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<pre>

The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life of Cicero, by Anthony Trollope

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
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with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org


Title: The Life of Cicero
       Volume II.

Author: Anthony Trollope

Release Date: May 3, 2009 [EBook #28676]

Language: English

Character set encoding: UTF-8

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF CICERO ***




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</pre>


<h4><a href="#note">Transcriber's Note:</a></h4>

<h3>THE</h3>

<h1>LIFE OF CICERO</h1>

<h5>BY</h5>

<h3>ANTHONY TROLLOPE</h3>

<h4><i>IN TWO VOLUMES</i><br />
 <span class="smcap">Vol. II.</span></h4>

<h4>NEW YORK<br />
<small>HARPER &amp; BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE</small><br />
 1881</h4>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">
7</a></span></p>

<h2>
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm">
VOLUME I.</a>
</h2>

<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">
5</a></span></p>

<h3>CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.</h3>

<table width="100%" summary="TOC" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="left_90">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="rihht_10">PAGE</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER I.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">His Return From
Exile</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_I">7</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER II.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero, &aelig;tat.</span>
52, 53, 54.</p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_II">38</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER III.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Milo</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_III">59</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER IV.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cilicia</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_IV">76</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER V.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The War between C&aelig;sar
and Pompey</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_V">110</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER VI.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">After the Battle</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_VI">129</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER VII.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Marcellus, Ligarius, and
Deiotarus</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_VII">147</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER VIII.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">C&aelig;sar's
Death</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_VIII">172</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER IX.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The Philippics</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_IX">195</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100"><span class='pagenum'>
<a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span>CHAPTER X.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's Death</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_X">231</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER XI.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's Rhetoric</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_XI">249</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER XII.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's
Philosophy</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_XII">277</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER XIII.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's Moral
Essays</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_XIII">304</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_100">CHAPTER XIV.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's Religion</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_XIV">321</a></p>
</td>
</tr>
</table>

<hr />
<table width="100%" summary="TOC" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">APPENDIX</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#APPENDIX">333</a></p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left_90">
<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">INDEX</span></p>
</td>
<td class="right_10">
<p class="pn"><a href="#INDEX">333</a></p>
</td>
</tr>
</table>

<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">
7</a></span></p>

<h4>THE</h4>

<h2>LIFE OF CICERO.</h2>
<hr />

<h3><a name="Chapter_I" id="Chapter_I"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter I.</span></h3>

<h4><i>HIS RETURN FROM EXILE.</i></h4>

<p>Cicero's life for the next two years was made conspicuous by a
series of speeches which were produced by his exile and his return.
These are remarkable for the praise lavished on himself, and by the
violence with which he attacked his enemies. It must be owned that
never was abuse more abusive, or self-praise uttered in language
more laudatory.<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> Cicero had now done
all that was useful in his public life. The great monuments of his
literature are to come. None of these had as yet been written
except a small portion of his letters&mdash;about a tenth&mdash;and
of these he thought no more in regard to the public than do any
ordinary letter-writers of to-day. Some poems had been produced,
and a history of his own Consulship in Greek; but these are unknown
to us. He had already become the greatest orator, perhaps, of all
time&mdash;and we have many of the speeches spoken by him. Some we
have&mdash;those five, namely, telling the story of
Verres&mdash;not intended to be spoken, but written for the
occasion of the day rather than <span class='pagenum'>
<a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>with a view to permanent
literature. He had been Qu&aelig;stor, &AElig;dile, Pr&aelig;tor,
and Consul, with singular and undeviating success. He had been
honest in the exercise of public functions when to be honest was to
be singular. He had bought golden opinions from all sorts of
people. He had been true to his country, and useful also&mdash;a
combination which it was given to no other public man of those days
to achieve. Having been Pr&aelig;tor and Consul, he had refused the
accustomed rewards, and had abstained from the provinces. His
speeches, with but few exceptions, had hitherto been made in favor
of honesty. They are declamations against injustice, against
bribery, against cruelty, and all on behalf of decent civilized
life. Had he died then, he would not have become the hero of
literature, the marvel among men of letters whom the reading world
admires; but he would have been a great man, and would have saved
himself from the bitterness of C&aelig;sarean tongues.</p>

<p>His public work was in truth done. His further service consisted
of the government of Cilicia for a year&mdash;an employment that
was odious to him, though his performance of it was a blessing to
the province. After that there came the vain struggle with
C&aelig;sar, the attempt to make the best of C&aelig;sar
victorious, the last loud shriek on behalf of the Republic, and
then all was over. The fourteen years of life which yet remained to
him sufficed for erecting that literary monument of which I have
spoken, but his public usefulness was done. To the reader of his
biography it will seem that these coming fourteen years will lack
much of the grace which adorned the last twenty. The biographer
will be driven to make excuses, which he will not do without
believing in the truth of them, but doubting much whether he may
beget belief in others. He thinks that he can see the man passing
from one form to another&mdash;his doubting devotion to Pompey, his
enforced adherence to C&aelig;sar, his passionate opposition to
Antony; but he can still see him true to his country, and ever on
the alert against tyranny and on behalf of pure patriotism.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">
9</a></span>At the present we have to deal with Cicero in no
vacillating spirit, but loudly exultant and loudly censorious.
Within the two years following his return he made a series of
speeches, in all of which we find the altered tone of his mind.
There is no longer that belief in the ultimate success of justice,
and ultimate triumph of the Republic, which glowed in his Verrine
and Catiline orations. He is forced to descend in his aspirations.
It is not whether Rome shall be free, or the bench of justice pure,
but whether Cicero shall be avenged and Gabinius punished. It may
have been right&mdash;it was right&mdash;that Cicero should be
avenged and Gabinius punished; but it must be admitted that the
subjects are less alluring.</p>

<p>His first oration, as generally received, was made to the Senate
in honor of his return. The second was addressed to the people on
the same subject. The third was spoken to the college of priests,
with the view of recovering the ground on which his house had
stood, and which Clodius had attempted to alienate forever by
dedicating it to a pretended religious purpose. The next, as coming
on our list, though not so in time, was addressed again to the
Senate concerning official reports made by the public soothsayers
as interpreters of occult signs, as to whether certain portents had
been sent by the gods to show that Cicero ought not to have back
his house. Before this was made he had defended Sextius, who as
Tribune had been peculiarly serviceable in assisting his return.
This was before a bench of judges; and separated from this, though
made apparently at the same time, is a violent attack upon
Vatinius, one of C&aelig;sar's creatures, who was a witness against
Sextius. Then there is a seventh, regarding the disposition of the
provinces among the Propr&aelig;tors and Proconsuls, the object of
which was to enforce the recall of Piso from Macedonia and Gabinius
from Syria, and to win C&aelig;sar's favor by showing that
C&aelig;sar should be allowed to keep the two Gauls and Illyricum.
To these must be added two others, made within the same period, for
C&aelig;lius and Balbus. The close friendship between Cicero and
the young<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">
10</a></span> man C&aelig;lius was one of the singular details of
the orator's life. Balbus was a Spaniard, attached to C&aelig;sar,
and remarkable as having been the first man not an Italian who
achieved the honor of the Consulship.</p>

<p>It has been disputed whether the first four of these orations
were really the work of Cicero, certain German critics and English
scholars having declared them to be "parum Ciceronias"&mdash;too
little like Cicero. That is the phrase used by Nobbe, who published
a valuable edition of all Cicero's works, after the text of
Ernesti, in a single volume. Mr. Long, in his introduction to these
orations, denounces them in language so strong as to rob them of
all chance of absolute acceptance from those who know the accuracy
of Mr. Long's scholarship.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> There may probably have been subsequent interpolations. The first
of the four, however, is so closely referred to by Cicero himself
in the speech made by him two years subsequently in the defence of
Plancius, that the fact of an address to the Senate in the praise
of those who had assisted him in his return cannot be doubted; and
we are expressly told by the orator that, because of the importance
of the occasion, he had written it out before he spoke it.<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a>
As to the Latinity, it is not within my scope,
nor indeed within my power, to express a confident opinion; but as
to the matter of the speech, I think that Cicero, in his then frame
of mind, might have uttered what is attributed to him. Having said
so much, I shall best continue my narrative by dealing with the
four speeches as though they were genuine.</p>



<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 57,
&aelig;tat. 50.</div>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">
11</a></span>Cicero landed at Brundisium on the 5th of August, the day on
which his recall from exile had been enacted by the people, and
there met his daughter Tullia, who had come to welcome him back to
Italy on that her birthday. But she had come as a widow, having
just lost her first husband, Piso Frugi. At this time she was not
more than nineteen years old. Of Tullia's feelings we know nothing
from her own expressions, as they have not reached us; but from the
warmth of her father's love for her, and by the closeness of their
friendship, we are led to imagine that the joy of her life depended
more on him than on any of her three husbands. She did not live
long with either of them, and died soon after the birth of a child,
having been divorced from the third. I take it, there was much of
triumph in the meeting, though Piso Frugi had died so lately.</p>

<p>The return of Cicero to Rome was altogether triumphant. It must
be remembered that the contemporary accounts we have had of it are
altogether from his own pen. They are taken chiefly from the
orations I have named above, though subsequent allusions to the
glory of his return to Rome are not uncommon in his works. But had
his boasting not been true, the contradictions to them would have
been made in such a way as to have reached our ears. Plutarch,
indeed, declares that Cicero's account of the glory of his return
fell short of the truth.</p>

<p>It may be taken for granted that with that feeble monster, the
citizen populace of Rome, Cicero had again risen to a popularity
equal to that which had been bestowed upon him when he had just
driven Catiline out of Rome. Of what nature were the crowds who
were thus loud in the praise of their great Consul, and as loud
afterward in their rejoicings at the return of the great exile, we
must form our own opinion from circumstantial evidence. There was a
mass of people, with keen ears taking artistic delight in eloquence
and in personal graces, but determined to be idle, and to be fed as
well as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">
12</a></span> amused in their idleness; and there were also vast
bands of men ready to fight&mdash;bands of gladiators they have
been called, though it is probable that but few of them had ever
been trained to the arena&mdash;whose business it was to shout as
well as to fight on behalf of their patrons. We shall not be
justified in supposing that those who on the two occasions named
gave their sweet voices for Cicero were only the well-ordered,
though idle, proportion of the people, whereas they who had voted
against him in favor of Clodius had all been assassins, bullies,
and swordsmen. We shall probably be nearer the mark if we imagine
that the citizens generally were actuated by the prevailing
feelings of their leaders at the moment, but were carried into
enthusiasm when enabled, without detriment to their interests, to
express their feelings for one who was in truth popular with them.
When Cicero, after the death of the five conspirators, declared
that the men "had lived"&mdash;"vixerunt"&mdash;his own power was
sufficient to insure the people that they would be safe in praising
him. When he came back to Rome, Pompey had been urgent for his
return, and C&aelig;sar had acceded to it. When the bill was passed
for banishing him, the Triumvirate had been against him, and
Clodius had been able to hound on his crew. But Milo also had a
crew, and Milo was Cicero's friend. As the Clodian crew helped to
drive Cicero from Rome, so did Milo's crew help to bring him back
again.</p>

<p>Cicero, on reaching Rome, went at once to the Capitol, to the
temple of Jupiter, and there returned thanks for the great thing
that had been done for him. He was accompanied by a vast procession
who from the temple went with him to his brother's house, where he
met his wife, and where he resided for a time. His own house in the
close neighborhood had been destroyed. He reached Rome on the 4th
of September, and on the 5th an opportunity was given to the then
hero of the day for expressing his thanks to the Senate for what
they had done for him. His intellect had not grown rusty in
Macedonia, though he had been idle. On the 5th, Cicero spoke
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span>
to the Senate; on the 6th, to the people. Before the end of the
month he made a much longer speech to the priests in defence of his
own property. Out of the full heart the mouth speaks, and his heart
was very full of the subject.</p>

