothing
could restrain us from acknowledging the independence
of this new Republic: that our conduct differed
very much from that holden by our ancestors, who allied
themselves with the Portuguese, as soon as they shook off
the yoke of the Spaniards: that there was no doubt, that
the said alliances with the enemies of our enemy would
soon restrain his fury, and operate a general peace advantageous
for us."</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span></p>

<h2>The QUARTER<br />

of<br />

OOSTERGO.</h2>

<p class="hanging-indent"><i>The Quarter of Oostergo, in the Province of Friesland, in
December, 1781, was the first public Body which proposed
a Connection with the United States of America in these
Words.</i></p>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">Every</span> impartial Patriot has a long time perceived
that, in the direction of affairs relative to this war
with England, there have been manifested an inconceivable
lukewarmness and sloth; but they discover themselves
still more, at this moment, by the little inclination which,
in general, the Regencies of the Belgic Provinces testify
to commence a treaty of commerce and friendship with the
new Republic of the Thirteen United States of North
America; and to contract engagements, at least during
the continuance of this common war with the Crowns of
France and Spain. Nevertheless, the necessity of these
measures appears clearly, since, according to our judgments,
nothing was more natural, nor more conformable
to sound policy, founded upon the laws of the nature the
most precise, than that this Republic, immediately after
the formal declaration of war by the English (not being
yet able to do any thing by military exploits, not being in a
state of defence sufficiently respectable to dare, at sea, to
oppose one fleet or squadron, to our perfidious enemy)
should have commenced by acknowledging, by a public
declaration, the Independence of North America. This
would have been from that time the greatest step to the
humiliation of England, and our own re-establishment;
and by this measure, the Republic would have proved her
firm resolution to act with vigour. Every one of our inhabitants,
all Europe, who have their eyes fixed upon us,
the whole World expected, with just reason, this measure<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span>
from the Republic. It is true, that before the formal declaration
of war by England, one might perhaps have alleged
some plausible reason, to justify, in some degree, the
backwardness in this great and interesting affair. But, as
at present Great Britain is no longer our secret, but declared
enemy, which dissolves all the connections between
the two nations; and as it is the duty, not only of all the
Regencies, but also of all the Citizens of this Republic, to
reduce, by all imaginable annoyances, this enemy so unjust
to reason, and to force him, if possible, to conclude an
honourable peace; why should we hesitate any longer, to
strike, by this measure so reasonable, the most sensible blow
to the common enemy? Will not this delay occasion a
suspicion that we prefer the interest of our enemy to that
of our country? North America, so sensibly offended by
the refusal of her offer; France and Spain, in the midst of
a war supported with activity, must they not regard us as
the secret friends, and favourers of their and our common
enemy? Have they not reason to conclude from it, that
our inaction ought to be less attributed to our weakness,
than to our affection for England? Will not this opinion
destroy all confidence in our nation heretofore so renowned
in this respect? And our allies, at this time natural, must
they not imagine, that it is better to have in us declared
enemies than pretended friends? And shall we not be involved
in a ruinous war, which we might have rendered
advantageous, if it had been well directed? While on the
other hand it is evident, that by a new connection with
the States of North America, by engagements at least
during this war with France and Spain, we shall obtain,
not only the confidence of these formidable powers, instead
of their distrust, but by this means we shall moreover
place our colonies in safety against any insult; we shall
have a well grounded hope, of recovering, with the aid of
the allied powers, our lost possessions, if the English should
make themselves masters of them; and our commerce at
present neglected, and so shamefully pillaged, would reassume
a new vigour; considering that in such case, as it
is manifestly proved by solid reasons, this Republic would
derive from this commerce the most signal advantages.
But, since our interest excites us forcibly to act in concert
with the enemies of our enemy; since the United States of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span>
America invited us to it long ago; since France appears
inclined to concert her military operations with ours (although
this power has infinitely less interest to ally itself
with us, whose weakness manifests itself in so palpable a
manner, than we have to form an alliance, the most respectable
in the universe) it is indubitably the duty of
every Regency, to promote it with all their forces, and
with all the celerity imaginable. To this end, we have
thought it our duty, to lay it before your noble Mightinesses,
in the firm persuasion that the zeal of your noble
Mightinesses will be as earnest as ours, to concur to the
accomplishment of this point, which is for us of the
greatest importance; that, consequently, your noble
Mightinesses will not delay to co-operate with us, that,
upon this important subject, there may be made to their
High Mightinesses, a proposition so vigorous, that it may
have the desired success: and that this affair, of an importance
beyond all expression for our common country,
may be resolved and decided by unanimous suffrages, and
in preference to every particular interest.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span></p>


<h2>ULTERIOUR ADDRESS.</h2>

<p class="hanging-indent"><i>On the 9th January, 1782, Mr. <span class="smcap">Adams</span> waited on the
President <span class="smcap">van den Sandheuvel,</span> and addressed
him as follows.</i></p>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">On</span> the fourth of May, I had the honour of a conference
with the President of their High Mightinesses,
in which I informed him, that I had received from
the United States of America a commission, with full
powers and instructions to propose and conclude a treaty
of amity and commerce, between the said United States
of America and the United Provinces of the Netherlands.</p>

<p>At the same conference, I had the honour to demand
an audience of their High Mightinesses, in order to present
to them my letters of credence and full powers.</p>

<p>The President assured me, that he would make report
of all that I had said to him to their High Mightinesses,
in order that it might be transmitted to the several members
of the sovereignty of this country, for their deliberations
and decisions.&mdash;I have not yet been honoured with
an answer. I now do myself the honour to wait on you,
Sir, to demand, as I do, a categorical answer, that I
may be able to transmit it to the United States of America.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span></p>

<h2>GUELDERLAND.</h2>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">In</span> an extraordinary assembly of the county of Zutphen,
held at Nimeguen the 23d of February, 1782, the
following measures were taken.</p>

<p>After the report of the Committee of this Province to
the Generality, laid this day upon the table, relative to
what passed in the precedent assembly, and after the examination
of an extract of the register of the resolutions
of their High Mightinesses the States General of the Low
Countries, of the ninth of last month, in relation to the
Ulteriour Address of Mr. Adams to the President of their
High Mightinesses, concerning the presentation of his
letters of credence to their High Mightinesses, in behalf
of the United States of America, demanding a categorical
answer, whereof the Lords the Deputies of the respective
Provinces have taken copies; the Baron Robert
Jasper van der Capellen de Marsch, first by word of
mouth, and afterwards in writing, proposed, and insisted,
at the assembly of this Quarter, that, at present, and without
delay, we should make a point of deliberation, and
that we should make upon the table the necessary overture,
conceived more at length, in the advice of this
nobleman, inserted in these terms:</p>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Noble and Mighty Lords!</span></p></blockquote>

<p>The subscriber judges, upon good grounds, and with
out fear of being contradicted, that he is able to affirm,
that it is more than time that we should give a serious
attention to the offer and the invitation, in every sense
honourable and advantageous for this Republic, of friendship,
and reciprocal connections with the Thirteen American
Provinces, now become free <i>at the point of the
sword</i>, in such sort, that the categorical answer demanded
by their Minister Mr. Adams, may become a subject of
the deliberations of your Grand Mightinesses, and that
you may decide as soon as possible, concerning their
respective interests. He judges, that he ought not to
have any farther scruple in this regard; and that the un<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span>certain consequences of the mediation offered by Russia
cannot, when certain advantages for this Republic are in
question, hinder that, out of regard for an enemy, with
whom we (however salutary the views of her Imperial
Majesty are represented) cannot make any Peace, at the
expence of a negligence so irreparable: that a longer
delay, to unite ourselves to a nation already so powerful,
will have for its consequence, that our inhabitants will
lose the means of extending, in a manner the most advantageous,
their commerce and their prosperity: That
by the vigorous prohibition to import English manufactures
into America, our manufactures, by means of precautions
taken in time, will rise out of their state of languor:
and that, by delaying longer to satisfy the wishes of the
nation, her leaders will draw upon them the reproach of
having neglected and rejected the favourable offers of
Providence: that, on the contrary, by adopting these
measures, the essential interests of this unfortunate people
will be taken to heart.</p>

<p>The subscriber declaring, moreover, that he will abandon
this unpardonable negligence of an opportunity favourable
for the Republic, to the account of those whom
it may concern; protesting against all the fatal consequences
that a longer refusal of these necessary measures
will certainly occasion: whereupon he demanded, that
for his discharge, this note should be inserted in the registers
of the Quarter.</p>

<p><i>Signed</i></p>

<div class="right"><span class="smcap">R. J. van der Capellen</span>.<br /></div>

<p>This advice having been read, Mr. Jacob Adolf de
Heekeren d'Enghuisen, Counsellor and first Master of
Accounts in Guelderland, President at this time of the
Assembly of the Quarter, represented to the said Robert
Jasper van der Capellen de Marsch, that "Although he
must agree to the justice of all that he had laid down, besides
several other reasons, equally strong, which occurred
to his mind, the deliberation upon the point in question
appeared to him premature, considering that the Lords
the States of Holland and West Friesland, and of Zea<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span>land, as the principal commercial Provinces, who are
directly interested, had not nevertheless as yet explained
themselves in this regard; consequently that it would not
be so convenient for the States of this Duchy and County,
who are not interested in it, but in a consequential and
indirect manner, to form the first their resolutions in this
respect: for this reason he proposed to consideration, whether
it would not be more proper to postpone the deliberations
upon this matter to a future <ins
title="Transcriber's note: Added quotes after opportunity.">opportunity."</ins></p>

<p>Nevertheless, the before-mentioned Robert Jasper van
der Capellan de Marsch insisting, that the voices should
be collected upon the proposition and advice in question,
and thereupon having deliberated, their noble Mightinesses
have thought fit to resolve, that although the motives
alledged by this Nobleman in his advice, appear to
merit a serious consideration, nevertheless, for the reasons
before alleged, they judge, that they ought to suspend
the decision of it, until the commercial Provinces have
formed their resolutions concerning it: and that, upon
the requisition of Robert Jasper van der Capellan de
Marsch, there be delivered to him an extract of the present,
upon one as well the other.</p>

<p>
<i>Signed</i></p>

<div class="right"><span class="smcap">Herm. Schomaker</span>.</div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span></p>


<h2>PETITION OF LEYDEN.</h2>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">To</span> the noble, great, and venerable Lords of the
Grand Council of the city of Leyden.</p>

<p>The undersigned, all manufacturers, merchants, and
other traders of this city, most respectfully give to understand,
that it is a truth, as melancholy, as it is universally
known, that the declension of manufactures, which all the
well-disposed citizens have remarked with the most lively
grief, from the beginning of this century, has increased
more and more for several years; and that this principal
branch of the subsistence of the good citizens,
has fallen into such a state of languor, that our city, once
so flourishing, so populous, so celebrated, on account of
its commerce and of its trades, appears to be threatened
with total ruin; that the diminution of its merchants
houses, on the one hand, and on the other, a total loss,
or the sensible decrease of several branches of commerce,
furnish an evident proof of it; which the petitioners could
demonstrate by several examples, if there were need of
them to convince. Your noble and grand Lordships, to
whom the increase of the multitude of the poor, the deplorable
situation of several families, heretofore in easy circumstances,
the depopulation of the city, which one cannot
observe without emotion in the ruins of several streets,
once neat and well inhabited, are fully known, will recollect
no doubt upon this occasion, with grief, that this
state of languor must appear so much the more desperate,
if your noble and grand lordships will take into consideration,
that in this decay of trades and manufactures, we
find a new reason of their farther fall, considering, that
from the time there is not continual employment, and an
uninterrupted sale, the workmen desert in such manner,
that when considerable commissions arrive, we cannot
find capable hands, and we see ourselves entirely out of a
condition to execute these orders.</p>

<p>That the petitioners, with all the true friends of their
country, extremely affected with this alarming situation
of so rich a source of the public prosperity, have indeed
sought the means of a remedy, in amending some defects,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span>
from which it seemed to arise, at least in part; but that
the measures taken in this view, as is well know to your
noble and grand Lordships, have not had the desired effect;
at least, that they have not produced a re-establishment
so effectual, that we have been able to observe a sensible
influence in the increase of the sales of the manufactures
of Leyden, as appears most evidently, by a comparison
of the pieces fabricated here, which have been heretofore
carried to the divers markets of this city, with those which
are carried there at this day; a comparison which a true
citizen cannot of consider without regret.</p>

<p>That experience has also taught the petitioners, that the
principal cause of the decay of the manufactures of Holland,
particularly those of Leyden, is not to be found in
any internal vice, either in the capacity, or the &oelig;conomy
of the inhabitants, but in circumstances which have happened
abroad; and to which it is, consequently, beyond
the power of the petitioners, or of any citizen whatsoever,
to provide a remedy. That we might cite, for example,
the commerce of our manufactures with Dantzic;
and, through that commercial city, with all Poland; a
commerce which was carried on with success and advantage
heretofore in our city, but is absolutely interrupted at
this day, and vanished, by the revolution which has happened
in that kingdom, and by the burthensome duties to
which the navigation of the Vistula has been subjected.
But that, without entering into a detail of similar particular
shackles, of which we might reckon a great number; the principal cause of the languishing state of our
manufactures consists in the jealous emulation of the neighbouring
nations, or rather of all the people of Europe;
considering that, in this age, the several princes and governments,
enlightened in the real sources of the public
prosperity, and the true interests of their subjects, attach
themselves with emulation to revive in their kingdoms and
states the national industry, commerce, and navigation;
to encourage them, and promote them even by exclusive
privileges, or by heavy impositions upon foreign merchandizes;
privileges and impositions, which tend equally
to the prejudice of the commerce and the manufactures of
our country, as your noble and grand Lordships will easily
recollect the examples in the Austrian states and elsewhere.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span></p>

<p>That in the midst of these powers and nations, emulous
or jealous, it is impossible for the citizens of our Republic,
however superior their manufactures may be in quality
and fineness, to resist a rivalry so universal; especially
considering the dearness of labour, caused by that of the
means of subsistence; which, in its turn, is a necessary
consequence of the taxes and imposts which the inhabitants
of this State pay in a greater number, and a higher rate,
than in any other country, by reason of her natural situation,
and of its means to support itself; so that by the
continual operation of this principal, but irreparable cause
of decline, it is to be feared, that the impoverishment and
the diminution of the good citizens increasing with the
want of employment, the Dutch nation, heretofore the
purveyor of all Europe, will be obliged to content itself
with the sale of its own productions in the interior of the
country; (and how much does not even this resource
suffer by the importation of foreign manufactures?) and
that Leyden, lately so rich and flourishing, will exhibit
desolated quarters in its declining streets; and its multitude,
disgraced with want and misery; an affecting proof
of the sudden fall of countries formerly overflowing with
prosperity.</p>

<p>That, if we duly consider these motives, no citizen,
whose heart is upright, (as the petitioners assure themselves)
much less your noble and grand Lordships, whose
good dispositions they acknowledge with gratitude, will
take it amiss, that we have fixed our eyes on the present
conjuncture of affairs, to enquire whether these times
might not furnish them some means of reviving the languishing
manufactures of Leyden; and that after a consideration
well matured, they flatter themselves with the
hope (a hope which unprejudiced men will not regard as
a vain chimera) that in fact, by the present circumstances,
there opens in their favour an issue for arriving at the re-establishment
desired.</p>

<p>That from the time when the rupture between Great Britain
and the Colonies upon the continent of North America
appeared to be irreparable, every attentive spectator of
this event perceived, or at least was convinced, that this
rupture, by which there was born a republic, as powerful
as industrious, in the new world, would have the most<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span>
important consequences for commerce and navigation;
and that the other commercial nations of Europe would
soon share in a very considerable commerce, whereof the
kingdom of Great Britain had reserved to itself, until
that time, the exclusive possession by its Act of Navigation,
and by the other acts of parliament prescribed to
the Colonies; that in the time of it, this reflection did
not escape your petitioners; and they foresaw, from that
time, the advantage which might arise, in the sequel, from
a revolution so important for the United Provinces in
general, and for their native city in particular. But that
they should have been afraid to have placed this favourable
occasion before the eyes of your noble and grand Lordships,
at an epoch when the relations which connected
our Republic with Great Britain, her neighbour, seemed
to forbid all measures of this nature, or at least ought to
make them be considered as out of season.</p>

<p>That, in the mean time, this reason of silence has entirely
ceased, by the hostilities which the said kingdom
has commenced against our Republic, under pretences,
and in a manner the injustice of which has been demonstrated
by the supreme government of the State, with
an irrefragable evidence, in the eyes of impartial Europe;
whilst the petitioners themselves, by the illegal
capture of so large a number of Dutch ships, and afterwards
by the absolute stagnation of navigation, and of
voyages to foreign countries, have experienced in the
most grievous manner, the consequences of this hostile
and unforeseen attack, and feel them still every day,
as is abundantly known to your noble and grand Lordships.
That since that epoch, a still more considerable
number of workmen must have remained without employment,
and several fathers of families have quitted the
city, abandoning, to the farther expense of the treasury
of the poor, their wives and their children plunged
in misery.</p>

<p>That during this rupture, which has subsisted now for
fifteen months, there has occurred another circumstance,
which has encouraged the petitioners still more, and which
to them appears to be of such a nature, that they would be
guilty of an excessive indifference, and an unpardonable
negligence towards the city, towards the lower class of in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span>habitants, towards their own families, and towards themselves,
if they should delay any longer to lay open their interests
to your noble and grand Lordships, in a manner the
most respectful, but the most energetic; to wit, that the
United States of America have very rigorously forbidden,
by a resolution of Congress, agreed to in all the Thirteen
States, the importation of all English manufactures, and
in general, all the merchandizes fabricated in the dominions
which yet remain to Great Britain. That the
effect of this prohibition must necessarily be a spirit of
emulation between all the commercial nations to take
place of the British merchants and manufacturers in this
important branch of exportation, which is entirely cut off
from them at this day. That nevertheless, among all the
nations there is none which can entertain a hope, better
founded, and more sure, in this respect, than the citizens
of this free Republic, whether on account of the identity of
religion, the fashion of living, and the manners, whether
because of the extent of its commerce, and the convenience
of its navigation, but above all, by reason of the
activity and good faith, which still distinguishes (without
boasting too much) the Dutch nation above all other people;
qualities in consideration of which, the citizens of
United America are inclined even at present, to prefer,
in equal circumstances, the citizens of our free States, to
every other nation.</p>

<p>That, nevertheless, all relations and connections of
commerce between the two people, cannot but be uncertain
and fluctuating, as long as their offers and reciprocal
engagements are not fixed and regulated by a treaty of
commerce. That at this day, if ever, (according to the
respectful opinion of the petitioners) there exists a necessity
the most absolute for the conclusion of a similar treaty
of commerce, there, where we may say with truth,
that there arises for the Republic, for our Leyden especially,
a moment, which once escaped, perhaps never will
return; since the national assembly of Great Britain, convinced,
by a terrible and fatal experience, of the absolute
impossibility of re-attaching united America to the British
crown, has laid before the throne its desire to conclude a
necessary peace with a people, free as this day at the price
of their blood: So that if this peace should be once con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span>cluded,
the Dutch nation would see itself perhaps excluded
from all advantages of commerce with this new Republic,
or at least would be treated by her with an indifference,
which the small value which we should have put
upon its friendship in former times, would seem to merit.</p>

<p>That, supposing, for a moment, that a peace between
England and United America were not so near as we
have reason to presume, not without probability, there
would be found in that case nations enough who will be
jealous of acquiring, after the example of France, the
earliest right to commerce with a country, which already
peopled by several millions of inhabitants, augments every
day in population, in a manner incredible; but, as a new
people, unprovided as yet with several necessary articles,
will procure a rich, even an immense outlet, for the fabricks
and manufactures of Europe.</p>

<p>That, however manifest the interest which the petitioners
and all the citizens of Leyden would have in the
conclusion of such a treaty of commerce, they would
however have made a scruple to lay before the paternal
eyes of your noble and grand Lordships the utility, or
rather the necessity of such a measure, in respect to them,
if they could believe, that their particular advantage
would be, in any wise, contrary to the more universal interests
of all the Republic. But, as far as the petitioners
may judge, as citizens, of the situation, and the political
existence of their country, they are ignorant of any reasons
of this kind: but, on the contrary, they dare appeal to the
unanimous voice of their fellow-citizens, well intentioned,
in the other cities and provinces, even of the Regents the
most distinguished; since it is universally known that the
Province of Friesland has already preceded the other confederates,
by a resolution for opening negotiations with
America; and that in other Provinces, which have an interest
less direct in commerce and manufactures, celebrated
Regents appear to wait merely for the example
of the commercial Provinces, for taking a similar resolution.</p>

<p>That the petitioners will not detain the attention of
your noble and grand Mightinesses by a more ample detail
of their reasons and motives, since, on one hand, they
assure themselves, that these reasons and motives will not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span>
escape the enlightened and attentive judgment of your
grand and noble Lordships; and on the other, they know
by experience, that your grand and noble Lordships are disposed
not to suffer any occasion to pass for promoting the
well-being of their city, for advancing the prosperity of
the citizens, to render their names dear to their contemporaries,
and make them blessed by posterity.</p>

<p>In which firm expectation, the petitioners address themselves
to this grand Council with the respectful but serious
request, that it may please your noble and great Lordships,
to direct, by their powerful influence, thing in such sort,
that, in the Assembly highly respected of their noble and
grand Mightinesses the Lords the States of Holland and
West Friesland, there be opened deliberations, or if already
opened, carried as speedily as possible to an effectual conclusion,
such as they shall find the most proper for obtaining
the lawful end, and fulfilling the desires of the petitioners,
or as they shall judge conformable to the general
interest.</p>

<p class="center">So doing, &amp;c.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span></p>


<h2>LEYDEN.</h2>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">An Address</span> <i>of Thanks, with a farther Petition</i>.</p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">To</span> the noble, great, and venerable lords, the great
council of the city of Leyden,</p>

<p>The undersigned manufacturers, merchants, and other
traders, interested in the manufactures and fabrics of
this city, give respectfully to understand,</p>

<p>That a number of the undersigned, having taken, the
18th of March, the liberty to present to your noble and
great Lordships, a respectful request to obtain the conclusion
of connections of commerce with United America,
"the petitioners judge that they ought to hold it for a
duty, as agreeable as indispensible, to testify their sincere
gratitude, not only for the gracious manner in which
your noble and great Lordships have been pleased to accept
that request, but also for the patriotic resolution that
your noble and great Lordships have taken upon its object;
a resolution, in virtue of which the city of Leyden (as
the petitioners have the best reasons to suppose) hath been
one of the first cities of this province, from whose unanimous
co-operation has originated the resolution of their
noble and grand Mightinesses, of the date of the 28th of
March last, to direct things on the part of their noble and
grand Mightinesses, in the assembly of the States General,
and to make there the strongest instances, to the end
that Mr. Adams may be admitted and acknowledged as
Minister of the United States of America."</p>

<p>That the petitioners regard, with all honest-hearted
citizens, the present epoch as one of the most glorious in
the annals of our dear country, seeing that there has been
manifested, in a most signal manner, on the one hand, a confidence
the most cordial of the good citizens towards their
regents, and on the other hand a paternal attention and deference
of the regents to the respectful but well-founded
prayers of their faithful citizens; and, in general, the
most exemplary unanimity throughout the whole nation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span>
to the confusion of those who, having endeavoured to
sow the seeds of discord, would have rejoiced if they
could say, with truth, that a dissention so fatal had rooted
itself to the ruin of the country and of the people.</p>

<p>That the petitioners, feeling themselves penetrated with
the most pleasing emotions, by an harmony so universal,
cannot pass over in silence the reflection that your noble
and great Lordships, taking a resolution the most favourable
upon the said request, have discovered thereby, that
they would not abandon the footsteps of their ancestors,
who found, in the united sentiments of magistrates and
citizens, the resources necessary to resist a powerful oppressor,
who even would not have undertaken that difficult,
but glorious task, if they had not been supported by
the voice of the most respectable part of the nation.</p>

<p>That encouraged by this reflection, the petitioners
assure themselves, that your noble and great Lordships
will honour, with the same approbation, the step which
they take to day, to recommend to your noble and great
Lordships, in a manner the most respectful, but at the same
time the most pressing, the prompt and efficacious execution
of the aforesaid resolution of their noble and grand
Mightinesses of the 28th of March last, with every thing
which depends thereon; a proceeding which does not
spring from a desire, on the part of the petitioners, to
raise themselves above the sphere of their duties and vocations,
or to interfere, indiscreetly, in the affairs of government,
but only from a conviction that it cannot but be
agreeable to well intentioned regents (such as your noble
and great Lordships have shewn yourselves by deeds to
your good citizens) to see themselves applauded in their
salutary efforts and patriotic designs, and supported against
the perverse views, and secret machinations of the ill-disposed,
who, however small their number, are always
found in a nation.</p>

<p>That although the petitioners may be convinced that
their noble and grand Mightinesses, having taken a resolution
so agreeable to all true patriots, will not neglect to
employ means to carry it to an efficacious conclusion
among the other confederates, and to procure to the good
citizens the real enjoyment of the commerce with United
America, they cannot, nevertheless, dissemble that, lately,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span>
some new reasons have arisen, which make them conceive
some fears respecting the prompt consummation of this
desirable affair.</p>

<p>That the probability of an offer of peace, on the part
of Great-Britain, to United America, whereof the petitioners
made mention in their former request, having at
present become a full certainty by the revolution arrived
since in the British ministry, they have not learned without
uneasiness the attempt made, at the same time, by the
new ministers of the court of London, to involve this
state in a negociation for a separate peace, the immediate
consequence of which would be (as the petitioners fear)
a cessation of all connections with the American Republic,
whilst that in the mean time our Republic, deprived
on the one hand of the advantages which it reasonably
promises itself from these connections, might, on the other
hand, be detained by negociations, spun out to a great
length, and not effect till late, perhaps after the other
belligerent powers, a separate peace with England.</p>

<p>That, in effect, the difficulties which oppose themselves
to a like partial pacification are too multiplied for one
to promise himself to see them suddenly removed, such as
the restitution of the possessions taken from the state, and
retaken from the English by France, a restitution which
is become thereby impracticable, the indemnification of
the immense losses that the unexpected and perfidious attack
of England hath caused to the Dutch nation in general,
to the petitioners in particular; the assurance of a free
navigation for the future, upon the principles of the armed
neutrality, and conformably to the law of nations; the
dissolution of the bonds which, without being productive
of any utility to the two nations, have been a source of
contestations, always springing up, and which, in every
war between Great-Britain and any other power, have
threatened to involve our Republic in it, or have in effect
done it; the annihilation, if possible, of the act of navigation,
an act which carries too evident marks of the
supremacy affected by England over all other maritime
people, not to attract attention at the approaching negociation
of peace; finally, the necessity of breaking the
yoke that Great-Britain would impose on our flag, to
make her's respected in the Northern Ocean, as the seat<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span>
of her maritime empire; and other objects of this nature,
which, as the petulant proceedings of the court of London
have given rise to them, will certainly furnish matter
for claims and negociations.</p>

<p>That as, by these considerations, a speedy consummation
of a separate peace with England is out of all probability,
especially when one compares with them the dubious
and limited manner in which it is offered; on the
other hand, a general peace appears not to be so far distant,
as that to obtain a more prompt reconciliation with England,
the Republic hath occasion to abandon its interests
relative to North America, seeing that the British government
hath resolved, upon the request of the national
assembly, even to discontinue offensive hostilities against
the new Republic; and that, even under the present administration
of the new ministers, it appears ready to acknowledge
positively its independence; an acknowledgment
which, in removing the principal stumbling block
of a negociation of a general peace, will pave the way to
a prompt explication of all the difficulties between the
belligerent powers.</p>

<p>That the petitioners should exceed much the bounds
of their plan, if they entered into a more ample detail of
the reasons which might be alleged upon this subject, and
which certainly will not escape the political penetration
of your noble and great Lordships; among others, the
engagements recently entered into with the Court of
France, and which will not be violated by our Republic,
which acknowledges the sanctity of its engagements, and
respects them: but which will serve much rather to convince
the Empress of Russia of the impossibility of entering,
in the present juncture of affairs, into such a negociation
as the court of London proposes, when even it
will not be permitted to presume but that Sovereign will
feel herself the change of circumstances which have happened
with regard to America since the offer of her mediation,
by the revolution in the British ministry, and
that she ought even to regard a separate peace between
our State and England, as the most proper mean to retard
the general tranquillity, that she hath endeavoured to procure
to all the commercial nations now in war.</p>

<p>That from these motives the petitioners respectfully<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span>
hope that the aforesaid offer of England will occasion no
obstacle which may prevent that the resolution of their
noble and grand Mightinesses to acknowledge the independence
of North America, and to conclude with that
power a treaty of commerce, may not have a prompt
execution, nor that even one only of the other confederates
will suffer itself to be diverted thereby from the design of
opening unanimously with this Province, and the others
which have declared themselves conformably with Holland,
negociations with the United States, and of terminating
them as soon as possible.</p>

<p>That the favourable resolutions already taken for this
effect in Zealand, Utrecht, Overyssel, and at present
(as the petitioners learn) in the Province of Groningen
after the examples of Holland and Friesland, confirm them
in that hope, and seem to render entirely superfluous, a
request that, in every other case, the petitioners would
have found themselves obliged to make with the commercial
Citizens of the other Cities, to the end that, by the
resistance of one Province, not immediately interested in
commerce and navigation, they might not be deprived
of the advantages and of the protection, that the sovereign
Assembly of their proper Provinces had been disposed to
procure them, without it; but that, to the end to provide
for it, their noble and grand Mightinesses, and the
States of the other Provinces in this respect, unanimous
with them, should make use of the power which belongs
to each free State of our federative Republic; at least in
regard to treaties of commerce, of which there exists an
example in 1649, not only in a treaty of redemption of
the toll of the Sound, but also in a defensive treaty concluded
with the Crown of Denmark, by the three Provinces
of Guelderland, Holland, and Friesland.</p>

<p>But as every apprehension of a similar dissension, among
the members of the confederation, appears at present absolutely
unseasonable, the petitioners will confine themselves
rather to another request, to wit, that after the
formation of connections of commerce with North America,
the effectual enjoyment of it may be assured to the
commercial Citizens of this country, by a sufficient protection
of their navigation; without which the conclusion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span>
even of such a treaty of commerce would be absolutely
illusory. That, for a long time, especially the last year,
the petitioners have tasted the bitter fruits of the defenceless
state in which the Dutch flag has been incessantly
found; as they have already said, conformably to the
truth, in their first request, "that by the total stagnation
of the navigation, and of expeditions, they have felt,
in the most painful manner, the effects of the hostile
and unexpected attack of Great Britain, and that they
feel them still every day." That, in the mean time,
this stagnation of commerce, absolutely abandoned to the
rapacity of an enemy greedy of pillage, and destitute of
all protection whatever, hath appeared to the petitioners, as
well as to all the other commercial inhabitants; yes! even
to all true Citizens, so much the more hard and afflicting,
as they not only have constantly contributed, with a good
heart, to all the public imports, but that, at the time even
that the commerce was absolutely abandoned to itself, and
deprived of all safeguard, it supported a double charge to
obtain that protection which it hath never enjoyed;
seeing that the hope of such a protection (the Republic
not being entirely without maritime force) hath appeared
indeed more than once, but always vanished in the most
unexpected manner, by accidents and impediments,
which, if they have given rise, perhaps wrongfully, to
discontent and to distrust among the good Citizens, will
not nevertheless be read and meditated by posterity without
surprize.</p>