<p>His first object was to thank the Senate and the leading members
of it for their goodness to him. The glowing language in which this
is done goes against the grain with us when we read continuously
the events of his life as told by himself. His last grievous words
had been expressions of despair addressed to Atticus; now he breaks
out into a p&aelig;an of triumph. We have to remember that eight
months had intervened, and that the time had sufficed to turn
darkness into light. "If I cannot thank you as I ought, O Conscript
Fathers, for the undying favors which you have conferred on me, on
my brother, and my children, ascribe it, I beseech you, to the
greatness of the things you have done for me, and not to the defect
of my virtue." Then he praises the two Consuls, naming them,
Lentulus and Metellus&mdash;Metellus, as the reader will remember,
having till lately been his enemy. He lauds the Pr&aelig;tors and
the Tribunes, two of the latter members having opposed his return;
but he is loudest in praise of Pompey&mdash;that "Sampsiceramus,"
that "Hierosolymarius," that "Arabarches" into whose character he
had seen so clearly when writing from Macedonia to
Atticus&mdash;that "Cn. Pompey who, by his valor, his glory, his
achievements, stands conspicuously the first of all nations, of all
ages, of all history." We cannot but be angry when we read the
words, though we may understand how well he understood that he was
impotent to do anything for the Republic unless he could bring such
a man as Pompey to act with him. We must remember, too, how
impossible it was that one Roman should rise above the falsehood
common to Romans. We cannot ourselves always escape even yet from
the atmosphere of duplicity in which policy delights. He describes
the state of Rome in his absence. "When I was gone, you"&mdash;you,
the Senate&mdash;"could<span class='pagenum'>
<a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span> decree nothing for your citizens, or
for your allies, or for the dependent kings. The judges could give
no judgment; the people could not record their votes; the Senate
availed nothing by its authority. You saw only a silent Forum, a
speechless Senate-house, a city dumb and deserted." We may suppose
that Rome was what Cicero described it to be when he was in exile,
and C&aelig;sar had gone to his provinces; but its condition had
been the result of the crushing tyranny of the Triumvirate rather
than of Cicero's absence.</p>

<p>Lentulus, the present Consul, had been, he says, a second
father, almost a god, to him. But he would not have needed the hand
of a Consul to raise him from the ground, had he not been wounded
by consular hands. Catulus, one of Rome's best citizens, had told
him that though Rome had now and again suffered from a bad Consul,
she had never before been afflicted by two together. While there
was one Consul worthy of the name, Catulus had declared that Cicero
would be safe. But there had come two, two together, whose spirits
had been so narrow, so low, so depraved, so burdened with greed and
ignorance, "that they had been unable to comprehend, much less to
sustain the splendor of the name of Consul. Not Consuls were they,
but buyers and sellers of provinces." These were Piso and Gabinius,
of whom the former was now governor of Macedonia, and the latter of
Syria. Cicero's scorn against these men, who as Consuls had
permitted his exile, became a passion with him. His subsequent
hatred of Antony was not as bitter. He had come there to thank the
assembled Senators for their care of him, but he is carried off so
violently by his anger that he devotes a considerable portion of
his speech to these indignant utterances. The reader does not
regret it. Abuse makes better reading than praise, has a stronger
vitality, and seems, alas, to come more thoroughly from the heart!
Those who think that genuine invective has its charms would ill
spare Piso and Gabinius.</p>

<p>He goes back to his eulogy, and names various Pr&aelig;tors
and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">
15</a></span> officers who have worked on his behalf. Then he
declares that by the view of the present Consul, Lentulus, a decree
has been passed in his favor more glorious than has been awarded to
any other single Roman citizen&mdash;namely that from all Italy
those who wished well to their country should be collected together
for the purpose of bringing him back from his banishment&mdash;him,
Cicero. There is much in this in praise of Lentulus, but more in
praise of Cicero. Throughout these orations we feel that Cicero is
put forward as the hero, whereas Piso and Gabinius are the demons
of the piece. "What could I leave as a richer legacy to my
posterity," he goes on to say, opening another clause of his
speech, "than that the Senate should have decreed that the citizen
who had not come forward in my defence was one regardless of the
Republic." By these boastings, though he was at the moment at the
top of the ladder of popularity, he was offending the
self-importance of all around him. He was offending especially
Pompey, with whom it was his fate to have to act.<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a>
But that was little to the offence he was giving
to those who were to come many centuries after him, who would not
look into the matter with sufficient accuracy to find that his
vanity deserved forgiveness because of his humanity and desire for
progress. "O Lentulus," he says, at the end of the oration, "since
I am restored to the Republic, as with me the Republic is itself
restored, I will slacken nothing in my efforts at liberty; but, if
it may be possible, will add something to my energy." In
translating a word here and there as I have done, I feel at every
expression my incapacity. There is no such thing as good
translation. If you wish to drink the water, with its life and
vigor in it, you must go to the fountain and drink it there.</p>



<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">
16</a></span>On the day following he made a similar speech to the
people&mdash;if, indeed, the speech we have was from his mouth or
his pen&mdash;as to which it has been remarked that in it he made
no allusion to Clodius, though he was as bitter as ever against the
late Consuls. From this we may gather that, though his audience was
delighted to hear him, even in his self-praise, there might have
been dispute had he spoken ill of one who had been popular as
Tribune. His praise of Pompey was almost more fulsome than that of
the day before, and the same may be said of his self-glorification.
Of his brother's devotion to him he speaks in touching words, but
in words which make us remember how untrue to him afterward was
that very brother. There are phrases so magnificent throughout this
short piece that they obtain from us, as they are read, forgiveness
for the writer's faults. "Sic ulciscar facinorum singula." Let the
reader of Latin turn to chapter ix. of the oration and see how the
speaker declares that he will avenge himself against the evil-doers
whom he has denounced.</p>

<p>Cicero, though he had returned triumphant, had come back ruined
in purse, except so far as he could depend on the Senate and the
people for reimbursing to him the losses to which he had been
subjected. The decree of the Senate had declared that his goods
should be returned to him, but the validity of such a promise would
depend on the value which might be put upon the goods in question.
His house on the Palatine Hill had been razed to the ground; his
Tusculan and Formian villas had been destroyed; his books, his
pictures, his marble columns, his very trees, had been stolen; but,
worst of all, an attempt had been made to deprive him forever of
the choicest spot of ground in all the city, the Park Lane of Rome,
by devoting the space which had belonged to him to the service of
one of the gods. Clodius had caused something of a temple to
Liberty to be built there, because ground so consecrated was deemed
at Rome, as with us, to be devoted by consecration to the perpetual
service of religion. It was with<span class='pagenum'>
<a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span> the view of contesting
this point that Cicero made his next speech, Pro Domo Sua, for the
recovery of his house, before the Bench of Priests in Rome. It was
for the priests to decide this question. The Senate could decree
the restitution of property generally, but it was necessary that
that spot of ground should be liberated from the thraldom of
sacerdotal tenure by sacerdotal interference. These priests were
all men of high birth and distinction in the Republic. Nineteen
among them were "Consulares," or past-Consuls. Superstitious awe
affects more lightly the consciences of priests than the hearts of
those who trust the priests for their guidance. Familiarity does
breed contempt. Cicero, in making this speech, probably felt that,
if he could carry the people with him, the College of Priests would
not hold the prey with grasping hands. The nineteen Consulares
would care little for the sanctity of the ground if they could be
brought to wish well to Cicero. He did his best. He wrote to
Atticus concerning it a few days after the speech was made, and
declared that if he had ever spoken well on any occasion he had
done so then, so deep had been his grief, and so great the
importance of the occasion;<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a>
and he at once informs his friend of the decision of the Bench, and
of the ground on which it was based. "If he who declares that he
dedicated the ground had not been appointed to that business by the
people, nor had been expressly commanded by the people to do it,
then that spot of ground can be restored without any breach of
religion." Cicero asserts that he was at once congratulated on
having gained his cause, the world knowing very well that no such
authority had been conferred on Clodius. In the present mood of
Rome, all the priests, with the nineteen Consulares, were no doubt
willing that Cicero should have back his ground. The Senate had to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">
18</a></span>interpret the decision, and on the discussion of the
question among them Clodius endeavored to talk against time. When,
however, he had spoken for three hours, he allowed himself to be
coughed down. It may be seen that in some respects even Roman
fortitude has been excelled in our days.</p>

<p>In the first portion of this speech, Pro Domo Sua, Cicero
devotes himself to a matter which has no bearing on his house.
Concomitant with Cicero's return there had come a famine in Rome.
Such a calamity was of frequent occurrence, though I doubt whether
their famines ever led to mortality so frightful as that which
desolated Ireland just before the repeal of the Corn Laws. No
records, as far as I am aware, have reached us of men perishing in
the streets; but scarcity was not uncommon, and on such occasions
complaints would become very loud. The feeding of the people was a
matter of great difficulty, and subject to various chances. We do
not at all know what was the number to be fed, including the free
and the slaves, but have been led by surmises to suppose that it
was under a million even in the time of Augustus. But even though
the number was no more than five hundred thousand at this time, the
procuring of food must have been a complicated and difficult
matter. It was not produced in the country. It was imported chiefly
from Sicily and Africa, and was plentiful or the reverse, not only
in accordance with the seasons but as certain officers of state
were diligent and honest, or fraudulent and rapacious. We know from
one of the Verrine orations the nature of the laws on the subject,
but cannot but marvel that, even with the assistance of such laws,
the supply could be maintained with any fair proportion to the
demand. The people looked to the government for the supply, and
when it fell short would make their troubles known with seditious
grumblings, which would occasionally assume the guise of
insurrection. At this period of Cicero's return food had become
scarce and dear; and Clodius, who was now in arms against Pompey as
well as against Cicero, caused it to be believed that<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span> the
strangers flocking into Rome to welcome Cicero had eaten up the
food which should have filled the bellies of the people. An idea
farther from truth could hardly have been entertained: no chance
influx of visitors on such a population could have had the supposed
effect. But the idea was spread abroad, and it was necessary that
something should be done to quiet the minds of the populace. Pompey
had hitherto been the resource in State difficulties. Pompey had
scattered the pirates, who seem, however, at this period to have
been gathering head again. Pompey had conquered Mithridates. Let
Pompey have a commission to find food for Rome. Pompey himself
entertained the idea of a commission which should for a time give
him almost unlimited power. C&aelig;sar was increasing his legions
and becoming dominant in the West. Pompey, who still thought
himself the bigger man of the two, felt the necessity of some great
step in rivalry of C&aelig;sar. The proposal made on his behalf was
that all the treasure belonging to the State should be placed at
his disposal; that he should have an army and a fleet, and should
be for five years superior in authority to every Proconsul in his
own province. This was the first great struggle made by Pompey to
strangle the growing power of C&aelig;sar. It failed altogether.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a>
The fear of C&aelig;sar had already become
too great in the bosoms of Roman Senators to permit them to attempt
to crush him in his absence. But a mitigated law was passed,
enjoining Pompey to provide the food required, and conferring upon
him certain powers. Cicero was nominated as his first lieutenant,
and accepted the position. He never acted, however, giving it up to
his brother Quintus. A speech which he made to the people on the
passing of the law is not extant; but as there was hot blood about
it in Rome, he took the opportunity of justifying the appointment
of Pompey in the earlier portion of this ora<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span>tion to
the priests. It must be understood that he did not lend his aid
toward giving those greater powers which Pompey was anxious to
obtain. His trust in Pompey had never been a perfect trust since
the first days of the Triumvirate. To Cicero's thinking, both
Pompey and C&aelig;sar were conspirators against the Republic.
C&aelig;sar was the bolder, and therefore the more dangerous. It
might probably come to pass that the services of Pompey would be
needed for restraining C&aelig;sar. Pompey naturally belonged to
the "optimates," while C&aelig;sar was as naturally a conspirator.
But there never again could come a time in which Cicero would
willingly intrust Pompey with such power as was given to him nine
years before by the Lex Manilia. Nevertheless, he could still say
grand things in praise of Pompey. "To Pompey have been intrusted
wars without number, wars most dangerous to the State, wars by sea
and wars by land, wars extraordinary in their nature. If there be a
man who regrets that this has been done, that man must regret the
victories which Rome has won." But his abuse of Clodius is
infinitely stronger than his praise of Pompey. For the passages in
which he alluded to the sister of Clodius I must refer the reader
to the speech itself. It is impossible here to translate them or to
describe them. And these words were spoken before the College of
Priests, of whom nineteen were Consulares! And they were prepared
with such care that Cicero specially boasted of them to Atticus,
and declares that they should be put into the hands of all young
orators. Montesquieu says that the Roman legislators, in
establishing their religion, had no view of using it for the
improvement of manners or of morals.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a>
The nature of their rites and ceremonies gives us evidence enough
that it was so. If further testimony were wanting, it might be
found <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">
21</a></span>in this address, Ad Pontifices. Cicero himself was a
man of singularly clean life as a Roman nobleman, but, in abusing
his enemy, he was restrained by no sense of what we consider the
decency of language.</p>