<p>That, without intention to legitimate, in any manner,
the suspicions arising from this failure of protection, the
petitioners believe themselves, nevertheless, with all proper
respect, warranted in addressing their complaints on
this head, to the bosoms of your noble and great Lordships,
and (seeing that the commerce with North America
cannot subsist without navigation, no more than
navigation without a safeguard) in reckoning upon the
active direction, the useful employment, and prompt
augmentation of our naval forces, in proportion to the
means which shall be the most proper effectually to secure
to the commerce of this Republic the fruits of its connections
with United North America.</p>

<p>For which reasons, the petitioners, returning their solemn<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span>
thanks to your noble and great Lordships, for the
favourable resolution taken upon their request the 18th of
March last, address themselves anew to you on this occasion,
with the respectful prayer, "That it may graciously
please your noble and great Lordships to be willing to
effectuate by your powerful influence, whether in the
illustrious assembly of their noble and grand Mightinesses,
whether among the other Confederates, or elsewhere,
there, and in such manner, as your noble and
great Lordships shall judge most proper, that the resolution
of their noble and grand Mightinesses of the
date of the 28th of March last, for the admission of
Mr. Adams, in quality of Minister of the United States
of America, be promptly executed; and that the petitioners,
with the other commercial Citizens, obtain
the effectual enjoyment of a treaty of commerce with
the said Republic, as well by the activity of the marine
of the State, and the protection of commerce and
navigation, as by all other measures, that your noble
and great Lordships with the other members of the
Sovereign Government of the Republic, shall judge to
tend to the public good, and to serve to the prosperity
of our dear country, as well as to the maintenance of
its precious liberties."</p>

<p class="center"><i>So doing, &amp;c.</i></p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span></p>


<h2>ROTTERDAM.</h2>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Petition</span> <i>of the Merchants, Insurers, and Freighters
of Rotterdam to the Regency of that City</i>.</p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">Give</span> to understand, in the most respectful manner,
that it is sufficiently notorious that the inhabitants of
this Republic have, as well as any other nation, an interest,
that they give us an opportunity to open a free
communication and correspondence with the inhabitants
of America, by making a treaty of commerce, as Mr.
Adams has represented in his memorial; to which they
add, that the advantages which must result from it, are
absolutely the only means of reviving the fallen commerce
of this country; for re-establishing the navigation, and
for repairing the great damages which the perfidious proceedings
of the English have, for so many years, caused
to the commercial part of this country.</p>

<p>That with all due respect, they represent to the venerable
Regency the danger we run, in prolonging farther the
deliberations concerning the article of an alliance of
commerce with North America; being moreover certain
that the interposition of this State cannot add any
thing more to the solidity of its independence, and that
the English Ministry has even made to the Deputies of
the American Congress propositions to what point they
would establish a correspondence there, to our prejudice,
and thereby deprive the inhabitants of this country of the
certain advantages which might result from this reciprocal
commerce; and that thus we ought not to delay one
day, nor even one hour, to try all the efforts, that we
may pursue the negociation offered by Mr. Adams, and
that we may decide finally upon it. Whereupon the petitioners
represent, with all respect possible, but at the
same time with the firmest confidence, to the venerable
Regency of this City, that they would authorize and
qualify the Lords theirs Deputies at the Assembly of
their noble and grand Mightinesses, to the end, that they
insist in a manner the most energetic, at the Assembly of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span>
their noble and grand Mightinesses, that the resolution
demanded may be taken without the least delay, to the
end that, on the part of this Province, it be effected, at
the Assembly of the States General, that the American
Minister, Mr. Adams be as soon as possible admitted to
the audience which he has demanded, and that they take
with him the determinations necessary to render free and
open to the reciprocal inhabitants, the correspondence demanded.</p>

<p class="center"><i>So doing, &amp;c.</i></p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span></p>

<blockquote><p><i>The <span class="smcap">Petitions</span> of the Merchants, and Manufacturers of
<span class="smcap">Haerlem</span>, <span class="smcap">Leiden</span>, and <span class="smcap">Amsterdam</span>,
which have been presented, on the twentieth of March, to their <span class="smcap">High Mightinesses</span>,
were accompanied with another to the <span class="smcap">States</span> of <span class="smcap">Holland</span>
and <span class="smcap">West Friesland</span>, conceived in these Terms.</i></p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">The</span> subscribers, inhabitants of this country, merchants,
manufacturers, and others, living by commerce,
give with all respect to understand, that they have
the honour to annex hereto a copy of a petition presented
by them to their High Mightinesses, the States-General
of the United Low Countries. The importance of the
thing which it contains, the considerable commerce which
these countries might establish in North America, the
profits which we might draw from it, and the importance
of industry and manufactures, by the relation which they
have with commerce in general, as well as the navigation
to that extensive country; all these objects have made
them take the liberty to represent, in the most respectful
manner, this great affair for them, and for the connections
which the petitioners may have, in quality of manufacturers,
with the merchants, most humbly praying your
noble and grand Mightinesses, for the acquisition of these
important branches of commerce, and for the advantage
of all the manufactures, and other works of labour and
of traffic, to be so good as to take this petition, and the
reasons which it contains, into your high consideration,
and to favour it with your powerful support and protection,
and by a favourable resolution, which may be
taken at the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, to
direct, on the part of this Province, things in such a manner,
that for obtaining this commerce so desired and so <ins
title="Transcriber's note: Original reads 'necessay'">necessary</ins> for this Republic, that there be concerted such
efficacious measures, as the high wisdom and patriotic
sentiments of your noble and grand Mightinesses may find
convenient, for the well-being of so great a number of inhabitants,
and for the prejudice of their enemies.</p>

<p class="center"><i>So doing, &amp;c.</i></p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span></p>


<h2>DORDRECHT.</h2>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">At</span> Dordrecht there has not been presented any petition.
But on the twentieth of March, the merchants, convinced
by redoubled proofs of the zeal, and of the efforts
of their Regency, for the true interests of commerce,
judged it unnecessary to present a petition after the example
of the merchants of other cities. They contented
themselves with testifying verbally their desire that there
might be contracted connections of commerce with the
United States of America: That this step had been
crowned with such happy success, that the same day 20th
of March, 1782, it was resolved, by the ancient Council, to
authorize their deputies, at the Assembly of Holland, to
concur in every manner possible, that, without delay, Mr.
Adams be acknowledged in his quality of Minister Plenipotentiary;
that his letters of credence be accepted; and
conferences opened upon this object.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span></p>


<h2>ZWOLL<br />
<span class="smcap">In OVERYSSEL</span>.</h2>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">The</span> subscribers, all merchants, manufacturers, and
factors of the city of Zwoll, give respectfully to understand,
that every one of them, in his private concerns,
finds by experience, as well as the inhabitants of the Republic
in general, the grievous effects of the decay into
which commerce, and the manufactures of this country
are fallen, little by little, and above all, since the hostile
attack of the kingdom of England against this State; that
it being their duty to their country, as well as to themselves,
to make use of all the circumstances which might
contribute to their re-establishment, the requisition made
not long since by Mr. Adams to the Republic, to wit, to
conclude a treaty of commerce with the United States of
North America, could not escape their attention; an affair,
the utility, advantage, and necessity of which, for these Provinces,
are so evident, and have been so often proved in an
incontestible manner, that the petitioners will not fatigue
your noble Lordships, by placing them before you, nor the
general interests of this city, nor the particular relations of
the petitioners, considering that they are convinced, in the
first place, that England making against the Republic the
most ruinous war, and having broken every treaty with
her, all kind of complaisance for that kingdom is unseasonable.</p>

<p>In the second place, that America, which ought to be
regarded as become free at the point of the sword, and as
willing, by the prohibition of all the productions and manufactures
of England, to break absolutely with that
kingdom; it is precisely the time, and perhaps the only
time, in which we may have a favourable opportunity to
enter into connection with this new and powerful Republic;
a time which we cannot neglect without running
the greatest risque of being irrevocably prevented by the
other powers, and even by England. Thus we take the
liberty respectfully to supplicate your noble Lordships,
that, having shewn, for a long time, that you set a value<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span>
upon the formation of alliances with powerful states, you
may have the goodness, at the approaching assembly of the
nobility, and of the cities forming the States of this Province,
to redouble your efforts, to the end that, in the name
of this country, it may be decided at the Generality, that
Mr. Adams be acknowledged, and the proposed negotiations
opened as soon as possible.</p>

<p class="center">So doing, &amp;c.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span></p>


<h2><span class="smcap">PETITION of AMSTERDAM</span>.</h2>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">To</span> their High Mightinesses, the States General of the
United Provinces, the undersigned, merchants, manufacturers,
and others, inhabitants living by commerce
in this country, give respectfully to understand:</p>

<p>That, although the petitioners have always relied,
with entire confidence, upon the administration and the
resolutions of your High Mightinesses, and it is against
their inclinations to interrupt your important deliberations,
they think, however, that they ought, at this time
to take the liberty; and believe as well intentioned inhabitants,
that it is their indispensible duty in the present
moment, which is most critical for the Republic, to lay
humbly before your High Mightinesses their interests.</p>

<p>What good citizen in the Republic, having at heart
the interest of his dear country, can dissemble, or represent
to himself without dismay, the sad situation to which
we are reduced by the attack, equally sudden, unjust, and
perfidious of the English? Who would have dared two
years ago to foretell, and, notwithstanding the dark clouds
which even then began to form themselves, could even
have imagined that our commerce and our navigation,
with the immense affairs which depend upon them, the
support and the prosperity of this Republic, could have
fallen and remained in such a terrible decay? that in
1780, more than two thousands of Dutch vessels having
passed the Sound, not one was found upon the list in
1781? That the ocean, heretofore covered with our
vessels, should see at present scarcely any? and that we
may be reduced to see our navigation, formerly so much
respected and preferred by all the nations, pass entirely
into the hands of other powers? It would be superfluous
to endeavour to explain at length the damages, the enormous
losses, which our inhabitants have sustained by the
sudden invasion and the pillage of the colonies, and of
their ships; disasters, which not only fall directly upon
the merchant, but which have also a general influence,
and make themselves felt in the most melancholy manner,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span>
even by the lowest artisans and labourers, by the languor
which they occasion in commerce. But, how great soever
they may be, it might, perhaps, be possible, by the
aid of the paternal cares of your High Mightinesses, and
by opposing a vigorous resistance to the enemy, already
enervated, to repair in time all these losses, (without mentioning
indemnifications) if this stagnation of commerce
was only momentary, and if the industrious merchant did
not see beforehand the sources of his future felicity dried
up. It is this gloomy foresight which, in this moment,
afflicts, in the highest degree, the petitioners; for, it would
be the height of folly and inconsideration to desire still
to flatter ourselves, and to remain quiet, in the expectation
that, after the conclusion of the peace, the business,
at present turned out of its direction, should return entirely
into this country; for experience shews the contrary
in a manner the most convincing; and it is most
probable, that the same nations, who are actually in possession
of it, will preserve, at that time, the greatest part of
it. Your alarmed petitioners throw their eyes round
every where, to discover new sources, capable of procuring
them more success, in future. They even flatter themselves
that they have found them upon the new theatre of
commerce which the United States of America offer
them; a commerce, of which, in this moment, but in
this moment only, they believe themselves to be in a condition
to be able to assure to themselves a good share;
and the great importance of which, joined to the fear of
seeing escape from their hands this only and last resource,
has induced them to take the resolution to lay open respectfully
their observations concerning this important
object to your High Mightinesses, with the earnest prayer
that you would consider them with a serious attention,
and not interpret in ill part this measure of the petitioners,
especially as their future well-being, perhaps even that
of the whole Republic, depends on the decision of this
affair.</p>

<p>No man can call in question that England has derived
her greatest forces from her commerce with America;
those immense treasures, which that commerce has poured
into the coffers of the state; the uncommon prosperity
of several of her commercial houses, the extreme reputa<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span>tion
of her manufactures, the consumption of which, in
quantities beyond all bounds, contributes efficaciously to
their perfection, are convincing proofs of it. However
it may be, and notwithstanding the supposition, too lightly
adopted, that we cannot imitate the British manufactures,
the manufacture of painted linens of Rouen; those of
wool of Amiens, of Germany, of Overyssel; and the Pins
of Zwoll prove visibly that all things need not be drawn
from England; and that, moreover, we are as well in a condition,
or shall soon be, to equal them in several respects.</p>

<p>Permit us, high and mighty Lords, to the end to avoid
all further digression, to request in this regard the attention
of your High Mightinesses to the situation of commerce
in France at the beginning of the war. Continual losses
had almost ruined it altogether. Like ours, several of her
merchants failed of capitals; and others wanted courage
to continue their commerce; her manufactures languished;
the people groaned; in one word, every thing there
marked out the horrors of war. But, at present, her
maritime towns, overpeopled, have occasion to be enlarged;
her manufactures, having arrived at a degree of
exportation unknown before, begin to perfect themselves
more and more, in such a degree, that the melancholy
consequences of the war are scarcely felt in that kingdom.
But, since it is incontestible that this favourable alteration
results almost entirely from its commerce with America,
that even this has taken place in time of war; which,
moreover, is ever prejudicial, we leave it to the enlightened
judgment of your High Mightinesses to decide, what
it is that we may expect from a commerce of this nature,
even at present, but especially in time of peace. In the
mean time, we have had the happiness to make a trial, of
short duration it is true, but very strong in proportion to
its continuance, in our colony of St. Eustatia, of the importance
of the commerce, though not direct, with North
America. The registers of the West India Company
may furnish proofs of it very convincing to your High
Mightinesses; in fact, their productions are infinitely suitable
to our market; whilst, on our side, we have to send
them several articles of convenience and of necessity from
our own country; or from the neighbouring states of Germany.
Moreover, several of our languishing manufac<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span>tures,
scattered in the seven United Provinces, may perhaps
be restored to their former vigour, by means of bounties,
or the diminution of imposts. The importance of
manufactures for a country is sufficiently proved, by the
considerable gratifications promised and paid by British
policy for their encouragement, and by the advantages
which that kingdom has procured to itself by this means,
even beyond what had been expected.</p>

<p>The petitioners know perfectly well the obstacles, almost
insurmountable, which always oppose themselves
to the habitual use of new manufactures, although certainly
better in quality; and they dare advance, without
hesitation, that several of our manufactures are superior
to those of the English. A moment more favourable can
never offer itself than the present, when, by a resolution
of Congress, the importation of all the effects of the produce
of Great Britain, and of her colonies, is forbidden;
which reduces the merchant and the purchaser to the necessity
of recurring to other merchandises, the use of
which will serve to dissipate the prejudice conceived against
them. It is not only the manufactures, high and mighty
Lords, which promise a permanent advantage to our Republic.
The navigation will derive also great advantages;
for it is very far from being true (as several would
maintain) that the Americans, being once in the tranquil
possession of their independence, would themselves exercise
with vigour these two branches; and that in the sequel,
we shall be wholly frustrated of them. Whoever
has the least knowledge of the country of America, and
of its vast extent, knows that the number of inhabitants is
not there in proportion. That even the two banks of the
Mississippi, the most beautiful tract of this country, otherwise
so fertile, remain still uncultivated; and as there are
wanted so many hands, it is not at all probable to presume,
that they will or can occupy themselves to establish new
manufactures, both because of the new charges, which
they would put upon the augmentation and exportation of
their productions.</p>