<p>He argues the question as to his house very well, as he did all
questions. He tells the priests that the whole joy of his
restoration must depend on their decision. Citizens who had
hitherto been made subject to such penalties had been malefactors;
whereas, it was acknowledged of him that he had been a benefactor
to the city. Clodius had set up on the spot, not a statue of
Liberty, but, as was well known to all men, the figure of a Greek
prostitute. The priests had not been consulted. The people had not
ratified the proposed consecration. Of the necessity of such
authority he gives various examples. "And this has been done," he
says, "by an impure and impious enemy of all religions&mdash;by
this man among women, and woman among men&mdash;who has gone
through the ceremony so hurriedly, so violently, that his mind and
his tongue and his voice have been equally inconsistent with each
other." "My fortune," he says, as he ends his speech, "all moderate
as it is, will suffice for me. The memory of my name will be a
patrimony sufficient for my children;" but if his house be so taken
from him, so stolen, so falsely dedicated to religion, he cannot
live without disgrace. Of course he got back his house; and with
his house about &pound;16,000 for its re-erection, and &pound;4000
for the damage done to the Tusculan villa with &pound;2000 for the
Formian villa. With these sums he was not contented; and indeed
they could hardly have represented fairly the immense injury done
to him.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56,
&aelig;tat. 51.</div>

<p>So ended the work of the year of his return. From the following
year, besides the speeches, we have twenty-six letters of which
nine were written to Lentulus, the late Consul, who had now gone to
Cilicia as Proconsul. Lentulus had befriended him, and he found it
necessary to show his gratitude by a continued correspondence, and
by a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">
22</a></span> close attendance to the interests of the absent
officer. These letters are full of details of Roman politics, too
intricate for such a work as this&mdash;perhaps I might almost say
too uninteresting, as they refer specially to Lentulus himself. In
one of them he tells his friend that he has at last been able to
secure the friendship of Pompey for him. It was, after all, but a
show of friendship. He has supped with Pompey, and says that when
he talks to Pompey everything seems to go well: no one can be more
gracious than Pompey. But when he sees the friends by whom Pompey
is surrounded he knows, as all others know, that the affair is in
truth going just as he would not have it.<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a>
We feel as we read these letters, in which Pompey's name is
continually before us, how much Pompey prevailed by his personal
appearance, by his power of saying gracious things, and then again
by his power of holding his tongue. "You know the slowness of the
man," he says to Lentulus, "and his silence."<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a>
A slow, cautious, hypocritical man, who knew
well how to use the allurements of personal manners! These letters
to Lentulus are full of flattery.</p>

<p>There are five letters to his brother Quintus, dealing with the
politics of the time, especially with the then King of Egypt, who
was to be, or was not to be, restored. From all these things,
however, I endeavor to abstain as much as possible, as matters not
peculiarly affecting the character of Cicero. He gives his brother
an account of the doings in the Senate, which is interesting as
showing us how that august assembly conducted itself. While Pompey
was speaking with much dignity, Clodius and his supporters in vain
struggled with shouts and cries to put him down. At noon Pompey sat
down, and Clodius got possession of the rostra, and in the middle
of a violent tumult remained on his feet for two hours. Then, on
Pompey's side, the "optimates" sang indecent songs <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">
23</a></span>&mdash;"versus obscenissimi"&mdash;in reference to
Clodius and his sister Clodia. Clodius, rising in his anger,
demanded, "Who had brought the famine?" "Pompey," shouted the
Clodians. "Who wanted to go to Egypt?" demanded Clodius. "Pompey,"
again shouted his followers. After that, at three o'clock, at a
given signal, they began to spit upon their opponents. Then there
was a fight, in which each party tried to drive the others out. The
"optimates" were getting the best of it, when Cicero thought it as
well to run off lest he should be hurt in the tumult.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a>
What hope could there be for an oligarchy
when such things occurred in the Senate? Cicero in this letter
speaks complacently of resisting force by force in the city. Even
Cato, the law-abiding, precise Cato, thought it necessary to fall
into the fashion and go about Rome with an armed following. He
bought a company of gladiators and circus-men; but was obliged to
sell them, as Cicero tells his brother with glee, because he could
not afford to feed them.<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a></p>

<p>There are seven letters also to Atticus&mdash;always more
interesting than any of the others. There is in these the most
perfect good-feeling, so that we may know that the complaints made
by him in his exile had had no effect of estranging his friend; and
we learn from them his real, innermost thoughts, as they are not
given even to his brother&mdash;as thoughts have surely seldom been
confided by one man of action to another. Atticus had complained
that he had not been allowed to see a certain letter which Cicero
had written to C&aelig;sar. This he had called a &#960;&#945;&#955;&#953;&#957;&#969;&#948;&#8055;&#945;,
or recantation, and it had been addressed
to C&aelig;sar with the view of professing a withdrawal to some
extent of his opposition to the Triumvirate. It had been of
sufficient moment to be talked about. Atticus had heard of it, and
had complained that it had not been sent to him. Cicero puts
forward his excuses, and then bursts out with the real truth:</p>



<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">
24</a></span>"Why should I nibble round the unpalatable morsel which has to
be swallowed?" The recantation had seemed to himself to be almost
base, and he had been ashamed of it. "But," says he, "farewell to
all true, upright, honest policy. You could hardly believe what
treachery there is in those who ought to be our leading men, and
who would be so if there was any truth in them."<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a>
He does not rely upon those who, if they
were true to their party, would enable the party to stand firmly
even against C&aelig;sar. Therefore it becomes necessary for him to
truckle to C&aelig;sar, not for himself but for his party.
Unsupported he cannot stand in open hostility to C&aelig;sar. He
truckles. He writes to C&aelig;sar, singing C&aelig;sar's praises.
It is for the party rather than for himself, but yet he is ashamed
of it.</p>

<p>There is a letter to Lucceius, an historian of the day then much
thought of, of whom however our later world has heard nothing.
Lucceius is writing chronicles of the time, and Cicero boldly
demands to be praised. "Ut ornes mea postulem"<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a>&mdash;"I ask you to praise me." But he
becomes much bolder than that. "Again and again I beseech you,
without any beating about the bush, to speak more highly of me than
you perhaps think that I deserve, even though in doing so you
abandon all the laws of history." Then he uses beautiful flattery
to his correspondent. Alexander had wished to be painted only by
Apelles. He desires to be praised by none but Lucceius. Lucceius,
we are told, did as he was asked.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56,
&aelig;tat. 51.</div>

<p>I will return to the speeches of the period to which this
chapter is devoted, taking that first which he made to the Senate
as to the report of the soothsayers respecting certain prodigies.
Readers familiar with Livy will remember how frequently, in time of
disaster, the anger of Heaven was supposed to have been shown by
signs and miracles, indications that the gods were displeased, and
that expia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">
25</a></span>tions were necessary.<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a>
The superstition, as is the fate of all
superstitions, had frequently been used for most ungodlike
purposes. If a man had a political enemy, what could do him better
service than to make the populace believe that a house had been
crushed by a thunder-bolt, or that a woman had given birth to a pig
instead of a child, because Jupiter had been offended by that
enemy's devices? By using such a plea the Grecians got into Troy,
together with the wooden horse, many years ago. The Scotch
worshippers of the Sabbath declared the other day, when the bridge
over the Tay was blown away, that the Lord had interposed to
prevent travelling on Sunday!</p>

<p>Cicero had not been long back from his exile when the gods began
to show their anger. A statue of Juno twisted itself half round; a
wolf had been seen in the city; three citizens were struck with
lightning; arms were heard to clang, and then wide subterranean
noises. Nothing was easier than the preparation and continuing of
such portents. For many years <span class='pagenum'>
<a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span>past the heavens above and
the earth beneath had been put into requisition for prodigies.<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a>
The soothsayers were
always well pleased to declare that there had been some neglect of
the gods. It is in the nature of things that the superstitious
tendencies of mankind shall fall a prey to priestcraft. The
quarrels between Cicero and Clodius were as full of life as ever.
In this year, Clodius being &AElig;dile, there had come on debates
as to a law passed by C&aelig;sar as Consul, in opposition to
Bibulus, for the distribution of lands among the citizens. There
was a question as to a certain tax which was to be levied on these
lands. The tax-gatherers were supported by Cicero, and denounced by
Clodius. Then Clodius and his friends found out that the gods were
showering their anger down upon the city because the ground on
which Cicero's house had once stood was being desecrated by its
re-erection. An appeal was made to the soothsayers. They reported,
and Cicero rejoined. The soothsayers had of course been mysterious
and doubtful. Cicero first shows that the devotion of his ground to
sacred purposes had been an absurdity, and then he declares that
the gods are angry, not with him but with Clodius. To say that the
gods were not angry at all was more than Cicero dared. The piece,
taken as a morsel of declamatory art, is full of vigor, is powerful
in invective, and carries us along in full agreement with the
orator; but at the conclusion we are led to wish that Cicero could
have employed his intellect on higher matters.</p>

<p>There are, however, one or two passages which draw the reader
into deep mental inquiry as to the religious feelings of the time.
In one, which might have been written by Paley, Cicero declares his
belief in the creative power of some god&mdash;or <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span>gods, as
he calls them.<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a>
And we see also
the perverse dealings of the Romans with these gods, dealings which
were very troublesome&mdash;not to be got over except by stratagem.
The gods were made use of by one party and the other for dishonest
state purposes. When Cicero tells his hearers what the gods
intended to signify by making noises in the sky, and other divine
voices, we feel sure that he was either hoaxing them who heard him
or saying what he knew they would not believe.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56,
&aelig;tat. 51.</div>

<p>Previous to the speech as to the "aruspices," he had defended
Sextius&mdash;or Sestius, as he is frequently called&mdash;on a
charge brought against him by Clodius in respect of violence. We at
once think of the commonplace from Juvenal:</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">"Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes."</span>
</div></div>

<p>But Rome, without remonstrating, put up with any absurdity of
that kind. Sextius and Milo and others had been joined together in
opposing the election of Clodius as &AElig;dile, and had probably
met violence with violence. As surely as an English master of
hounds has grooms and whips ready at his command, Milo had a band
of bullies prepared for violence. Clodius himself had brought an
action against Milo, who was defended by Pompey in person. The case
against Sextius was intrusted to Albinovanus, and Hortensius
undertook the defence. Sextius before had been one of the most
forward in obtaining the return of Cicero, and had travelled into
Gaul to see C&aelig;sar and to procure C&aelig;sar's assent.
C&aelig;sar had not then assented; but not the less great had been
the favor conferred by Sextius on Cicero. Cicero had been grateful,
but it seems that Sextius had thought not sufficiently grateful;
hence there had grown up something of a quarrel. But Cicero, when
he heard of the proceeding against his old friend, at once offered
his assistance. For a Roman to have more than one counsel to plead
for him <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">
28</a></span>was as common as for an Englishman. Cicero was
therefore added to Hortensius, and the two great advocates of the
day spoke on the same side. We are told that Hortensius managed the
evidence, showing, probably, that Clodius struck the first blow.
Cicero then addressed the judges with the object of gaining their
favor for the accused. In this he was successful, and Sextius was
acquitted. As regards Sextius and his quarrel with Clodius, the
oration has but little interest for us. There is not, indeed, much
about Sextius in it. It is a continuation of the p&aelig;an which
Cicero was still singing as to his own return, but it is
distinguished from his former utterances by finer thought and finer
language. The description of public virtue as displayed by Cato has
perhaps, in regard to melody of words and grandeur of sentiment,
never been beaten. I give the orator's words below in his own
language, because in no other way can any idea of the sound be
conveyed.<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a>
There is, too, a definition made very cleverly to suit his own point of view between
the conservatives and the liberals of the day. "Optimates" is the
name by which the former are known; the latter are called
"Populares."<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a></p>

<p>Attached to this speech for Sextius is a declamation against
Vatinius, who was one of the witnesses employed by the prosecutor.
Instead of examining this witness regularly, he talked <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span>him down
by a separate oration. We have no other instance of such a forensic
man&oelig;uvre either in Cicero's practice or in our accounts of the
doings of other Roman advocates. This has reached us as a separate
oration. It is a coarse tirade of abuse against a man whom we
believe to have been bad, but as to whom we feel that we are not
justified in supposing that we can get his true character here. He
was a creature of C&aelig;sar's, and Cicero was able to say words
as to Vatinius which he was unwilling to speak as to C&aelig;sar
and his doings. It must be added here that two years later Cicero
pleaded for this very Vatinius, at the joint request of C&aelig;sar
and Pompey, when Vatinius on leaving the Pr&aelig;torship was
accused of corruption.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56, &aelig;tat.
51.</div>

<p>The nature of the reward to which the aspiring oligarch of Rome
always turned his eyes has been sufficiently explained. He looked
to be the governor of a province. At this period of which we are
speaking there was no reticence in the matter. Syria, or Macedonia,
or Hispania had been the prize, or Sicily, or Sardinia. It was
quite understood that an aspiring oligarch went through the dust
and danger and expense of political life in order that at last he
might fill his coffers with provincial plunder. There were various
laws as to which these governments were allotted to the plunderers.
Of these we need only allude to the Leges Semproni&aelig;, or laws
proposed <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 123, by Caius Sempronius
Gracchus, for the distribution of those provinces which were to be
enjoyed by Proconsuls. There were pr&aelig;torian provinces and
consular provinces, though there was no law making it sure that any
province should be either consular or pr&aelig;torian. But the
Senate, without the interference of the people and free from the
Tribunes' veto, had the selection of provinces for the Consuls;
whereas, for those intended for the Pr&aelig;tors, the people had
the right of voting and the Tribunes of the people had a right of
putting a veto on the propositions made. Now, in this year there
came before the Senate a discussion as to the fate of three
Proconsuls&mdash;not as to the primary allocation of provinces
to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">
30</a></span> them, but on the question whether they should be
continued in the government which they held. Piso was in Macedonia,
where he was supposed to have disgraced himself and the Empire
which he served. Gabinius was in Syria, where it was acknowledged
that he had done good service, though his own personal character
stood very low. C&aelig;sar was lord in the two Gauls&mdash;that
is, on both sides of the Alps, in Northern Italy, and in that
portion of modern France along the Mediterranean which had been
already colonized&mdash;and was also governor of Illyricum. He had
already made it manifest to all men that the subjugation of a new
empire was his object rather than provincial plunder. Whether we
love the memory of C&aelig;sar as of a great man who showed himself
fit to rule the world, or turn away from him as from one who set
his iron heel on the necks of men, and by doing so retarded for
centuries the liberties of mankind, we have to admit that he rose
by the light of his own genius altogether above the ambition of his
contemporaries. If we prefer, as I do, the humanity of Cicero, we
must confess to ourselves the supremacy of C&aelig;sar, and
acknowledge ourselves to belong to the beaten cause. "Victrix causa
Deis placuit; sed victa Catoni." In discussing the fate of these
proconsular officials we feel now the absurdity of mixing together
in the same debate the name of Piso and Gabinius with that of
C&aelig;sar. Yet such was the subject in dispute when Cicero made
his speech, De Provinciis Consularibus, as to the adjudication of
the consular provinces.</p>

<p>There was a strong opinion among many Senators that C&aelig;sar
should be stopped in his career. I need not here investigate the
motives, either great or little, on which this opinion was founded.
There was hardly a Senator among them who would not have wished
C&aelig;sar to be put down, though there were many who did not dare
declare their wishes. There were reasons for peculiar jealousy on
the part of the Senate. Cisalpine Gaul had been voted for him by
the intervention of the people, and especially by that of the
Tribune Vatinius&mdash;to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31"
id="Page_31">31</a></span> C&aelig;sar who was Consularis,
whose reward should have been an affair solely for the Senate. Then
there had arisen a demand, a most unusual demand, for the other
Gaul also. The giving of two provinces to one governor was
altogether contrary to the practice of the State; but so was the
permanent and acknowledged continuance of a conspiracy such as the
Triumvirate unusual. C&aelig;sar himself was very unusual. Then the
Senate, feeling that the second province would certainly be
obtained, and anxious to preserve some shred of their prerogative,
themselves voted the Farther Gaul. As it must be done, let it at
any rate be said that they had done it. But as they had sent
C&aelig;sar over the Alps so they could recall him, or try to
recall him. Therefore, with the question as to Piso and Gabinius,
which really meant nothing, came up this also as to C&aelig;sar,
which meant a great deal.</p>

<p>But C&aelig;sar had already done great things in Gaul. He had
defeated the Helvetians and driven Ariovistus out of the country.
He had carried eight legions among the distant Belg&aelig;, and had
conquered the Nervii. In this very year he had built a huge fleet,
and had destroyed the Veneti, a seafaring people on the coast of
the present Brittany. The more powerful he showed himself to be,
the more difficult it was to recall him; but also the more
desirable in the eyes of many. In the first portion of his speech
Cicero handles Piso and Gabinius with his usual invective. There
was no considerable party desirous of renewing to them their
governments, but Cicero always revelled in the pleasure of abusing
them. He devotes by far the longer part of his oration to the merit
of C&aelig;sar.<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a>
As for recalling him, it would be irrational. Who had counted more enemies in Rome
than Marius? but did they recall Marius <span class='pagenum'>
<a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span>when he was fighting
for the Republic?<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a>
Hitherto the Republic had been forced to fear
the Gauls. Rome had always been on the defence against them. Now it
had been brought about by C&aelig;sar that the limits of the world
were the limits of the Roman Empire.<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a>
The conquest was not yet finished, but surely
it should be left to him who had begun it so well. Even though
C&aelig;sar were to demand to return himself, thinking that he had
done enough for his own glory, it would be for the Senators to
restrain him&mdash;for the Senate to bid him finish the work that
he had in hand.<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a
href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> As for himself,
continued Cicero, if C&aelig;sar had been his enemy, what of that?
C&aelig;sar was not his enemy now. He had told the Senate what
offers of employment C&aelig;sar had made him. If he could not
forget, yet he would forgive, former injuries.<a name=
"FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23"
class="fnanchor">23</a></p>

<p>It is important for the reading of Cicero's character that we
should trace the meaning of his utterances about C&aelig;sar from
this time up to the day on which C&aelig;sar was killed&mdash;his
utterances in public, and those which are found in his letters to
Atticus and his brother. That there was much of pretence&mdash;of
falsehood, if a hard word be necessary to suit the severity of
those who judge the man hardly&mdash;is admitted. How he praised
Pompey in public, dispraising him in private, at one and the same
moment, has been declared. How he applied for praise, whether
deserved or not, has been shown. In excuse, not in defence, of this
I allege that the Romans of the day were habitually false after
this fashion. The application to Lucceius proves the habitual
falseness not of Cicero only, but of Lucceius also; and the private
words written to Atticus, in opposition to the public words with
which Atticus was well acquainted, prove the falseness also of
Atticus. It was Roman; it was Italian; it was cosmopolitan; it was
human. I only wish that it were possible to declare that it is no
longer Italian, no longer cosmopolitan, no longer human. To this
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">
33</a></span>day it is very difficult even for an honorable man to
tell the whole truth in the varying circumstances of public life.
The establishment of even a theory of truth, with all the
advantages which have come to us from Christianity, has been so
difficult, hitherto so imperfect, that we ought, I think, to
consider well the circumstances before we stigmatize Cicero as
specially false. To my reading he seems to have been specially
true. When C&aelig;sar won his way up to power, Cicero was
courteous to him, flattered him, and, though, never subservient,
yet was anxious to comply when compliance was possible.
Nevertheless, we know well that the whole scheme of C&aelig;sar's
political life was opposed to the scheme entertained by Cicero. It
was Cicero's desire to maintain as much as he could of the old form
of oligarchical rule under which, as a constitution, the Roman
Empire had been created. It was C&aelig;sar's intention to sweep it
all away. We can see that now; but Cicero could only see it in
part. To his outlook the man had some sense of order, and had all
the elements of greatness. He was better, at any rate, than a
Verres, a Catiline, a Clodius, a Piso, or a Gabinius. If he thought
that by flattery he could bring C&aelig;sar somewhat round, there
might be conceit in his so thinking, but there could be no
treachery. In doing so he did not abandon his political <i>beau
ideal</i>. If better times came, or a better man, he would use
them. In the mean time he could do more by managing C&aelig;sar
than by opposing him. He was far enough from succeeding in the
management of C&aelig;sar, but he did do much in keeping his party
together. It was in this spirit that he advocated before the Senate
the maintenance of C&aelig;sar's authority in the two Gauls. The
Senate decreed the withdrawal of Piso and Gabinius, but decided to
leave C&aelig;sar where he was. Mommsen deals very hardly with
Cicero as to this period of his life. "They used him accordingly
as&mdash;what he was good for&mdash;an advocate." "Cicero himself
had to thank his literary reputation for the respectful treatment
which he experienced from C&aelig;sar." The question we have<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span>
to ask ourselves is whether he did his best to forward that scheme
of politics which he thought to be good for the Republic. To me it
seems that he did do so. He certainly did nothing with the object
of filling his own pockets. I doubt whether as much can be said
with perfect truth as to any other Roman of the period, unless it
be Cato.</p>

<p>Balbus, for whom Cicero also spoke in this year, was a Spaniard
of Cadiz, to whom Pompey had given the citizenship of Rome, who had
become one of C&aelig;sar's servants and friends, and whose
citizenship was now disputed. Cicero pleaded in favor of the claim,
and gained his cause. There were, no doubt, certain laws in
accordance with which Balbus was or was not a citizen; but Cicero
here says that because Balbus was a good man, therefore there
should be no question as to his citizenship.<a name=
"FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24"
class="fnanchor">24</a> This could hardly be a good legal
argument. But we are glad to have the main principles of Roman
citizenship laid down for us in this oration. A man cannot belong
to more than one State at a time. A man cannot be turned out of his
State against his will. A man cannot be forced to remain in his
State against his will.<a name="FNanchor_25" id=
"FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class=
"fnanchor">25</a> This Balbus was acknowledged as a Roman, rose
to be one of C&aelig;sar's leading ministers, and was elected
Consul of the Empire <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 40.
Thirty-four years afterward his nephew became Consul. Nearly three
centuries after that, <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 237, a
descendant of Balbus was chosen as Emperor, under the name of
Balbinus, and is spoken of by Gibbon with eulogy.<a name=
"FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26"
class="fnanchor">26</a></p>