<p>It is then for these same reasons (the want of population)
that they will scarcely find the hands necessary to
take advantage of the fisheries, which are the property
of their country; which will certainly oblige them to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span>
abandon to us the navigation of freight. There is not
therefore any one of our provinces, much less any one of
our cities, which cannot enjoy the advantage of this commerce:
No, high and mighty Lords, the petitioners are
persuaded that the utility and the benefit of it will spread
itself over all the provinces and countries of the Generality.
Guelderland and Overyssel cannot too much extend
their manufactures of wool, of swanskin, and other things;
even the shoemakers of the mayoralty, and of Langstret,
will find a considerable opening; almost all the manufactures
of Utrecht and of Leyden will flourish anew. Harlem
will see revive its manufactures of stuffs, of laces of
ribbons, of twist, at present in the lowest state of decay.
Delft will see vastly augmented the sale of its earthen ware,
and Gouda that of its tobacco-pipes.</p>

<p>However great may be the advantages foreseen by the
petitioners, from a legal commerce duly protected with
America, their fear is not less, lest we should suffer to
escape the happy moment of assuring to them, and to all
the Republic, these advantages. The present moment
must determine the whole. The English nation is weary
of the war; and as that people runs easily into extremes,
the petitioners are afraid, with strong probable appearances,
that a compleat acknowledgment of American independence
will soon take place; above all, if the English see
an opportunity of being able still to draw from America
some conditions favourable for them, or at least something
to our disadvantage. Ah! what is it which should instigate
the Americans in making peace, and renewing
friendship with Great Britain, to have any regard for the
interests of our republic? If England could only obtain
for a condition, that we should be obliged to pay duties
more burthensome for our vessels, this would be not only
a continual and permanent prejudice; but would be sufficient
to transmit to posterity, a lamentable proof of our
excessive deference for unbridled enemies.</p>

<p>The petitioners dare flatter themselves that a measure
so frank of this Republic, may powerfully serve for the
acceleration of a general peace. A general ardour to extinguish
the flames of war reigns in England; an upright
and vigorous conduct, on the part of this Republic, will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span>
contribute to accelerate the accomplishment of the wishes
for peace.</p>

<p>We flatter ourselves, high and mighty Lords, that we
have in this regard alleged sufficient reasons for an immediate
decision; and that we have so visibly proved the
danger of delay, that we dare to hope from the paternal
equity of your High Mightinesses, a reasonable attention
to the respectful proposition which we have made. It proceeds
from no other motive than a sincere affection for the
precious interests of our dear country; since we consider
it as certain, that as soon as the step taken by us shall be
known by the English, and that they shall have the least
hope of preventing us, they will not fail, as soon as possible,
to acknowledge American independence. Supported
by all these reasons, the petitioners address themselves
to your High Mightinesses, humbly requesting that it may
please your High Mightinesses, after the occurrences and
affairs above-mentioned, to take, for the greatest advantage
of this country, as soon as possible, such resolution
as your High Mightinesses shall judge most convenient.</p>

<p class="center">This doing, &amp;c.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span></p>


<h2>PETITION<br />

To the Burgomasters and Regents of<br />

AMSTERDAM:</h2>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">The</span> subscribers, all merchants and manufacturers of
this city, with all due respect, give to understand:
That the difference arisen between the kingdom of Great
Britain and the United States of America, has not only
given occasion for a long and violent war, but that the
arms of America have covered themselves with a success
so happy, that the Congress, assisted by the Courts of
France and Spain, have so well established their liberty and
independence, and reduced Great Britain to extremities so
critical, that the House of Commons in England, notwithstanding
all the opposition of the British Ministry, have
lately formed the important resolution to turn the King
from an offensive war against America, with no other design
than to accelerate, if it is possible, a reconciliation with
America.</p>

<p>That to this happy revolution in the dispositions of the
English in favour of the liberty and independence of
America, according to all appearances, the resolution
taken by the Congress, towards the end of the last year, to
wit, to forbid in all America the importation of British
manufactures and productions, has greatly contributed: a
resolution, of which they perceive in England, too visibly,
the consequences ruinous to their manufactures,
trade, commerce, and navigation, to be able to remain
indifferent in this regard. For all other commercial nations,
who take to heart, ever so little, their own prosperity,
will apply themselves ardently, to collect from it all
the fruit possible. To this effect, it would be unpardonable
for the business and commerce of this Republic in
general, and for those of this city in particular, to suffer to
escape this occasion so favourable for the encouragement
of our manufactures so declined, and languishing in the
interior cities, as well as that of the commerce and navigation
in the maritime cities; or to suffer that other com<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span>mercial nations, even with a total exclusion of the mercantile
interests of this Republic, should profit of it, and
this, upon an occasion, when, by reason of the war, equally
unjust and ruinous, in which the kingdom of Great
Britain has involved this Republic, we cannot, and ought
not to have the least regard or condescension for that jealous
State, being able even to oblige this arrogant neighbour,
in the just fear of the consequences which a more
intimate connection between this Republic and North
America would undoubtedly have, to lay down the sooner
her arms, and restore tranquility to all Europe.</p>

<p>That the petitioners, notwithstanding the inclination
they have for it, ought not nevertheless to explain themselves
farther upon this object, nor make a demonstration
in detail of the important advantages which this Republic
may procure itself by a connection and a relation more
intimate with North America; both, because that no well-informed
man can easily call the thing in question, or contradict
it; but also, because the States of Friesland themselves
have very lately explained themselves, in a manner
so remarkable, in this respect; and which is still more remarkable,
because in very different circumstances, with a
foresight, which posterity will celebrate by so much the
more, as it is attacked in our time by ill designing citizens,
the Lords your predecessors thought, four years ago, upon
the means of hindering this Republic from being excluded
from the business of the new world, and from falling
into the disagreeable situation in which the kingdom of
Portugal is at present, considering that according to the
informations of your petitioners, the Congress has excluded
that kingdom from all commerce and business with
North America, solely, because it had perceived that it
suffered itself to be too strongly directed by the influence
of the British Court. This example makes us fear with
reason that if the propositions made, in the name of America,
by Mr. Adams to this Republic, should remain, as
they still are, without an answer, or that, if, contrary to
all expectation, they should be rejected, in that case the
Republic ought not to expect a better treatment.</p>

<p>That, for these reasons and many others, the petitioners
had flattered themselves that we should long ago have
opened negotiations, and a closer correspondence, with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span>
the United States of America. But this important work
appeared to meet with difficulties with some, as incompatible
with the accession of this Republic to the armed
neutrality, and, in course, with the accepted mediation;
whilst that others cannot be persuaded to make this so necessary
step, in the opinion that we cannot draw any advantage,
or at least of much importance, from a more
strict connection with America: Reasons, according to
the petitioners, the frivolity of which is apparent to every
one who is not filled with prejudice, without having occasion
to employ many words to point it out. For, as to the
first point, supposing, for a moment, that it might be made
a question whether the Republic, after her accession to the
armed neutrality, before the war with England, could take
a step of this nature, without renouncing at the same time
the advantages of the armed neutrality which it had embraced;
it is at least very certain, that every difficulty concerning
the competency of the Republic to take a similar
step vanishes and disappears of itself at present, when it
finds itself involved in a war with Great Britain, since
from that moment she could not only demand the assistance
and succour of all the confederates in the armed neutrality,
but that thereby the finds herself authorized, for her
own defence, to employ all sorts of means, violent and
others, which she could not before adopt nor put in use,
while she was really in the position of a neutral power
which would profit of the advantages of the armed neutrality.
This reasoning then proves evidently, that, in
the present situation of affairs, the Republic might acknowledge
the independence of America; and, notwithstanding
this, claim of full right the assistance of her
neutral allies, at least, if we would not maintain one of
the two following absurdities: That, notwithstanding
the violent aggression of England in resentment of our
accession to the armed neutrality, we dare not defend ourselves,
until our confederates shall think proper to come to
our assistance; or, otherwise, that being attacked by the
English, it should be permitted us, conformably to the
rights of the armed neutrality, to resist them in arms,
whether on the Doggers-bank or elsewhere, but not by
contracting alliances, which certainly do no injury or
harm to the convention of the armed neutrality, notwith<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span>standing even the small hope we have of being succored
by the allies of the armed confederation. The argument
of the mediation is still more contrary to common sense
in this, that it supposes, that the Republic, by accepting
the mediation, has also renounced the employment of all
the means, by the way of arms, of alliances, or otherwise,
which it might judge useful or necessary to annoy
her enemy: a supposition, which certainly is destitute of
all foundation, and which would reduce it simply to a real
suspension of hostilities on the part of the Republic only;
to which the Republic can never have consented, neither
directly nor indirectly.</p>

<p>Besides this last argument, the petitioners ought to observe,
in the first place, that by means of a good harmony
and friendship with the United States of America, there
will spring up, not only different sources of business for
this Republic, founded solely on commerce and navigation,
but in particular the manufactures and trade will
assume a new activity in the interior cities; for they may
consume the amount of millions of our manufactures in
that new country, of so vast extent: In the second place,
abstracted from all interests of commerce, the friendship
or the enmity of a nation, which, after having made prisoners
of two English armies, has known how to render
herself respectable and formidable, if it were only in relation
to the western possessions of this State, is not and
cannot be in any manner indifferent for our Republic.
In the last place, it is necessary that the petitioners remark
farther in this respect, that several inhabitants of this Republic,
in the present situation of affairs, suffer very considerable
losses and damages, which at least hereafter might
be wholly prevented, or in part, in case we should make
with the United States of America, with relation to
vessels and effects recaptured, a convention similar to that
which has been made with the Crown of France the last
year; for, venerable Regents, if a convention of this
nature had been contracted in the beginning of this war,
the inhabitants of the Republic would have already derived
important advantages from it, considering that several
ships and cargoes, taken by the English from the inhabitants
of this State, have fallen into the hands of the Americans;
among others, two vessels from the West Indies,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span>
richly loaded, and making sail for the ports of the Republic,
and both estimated at more than a million of florins
of Holland; which, captured by the English at the
commencement of the year past, were carried into North
America, where, after the capitulation of General Cornwallis,
they passed from the hands of the English into
others.</p>

<p>That, although the petitioners are fully convinced, that
the interests of the commerce of this common country,
and of this city, have constantly, but especially in these
last years, attracted, and still attract every day, a great part
of the cares of the venerable Regency; nevertheless,
having regard to the importance of the affair, the petitioners
have thought that they might, and that they ought
to take the liberty to address themselves with this petition
to you, venerable Regents, to inform you, according to
truth, that the moments are precious, that we cannot lose
any time, how little soever it may be, without running the
greatest risque of losing all; since, by hesitating longer,
the Republic, according to all appearances, would not derive
any advantage, not even more than it has derived
from its accession to the armed neutrality; because that in
the fear of British menaces, we did not determine to accede
to it, until the opportunity of improving the advantage
of it was passed.</p>

<p>For these causes, the petitioners address themselves to
you, venerable Regents, respectfully soliciting, that your
efficacious influence may condescend, at the Assembly of
their noble and grand Mightinesses the States of this Province,
to direct affairs in such a manner, that upon this important
object there may be taken as soon as possible, and,
if possible, even during the continuance of this Assembly,
a final and decisive resolution, such as you, venerable Regents,
and their noble and grand Mightinesses, according
to their high wisdom, shall judge the most convenient:
and if, contrary to all expectation, this important operation
should meet with any obstacle on the part of one or
more of the confederates, that in that case you, venerable
Regents, in concert with the Province of Friesland, and
those of the other Provinces who make no difficulty to
open a negotiation with America, will condescend to
consider the means, which shall be found proper and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span>
convenient to effectuate, that the commerce of this
Province, as well as that of Friesland, and the other
members adopting the same opinion, may not be prejudiced
by any dilatory deliberations, nor too late resolved,
for the conclusion of a measure as important as
necessary.</p>

<p class="center">So doing, &amp;c.</p>

<hr />


<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span></p>


<h2>AMSTERDAM</h2>

<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Address</span> <i>of the Merchants, &amp;c. to their Regency</i>.</p>


<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Noble, great, and venerable Lords!</span></p></blockquote>

<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">It</span> is for us a particular satisfaction to be able to offer
to your noble and great lordships, as heads of the regency
of this city, this well intentioned address that a
multitude of our most respectable fellow-citizens have
signed. It was already prepared and signed by many,
when we learned, as well by the public papers as otherwise,
the propositions of a particular peace, with an offer
of an immediate suspension of hostilities on the part of
Great-Britain, made to this state by the mediation of the
Russian ambassador. This is the only reason why no
immediate mention was made of it in the address itself.
It is by no means the idea, that these offers would have
made any impression upon the merchants; since we can,
on the contrary, in truth assure your noble and great
Lordships, that the unanimous sentiment nearly of the Exchange
of Amsterdam, as much as that is interested in it,
is entirely conformable to that which the merchants of
Rotterdam have made known in so energetic a manner:
that consequently we have the greatest aversion to like
offers, as artful as dangerous, which, being adopted,
would very probably throw this Republic into other situations
very embarrassing, the immediate consequences of
which would be, to ruin it totally: whereas, on the other
hand, these offers shew that we have only to deal with
an enemy exhausted; whom we could force to a general
and durable peace in the end, by following only the example
of France, Spain, and North America; and by using
the means which are in our hands.</p>

<p>It is improper for us, however, to enlarge farther upon
this project, important as it may be, being well assured,
that your noble and great Lordships see those grievous
consequences more clearly than we can trace them.</p>

<p>The merchants continue to recommend their commerce<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span>
and navigation to the constant care and protection of your
noble and great Lordships, and to insist only, that in case
these offers of the court of England should be, at any
time, the cause that the affair of the admission of Mr.
Adams, in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
States of America, should meet with any difficulty or
delay on the part of the other confederates, that your
noble and great lordships, conformably to the second article
of our requisition, inserted in this request, would have
the goodness to think upon measures which would secure
this province from the ruinous consequences of such a
proceeding.</p>


<p><br /><i>To the foregoing was joined the Address presented
to the Burgomasters and the Council, which is of the
following tenor.</i></p>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Noble, great, venerable, and noble and
venerable Lords!</span></p></blockquote>

<p>The undersigned merchants, citizens, and inhabitants
of the city of Amsterdam, have learned with an inexpressible
joy, the news of the resolution taken the 28th of
March last by their noble and grand Mightinesses, the
lords the States of Holland and West-Friesland. Their
noble and grand Mightinesses have thereby not only satisfied
the general wishes of the greatest and best part of
the inhabitants of this province, but they have laid the
foundations of ulteriour alliances and correspondencies of
friendship and of good understanding with the United
States of America, which promise new life to the languishing
state of our commerce, navigation, and manufactures.
The unanimity with which that resolution was
decided in the assembly of Holland, gives us grounds to
hope that the States of the other provinces will not delay
to take a similar resolution; whilst the same unanimity
fills with the most lively satisfaction the well intentioned
inhabitants of this city, and without doubt those of the
whole country, in convincing them fully that the union<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span>
among the sage and venerable fathers of the country increases
more and more; whilst that the promptness and
activity with which it hath been concluded, make us hope,
with reason, that we shall reap, in time, from a step so
important and so necessary for this Republic, the desired
fruits. Who then can call in question, or disavow that
the moment seems to approach nearer and nearer, when
this Republic shall enter into new relations with a people,
who find themselves in circumstances which differ but little
from those in which our ancestors found themselves two
centuries ago, with a people which conciliates more and
more the general affection and esteem.</p>

<p>The conformity of religion and government, which is
found between us and America, joined to the indubitable
marks that she hath already long since given of the preference
that she feels for our friendship, makes the undersigned
not only suppose, but inspires them with a confidence
that our connections with her will be equally solid,
advantageous, and salutary to the interests of the two
nations. The well-being and prosperity which will very
probably result from them; the part which you noble,
great, venerable, and noble and venerable lords, have had
in the conclusion of a resolution so remarkable; the conviction
that the venerable council of this city had of it,
upon the proposition of the noble, great, and venerable
Lords, almost consented to, before the request relative to
this project presented not long since to you, noble, great,
and venerable Lords, had come to the knowledge of the
council; finally the remembrance of that which was done
upon this matter in the year 1778, with the best intentions
and the most laudable views, finding itself at present
crowned with an approbation as public as it is general,
indispensibly oblige the undersigned to approach you with
this address; not only to congratulate you upon so remarkable
an event, but to thank you at the same time
with as much zeal as solemnity, for all those well intentioned
cares, and those well concerted measures, for that
inflexible attachment, and that faithful adherence to the
true interests of the country in general, and of this city
in particular, which manifest themselves in so striking a
manner, in all the proceedings and resolutions of your
noble, great, and venerable Lordships, and of the venera<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span>ble
council of this city, and which certainly will attract
the esteem and veneration of the latest posterity, when
comparing the annals and events of the present with those
of former times, it shall discover that Amsterdam might
still boast itself of possessing patriots who dared sacrifice
generously all views of private interests, of grandeur and
consideration to the sacred obligations that their country
requires of them.</p>

<p>We flatter ourselves, noble, great, venerable, noble
and venerable Lords, that the present public demonstration
of our esteem and attachment will be so much the more
agreeable, as it is more rare in our republic, and perhaps
even it is without example; and as it is more proper to
efface all the odious impressions that the calumny and
malignity of the English ministry, not long ago so servilely
adored by many, but whose downfal is at present
consummated, had endeavoured to spread, particularly a
little before and at the beginning of this war, insinuations,
which have since found partisans in the United Provinces,
among those who have not been ashamed to paint the
Exchange of Amsterdam (that is to say the most respectable
and the most useful part of the citizens of this city,
and at the same time the principal support of the well-being
of the United Provinces) as if it consisted in a great
part of a contemptible herd of vile interested souls, having
no other object than to give loose to their avidity, and
to their desire of amassing treasures, in defrauding the
public revenues, and in transporting articles, against the
faith of treaties; calumniators, who have had at the same
time, and have still the audacity to affront the most upright
regency of the most considerable city of the Republic,
and to expose it to public contempt, as if it participated
by connivance, and otherwise, in so shameful a
commerce; insinuations and accusations which have been
spread with as much falshood as wickedness, and which
ought to excite so much the more the indignation of every
sensible heart, when it is considered that not only the
merchants of this city, but also those of the whole Republic
have so inviolably respected the faith of treaties
that, to the astonishment of every impartial man, one cannot
produce any proofs, at least no sufficient proofs; that
there hath ever been transported from this country con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span>traband
merchandizes; whilst that the conjuncture in
which imputations of this kind have been spread rendered
the proceeding still more odious, seeing it has been
done at an epoch when the commerce and navigation of
Amsterdam, and of the whole Republic, would have experienced
the first and almost the only attack of an unjust
and perfidious ally, for want of necessary protection, upon
which you, noble, great, venerable, and noble and venerable
Lords, have so often and so seriously insisted, even
before the commencement of the troubles between Great
Britain and the United States of America; at an epoch,
when the merchant, formed for enterprises, was obliged
to see the fruit of his labour, and of his cares, the recompence
of his indefatigable industry, and the patrimony
destined to his posterity, ravished from his hands by foreign
violence and an unbounded rapacity; at an epoch
finally, when the wise and prudent politicians, who had
exhausted themselves and spared no pains for the public
good, saw their patriotic views dissipated, and their projects
vanish.</p>

<p>Receive then, noble, great, venerable, and noble and
venerable Lords, this solemn testimony of our lively
gratitude, as graciously as it is given sincerely on our
part. Receive it as a proof of our attachment to your
persons; an attachment which is not founded upon fear,
nor an exteriour representation of authority and grandeur,
but which is founded on more noble and immoveable
principles, those of esteem and respect, arising from a
sentiment of true greatness and of generosity. Be assured
that when contemptible discord, with its odious attendants,
artifice and imposture, could effectuate nothing, absolutely
nothing, at the moment when the present war
broke out, to prejudice in the least the fidelity of the
Citizens of the Amstel, or to shake them in the observance
of their duties; the inconveniencies and the evils that a
war naturally and necessarily draws after it will not produce
the effect neither. Yes, we will submit more willingly
to them, according as we shall perceive that the
means that <span class="smcap">God</span> and Nature have put into our hands
are more and more employed to reduce and humble an
haughty enemy. Continue then, noble, great, venerable,
noble and venerable Lords, to proceed with safety in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span>
road that you follow, the only one, which in our opinion
can, under the divine benediction, tend to save the country
from its present situation. Let nothing divert or intimidate
you from it. You have already surmounted the
greatest difficulties, and the most pointed cares. A more
pleasing perspective already opens. Great Britain, not
long since so proud of her forces, that she feared not to
declare war against an ancient and faithful Ally, already
repents of that unjust and rash proceeding; and, succumbing
under the weight of a war, which becomes more and
more burthensome, she sighs after peace; whilst that
the harmony among the members of the supreme Government
of this country increases with our arms, according
as your political system, whose necessity and salutary influence
were heretofore less acknowledged, gains every
day more numerous imitators. The resolution lately
taken by the States of Friesland, and so unanimously
adopted by our Province, furnishes, among many others,
one incontestible proof of it; whilst the naval combat
fought the last year on Doggersbank, hath shewn to
astonished Europe, that so long a peace hath not made
the Republic forget the management of arms, but that,
on the contrary, it nourishes in its bosom warriors who
tread in the footsteps of the <i>Tromps</i> and <i>Ruiters</i>, from whose
prudence and intrepidity, after a beginning so glorious,
we may promise ourselves the most heroic actions; that
their invincible courage, little affected with an evident
superiority, will procure, one day, to our country an honourable
and permanent peace, which, in eternizing their
military glory, will cause the wise policy of your noble,
great, venerable, and noble and venerable Lordships, to
be blessed by the latest posterity.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span></p>


<h2>UTRECHT.</h2>

<p class="center"><i>24th April, 1782.</i></p>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">To their noble Mightinesses, the Lords the
States of the Country of Utrecht</span>.</p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">The</span> undersigned manufacturers, merchants, and other
traders of this City give, with due respect, to understand,
that the petitioners, placing their confidence in
the interest that your noble Mightinesses have always appeared
to take in the advancement of manufactures and
commerce, have not been at all scrupulous to recommend
to the vigilant attention of your noble Mightinessess, the
favourable occasion that offers itself in this moment, to
revive the manufactures, commerce, and trades fallen
into decay in this City and Province, in case that your
noble Mightinesses acknowledged, in the name of this
City, Mr. Adams as Minister Plenipotentiary of the
United States of America, to the end that there might
be formed with them a treaty of commerce for this Republic.
As the petitioners founded themselves thus upon
the intimate sentiment of the execution of that which
your noble Mightinesses judge proper to the advancement
of the well-being of the petitioners and of their interests,
the petitioners have further the satisfaction of seeing the
most agreeable proofs of it, when your noble Mightinesses,
in your last Assembly, resolved unanimously to consent,
not only to the admission of Mr. Adams in quality of
Minister of the Congress of North America, but to authorise
the Lords the Deputies of this Province at the
Generality, to conform themselves in the name of this
Province, to the resolutions of the Lords the States of
Holland and West Friesland, and of Friesland; and, doing
this, to consent to the acknowledgment and admission
of Mr. Adams, as Minister of the United States of America.
As that resolution furnishes the proofs the best
intentioned, the most patriotic, for the advancement of
that which may serve to the well-being and to the encouragement
of manufactures, of commerce, and of de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span>cayed
trades, as well in general, as of this City and Province
in particular, and which had been so ardently desired;
the petitioners think themselves indispensibly
obliged to testify, in the most respectful manner, their
gratitude for it to your noble Mightinesses. The petitioners
find themselves absolutely unable to express, in
words, the general satisfaction that this event hath caused;
not only to them; but also to the great and small of this
Province; joined to the confirmation of the perfect conviction
in which they repose themselves, also, for the future,
upon the paternal care of your noble Mightinesses,
that the consummation of the desired treaty of commerce
with the Americans may be soon effected. The petitioners
attest by the present, before your noble Mightinesses, their
solemn and well-meant gratitude, which they address at
the same time to your noble Mightinesses, as the most
sincere mark of veneration and respect for the persons,
and the direction of public affairs, of your noble Mightinesses;
praying that Almighty God may deign to bless
the efforts and the councils of your noble Mightinesses,
as well as those of the Confederates; that moreover this
Province, and our dear country, by the propositions of
an Armistice, and that which depends thereon, should
not be involved in any negotiations for a particular peace
with our perfidious enemy, but that we obtain no other
peace than a general peace, which (as your noble Mightinesses
express yourselves in your resolution) may be compatible
with their honour and dignity; and serve not only
for this generation, but also for the latest posterity, as a
monument of glory, of eternal gratitude to, and esteem
for the persons and public administration of the present
time.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span></p>


<h2>FRIESLAND.</h2>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Extract</span> <i>from the Register-Book of the Lords the
States of Friesland</i>.</p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">The</span> requisition of Mr. Adams, for presenting his letters
of credence from the United States of America
to their High Mightinesses, having been brought into the
assembly, and put into deliberation, as also the ulteriour
address to the same purpose, with a demand of a categorical
answer, made by him, as is more amply mentioned
in the minutes of their High Mightinesses of the 4th of
May, 1781, and the 9th of January, 1782; whereupon
it having been taken into consideration that the said Mr.
Adams would probably have some propositions to make to
their High Mightinesses, and to present to them the principle
articles and foundations upon which the Congress,
on their part, would enter into a treaty of commerce and
friendship, or other affairs to propose, in regard to which
dispatch would be requisite.</p>

<p>It has been thought fit and resolved to authorize the
Lords the Deputies of this Province at the Generality, and
to instruct them to direct things, at the table of their
High Mightinesses, in such a manner that the said Mr.
Adams be admitted forthwith as Minister of the Congress
of North America; with further order to the said Deputies
that if there should be made moreover any similar
propositions by the same, to inform immediately their
noble Mightinesses of them. And an extract of the present
resolution shall be sent them for their information,
that they may conduct themselves conformably.</p>

<p>Thus resolved at the Province House the 26th February,
1782.</p>

<p>Compared with the aforesaid book to my knowledge.</p>

<p><i>Signed</i></p>

<div class="right"><span class="smcap">A. J. V. Sminia</span>.</div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span></p>


<h2>HOLLAND<br />

AND<br />

WESTFRIESLAND.</h2>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Extract</span> <i>of the Resolutions of the Lords the States of
Holland and Westfriesland, taken in the Assembly of their
Noble and Grand Mightinesses, Thursday 28th March,
1782</i>.</p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">Deliberated</span> by resumption upon the address
and the ulteriour address of Mr. Adams, made the
4th of May, 1781, and the 9th of January, 1782, to the
President of the States General, communicated to the
Assembly the 9th May, 1781, and the 22d of last month,
to present his letters of credence, in the name of the United
States of America, to their High Mightinesses; by which
ulteriour address, the said Mr. Adams hath demanded a
categorical answer, that he may acquaint his constituents
thereof: deliberated also upon the petitions of a great
number of merchants, manufacturers and other inhabitants
of this Province, interested in commerce to support
their request presented to the States General, the twentieth
current, to the end, that efficacious measures might be
taken to establish a commerce between this country and
North America, copy of which petitions have been given
to the members, the twenty-first; it hath been thought fit
and resolved that the affair shall be directed on the part of
their noble and grand Mightinesses, at the assembly of the
States General, and that there shall be made the strongest
instances that Mr. Adams be admitted and acknowledged,
as soon as possible, by their High Mightinesses, in quality
of Ambassador of the United States of America. And
the Counsellor Pensionary hath been charged to inform
under hand the said Mr. Adams of this resolution of their
noble and grand Mightinesses.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span></p>


<h2>ZEALAND.</h2>


<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Extract</span> <i>of the Resolutions of their High Mightinesses
the States General of the United Provinces. Monday
8th April, 1782</i>.</p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">The</span> Deputies of the Province of Zealand have brought
to the Assembly, and have caused to be read there,
the resolution of the States of the said Province, their
principals, to cause to be admitted, as soon as possible,
Mr. Adams in quality of Ambassador of the Congress of
North America, according to the following resolution.</p>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Extract</span> <i>from the Register of the Resolutions of the
Lords the States of Zealand, 4th of April, 1782</i>.</p></blockquote>


<p>It hath been thought fit and ordered, that the Lords,
the ordinary Deputies of this Province at the Generality,
shall be authorised, as it is done by the present, to assist, in
the direction of affairs at the Assembly of their High
Mightinesses, in such a manner, that Mr. Adams may be
acknowledged, as soon as possible, as Ambassador of the
Congress of North America; that his letters of credence
be accepted; and that he be admitted in that quality, according
to the ordinary form; enjoining further upon the
said Lords the ordinary Deputies, to take such propositions,
as should be made to this Republic by the said Mr.
Adams, for the information and deliberation of their
High Mightinesses, to the end to transmit them here as
soon as possible. And an extract of this resolution of their
noble Mightinesses shall be sent to the Lords, their ordinary
Deputies, to serve them as an instruction.</p>

<p><i>Signed</i></p>

<div class="right"><span class="smcap">J. M. Chalmers</span>.<br /></div>

<p>Upon which having deliberated, it hath been thought
fit and resolved to pray, by the present, the Lords the Deputies
of the Province of Guelderland, Utrecht, and
Groningen and Ommelanden, who have not yet explained
themselves upon the subject, to be pleased to do it as soon
as possible.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span></p>


<h2>OVERYSSEL.</h2>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Extract</span> <i>from the Register of the Resolutions of the
Equestrian Order, and of the Cities composing the States of
Overyssel. Zwoll, 5th April, 1782.</i></p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">Mr.</span> the Grand Bailiff of Saalland, and the other Commissioners
of their noble Mightinesses for the affairs
of finance, having examined, conformably to their commissorial
resolution of the third of this month, the addresses
of Mr. Adams, communicated to the Assembly the 4th of
May, 1781, and the 22d of February, 1782, to present
his letters of credence to their High Mightinesses, in the
name of the United States of America; as well as the
resolution of the Lords the States of Holland and Westfriesland,
dated the 28th of March, 1782, carried the
29th of the same month to the Assembly of their High
Mightinesses, for the admission and acknowledgment of
Mr. Adams, have reported to the Assembly, that they
should be of opinion, that the Lords the Deputies of this
Province in the States General ought to be authorised and
charged to declare in the Assembly of their High Mightinesses,
that the Equestrian order and the Cities judge that
it is proper to acknowledge, as soon as possible, Mr.
Adams in quality of Minister of the United States of
North America to their High Mightinesses. Upon which,
having deliberated, the Equestrian order and the Cities
have conformed themselves to the said report.</p>

<p>Compared with the aforesaid Register.</p>

<p><i>Signed</i></p>

<div class="right"><span class="smcap">Derk Dunbar</span>.</div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span></p>


<h2>GRONINGEN.</h2>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Extract</span> <i>from the Register of the Resolutions of their
noble Mightinesses, the States of Groningen and Ommelanden.
Tuesday 9th April, 1782.</i></p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">The</span> Lords the States of Groningen and Ommelanden,
having heard the report of the Lords the Commissioners
for the petitions of the Council of State and the
Finances of the Province, and having carefully examined
the demand of Mr. Adams, to present his letters of credence
from the United States of America to their High
Mightinesses, have, after deliberation upon the subject,
declared themselves of opinion, that in the critical circumstances
in which the Republic finds itself at present,
it is proper to take, without loss of time, such efficacious
measures, as may not only repair the losses and damages
that the kingdom of Great Britain hath caused in a
manner so unjust, and against every shadow of right, to
the commerce of the Republic, as well before as after the
war, but particularly such as may establish the free navigation
and the commerce of the Republic, for the future,
upon on the most solid foundations, as may confirm and re-assure
it, by the strongest bonds of reciprocal interest;
and that, in consequence, the Lords the Deputies at the
Assembly of their High Mightinesses ought to be authorised,
on the part of the Province, as they are by the present,
to admit Mr. Adams to present his letters of credence
from the United States of America, and to receive
the propositions which he shall make, to make report of
them to the Lords the States of this Province.</p>