<p>I know no work on Cicero written more pleasantly, or inspired by
a higher spirit of justice, than that of Gaston Boissier, of the
French Academy, called Cic&eacute;ron et ses Amis. Among his
chapters one is devoted to Cicero's remarkable intimacy with
C&aelig;lius, which should be read by all who wish to study Cicero.
We have now come to the speech which he <span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span>made in this year in
defence of C&aelig;lius. C&aelig;lius had entered public life very
early, as the son of a rich citizen who was anxious that his heir
should be enabled to shine as well by his father's wealth as by his
own intellect. When he was still a boy, according to our ideas of
boyhood, he was apprenticed to Cicero,<a name="FNanchor_27" id=
"FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class=
"fnanchor">27</a> as was customary, in order that he might pick
up the crumbs which fell from the great man's table. It was thus
that a young man would hear what was best worth hearing; thus he
would become acquainted with those who were best worth knowing;
thus that he would learn in public life all that was best worth
learning. C&aelig;lius heard all, and knew many, and learned much;
but he perhaps learned too much at too early an age. He became
bright and clever, but unruly and dissipated. Cicero, however,
loved him well. He always liked the society of bright young men,
and could forgive their morals if their wit were good.
Clodius&mdash;even Clodius, young Curio, C&aelig;lius and afterward
Dolabella, were companions with whom he loved to associate. When he
was in Cilicia, as Proconsul, this C&aelig;lius became almost a
second Atticus to him, in the writing of news from Rome.</p>

<p>But C&aelig;lius had become one of Clodia's many lovers, and
seems for a time to have been the first favorite, to the detriment
of poor Catullus. The rich father had, it seems, quarrelled with
his son, and C&aelig;lius was in want of money. He borrowed it from
Clodia, and then, without paying his debt, treated Clodia as she
had treated Catullus. The lady tried to get her money back, and
when she failed she accused her former lover of an attempt to
poison her. This she did so that C&aelig;lius was tried for the
offence. There were no less than four accusers, or advocates, on
her behalf, of whom her brother was one. C&aelig;lius was defended
by Crassus as well as <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id=
"Page_36">36</a></span>by Cicero, and was acquitted. All these
cases combined political views with criminal charges. C&aelig;lius
was declared to have been a Catilinian conspirator. He was also
accused of being in debt, of having quarrelled with his father, of
having insulted women, of having beaten a Senator, of having
practised bribery, of having committed various murders, and of
having perpetrated all social and political excesses to which his
enemies could give a name. It was probable that his life had been
very irregular, but it was not probably true that he had attempted
to poison Clodia.</p>

<p>The speech is very well worth the trouble of reading. It is
lively, bright, picturesque, and argumentative; and it tells the
reader very much of the manners of Rome at the time. It has been
condemned for a passage which, to my taste, is the best in the
whole piece. Cicero takes upon himself to palliate the pleasures of
youth, and we are told that a man so grave, so pure, so excellent
in his own life, should not have condescended to utter sentiments
so lax in defence of so immoral a young friend. I will endeavor to
translate a portion of the passage, and I think that any ladies who
may read these pages will agree with me in liking Cicero the better
for what he said upon the occasion. He has been speaking of the
changes which the manners of the world had undergone, not only in
Rome but in Greece, since pleasure had been acknowledged even by
philosophers to be necessary to life. "They who advocate one
constant course of continual labor as the road to fame are left
alone in their schools, deserted by their scholars. Nature herself
has begotten for us allurements, seduced by which Virtue herself
will occasionally become drowsy. Nature herself leads the young
into slippery paths, in which not to stumble now and again is
hardly possible. Nature has produced for us a variety of pleasures,
to which not only youth, but even middle-age, occasionally yields
itself. If, therefore, you shall find one who can avert his eyes
from all that is beautiful&mdash;who is charmed by no sweet smell,
by no soft touch,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id=
"Page_37">37</a></span> by no rich flavor&mdash;who can turn a
deaf ear to coaxing words&mdash;I indeed, and perhaps a few others,
may think that the gods have been good to such a one; but I doubt
whether the world at large will not think that the gods have made
him a sorry fellow." There is very much more of it, delightfully
said, and in the same spirit; but I have given enough to show the
nature of the excuse for C&aelig;lius which has brought down on
Cicero the wrath of the moralists.</p>

<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span></p>
<h3><a name="Chapter_II" id="Chapter_II"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter II.</span></h3>

<h4><i>CICERO, &AElig;TAT.</i> 52, 53, 54.</h4>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 55,
&aelig;tat. 52.</div>

<p>I can best continue my record of Cicero's life for this and the
two subsequent years by following his speeches and his letters. It
was at this period the main object of his political life to
reconcile the existence of a C&aelig;sar with that of a
Republic&mdash;two poles which could not by any means be brought
together. Outside of his political life he carried on his
profession as an advocate with all his former energy, with all his
former bitterness, with all his old friendly zeal, but never, I
think, with his former utility. His life with his friends and his
family was prosperous; but that ambition to do some great thing for
his country which might make his name more famous than that of
other Romans was gradually fading, and, as it went, was leaving
regrets and remorse behind which would not allow him to be a happy
man. But it was now, when he had reached his fifty-second year,
that he in truth began that career in literature which has made him
second to no Roman in reputation. There are some early rhetorical
essays, which were taken from the Greek, of doubtful authenticity;
there are the few lines which are preserved of his poetry; there
are the speeches which he wrote as well as spoke for the Rome of
the day; and there are his letters, which up to this time had been
intended only for his correspondents. All that we have from his pen
up to this time has been preserved for us by the light of those
great works which he now commenced. In this year, <span class=
"smcap">b.c.</span> 55, there appeared the dialogue De Oratore, and
in the next the treatise De Republica. It was his failure as a
pol<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">
39</a></span>itician which in truth drove Cicero to the career of
literature. As I intend to add to this second volume a few chapters
as to his literary productions, I will only mention the dates on
which these dialogues and treatises were given to the world as I go
on with my work.</p>

<p>In the year <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 55, the two of the
Triumvirate who had been left in Rome, Pompey and Crassus, were
elected Consuls, and provinces were decreed to each of them for
five years&mdash;to Pompey the two Spains, and to Crassus that
Syria which was to be so fatal to him. All this had been arranged
at Lucca, in the north of Italy, whither C&aelig;sar was able to
come as being within the bounds of his province, to meet his
friends from Rome&mdash;or his enemies. All aristocratic Rome went
out in crowds to Lucca, so that two hundred Senators might be seen
together in the streets of that provincial town. It was
nevertheless near enough to Rome to permit the conqueror from Gaul
to look closely into the politics of the city. By his permission,
if not at his instigation, Pompey and Crassus had been chosen
Consuls, and to himself was conceded the government of his own
province for five further years&mdash;that is, down to year <span
class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49 inclusive. It must now at least have
become evident to Cicero that C&aelig;sar intended to rule the
Empire.</p>

<p>Though we already have Cicero's letters arranged for us in a
chronological sequence which may be held to be fairly correct for
biographical purposes, still there is much doubt remaining as to
the exact periods at which many of them were written. Abeken, the
German biographer, says that this year, <span class=
"smcap">b.c.</span> 55, produced twelve letters. In the French
edition of Cicero's works published by Panckoucke thirty-five are
allotted to it. Mr. Watson, in his selected letters, has not taken
one from the year in question. Mr. Tyrrell, who has been my Mentor
hitherto in regard to the correspondence, has not, unfortunately,
published the result of his labors beyond the year 53 <span class=
"smcap">b.c.</span> at the time of my present writing. Some of
those who have dealt with Cicero's life and works, and have
illustrated them by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id=
"Page_40">40</a></span> his letters, have added something to
the existing confusion by assuming an accuracy of knowledge in this
respect which has not existed. We have no right to quarrel with
them for having done so; certainly not with Middleton, as in his
time such accuracy was less valued by readers than it is now; and
we have the advantage of much light which, though still imperfect,
is very bright in comparison with that enjoyed by him. A study of
the letters, however, in the sequence now given to them affords an
accurate picture of Cicero's mind during the years between the
period of his return from exile <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 57
and Milo's trial <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52, although the
reader may occasionally be misled as to the date of this or the
other letter.</p>

<p>With the dates of his speeches, at any rate with the year in
which they were made, we are better acquainted. They are of course
much fewer in number, and are easily traced by the known historical
circumstances of the time. <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 55, he
made that attack upon his old enemy, the late Consul Piso, which is
perhaps the most egregious piece of abuse extant in any language.
Even of this we do not know the precise date, but we may be sure
that it was spoken early in the year, because Cicero alludes in it
to Pompey's great games which were in preparation, and which were
exhibited when Pompey's new theatre was opened in May.<a name=
"FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28"
class="fnanchor">28</a> Plutarch tells us that they did not take
place till the beginning of the following year.<a name=
"FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29"
class="fnanchor">29</a> Piso on his return from Macedonia
attacked Cicero in the Senate in answer <span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span>to all the hard
things that had already been said of him, and Cicero, as Middleton
says, "made a reply to him on the spot in an invective speech, the
severest, perhaps, that ever was spoken by any man, on the person,
the parts, the whole life and conduct of Piso, which as long as the
Roman name subsists must deliver down a most detestable character
of him to all posterity."</p>

<p>We are here asked to imagine that this attack was delivered on
the spur of the moment in answer to Piso's attack. I cannot believe
that it should have been so, however great may have been the
orator's power over thoughts and words. We have had in our own days
wonderful instances of ready and indignant reply made
instantaneously, but none in which the angry eloquence has risen to
such a power as is here displayed. We cannot but suppose that had
human intellect ever been perfect enough for such an exertion, it
would have soared high enough also to have abstained from it. It
may have been that Cicero knew well enough beforehand what the day
was about to produce, so as to have prepared his reply. It may well
have been that he himself undertook the polishing of his speech
before it was given to the public in the words which we now read.
We may, I think, take it for granted that Piso did make an attack
upon him, and that Cicero answered him at once with words which
crushed him, and which are not unfairly represented by those which
have come down to us.</p>

<p>The imaginative reader will lose himself in wonder as he
pictures to himself the figure of the pretentious Proconsul, with
his assumption of confidence, as he was undergoing the castigation
which this great master of obloquy was inflicting upon him, and the
figure of the tall, lean orator, with his long neck and keen eyes,
with his arms trained to assist his voice, managing his purple
bordered toga with a perfect grace, throwing all his heart into his
impassioned words as they fell into the ears of the Senators around
him without the loss of a syllable. This Lucius Calpurnius Piso
C&aelig;soronius had come from one of the highest families in Rome,
and had possessed interest enough<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span> to be elected Consul for
the year in which Cicero was sent into banishment.<a name=
"FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30"
class="fnanchor">30</a> He was closely connected with that Piso
Frugi to whom Cicero's daughter had been married; and Cicero, when
he was threatened by the faction of Clodius&mdash;a faction which
he did not then believe to be supported by the
Triumvirate&mdash;had thought that he was made safe, at any rate,
from cruel results by consular friendship and consular protection.
Piso C&aelig;soronius had failed him altogether, saying, in answer
to Cicero's appeal, that the times were of such a nature that every
one must look to himself. The nature of Cicero's rage may be easily
conceived. An attempt to describe it has already been made. It was
not till after his Consulate that he was ever waked to real anger,
and the one object whom he most entirely hated with his whole soul
was Lucius Piso.</p>

<p>By the strength of Cicero's eloquence this man has occupied an
immortality of meanness. We cannot but believe that he must have in
some sort deserved it, or the justice of the world would have
vindicated his character. It should, however, be told of him that
three years afterward he was chosen Censor, together with Appius
Claudius. But it must also be told that, as far as we can judge,
both these men were unworthy of the honor. They were the last two
Censors elected in Rome before the days of the Empire. It is
impossible not to believe that Piso was vile, but impossible also
to believe that he was as vile as Cicero represented him.
C&aelig;sar was at this time his son-in-law, as he was father to
Calphurnia, with whom Shakspeare has made us familiar. I do not
know that C&aelig;sar took in bad part the hard things that were
said of his father-in-law.</p>