<p><i>Signed</i></p>

<div class="right"><span class="smcap">E. Lewe</span>, Secretary.<br /></div>

<p><br />The States General, having deliberated the same day
upon the resolution, have resolved, that the Deputies of
this Province of Guelderland, which has not yet declared
itself upon the same subject, should be requested, to be
pleased to do it as soon as possible.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span></p>


<h2>UTRECHT.</h2>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Extract</span> <i>of the Resolutions of their noble Mightinesses, the
States of the Province of Utrecht, 10 April 1782</i>.</p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">Heard</span> the report of Mr. De Westerveld and other
deputies of their noble Mightinesses for the department
of war, who, in virtue of the commissorial resolutions
of the 9th of May 1781, 16th January and 20th March
of the present year 1782, have examined the resolutions
of their High Mightinesses of the 4th of May 1781, containing
an overture, that Mr. the President of the Assembly
of their High Mightinesses had made, "that a person
styling himself J. Adams had been with him, and had
given him to understand, that he had received letters of
credence for their High Mightinesses from the United
States of America, with a request, that he would be
pleased to communicate them to their High Mightinesses;
as well as the resolution of their High Mightinesses of the
9th of January, containing an ulteriour overture of Mr.
the President, that the said Mr. Adams had been with
him, and had insisted upon a categorical answer, whether
his said letters of credence would be accepted or not;
finally the resolution of their High Mightinesses of the 5th
of March last, with the insertion of the resolution of
Friesland, containing a proposition to admit Mr. Adams
in quality of Minister of the Congress of North America."</p>

<p>Upon which having deliberated, and remarked that
the Lords the States of Holland and West Friesland, by
their resolution carried the 29th of March to the States
General, have also consented to the admission of the said
Mr. Adams in quality of minister of the Congress of
North America, it hath been thought fit and resolved,
that the Lords the Deputies of this Province in the States
General should be authorised, as their noble Mightinesses
authorise them by the present, to conform themselves, in
the name of this Province, to the resolution of the Lords
the States of Holland and Westfriesland, and of Friesland,
and to consent by consequence, that Mr. Adams be ac<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span>knowledged and admitted as Minister of the United States
of America; their noble Mightinesses being, in the mean
time, of opinion, that it would be necessary to acquaint
her Majesty the Empress of Russia, and the other Neutral
Powers, with the resolution to be taken by their High
Mightinesses upon this subject, in communicating to them,
as much as shall be necessary, the reasons which have
induced their High Mightinesses to it, and giving them
the strongest assurances that the intention of their High
Mightinesses is by no means to prolong thereby the war,
which they would have willingly prevented and terminated
long since; but on the contrary, that their High Mightinesses
with nothing with more ardor, than a prompt
re-establishment of peace; and that they shall be always
ready, on their part, to co-operate in it, in all possible
ways, and with a suitable readiness, so far as that shall be
any way compatible with their honour and their dignity,
and for this end an extract of this shall be carried by
Missive to the Lords the Deputies at the Generality.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span></p>


<h2>GUELDERLAND.</h2>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Extract</span> <i>from the Recès of the ordinary Diet, holden in the
City of Nimeguen, in the Month of April 1782. Wednesday,
17 April 1782.</i></p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">The</span> requisition of Mr. Adams, to present his letters
of credence to their High Mightinesses in the name
of the United States of America, having been brought to
the assembly and read, as well as an ulteriour address
made upon this subject, with a demand of a categorical
answer by the said Mr. Adams, more amply mentioned
in the registers of their High Mightinesses of the date of
the 4th of May 1781, and of the 9th of January 1782;
moreover the resolutions of the Lords the States of the
five other provinces, carried successively to the assembly
of their High Mightinesses, and all tending to admit Mr.
Adams in quality of Ambassador of the United States of
America to this Republic; upon which their noble Mightinesses,
after deliberation, have resolved to authorise the
deputies of this Province at the States General, as they
authorise them by the present, to conform themselves in
the name of this Province to the resolution of the Lords
the States of Holland and Westfriesland, and to consent,
by consequence, that Mr. Adams may be acknowledged
and admitted in quality of Ambassador of the United States
of America to this Republic. In consequence, an extract
of the present shall be sent to the said Deputies, to make as
soon as possible the requisite overture of it to the assembly
of their High Mightinesses.</p>

<p>In fidem extracti.<br />
<i>Signed</i></p>

<div class="right"><span class="smcap">J. In de Betouw</span>.</div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span></p>


<h2>THE<br />
STATES GENERAL.</h2>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Extract</span> <i>from the Register of the Resolutions of their High
Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces.
Friday 19 April, 1782.</i></p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">Deliberated</span> by resumption, upon the address
and the ulteriour address, made by Mr. Adams the
4th of May 1781, and the 9th of January of the current
year to Mr. the President of the Assembly of their High
Mightinesses, to present to their High Mightinesses his
letters of credence in the name of the United States of
North America; and by which ulteriour address the said
Mr. Adams hath demanded a categorical answer, to the
end to be able to acquaint his Constituents thereof; it hath
been thought fit and resolved that Mr. Adams shall be
admitted and acknowledged in quality of Ambassador of
the United States of North America to their High
Mightinesses, as he is admitted and acknowledged by the
present.</p>

<p><i>Signed</i></p>

<div class="right"><span class="smcap">W. Boreel</span>, <i>President</i>.<br /></div>

<p><i>Lower down</i></p>

<p class="center">Compared with the aforesaid Register.
<br />
<i>Signed</i></p>

<div class="right"><span class="smcap">H. Fagel</span>.</div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span></p>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Extract</span> <i>from the Register of the Resolutions of their
High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces,
Monday, 22d April, 1782</i>.</p></blockquote>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">Mr. Boreel,</span> who presided in the Assembly the
last week, hath reported to their High Mightinesses,
and notified to them, that Mr. John Adams, Ambassador of
the United States of America, had been with him last
Saturday, and presented to him a letter from the Assembly
of Congress, written at Philadelphia, the first of January,
1781, containing a credence, for the said Mr. Adams,
to the end to reside in quality of its Minister Plenipotentiary
near their High Mightinesses: Upon which having
deliberated, it hath been thought fit and resolved, to declare
by the present: "That the said Mr. Adams is
agreeable to their High Mightinesses; that he shall
be acknowledged in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary;
and that there shall be granted to him an audience,
or assigned Commissioners, when he shall demand it."
Information of the above shall be given to the said Mr.
Adams, by the Agent van der Burch de Spieringshoek.</p>

<p><i>Signed</i></p>

<div class="right"><span class="smcap">W. van Citters</span>, <i>President</i>.<br /></div>

<p><i>Lower down</i></p>

<p class="center">Compared with the aforesaid Register.
<br />
<i>Signed</i></p>

<div class="right"><span class="smcap">H. Fagel</span>.</div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span></p>


<h2>MEDAL.</h2>

<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">To the noble and mighty Lords, the States
of Friesland</span>,</p></blockquote>

<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">The</span> Society of Citizens, established at Leeuwarden,
under the motto, "By Liberty and Zeal," most
humbly represents, that it desires to have an opportunity
of testifying publicly, by facts, to your noble Mightinesses,
the most lively, but, at the same time, the most
respectful sentiments of gratitude, which not only animate
them, but also, as they assure themselves, all the well
intentioned Citizens, especially, with relation to the
resolutions equally important, and full of wisdom; which
your noble Mightinesses have taken upon all the points,
in regard to which the critical circumstances, in which
our dear country finds itself plunged, have furnished to
your noble Mightinesses, objects equally numerous and
disagreeable, particularly, at the ordinary Diet of the year
1782, and at the <ins
title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'extrardinary'">
extraordinary</ins> Diet holden in the month
of April last; resolutions which bear not only the characters
of wisdom, but also those of the best intentioned
solicitude, and the purest love of our country; and which
prove, in the most convincing manner, that your noble
Mightinesses have no greater ambition than its universal
prosperity; assiduously proposing to yourselves, as the
most important object of your attention, of your enterprises,
and of your attachment, the rule, <i>Salus Populi
suprema Lex esto</i>; resolutions, in fine, which ought perfectly
to re-assure the good Citizens of this Province,
and encourage them to persevere in that full and tranquil
confidence which has hindered them from representing
to your noble Mightinesses the true interests of the
country, and to exhort them, at the same time, by their
supplications, to act with courage, and to fulfil their duties;
considering that the said resolutions have fully as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span>sured them, that their possessions, with that which is
above all things dear to them, their Liberty (that right
which is more precious to them than their lives; to
which the smallest injury cannot be done, without doing
wrong and dishonour to humanity; a right, nevertheless,
which, if we consider the world in general, has been,
alas! almost every where equally violated) are deposited
in safety, under the vigilant eye of your noble Mightinesses.</p>

<p>The Society has thought that it might accomplish
its wishes, in the most convenient and decent manner,
in causing to be stricken, at its expence, a Medal of
silver, which may remain to posterity a durable monument
of the perfect harmony which at the present dangerous
epoch has reigned between the government and
the people. It has conceived, for this purpose, a sketch
or project, as yet incomplete, according to which one
of the sides of the Medal should bear the Arms of Friesland,
held by an hand, which descends from the clouds,
with an inscription in the following terms: <i>To the States
of Friesland, in grateful Memory of the Diets of February
and of April, 1782, dedicated by the Society</i> <span class="smcap">Liberty
and Zeal</span>. An inscription, which would thus contain
a general applause of all the resolutions taken in
these two Diets; whilst upon the reverse, one should
distinguish, more particularly, the two events which
interest the most our common country, in regard of
which your noble Mightinesses have given the example
to the States of the other Provinces, and which merit,
for this reason, as placed in the foremost situation, to
shew itself the most clearly to the fight: to wit, "The
admission of Mr. Adams in quality of Minister of the
United States of America to this Republic; and the refusal
of a separate peace with Great Britain." Events
which should be represented symbolically by a Frisian,
dressed according to the ancient characteristic custom
of the Frisians, holding out his right-hand to an inhabitant
of North America, in token of friendship and
brotherly love; whilst with the left-hand he rejects the
peace which England offers him. The whole with such
convenient additions, and symbolical ornaments, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span>
the Society, perhaps, would do well to leave to the invention
of the medalist, &amp;c.</p>

<p>[<i>The remainder of this request relates to other subjects.</i>]</p>

<p class="center">Done at Leeuwarden the 8th May, 1782.<br />
The Society "<span class="smcap">By Liberty and Zeal</span>."</p>

<p><i>Signed at its request</i></p>

<div class="right"><span class="smcap">W. Wopkens</span>,<br />
<i>in the absence of the Secretary</i>.</div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span></p>

<h1><small>AN</small><br />

ESSAY<br />

<small>ON</small><br />

<span class="smcap">Canon and Feudal Law</span>.</h1>

<h2>By JOHN ADAMS,</h2>

<h3>AMBASSADOR PLENIPOTENTIARY</h3>

<h4>FROM THE</h4>

<h3><span class="smcap">United and Independent States of<br />
North America</span>,</h3>

<h4>TO THEIR</h4>

<h3><span class="smcap">High Mightiness the States General of
the United Provinces of Holland</span>.</h3>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span></p>

<h1><small>AN</small><br />

ESSAY<br />

<small>ON</small><br />

<span class="smcap">Canon and Feudal Law</span>.</h1>


<p class="cap"><span class="dcap">"Ignorance</span> and inconsideration, are the two
great causes of the ruin of mankind."&mdash;This is an
observation of Dr. <i>Tillotson</i>, with relation to the interest
of his fellow-men, in a future and immortal state: But
it is of equal truth and importance, if applied to the happiness
of men in society, on this side the grave.&mdash;In the
earliest ages of the world, <i>absolute Monarchy</i> seems to
have been the universal form of government.&mdash;Kings,
and a few of their great counsellors and captains, exercised
a cruel tyranny over the people who held a rank in
the scale of intelligence, in those days, but little higher
than the camels and elephants, that carried them and their
engines to war.</p>

<p>By what causes it was brought to pass, that the people
in the middle ages, became more <i>intelligent</i> in general,
would not perhaps be possible in these days to discover:
But the fact is certain, and wherever a general knowledge
and sensibility have prevailed among the people, arbitrary
government and every kind of oppression have lessened
and disappeared in proportion.&mdash;Man has certainly an
exalted soul! and the same principle in human nature;
that aspiring noble principle, founded in benevolence and
cherished by knowledge; I mean the love of power,
which has been so often the cause of <i>slavery</i>, has, whenever
freedom has existed, been the cause of freedom. If
it is this principle, that has always prompted the princes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span>
and nobles of the earth, by every species of fraud and
violence, to shake off all the limitations of their power;
it is the same that has always stimulated the common
people to aspire at independency, and to endeavour at
confining the power of the great, within the limits of
equity and reason.</p>

<p>The poor people, it is true, have been much less successful
than the great&mdash;They have seldom found either
leisure or opportunity to form an union and exert their
strength&mdash;ignorant as they were of arts and letters, they
have seldom been able to frame and support a regular opposition.
This, however, has been known, by the great,
to be the temper of mankind, and they have accordingly
laboured, in all ages, to wrest from the populace, as they
are contemptuously called, the knowledge of their rights
and wrongs, and the power to assert the former or redress
the latter. I say <span class="smcap">Rights</span>, for such they have, undoubtedly,
antecedent to all earthly government&mdash;<i>Rights</i>, that
cannot be repealed or restrained by human laws&mdash;<i>Rights</i>,
derived from the great Legislator of the universe.</p>

<p>Since the promulgation of christianity, the two greatest
systems of tyranny, that have sprung from this original,
are the <i>cannon</i> and the <i>feudal</i> law&mdash;The desire of dominion,
that great principle by which we have attempted
to account for so much good, and so much evil, is, when
properly restrained, a very useful and noble movement in
the human mind: but when such restraints are taken off,
it becomes an encroaching, grasping, restless and ungovernable
power. Numberless have been the systems of
iniquity, contrived by the great, for the gratification of
this passion in themselves: but in none of them were they
ever more successful, than in the invention and establishment
of the <i>canon</i> and the <i>feudal</i> law.</p>

<p>By the former of these, the most refined, sublime, extensive,
and astonishing constitution of policy, that ever
was conceived by the mind of man, was framed by the
Romish clergy for the aggrandisement of their own order.
All the epithets I have here given to the Romish policy
are just; and will be allowed to be so, when it is considered,
that they even persuaded mankind to believe,
faithfully and undoubtingly, that <span class="smcap">God Almighty</span> had intrusted
them with the keys of heaven, whose gates they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span>
might open and close at pleasure&mdash;with a power of dispensation
over all the rules and obligations of morality&mdash;with
authority to license all sorts of sins and crimes&mdash;with
a power of deposing princes, and absolving subjects
from allegiance&mdash;with a power of procuring or withholding
the rain of heaven, and the beams of the sun&mdash;with
the management of earthquakes, pestilence and famine.&mdash;&mdash;Nay,
with the mysterious, awful, incomprehensible
power of creating out of bread and wine, the flesh
and blood of <span class="smcap">God</span> himself.&mdash;All these opinions they were
enabled to spread and rivet among the people, by reducing
their minds to a state of sordid ignorance and staring
timidity; and by infusing into them a <i>religious</i> horror of
letters and knowledge. Thus was human nature chained
fast for ages, in a cruel, shameful, and deplorable servitude,
to him and his subordinate tyrants; who, it was
foretold, would exalt himself above all that was called
<span class="smcap">God</span>, and that was worshipped.&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p>In the latter we find another system similar in many
respects to the former; which, although it was originally
formed perhaps for the necessary defence of a barbarous
people, against the inroads and invasions of her neighbouring
nations; yet, for the same purposes of tyranny,
cruelty and lust, which had dictated the <i>canon</i> law, it was
soon adopted by almost all the Princes of Europe, and
wrought into the constitutions of their government.&mdash;It
was originally a code of laws, for a vast army in a perpetual
encampment.&mdash;The general was invested with the
sovereign propriety of all the lands within the territory.&mdash;Of
him, his servants and vassals, the first rank of his
great officers held the lands; and in the same manner,
the other subordinate officers held of them; and all ranks
and degrees, held their lands, by a variety of duties and
services, all tending to bind the chains the faster, on
every order of mankind. In this manner, the common
people were holden together, in herds and clans, in a state
of servile dependance on their Lords; bound, even by
the tenure of their lands to follow them, whenever they
commanded, to their wars; and in a state of total ignorance
of every thing divine and human, excepting the use
of arms, and the culture of their lands.</p>