<p>The first part of the speech is lost. The first words we know
because they have been quoted by Quintilian, "Oh ye gods immortal,
what day is this which has shone upon me at <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span>last?"<a
name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> We may imagine from
this that Cicero intended it to be understood that he exulted in
the coming of his revenge. The following is a fair translation of
the opening passage of what remains to us: "Beast that you are, do
you not see, do you not perceive, how odious to the men around you
is that face of yours?" Then with rapid words he heaps upon the
unfortunate man accusations of personal incompetencies. Nobody
complains, says Cicero, that that fellow of yesterday, Gabinius,
should have been made Consul: we have not been deceived in him.
"But your eyes and eyebrows, your forehead, that face of yours,
which should be the dumb index of the mind within, have deceived
those who have not known you. Few of us only have been aware of
your infamous vices, the sloth of your intellect, your dulness,
your inability to speak. When was your voice heard in the Forum?
when has your counsel been put to the proof? when did you do any
service either in peace or war? You have crept into your high place
by the mistakes of men, by the regard to the dirty images of your
ancestors, to whom you have no resemblance except in their present
grimy color. And shall he boast to me," says the orator, turning
from Piso to the audience around, "that he has gone on without a
check from one step in the magistracy to another? That is a boast
for me to make, for me&mdash;"homini novo"&mdash;a man without
ancestors, on whom the Roman people has showered all its honors.
You were made &AElig;dile, you say; the Roman people choose a Piso
for their &AElig;dile&mdash;not this man from any regard for
himself, but because he is a Piso. The Pr&aelig;torship was
conferred not on you but on your ancestors who were known and who
were dead! Of you, who are alive no one has known anything. But
me&mdash;!" Then he continues <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span>the contrast between
himself and Piso; for the speech is as full of his own merits as of
the other man's abominations</p>

<p>So the oration goes on to the end. He asserts, addressing
himself to Piso, that if he saw him and Gabinius crucified
together, he did not know whether he would be most delighted by the
punishment inflicted on their bodies or by the ruin of their
reputation. He declares that he has prayed for all evil on Piso and
Gabinius, and that the gods have heard him, but it has not been for
death, or sickness, or for torment, that he had prayed, but for
such evils as have in truth come upon them. Two Consuls sent with
large armies into two of the grandest provinces have returned with
disgrace. That one&mdash;meaning Piso&mdash;has not dared even to
send home an account of his doings; and the
other&mdash;Gabinius&mdash;has not had his words credited by the
Senate, nor any of his requests granted! He, Cicero, had hardly
dared to hope for all this, but the gods had done it for him! The
most absurd passage is that in which he tells Piso that, having
lost his army&mdash;which he had done&mdash;he had brought back
nothing in safety but that "old impudent face of his."<a name=
"FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32"
class="fnanchor">32</a> Altogether it is a tirade of abuse very
inferior to Cicero's dignity. Le Clerc, the French critic and
editor, speaks the truth when he says, "Il faut avouer qu'il manque
surtout de mod&eacute;ration, et que la gravit&eacute; d'un orateur
consulaire y fait trop souvent place &agrave; l'emportement d'un
ennemi." It is, however, full of life, and amusing as an expression
of honest hatred. The reader when reading it will of course
remember that Roman manners allowed a mode of expression among the
upper classes which is altogether denied to those among us who hope
to be regarded as gentlemen.</p>

<p>The games in Pompey's theatre, to the preparation of which
Cicero alludes in his speech against Piso, are described by him
with his usual vivacity and humor in a letter written immediately
after them to his friend Marius. Pompey's games, with <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>which he
celebrated his second Consulship, seem to have been divided between
the magnificent theatre which he had just built&mdash;fragments of
which still remain to us&mdash;and the "circus maximus." This
letter from Cicero is very interesting, as showing the estimation
in which these games were held, or were supposed to be held, by a
Roman man of letters, and as giving us some description of what was
done on the occasion. Marius had not come to Rome to see them, and
Cicero writes as though his friend had despised them. Cicero
himself, having been in Rome, had of course witnessed them. To have
been in Rome and not to have seen them would have been quite out of
the question. Not to come to Rome from a distance was an
eccentricity. He congratulated Marius for not having come, whether
it was that he was ill, or that the whole thing was too despicable:
"You in the early morning have been looking out upon your view over
the bay while we have been staring at puppets half asleep. Most
costly games, but I should say&mdash;judging of you by
myself&mdash;that they would have been quite revolting to you. Poor
&AElig;sopus was there acting, but so unfitted by age that all his
friends could not but wish that he had desisted. Why should I tell
you of it all? The very costliness of the affair took away all the
pleasure. Six hundred mules on the stage in the acting of
Clytemnestra, or three thousand golden goblets in The Trojan
Horse&mdash;what delight could they give you? If your slave
Protogenes was reading to you something&mdash;so that it were not
one of my speeches&mdash;you were better off at any rate than we.
There were two marvellous slaughterings of beasts which lasted for
five days. Nobody denies but that they were very grand. But what
pleasure can there be to a man of letters<a name="FNanchor_33"
id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class=
"fnanchor">33</a> when some <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span>weak human creature is
destroyed by a sturdy beast, or when some lonely animal is pierced
through by a hunting-spear. The last day was the day of elephants,
in which there could be no delight except to the vulgar crowd. You
could not but pity them, feeling that the poor brutes had something
in common with humanity." In these combats were killed twenty
elephants and two hundred lions. The bad taste and systematical
corruption of Rome had reached its acme when this theatre was
opened and these games displayed by Pompey.</p>

<p>He tells Atticus,<a name="FNanchor_34" id=
"FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class=
"fnanchor">34</a> in a letter written about this time, that he is
obliged to write to him by the hand of a secretary; from which we
gather that such had not been, at any rate, his practice. He is
every day in the Forum, making speeches; and he had already
composed the dialogues De Oratore, and had sent them to Lentulus.
Though he was no longer in office, his time seems to have been as
fully occupied as when he was Pr&aelig;tor or Consul.</p>

<p>We have records of at least a dozen speeches, made <span class=
"smcap">b.c.</span> 55 and <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 54,
between that against Piso and the next that is extant, which was
delivered in defence of Plancius. He defended Cispius, but Cispius
was convicted. He defended Caninius Gallus, of whom we may presume
that he was condemned and exiled, because Cicero found him at
Athens on his way to Cilicia, Athens being the place to which
exiled Roman oligarchs generally betook themselves.<a name=
"FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35"
class="fnanchor">35</a> In this letter to his young friend
C&aelig;lius he speaks of the pleasure he had in meeting with
Caninius at Athens; but in the letter to Marius which I have quoted
he complains of the necessity which has befallen him of defending
the man. The heat of the summer of this year he passed in the
country, but on his return to the city in November he found Crassus
defending his old enemy Gabinius.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">
47</a></span>Gabinius had crept back from his province into the city, and had
been received with universal scorn and a shower of accusations.
Cicero at first neither accused nor defended him, but, having been
called on as a witness, seems to have been unable to refrain from
something of the severity with which he had treated Piso. There was
at any rate a passage of arms in which Gabinius called him a
banished criminal.<a name="FNanchor_36" id=
"FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class=
"fnanchor">36</a> The Senate then rose as one body to do honor to
their late exile. He was, however, afterward driven by the
expostulations of Pompey to defend the man. At his first trial
Gabinius was acquitted, but was convicted and banished when Cicero
defended him. Cicero suffered very greatly in the constraint thus
put upon him by Pompey, and refused Pompey till C&aelig;sar's
request was added. We can imagine that nothing was more bitter to
him than the obligation thus forced upon him. We have nothing of
the speech left, but can hardly believe that it was eloquent. From
this, however, there rose a reconciliation between Crassus and
Cicero, both C&aelig;sar and Pompey having found it to their
interest to interfere. As a result of this, early in the next year
Cicero defended Crassus in the Senate, when an attempt was made to
rob the late Consul of his coveted mission to Syria. Of what he did
in this respect he boasts in a letter to Crassus,<a name=
"FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37"
class="fnanchor">37</a> which, regarded from our point of view,
would no doubt be looked upon as base. He despised Crassus, and
here takes credit for all the fine things he had said of him; but
we have no right to think that Cicero could have been altogether
unlike a Roman. He speaks also in the Senate on behalf of the
people of Tenedos, who had brought their immunities and privileges
into question by some supposed want of faith. All we know of this
speech is that it was spoken in vain. He pleaded against an Asiatic
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">
48</a></span>king, Antiochus of Comagene, who was befriended by
Pompey, but Cicero seems to have laughed him out of some of his
petty possessions.<a name="FNanchor_38" id=
"FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class=
"fnanchor">38</a> He spoke for the inhabitants of Reate on some
question of water-privilege against the Interamnates. Interamna we
now know as Terne, where a modern Pope made a lovely water-fall,
and at the same time rectified the water-privileges of the
surrounding district. Cicero went down to its pleasant Tempe, as he
calls it, and stayed there awhile with one Axius.<a name=
"FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39"
class="fnanchor">39</a> He returned thence to Rome to undertake
some case for Fonteius, and attended the games which Milo was
giving, Milo having been elected &AElig;dile. Here we have a morsel
of dramatic criticism on Antiphon the actor and Arbuscula the
actress, which reminds one of Pepys. Then he defended Messius, then
Drusus, then Scaurus. He mentions all these cases in the same
letter, but so slightly that we cannot trouble ourselves with their
details. We only feel that he was kept as busy as a London
barrister in full practice. He also defended Vatinius&mdash;that
Vatinius with whose iniquities he had been so indignant at the
trial of Sextius. He defended him twice at the instigation of
C&aelig;sar; and he does not seem to have suffered in doing so, as
he had certainly done when called upon to stand up and plead for
his late consular enemy, Gabinius. Valerius Maximus, a dull author,
often quoted but seldom read, whose task it was to give instances
of all the virtues and vices produced by mankind, refers to these
pleadings for Gabinius and Vatinius as instances of an almost
divine forgiveness of injury.<a name="FNanchor_40" id=
"FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class=
"fnanchor">40</a> I think we must seek for the good, if good is
to be discovered in the proceeding, in the presumed strength which
might be added to the Republic by friendly relations between
himself and C&aelig;sar.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 54,
&aelig;tat. 53.</div>

<p>In the spring of the year we find Cicero writing to C&aelig;sar
in apparently great intimacy. He recommends to C&aelig;sar his
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">
49</a></span>young friend Trebatius, a lawyer, who was going to
Gaul in search of his fortune, and in doing so he refers to a
joking promise from C&aelig;sar that he would make another friend,
whom he had recommended, King of Gaul; or, if not that, foreman at
least to Lepta, his head of the mechanics. Lepta was an officer in
trust under C&aelig;sar, with whose name we become familiar in
Cicero's correspondence, though I do not remember that C&aelig;sar
ever mentions him. "Send me some one else that I may show my
friendship," C&aelig;sar had said, knowing well that Cicero was
worth any price of the kind. Cicero declares to C&aelig;sar that on
hearing this he held up his hands in grateful surprise, and on this
account he had sent Trebatius. "Mi C&aelig;sar," he says, writing
with all affection; and then he praises Trebatius, assuring
C&aelig;sar that he does not recommend the young man loosely, as he
had some other young men who were worthless&mdash;such as Milo, for
instance. This results in much good done to Trebatius, though the
young man at first does not like the service with the army. He is a
lawyer, and finds the work in Gaul very rough. Cicero, who is
anxious on his behalf, laughs at him and bids him take the good
things that come in his way. In subsequent years Trebatius was made
known to the world as the legal pundit whom Horace pretends to
consult as to the libellous nature of his satires.<a name=
"FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41"
class="fnanchor">41</a></p>