<p>But, another event still more calamitous to human liberty,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span>
was a wicked confederacy, between the two systems
of tyranny above described.&mdash;It seems to have been
even stipulated between them, that the temporal grandees
should contribute every thing in their power to maintain
the ascendency of the priesthood; and that the spiritual
grandees, in, their turn, should employ that ascendency
over the consciences of the people, in impressing on their
minds, a blind, implicit obedience to civil magistracy.&mdash;</p>

<p>Thus, as long as this confederacy lasted, and the people
were held in ignorance; Liberty, and with her,
knowledge, and virtue too, seem to have deserted the
earth; and one age of darkness succeeded another, till
<span class="smcap">God</span>, in his benign Providence, raised up the champions,
who began and conducted the Reformation.&mdash;From the
time of the Reformation, to the first settlement of America,
knowledge gradually spread in Europe, but especially
in England; and in proportion as that increased and
spread among the people, ecclesiastical and civil tyranny,
which I use as synonymous expressions, for the <i>canon</i> and
<i>feudal</i> laws, seem to have lost their strength and weight.
The people grew more and more sensible of the wrong
that was done them, by these systems; more and more
impatient under it; and determined at all hazards to rid
themselves of it; till, at last, under the execrable race of
the Stuarts, the struggle between the people and the
confederacy aforesaid of temporal and spiritual tyranny,
became formidable, violent and bloody.&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p>It was this great struggle that peopled America.&mdash;It
was not religion alone, as is commonly supposed; but it
was a love of <i>universal</i> liberty, and an hatred, a dread,
an horror of the infernal confederacy before described,
that projected, conducted, and accomplished the settlement
of America.&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p>It was a resolution formed by a sensible people, I mean
the <i>Puritans</i> almost in despair. They had become intelligent
in general, and many of them learned.&mdash;For this
fact I have the testimony of Archbishop <i>King</i> himself,
who observed of that people, that they were more intelligent,
and better read than even the members of the
church whom he censures warmly for that reason.&mdash;This
people had been so vexed, and tortured by the powers of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span>
those days, for no other crime than their knowledge, and
their freedom of enquiry and examination; and they had
so much reason to despair of deliverance from those miseries
on that side the ocean, that they at last resolved to
fly to the <i>wilderness</i> for refuge, from the temporal and
spiritual principalities and powers, and plagues, and
scourges of their native country.</p>

<p>After their arrival here, they began their settlement,
and formed their plan both of ecclesiastical and civil government,
in direst opposition to the <i>canon</i> and the <i>feudal</i>
systems.&mdash;&mdash;The leading men among them, both of the
clergy and the laity were men of sense and learning: To
many of them, the historians, orators, poets and philosophers
of Greece and Rome were quite familiar: and
some of them have left libraries that are still in being,
consisting chiefly of volumes, in which the wisdom of
the most enlightened ages and nations is deposited, written
however in languages, which their great grandsons,
<i>though educated in European Universities</i>, can scarcely
read.</p>

<p>Thus accomplished were many of the first planters of
these colonies.&mdash;It may be thought polite and fashionable,
by many modern fine gentlemen, perhaps, to deride the
characters of these persons as enthusiastical, superstitious
and republican: But such ridicule is founded in nothing
but foppery and affectation, and is grosly injurious and
false.&mdash;&mdash;Religious to some degree of enthusiasm, it may
be admitted they were; but this can be no peculiar derogation
from their character, because it was at that time
almost the universal character, not only of England but
of Christendom. Had this however been otherwise, their
enthusiasm, considering the principles in which it was
founded, and the ends to which it was directed, far from
being a reproach to them, was greatly to their honour:
for I believe it will be found universally true, that no
great enterprize, for the honour or happiness of mankind,
was ever <ins
title="Transcriber's note: Archaic spelling of achieved.">atchieved</ins> without a large mixture of that noble
infirmity. Whatever imperfections may be justly ascribed
to them, which however are as few as any mortals have
discovered, their judgment in framing their policy was
founded in wise, humane and benevolent principles. It
was founded in revelation and in reason too: It was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span>
consistent with the principles of the best, and greatest,
and wisest legeslators of antiquity.&mdash;&mdash;Tyranny in every
form, shape and appearance, was their disdain and abhorrence;
no fear of punishment, nor even of death itself,
in exquisite tortures, had been sufficient to conquer that
steady, manly, pertinacious spirit, with which they had
opposed the tyrants of those days, in church and state.
They were very far from being enemies to monarchy;
and they knew as well as any men, the just regard and
honour that is due to the character of a dispenser of the
mysteries of the gospel of grace: But they saw clearly,
that popular powers must be placed as a guard, a controul,
a balance, to the powers of the monarch and the
priest in every government; or else it would soon become
the man of sin, the whore of Babylon, the mystery
of iniquity, a great and detestable system of fraud, violence
and usurpation. Their greatest concern seems to
have been to establish a government of the church more
consistent with the Scriptures, and a government of the
state more agreeable to the dignity of human nature, than
any they had seen in Europe: and to transmit such a government
down to their posterity, with the means of
securing and preserving it for ever. To render the popular
power in their new government as great and wise
as their principles of theory, i. e. as human nature and
the christian religion require it should be, they endeavoured
to remove from it as many of the feudal inequalities
and dependencies as could be spared, consistently
with the preservation of a mild limited monarchy.
And in this they discovered the depth of their wisdom,
and the warmth of their friendship to human nature.&mdash;But
the first place is due to religion.&mdash;&mdash;They saw clearly,
that of all the nonsense and delusion which had ever passed
through the mind of man, none had ever been more extravagant
than the notions of absolutions, indelible characters,
uninterrupted successions, and the rest of those
fantastical ideas, derived from the canon law, which
had thrown such a glare of mystery, sanctity, reverence
and right, reverend eminence, and holiness around the
idea of a priest, as no mortal could deserve and as always
must, from the constitution of human nature, be
dangerous in society. For this reason, they demolished<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span>
the whole system of Diocesan episcopacy, and deriding,
as all reasonable and impartial men must do, the ridiculous
fancies of sanctified effluvia from episcopal fingers,
they established sacerdotal ordination on the foundation of
the Bible and common sense.&mdash;&mdash;This conduct at once
imposed an obligation on the whole body of the clergy,
to industry, virtue, piety and learning; and rendered that
whole body infinitely more independent on the civil
powers, in all respects, than they could be where they
were formed into a scale of subordination, from a Pope
down to Priests and friars and confessors, necessarily and
essentially, a sordid, stupid, and wretched herd; or than
they could be in any other country, where an archbishop
held the place of an universal bishop, and the vicars and
curates that of the ignorant, dependent, miserable rabble
aforesaid; and infinitely more sensible and learned than
they could be in either.&mdash;&mdash;This subject has been seen in
the same light by many illustrious patriots, who have lived
in America, since the days of our forefathers, and who
have adored their memory for the same reason.&mdash;&mdash;And
methinks there has not appeared in New England, a
stronger veneration for their memory, a more penetrating
insight into the grounds and principles and spirit of their
policy, nor a more earnest desire of perpetuating the blessings
of it to posterity, than that fine institution of the
late Chief Justice Dudley, of a lecture against popery,
and on the validity of presbyterian ordination. This was
certainly intended by that wise and excellent man, as an
eternal memento of the wisdom and goodness of the very
principles that settled America. But I must again return
to the feudal law.&mdash;&mdash;The adventurers so often mentioned,
had an utter contempt of all that dark ribaldry
of hereditary indefeasible right,&mdash;the Lord's anointed,&mdash;and
the divine miraculous original of government, with
which the priesthood had inveloped the feudal monarch
in clouds and mysteries, and from whence they had deduced
the most mischievous of all doctrines, that of passive
obedience and non-resistance. They knew that government
was a plain, simple, intelligible thing, founded
in nature and reason, and quite comprehensible by common
sense.&mdash;&mdash;They detested all the base services, and
servile dependencies of the feudal system.&mdash;&mdash;They knew
that no such unworthy dependencies took place in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span>
ancient seats of liberty, the republic of Greece and
Rome: and they thought all such slavish subordinations
were equally inconsistent with the constitution of human
nature, and that religious liberty with which Jesus had
made them free. This was certainly the opinion they
had formed, and they were far from being singular or extravagant
in thinking so.&mdash;&mdash;Many celebrated modern
writers in Europe have espoused the same sentiments.&mdash;Lord
Kaims, a Scottish writer of great reputation, whose
authority in this case ought to have the more weight,
as his countrymen have not the most worthy ideas of liberty,
speaking of the feudal law, says, "A constitution
so contradictory to all the principles which govern mankind,
can never be brought about, one should imagine,
but by foreign conquest or native usurpations." Brit.
Ant. p. 2.&mdash;Rousseau speaking of the same system, calls
it, "That most iniquitous and absurd form of government,
by which human nature was so shamefully degraded."
Social compact, Page 164.&mdash;&mdash;It would be easy
to multiply authorities; but it must be needless, because
as the original of this form of government was among
savages, as the spirit of it is military and despotic, every
writer, who would allow the people to have any right to
life or property or freedom, more than the beasts of the
field, and who was not hired or inlisted under arbitrary
lawless power, has been always willing to admit the feudal
system to be inconsistent with liberty and the rights
of mankind.</p>

<p>To have holden their lands allodially, or for every man
to have been the sovereign lord and proprietor of the
ground he occupied, would have constituted a government,
too nearly like a commonwealth.&mdash;They were
contented, therefore, to hold their lands of their King, as
their sovereign lord, and to him they were willing to render
homage: but to no mesne and subordinate lords, nor
were they willing to submit to any of the baser services.&mdash;In
all this they were so strenuous, that they have even
transmitted to their posterity, a very general contempt and
detestation of holdings by quit rents: As they have also
an hereditary ardour for liberty, and thirst for knowledge.&mdash;</p>

<p>They were convinced by their knowledge of human
nature derived from history and their own experience, that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span>
nothing could preserve their posterity from the encroachments
of the two systems of tyranny, in opposition to
which, as has been observed already, they erected their
government in church and state, but knowledge diffused
generally through the whole body of the people.&mdash;Their
civil and religious principles, therefore, conspired to
prompt them to use every measure, and take every precaution
in their power to propagate and perpetuate knowledge.
For this purpose they laid very early the foundations
of colleges, and invested them with ample privileges
and emoluments; and it is remarkable, that they have left
among their posterity, so universal an affection and veneration
for those seminaries, and for liberal education, that
the meanest of the people contribute chearfully to the support
and maintenance of them every year, and that nothing
is more generally popular than productions for the
honour, reputation, and advantage of those seats of learning.
But the wisdom and benevolence of our fathers
rested not here. They made an early provision by law,
that every town, consisting of so many families, should be
always furnished with a grammar school.&mdash;They made it
a crime for such a town to be destitute of a grammar
school-master for a few months, and subjected it to an
heavy penalty.&mdash;So that the education of all ranks of
people was made the care and expence of the public in a
manner, that I believe has been unknown to any other
people ancient or modern.</p>

<p>The consequences of these establishments we see and
feel every day.&mdash;A native of America who cannot read
and write, is as rare an appearance as a Jacobite, or a Roman
Catholic, i. e. as rare as a comet or an earthquake.&mdash;It
has been observed, that we are all of us lawyers, divines,
politicians, and philosophers.&mdash;And I have good
authorities to say, that all candid foreigners who have
passed through this country, and conversed freely with all
sorts of people here, will allow, that they have never seen
so much knowledge and civility among the common people
in any part or the world.&mdash;It is true there has been
among us a party for some years, consisting chiefly, not of
the descendants of the first settlers of this country, but of
high churchmen and high statesmen, imported since, who
affect to censure this provision for the education of our
youth as a needless expence, and an imposition upon the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span>
rich in favour of the poor;&mdash;and as an institution productive
of idleness and vain speculation among the people,
whose time and attention, it is said, ought to be devoted to
labour, and not to public affairs, or to examination into
the conduct of their superiors. And certain officers of
the crown, and certain other missionaries of ignorance,
foppery, servility, and slavery, have been most inclined to
countenance and encrease the same party.&mdash;Be it remembered,
however, that liberty must at all hazards be supported.
<i>We have a right to it, derived from our</i> <span class="smcap">Maker</span>!
But if we had not, our fathers have earned and bought
it for us at the expence of their ease, their estates, their
pleasure, and their blood.&mdash;And Liberty cannot be preserved
without a general knowledge among the people,
who have a right, from the frame of their nature, to
knowledge, as their great <span class="smcap">Creator</span>, who does nothing in
vain, has given them understandings and a desire to know;
but besides this they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable,
indefeasible, divine right, to that most dreaded and
envied kind of knowledge, I mean of the characters and
conduct of their rulers. <i>Rulers are no more than attornies,
agents, and trustees for the people</i>: and if the
cause, the interest, and trust are insidiously betrayed, or
wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke
the authority that they themselves have deputed, and to
constitute abler and better agents, attornies, and trustees.
And the preservation of the means of knowledge, among
the lowest rank, is of more importance to the public, than
all the property of all the rich men in the country. It is
even of more consequence to the rich themselves, and to
their posterity.&mdash;The only question is, whether it is a public
emolument? and if it is, the rich ought undoubtedly
to contribute in the same proportion as to all other public
burdens, i. e. in proportion to their wealth, which is secured
by public expences.&mdash;But none of the means of information
are more sacred, or have been cherished with
more tenderness and care by the settlers of America, than
the press. Care has been taken that the art of printing
should be encouraged, and that it should be easy and
cheap, and safe for any person to communicate his
thoughts to the Public.&mdash;And you, Messieurs Printers,
whatever the tyrants of the earth may say of your Paper,
have done important service to your country, by your<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span>
readiness and freedom in publishing the speculations of the
curious. The stale, impudent insinuations of slander and
sedition, with which the gormandizers of power have endeavoured
to discredit your Paper, are so much the more
to your honour; for the jaws of power are always opened
to devour, and her arm is always stretched out, if possible
to destroy, the freedom of thinking, speaking, and writing.&mdash;And
if the public interest, liberty and happiness
have been in danger, from the ambition or avarice of any
great man, or number of great men, whatever may be
their politeness, address, learning, ingenuity, and in other
respects integrity and humanity, you have done yourselves
honour, and your country service, by publishing and
pointing out that avarice and ambition.&mdash;These views are
so much the more dangerous and pernicious, for the virtues
with which they may be accompanied in the same
character, and with so much the more watchful jealousy to
be guarded against.</p>