<p>In September of this year Cicero pleaded in court for his friend
Cn. Plancius, against whom there was brought an accusation that, in
canvassing and obtaining the office of &AElig;dile, he had been
guilty of bribery. In all these accusations, which come before us
as having been either promoted or opposed <span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span>by Cicero, there is
not one in which the reader sympathizes more strongly with the
person accused than in this. Plancius had shown Cicero during his
banishment the affection of a brother, or almost of a son. Plancius
had taken him in and provided for him in Macedonia, when to do so
was illegal. Cicero now took great delight in returning the favor.
The reader of this oration cannot learn from it that Plancius had
in truth done anything illegal. The complaint really made against
him was that he, filling the comparatively humble position of a
knight, had ventured to become the opposing candidate of such a
gallant young aristocrat as M. Juventius Laterensis, who was beaten
at this election, and now brought this action in revenge. There is
no tearing of any enemy to tatters in this oration, but there is
much pathos, and, as was usual with Cicero at this period of his
life, an inordinate amount of self-praise. There are many details
as to the way in which the tribes voted at elections, which the
patient and curious student will find instructive, but which will
probably be caviare to all who are not patient and curious
students. There are a few passages of peculiar force. Addressing
himself to the rival of Plancius, he tells Laterensis that, even
though the people might have judged badly in selecting Plancius, it
was not the less his duty to accept the judgment of the people.<a
name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> Say that the people
ought not to have done so; but it should have been sufficient for
him that they had done so. Then he laughs with a beautiful irony at
the pretensions of the accuser. "Let us suppose that it was so," he
says.<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> "Let no one whose
family has not soared above pr&aelig;torian honors contest any
place with one of consular family. Let no mere knight stand against
one with pr&aelig;torian relations." In such a case there would be
no <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">
51</a></span>need of the people to vote at all. Farther on he
gives his own views as to the honors of the State in language that
is very grand. "It has," he says, "been my first endeavor to
deserve the high rank of the State; my second, to have been thought
to deserve it. The rank itself has been but the third object of my
desires."<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> Plancius was
acquitted&mdash;it seems to us quite as a matter of course.</p>

<p>In this perhaps the most difficult period of his existence, when
the organized conspiracy of the day had not as yet overturned the
landmarks of the constitution, he wrote a long letter to his friend
Lentulus,<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> him who had been
prominent as Consul in rescuing him from his exile, and who was now
Proconsul in Cilicia. Lentulus had probably taxed him, after some
friendly fashion, with going over from the "optimates" or
Senatorial party to that of the conspirators Pompey, C&aelig;sar,
and Crassus. He had been called a deserter for having passed in his
earlier years from the popular party to that of the Senate, and now
the leading optimates were doubtful of him&mdash;whether he was not
showing himself too well inclined to do the bidding of the
democratic leaders. The one accusation has been as unfair as the
other. In this letter he reminds Lentulus that a captain in making
a port cannot always sail thither in a straight line, but must tack
and haul and use a slant of wind as he can get it. Cicero was
always struggling to make way against a head-wind, and was running
hither and thither in his attempt, in a manner most perplexing to
those who were looking on without knowing the nature of the winds;
but his port was always there, clearly visible to him, if he could
only reach it. That port was the Old Republic, with its well-worn
and once successful institutions. It was not to be "fetched." The
winds had become too perverse, and the entrance had become choked
with sand. But he did his best to fetch it; and, though he was
driven hither and thither in his endeavors, it should be <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">
52</a></span>remembered that to lookers-on such must ever be the
appearance of those who are forced to tack about in search of their
port.</p>

<p>I have before me Mr. Forsyth's elaborate and very accurate
account of this letter. "Now, however," says the biographer, "the
future lay dark before him; and not the most sagacious politician
at Rome could have divined the series of events&mdash;blundering
weakness on the one side and unscrupulous ambition on the
other&mdash;which led to the Dictatorship of C&aelig;sar and the
overthrow of the constitution." Nothing can be more true. Cicero
was probably the most sagacious politician in Rome; and he, though
he did understand much of the weakness&mdash;and, it should be
added, of the greed&mdash;of his own party, did not foresee the
point which C&aelig;sar was destined to reach, and which was now
probably fixed before C&aelig;sar's own eyes. But I cannot agree
with Mr. Forsyth in the result at which he had arrived when he
quoted a passage from one of the notes affixed by Melmoth to his
translation of this letter: "It was fear alone that determined his
resolution; and having once already suffered in the cause of
liberty, he did not find himself to be disposed to be twice its
martyr." I should not have thought these words worthy of refutation
had they not been backed by Mr. Forsyth. How did Cicero show his
fear? Had he feared&mdash;as indeed there was cause enough, when it
was difficult for a leading man to keep his throat uncut amid the
violence of the times, or a house over his head&mdash;might he not
have made himself safe by accepting C&aelig;sar's offers? A
Proconsul out of Rome was safe enough, but he would not be a
Proconsul out of Rome till he could avoid it no longer. When the
day of danger came, he joined Pompey's army against C&aelig;sar,
doubting, not for his life but for his character, as to what might
be the best for the Republic. He did not fear when C&aelig;sar was
dead and only Antony remained. When the hour came in which his
throat had to be cut, he did not fear. When a man has shown such a
power of action in the face of danger as<span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span> Cicero displayed at
forty-four in his Consulship, and again at sixty-four in his
prolonged struggle with Antony, it is contrary to nature that he
should have been a coward at fifty-four.</p>

<p>And all the evidence of the period is opposed to this theory of
cowardice. There was nothing special for him to fear when
C&aelig;sar was in Gaul, and Crassus about to start for Syria, and
Pompey for his provinces. Such was the condition of Rome, social
and political, that all was uncertain and all was dangerous. But
men had become used to danger, and were anxious only, in the
general scramble, to get what plunder might be going. Unlimited
plunder was at Cicero's command&mdash;provinces, magistracies,
abnormal lieutenancies&mdash;but he took nothing. He even told his
friend in joke that he would have liked to be an augur, and the
critics have thereupon concluded that he was ready to sell his
country for a trifle. But he took nothing when all others were
helping themselves.</p>

<p>The letter to Lentulus is well worth studying, if only as
evidence of the thoughtfulness with which he weighed every point
affecting his own character. He did wish to stand well with the
"optimates," of whom Lentulus was one. He did wish to stand well
with C&aelig;sar, and with Pompey, who at this time was
C&aelig;sar's jackal. He did find the difficulty of running with
the hare and hunting with the hounds. He must have surely learned
at last to hate all compromise. But he had fallen on hard times,
and the task before him was impossible. If, however, his hands were
clean when those of others were dirty, and his motives patriotic
while those of others were selfish, so much ought to be said for
him.</p>

<p>In the same year he defended Rabirius Postumus, and in doing so
carried on the purpose which he had been instigated to undertake by
C&aelig;sar in defending Gabinius. This Rabirius was the nephew of
him whom ten years before Cicero had defended when accused of
having killed Saturninus. He was a knight, and, as was customary
with the Equites, had long been engaged in the pursuit of trade,
making money by lending<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id=
"Page_54">54</a></span> money, and such like. He had, it
seems, been a successful man, but, in an evil time for himself, had
come across King Ptolemy Auletes when there was a question of
restoring that wretched sovereign to the throne of Egypt. As Cicero
was not himself much exercised in this matter, I have not referred
to the king and his affairs, wishing as far as possible to avoid
questions which concern the history of Rome rather than the life of
Cicero; but the affairs of this banished king continually come up
in the records of this time. Pompey had befriended Auletes, and
Gabinius, when Proconsul in Syria, had succeeded in restoring the
king to his throne&mdash;no doubt in obedience to Pompey, though
not in obedience to the Senate. Auletes, when in Rome, had required
large sums of money&mdash;suppliant kings when in the city needed
money to buy venal Senators&mdash;and Rabirius had supplied him.
The profits to be made from suppliant kings when in want of money
were generally very great, but this king seems so have got hold of
all the money which Rabirius possessed, so that the knight-banker
found himself obliged to become one of the king's suite when the
king went back to take possession of his kingdom. In no other way
could he hang on to the vast debt that was owing to him. In Egypt
he found himself compelled to undergo various indignities. He
became no better than a head-servant among the king's servants. One
of the charges brought against him was that he, a Roman knight, had
allowed himself to be clothed in the half-feminine garb of an
Oriental attendant upon a king. It was also brought against him as
part of the accusation that he had bribed, or had endeavored to
bribe, a certain Senator. The crime nominally laid to the charge of
Rabirius was "de repetundis"&mdash;for extorting money in the
position of a magistrate. The money alluded to had been, in truth,
extorted by Gabinius from Ptolemy Auletes as the price paid for his
restoration, and had come in great part probably from out of the
pocket of Rabirius himself. Gabinius had been condemned, and
ordered to repay the money. He had<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span> none to repay, and the
claim, by some clause in the law to that effect was transferred to
Rabirius as his agent. Rabirius was accused as though he had
extorted the money&mdash;which he had in fact lost, but the spirit
of the accusation lay in the idea that he, a Roman knight, had
basely subjected himself to an Egyptian king. That Rabirius had
been base and sordid there can be no doubt. That he was ruined by
his transaction with Auletes is equally certain. It is supposed
that he was convicted. He was afterward employed by C&aelig;sar,
who, when in power, may have recalled him from banishment. There
are many passages in the oration to which I would fain refer the
reader had I space to do so. I will name only one in which Cicero
endeavors to ingratiate himself with his audience by referring to
the old established Roman hatred of kings: "Who is there among us
who, though he may not have tried them himself, does not know the
ways of kings? 'Listen to me here!' 'Obey my word at once!' 'Speak
a word more than you are told, and you'll see what you'll get!' 'Do
that a second time, and you die!' We should read of such things and
look at them from a distance, not only for our pleasure, but that
we may know of what we have to be aware, and what we ought to
avoid."<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a></p>

<p>There is a letter written in this year to Curio, another young
friend such as C&aelig;lius, of whom I have spoken. Curio also was
clever, dissipated, extravagant, and unscrupulous. But at this
period of his life he was attached to Cicero, who was not
indifferent to the services which might accrue to him from friends
who might be violent and unscrupulous on the right side.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 53,
&aelig;tat. 54.</div>

<p>This letter was written to secure Curio's services for another
friend not quite so young, but equally attached, and perhaps of all
the Romans of the time the most unscrupulous and the most violent.
This friend was Milo, who was about to stand for the Consulship of
the fol<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">
56</a></span>lowing year. Curio was on his road from Asia Minor,
where he had been Qu&aelig;stor, and is invited by Cicero in
language peculiarly pressing to be the leader of Milo's party on
the occasion.<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a
href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> We cannot but
imagine that the winds which Curio was called upon to govern were
the tornadoes and squalls which were to be made to rage in the
streets of Rome to the great discomfiture of Milo's enemies during
his canvass. To such a state had Rome come, that for the first six
months of this year there were no Consuls, an election being found
to be impossible. Milo had been the great opponent of Clodius in
the city rows which had taken place previous to the exile of
Cicero. The two men are called by Mommsen the Achilles and the
Hector of the streets.<a name="FNanchor_48" id=
"FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class=
"fnanchor">48</a> Cicero was of course on Milo's side, as Milo
was an enemy to Clodius. In this matter his feeling was so strong
that he declares to Curio that he does not think that the welfare
and fortunes of one man were ever so dear to another as now were
those of Milo to him. Milo's success is the only object of interest
he has in the world. This is interesting to us now as a prelude to
the great trial which was to take place in the next year, when
Milo, instead of being elected Consul, was convicted of murder.</p>

<p>In the two previous years C&aelig;sar had made two invasions
into Britain, in the latter of which Quintus Cicero had accompanied
him. Cicero in various letters alludes to this undertaking, but
barely gives it the importance which we, as Britons, think should
have been attached to so tremendous an enterprise. There might
perhaps be some danger, he thought, in crossing the seas, and
encountering the rocky shores of the island, but there was nothing
to be got worth the getting. He tells Atticus that he can hardly
expect any slaves skilled either <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>in music or letters,<a
name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> and he suggests to
Trebatius that, as he will certainly find neither gold nor slaves,
he had better put himself into a British chariot and come back in
it as soon as possible.<a name="FNanchor_50" id=
"FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class=
"fnanchor">50</a> In this year C&aelig;sar reduced the remaining
tribes of Gaul, and crossed the Rhine a second time. It was his
sixth year in Gaul, and men had learned to know what was his
nature. Cicero had discovered his greatness, as also Pompey must
have done, to his great dismay; and he had himself discovered what
he was himself; but two accidents occurred in this year which were
perhaps as important in Roman history as the continuance of
C&aelig;sar's success. Julia, C&aelig;sar's daughter and Pompey's
wife, died in childbed. She seems to have been loved by all, and
had been idolized from the time of the marriage by her uxorious
husband, who was more than twenty-four years her senior. She
certainly had been a strong bond of union between C&aelig;sar and
Pompey; so much so that we are surprised that such a feeling should
have been so powerful among the Romans of the time.
"Concordi&aelig; pignus," a "pledge of friendship," she is called
by Paterculus, who tells us in the same sentence that the
Triumvirate had no other bond to hold it together.<a name=
"FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51"
class="fnanchor">51</a> Whether the friendship might have
remained valid had Julia lived we cannot say; but she died, and the
two friends became enemies. From the moment of Julia's death there
was no Triumvirate.</p>