<p>
"Curse on such virtues, they've undone their country."<br />
</p>

<p><i>Be not intimidated, therefore, by any terrors, from
publishing, with the utmost freedom whatever can be warranted
by the laws of your country; nor suffer yourselves
to be wheedled out of your liberty by any pretences of politeness,
delicacy, or decency.</i> These, as they are often
used, are but three different names for hypocrisy, chicanery,
and cowardice. Much less, I presume, will you be
discouraged by any pretences, that malignants on this side
the water<a name="FNanchor_A_1" id="FNanchor_A_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_A_1" class="fnanchor">[A]</a> will represent your Paper as facetious and seditious,
or that the Great on the other side the water will
take offence at them. This dread of representation has
had for a long time in this province effects very similar to
what the physicians call an <i>hydrophobia</i>, or dread of water.&mdash;It
has made us delirious&mdash;and we have rushed headlong
into the water, till we are almost drowned, out of simple
or phrensical fear of it. Believe me, the character of this
country has suffered more in Britain, by the pusillanimity
with which we have borne many insults and indignities
from the creatures of power at home, and the creatures of
those creatures here, than it ever did, or ever will by the
freedom and spirit that has been or will be discovered in
writing or action. Believe me, my countrymen, they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span>
have imbibed an opinion on the other side the water, that
we are an ignorant, a timid, and a stupid people; nay, their
tools on this side have often the impudence to dispute your
bravery.&mdash;But I hope in God the time is near at hand,
when they will be fully convinced of your understanding,
integrity, and courage. But can any thing be more ridiculous,
were it not too provoking to be laughed at, than
to pretend that offence should be taken at home for writings
here?&mdash;Pray let them look at home. Is not the human
understanding exhausted there? Are not reason,
imaginations, wit, passion, senses and all, tortured to find
out satire and invective against the characters of the vile
and futile fellows who sometimes get into place and
power?&mdash;The most exceptionable paper that ever I saw
here is perfect prudence and modesty, in comparison of
multitudes of their applauded writings. Yet the high
regard they have for the freedom of the Press, indulges
all.&mdash;I must and will repeat it, Newspapers deserve the patronage
of every friend to his country. And whether the
defamers of them are arrayed in robes of scarlet or sable,
whether they lurk and skulk in an insurance office, whether
they assume the venerable character of a priest, the sly one
of a scrivener, or the dirty, infamous, abandoned one of
an informer, they are all the creatures and tools of the
lust of domination.&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p>The true source of our sufferings, has been our timidity.</p>

<p>We have been afraid to think.&mdash;We have felt a reluctance
to examining into the grounds of our privileges,
and the extent in which we have an indisputable right to
demand them, against all the power and authority on
earth.&mdash;And many who have not scrupled to examine for
themselves, have yet, for certain prudent reasons, been cautious,
and diffident of declaring the result of their enquiries.</p>

<p>The cause of this timidity is perhaps hereditary, and to
be traced back in history, as far as the cruel treatment the
first settlers of this country received, before their embarkation
for America, from the government at home.&mdash;Every
body knows how dangerous it was, to speak or
write in favour of any thing, in those days, but the triumphant
system of religion and politicks. And our
fathers were, particularly, the objects of the persecutions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span>
and proscriptions of the times.&mdash;It is not unlikely therefore,
that, although they were inflexibly steady in refusing
their positive assent to any thing against their principles,
they might have contracted habits of reserve, and a cautious
diffidence of asserting their opinions publicly.&mdash;These
habits they probably brought with them to America,
and have transmitted down to us.&mdash;Or, we may possibly
account for this appearance, by the great affection
and veneration, Americans have always entertained for
the country from whence they sprang&mdash;or by the quiet
temper for which they have been remarkable, no country
having been less disposed to discontent than this&mdash;or by a
sense they have that it is their duty to acquiesce under the
administration of government, even when in many smaller
matters grievous to them, and until the essentials of the
great compact are destroyed or invaded. These peculiar
causes might operate upon them; but without these, we
all know, that human nature itself, from indolence, modesty,
humanity or fear, has always too much reluctance
to a manly assertion of its rights. Hence perhaps it has
happened, that nine-tenths of the species, are groaning
and gasping in misery and servitude.</p>

<p>But whatever the cause has been, the fact is certain,
we have been excessively cautious of giving offence by
complaining of grievances.&mdash;&mdash;And it is as certain, that
American governors, and their friends, and all the crown
officers, have availed themselves of this disposition in the
people.&mdash;They have prevailed on us to consent to many
things, which were grossly injurious to us, and to surrender
many others with voluntary tameness, to which we
had the clearest right. Have we not been treated formerly,
with abominable insolence, by officers of the
navy?&mdash;&mdash;I mean no insinuation against any gentleman
now on this station, having heard no complaint of any one
of them to his dishonour.&mdash;Have not some generals, from
England, treated us like servants, nay, more like slaves
than like Britons?&mdash;Have we not been under the most
ignominious contribution, the most abject submission, the
most supercilious insults of some custom-house officers?
Have we not been trifled with, browbeaten, and trampled
on, by former governors, in a manner which no King of
England since James the Second has dared to indulge towards
his subjects? Have we not raised up one family,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span>
placed in them an unlimited confidence, and been soothed,
and flattered, and intimidated by their influence, into a
great part of this infamous tameness and submission?&mdash;&mdash;"These
are serious and alarming questions, and deserve a
dispassionate consideration."&mdash;</p>

<p>This disposition has been the great wheel and the main
spring in the American machine of court politics.&mdash;We
have been told, that "the word <i>Rights</i> is an offensive
expression." That "the King, his Ministry, and Parliament,
will not endure to hear Americans talk of their
<i>Rights</i>." That "Britain is the mother and we the children,
that a filial duty and submission is due from us to
her," and that "we ought to doubt our own judgment,
and presume that she is right, even when she seems to us
to shake the foundations of government." That "Britain
is immensely rich, and great, and powerful, has fleets
and armies at her command, which have been the dread
and terror of the universe, and that the will force her own
judgment into execution, right or wrong." But let me
intreat you, Sir, to pause&mdash;Do you consider yourself as a
missionary of loyalty or of rebellion? Are you not representing
your K&mdash;, his Ministry and Parliament, as tyrants,
imperious, unrelenting tyrants, by such reasoning as this?&mdash;Is
not this representing your most gracious Sovereign,
as endeavouring to destroy the foundations of his own
throne?&mdash;Are you not representing every Member of
Parliament as renouncing the transactions at <i>Runyn Mead</i>;
[the meadow, near Windsor, where <i>Magna Charta</i> was
signed,] and as repealing in effect the bill of rights, when
the Lords and Commons asserted and vindicated the rights
of the people and their own rights, and insisted on the
King's assent to that assertion and vindication? Do you
not represent them, as forgetting that the Prince of
Orange was created King William by the People, on purpose
that their rights might be eternal and inviolable?&mdash;Is
there not something extremely fallacious, in the common
place images of mother country and children colonies?
Are we the children of Great Britain, any more
than the cities of London, Exeter and Bath? Are we not
brethren and fellow-subjects, with those in Britain, only
under a somewhat different method of legislation, and a
totally different method of taxation? But admitting we
are children, have not children a right to complain when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span>
their parents are attempting to break their limbs, to administer
poison, or to sell them to enemies for slaves? Let
me intreat you to consider, will the mother be pleased,
when you represent her as deaf to the cries of her children?
When you compare her to the infamous miscreant,
who lately stood on the gallows for starving her
child? When you resemble her to Lady Macbeth in
Shakespear, (I cannot think of it without horror)</p>

<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">Who "had given suck, and knew<br /></span>
<span class="i2">"How tender 'twas to love the babe that milk'd her."<br /></span>
<span class="i0">But yet, who could<br /></span>
<span class="i2">"Even while 'twas smiling in her face,<br /></span>
<span class="i0">"Have pluck'd her nipple from the boneless gums,<br /></span>
<span class="i2">"And dash'd the brains out."<br /></span>
</div></div>

<p>Let us banish for ever from our minds, my countrymen,
all such unworthy ideas of the K&mdash;g, his Ministry, and
Parliament. Let us not suppose, that all are become
luxurious, effeminate and unreasonable, on the other side
the water, as many designing persons would insinuate.
Let us presume, what is in fact true, that the spirit of
liberty is as ardent as ever among the body of the nation,
though a few individuals may be corrupted.&mdash;Let us take
it for granted, that the same great spirit, which once gave
Cæsar so warm a reception; which denounced hostilities
against John, 'till Magna Charta was signed; which
severed the head of Charles the First from his body, and
drove James the Second from his kingdom; the same
great spirit (<span class="smcap">MAY HEAVEN PRESERVE IT TILL THE
EARTH SHALL BE NO MORE!</span>) which first seated the
great grandfather of his present most gracious Majesty
on the throne of Britain, is still alive and active, and
warm in England; and that the same spirit in America,
instead of provoking the inhabitants of that country, will
endear us to them for ever, and secure their good-will.</p>

<p>This spirit, however, without knowledge, would be
little better than a brutal rage.&mdash;&mdash;Let us tenderly and
kindly cherish therefore the means of knowledge. Let us
dare to read, think, speak and write.&mdash;&mdash;Let every order
and degree among the people rouse their attention and
animate their resolution.&mdash;Let them all become attentive
to the grounds and principles of government, ecclesiasti<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span>cal
and civil.&mdash;Let us study the law of nature; search
into the spirit of the British constitution; read the histories
of ancient ages; contemplate the great examples of
Greece and Rome; set before us the conduct of our own
British ancestors, who have defended, for <i>us</i>, the inherent
rights of mankind against foreign and domestic tyrants
and usurpers, against arbitrary kings and cruel priests, in
short against the gates of earth and hell.&mdash;Let us read
and recollect, and impress upon our souls the views and
ends of our own more immediate forefathers, in exchanging
their native country for a dreary, inhospitable wilderness.
Let us examine into the nature of that power,
and the cruelty of that oppression which drove them from
their homes. Recollect their amazing fortitude, their
bitter sufferings! The hunger, the nakedness, the cold,
which they patiently endured! The severe labours of
clearing their grounds, building their houses, raising their
provisions, amidst dangers from wild beasts and savage
men, before they had time or money, or materials for
commerce! Recollect the civil and religious principles,
and hopes, and expectations, which constantly supported
and carried them through all hardships, with patience and
resignation! Let us recollect it was liberty! The hope
of liberty for themselves and us and ours, which conquered
all discouragements, dangers and trials!&mdash;&mdash;In such
researches as these, let us all in our several departments
chearfully engage! But especially the proper patrons and
supporters of law, learning and religion.</p>

<p>Let the pulpit resound with the doctrines and sentiments
of religious liberty.&mdash;&mdash;Let us hear the danger of
thraldom to our consciences, from ignorance, extream
poverty and dependance, in short from civil and political
slavery.&mdash;Let us see delineated before us, the true map
of man. Let us hear the dignity of his nature, and the
noble rank he holds among the works of <span class="smcap">God</span>! that consenting
to slavery is a sacrilegious breach of trust, as offensive
in the sight of <span class="smcap">God</span>, as it is derogatory from our
own honour, or interest or happiness; and that <span class="smcap">God Almighty</span>
has promulgated from heaven, liberty, peace, and
good-will to man!&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p>Let the Bar proclaim, "the laws, the rights, the generous
plan of power," delivered down from remote antiquity;
inform the world of the mighty struggles, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span>
numberless sacrifices, made by our ancestors, in the defence
of freedom.&mdash;Let it be known, that British liberties
are not the grants of princes or parliaments, but original
rights, conditions of original contracts, co-equal
with prerogative, and co-eval with government.&mdash;That
many of our rights are inherent and essential, agreed on
as maxims and established as preliminaries, even before a
parliament existed.&mdash;Let them search for the foundation
of British laws and government in the frame of human
nature, in the constitution of the intellectual and moral
world.&mdash;There let us see, that truth, liberty, justice, and
benevolence, are its everlasting basis; and if these could
be removed, the superstructure is overthrown of course.&mdash;</p>

<p>Let the colleges join their harmony, in the same delightful
concert.&mdash;Let every declamation turn upon the
beauty of liberty and virtue, and the deformity, turpitude
and malignity of slavery and vice.&mdash;Let the public disputations
become researches into the grounds and nature
and ends of government, and the means of preserving
the good and demolishing the evil.&mdash;Let the dialogues
and all the exercises become the instruments of impressing
on the tender mind, and of spreading and distributing,
far and wide, the ideas of right and the sensations
of freedom.</p>

<p>In a word, let every sluice of knowledge be opened
and set a flowing. The encroachments upon liberty, in
the reigns of the first James and the first Charles, by
turning the general attention of learned men to government,
are said to have produced the greatest number of
consummate statesmen, which has ever been seen in any
age, or nation. The Brooke's, Hamden's, Falkland's,
Vane's, Milton's, Nedham's, Harrington's, Neville's,
Sydney's, Locke's, are all said to have owed their eminence
in political knowledge, to the tyrannies of those
reigns. The prospect, now before us, in America, ought,
in the same manner, to engage the attention of every
man of learning to matters of power and of right, that
we may be neither led nor driven blindfolded to irretrievable
destruction.&mdash;&mdash;<i>Nothing less than this seems to have
been meditated for us, by somebody or other in Great
Britain.</i> There seems to be a direct and formal design
on foot, to enslave all America.&mdash;This however must be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span>
done by degrees.&mdash;&mdash;The first step that is intended seems
to be an entire subversion of the whole system of our Fathers,
by the introduction of the canon and feudal law,
into America.&mdash;&mdash;The canon and feudal systems though
greatly mutilated in England, are not yet destroyed.
Like the temples and palaces, in which the great contrivers
of them were once worshiped and inhabited, they exist
in ruins; and much of the domineering spirit of them still
remains.&mdash;The designs and labours of a certain society,
to introduce the former of them into America, have been
well exposed to the public by a writer of great abilities;
and the further attempts to the same purpose that may be
made by that society, or by the ministry or parliament, I
leave to the conjectures of the thoughtful.&mdash;But it seems
very manifest from the Stamp Act itself, that a design is
formed to strip us in a great measure of the means of
knowledge, by loading the Press, the Colleges, and even
an Almanack and a News-Paper, with restraints and
duties; and to introduce the inequalities and dependencies
of the feudal system, by taking from the poorer sort of
people all their little subsistence, and conferring it on a
set of stamp officers, distributors and their deputies.&mdash;But
I must proceed no farther at present.&mdash;The sequel,
whenever I shall find health and leisure to pursue it, will
be a "disquisition of the policy of the stamp act."&mdash;&mdash;In
the mean time, however, let me add, These are not
the vapours of a melancholy mind, nor the effusions of
envy, disappointed ambition, nor of a spirit of opposition
to government: but the emanations of an heart that
burns for its country's welfare. No one of any feeling,
born and educated in this once happy country, can consider
the numerous distresses, the gross indignities, the
barbarous ignorance, the haughty usurpations, that we
have reason to fear are meditating for ourselves, our children,
our neighbours, in short for all our countrymen,
and all their posterity, without the utmost agonies of
heart, and many tears.</p>

<div class="footnote">
   <p>
      <a name="Footnote_A_1" id="Footnote_A_1"></a>
      <a href="#FNanchor_A_1">
         <span class="label">[A]</span></a>
          Boston in America.
   </p>
</div>

<h2>FINIS.</h2>

<hr />

<div class="notes">

<p class="center">Transcriber's Notes</p>

<ol>

<li>18th Century English typography has been modernized for ease of reading, for example: "him&#383;elf" has
been changed to "himself." Spelling conventions of the times have been maintained.</li>
<li>Several misprints and punctuation errors corrected. Hover over
underlined <ins title="Like this">word</ins> in the text to see the corrections made.</li>

</ol>

<p class="center">Corrections</p>

<ul>

<li><a href="#Page_7">Page 7</a>, Added close quotes to end of quotation.</li>
<li><a href="#Page_13">Page 13</a>, "achievements" spelled "atchievements" Left as is.</li>
<li><a href="#Page_26">Page 26</a>, Added close quotes to end of quotation.</li>
<li><a href="#Page_43">Page 43</a>, "necessay" changed to "necessary".</li>
<li><a href="#Page_77">Page 77</a>, "extrardinary" changed to "extraordinary".</li>
<li><a href="#Page_87">Page 87</a>, "achieved" spelled "atchieved" Left as is.</li>

</ul>

</div>








<pre>





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