<p>The other accident was equally fatal to the bond of union which
had bound the three men together. Late in the year, after his
Consulship, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 54, Crassus had gone to
his Syrian government with the double intention of increasing his
wealth and rivalling the military glories of C&aelig;sar and
Pompey. In the following year he became an easy victim to Eastern
deceit, and was destroyed by the Parthians, with his son and the
greater part of the Roman army which had been intrusted to <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">
58</a></span>him.<a name="FNanchor_52" id=
"FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class=
"fnanchor">52</a> We are told that Crassus at last destroyed
himself. I doubt, however, whether there was enough of patriotism
alive among Romans at the time to create the feeling which so great
a loss and so great a shame should have occasioned. As far as we
can learn, the destruction of Crassus and his legions did not
occasion so much thought in Rome as the breaking up of the
Triumvirate.</p>

<p>Cicero's daughter Tullia was now a second time without a
husband. She was the widow of her first husband Piso; had then,
<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56, married Crassipes, and had been
divorced. Of him we have heard nothing, except that he was
divorced. A doubt has been thrown on the fact whether she was in
truth ever married to Crassipes. We learn from letters, both to his
brother and to Atticus, that Cicero was contented with the match,
when it was made, and did his best to give the lady a rich dowry.<a
name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a></p>

<p>In this year Cicero was elected into the College of Augurs, to
fill the vacancy made by the death of young Crassus, who had been
killed with his father in Parthia. The reader will remember that he
had in a joking manner expressed a desire for the office. He now
obtained it without any difficulty, and certainly without any
sacrifice of his principle. It had formerly been the privilege of
the augurs to fill up the vacancies in their own college, but the
right had been transferred to the people. It was now conferred upon
Cicero without serious opposition.</p>

<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">
59</a></span></p>

<h3><a name="Chapter_III" id="Chapter_III"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter III</span>.</h3>

<h4><i>MILO.</i></h4>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52,
&aelig;tat. 55.</div>

<p>The preceding year came to an end without any consular election.
It was for the election expected to have taken place that the
services of Curio had been so ardently bespoken by Cicero on behalf
of Milo. In order to impede the election Clodius accused Milo of
being in debt, and Cicero defended him. What was the nature of the
accusation we do not exactly know. "An inquiry into Milo's debts!"
Such was the name given to the pleadings as found with the
fragments which have come to us.<a name="FNanchor_54" id=
"FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class=
"fnanchor">54</a> In these, which are short and not specially
interesting, there is hardly a word as to Milo's debts; but much
abuse of Clodius, with some praise of Cicero himself, and some
praise also of Pompey, who was so soon to take up arms against
Cicero, not metaphorically, but in grim reality of sword and
buckler, in this matter of his further defence of Milo. We cannot
believe that Milo's debts stood in the way of his election, but we
know that at last he was not elected. Early in the year Clodius was
killed, and then, at the suggestion of Bibulus&mdash;whom the
reader will remember as the colleague of C&aelig;sar in the
Consulship when C&aelig;sar reduced his colleague to ridiculous
impotence by his violence&mdash;Pompey was elected as sole Consul,
an honor which befell no other Roman.<a name="FNanchor_55" id=
"FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class=
"fnanchor">55</a> The condition of Rome must have <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span>been
very low when such a one as Bibulus thought that no order was
possible except by putting absolute power into the hands of him who
had so lately been the partner of C&aelig;sar in the conspiracy
which had not even yet been altogether brought to an end. That
Bibulus acted under constraint is no doubt true. It would be of
little matter now from what cause he acted, were it not that his
having taken a part in this utter disruption of the Roman form of
government is one proof the more that there was no longer any hope
for the Republic.</p>

<p>But the story of the killing of Clodius must be told at some
length, because it affords the best-drawn picture that we can get
of the sort of violence with which Roman affairs had to be managed;
and also because it gave rise to one of the choicest morsels of
forensic eloquence that have ever been prepared by the intellect
and skill of an advocate. It is well known that the speech to which
I refer was not spoken, and could not have been spoken, in the form
in which it has reached us. We do not know what part of it was
spoken and what was omitted; but we do know that the Pro Milone
exists for us, and that it lives among the glories of language as a
published oration. I find, on looking through the Institutio
Oratoria of Quintilian, that in his estimation the Pro Milone was
the first in favor of all our author's orations&mdash;"facile
princeps," if we may collect the critic's ideas on the subject from
the number of references made and examples taken. Quintilian's work
consists of lessons on oratory, which he supports by quotations
from the great orators, both Greek and Latin, with whose speeches
he has made himself familiar. Cicero was to him the chief of
orators; so much so that we may almost say that Quintilian's
Institutio is rather a lecture in honor of Cicero than a general
lesson. With the Roman school-master's method of teaching for the
benefit of the Roman youth of the day we have no concern at
present, but we can gather from the references made by him the
estimation in which various orations were held by others, as well
as by him, in his day. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61"
id="Page_61">61</a></span> Pro Cluentio, which is twice as
long as the Pro Milone, and which has never, I think, been a
favorite with modern readers, is quoted very frequently by
Quintilian. It is the second in the list. Quintilian makes eighteen
references to it; but the Pro Milone is brought to the reader's
notice thirty-seven times. Quintilian was certainly a good critic;
and he understood how to recommend himself to his own followers by
quoting excellences which had already been acknowledged as the best
which Roman literature had afforded.</p>

<p>Those who have gone before me in writing the life of Cicero
have, in telling their story as to Milo, very properly gone to
Asconius for their details. As I must do so too, I shall probably
not diverge far from them. Asconius wrote as early as in the reign
of Claudius, and had in his possession the annals of the time which
have not come to us. Among other writings he could refer to those
books of Livy which have since been lost. He seems to have done his
work as commentator with no glow of affection and with no touch of
animosity, either on one side or on the other. There can be no
reason for doubting the impartiality of Asconius as to Milo's
trial, and every reason for trusting his knowledge of the
facts.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52,
&aelig;tat. 55.</div>

<p>When the year began, no Consuls had been chosen, and an interrex
became necessary&mdash;one interrex after another&mdash;to make the
election of Consuls possible in accordance with the forms of the
constitution. These men remained in office each for five days, and
it was customary that an election which had been delayed should be
completed within the days of the second or third interrex. There
were three candidates, Milo, Hyps&aelig;us, and Q. Metellus Scipio,
by all of whom bribery and violence were used with open and
unblushing profligacy. Cicero was wedded to Milo's cause, as we
have seen from his letter to Curio, but it does not appear that he
himself took any active part in the canvass. The duties to be done
required rather the services of a Curio. Pompey, on the other hand,
was nearly as warmly engaged<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62"
id="Page_62">62</a></span> in favor of Hyps&aelig;us and
Scipio, though in the turn which affairs took he seems to have been
willing enough to accept the office himself when it came in his
way. Milo and Clodius had often fought in the streets of Rome, each
ruffian attended by a band of armed combatants, so that in
audacity, as Asconius says, they were equal.</p>

<p>On the 20th of January Milo was returning to Rome from Lanuvium,
where he had been engaged, as chief magistrate of the town, in
nominating a friend for the municipality. He was in a carriage with
his wife Fausta, and with a friend, and was followed, as was his
wont, by a large band of armed men, among whom were two noted
gladiators, Eudamus and Birria. At Bovill&aelig;, near the temple
of the Bona Dea, his cortege was met by Clodius on horseback, who
had with him some friends, and thirty slaves armed with swords.
Milo's attendants were nearly ten times as numerous. It is not
supposed by Asconius that either of the two men expected the
meeting, which may be presumed to have been fortuitous. Milo and
Clodius passed each other without words or blows&mdash;scowling, no
doubt; but the two gladiators who were at the end of the file of
Milo's men began to quarrel with certain of the followers of
Clodius. Clodius interfered, and was stabbed in the shoulder by
Birria; then he was carried to a neighboring tavern while the fight
was in progress. Milo, having heard that his enemy was there
concealed&mdash;thinking that he would be greatly relieved in his
career by the death of such a foe, and that the risk should be run
though the consequences might be grave&mdash;caused Clodius to be
dragged out from the tavern and slaughtered. On what grounds
Asconius has attributed these probable thoughts to Milo we do not
know. That the order was given the jury believed, or at any rate
affected to believe.</p>

<p>Up to this moment Milo was no more guilty than Clodius, and
neither of them, probably, guilty of more than their usual
violence. Partisans on the two sides endeavored to show that each
had prepared an ambush for the other, but there is no<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span>
evidence that it was so. There is no evidence existing now as to
this dragging out of Clodius that he might be murdered; but we know
what was the general opinion of Rome at the time and we may
conclude that it was right. The order probably was given by
Milo&mdash;as it would have been given by Clodius in similar
circumstances&mdash;at the spur of the moment, when Milo allowed
his passion to get the better of his judgment.</p>

<p>The thirty servants of Clodius were either killed or had run
away and hidden themselves, when a certain Senator, S. Tedius,
coming that way, found the dead body on the road, and carrying it
into the city on a litter deposited it in the dead man's house.
Before nightfall the death of Clodius was known through the city,
and the body was surrounded by a crowd of citizens of the lower
order and of slaves. With them was Fulvia, the widow, exposing the
dead man's wounds and exciting the people to sympathy. On the
morrow there was an increased crowd, among whom were Senators and
Tribunes, and the body was carried out into the Forum, and the
people were harangued by the Tribunes as to the horror of the deed
that had been done. From thence the body was borne into the
neighboring Senate-house<a name="FNanchor_56" id=
"FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class=
"fnanchor">56</a> by the crowd, under the leading of Sextus
Clodius, a cousin of the dead man. Here it was burnt with a great
fire fed with the desks and benches, and even with the books and
archives which were stored there. Not only was the Senate-house
destroyed by the flames, but a temple also that was close to it.
Milo's house was attacked, and was defended by arms. We are made to
understand that all Rome was in a state of violence and anarchy.
The Consuls' fasces had been put away in one of the
temples&mdash;that of Venus Libitina: these the people seized and
carried to the house of Pompey, declaring that he should be
Dictator, and he alone <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id=
"Page_64">64</a></span>Consul, mingling anarchy with a
marvellous reverence for legal forms.</p>

<p>But there arose in the city a feeling of great anger at the
burning of the Senate-house, which for a while seemed to extinguish
the sympathy for Clodius, so that Milo, who was supposed to have
taken himself off, came back to Rome and renewed his canvass,
distributing bribes to all the citizens&mdash;"millia
assuum"&mdash;perhaps something over ten pounds to every man. Both
he and C&aelig;lius harangued the people, and declared that Clodius
had begun the fray. But no Consuls could be elected while the city
was in such a state, and Pompey, having been desired to protect the
Republic in the usual form, collected troops from all Italy.
Preparations were made for trying Milo, and the friends of each
party demanded that the slaves of the other party should be put to
the torture and examined as witnesses; but every possible
impediment and legal quibble was used by the advocates on either
side. Hortensius, who was engaged for Milo, declared that Milo's
slaves had all been made free men and could not be touched. Stories
were told backward and forward of the cruelty and violence on each
side. Milo made an offer to Pompey to abandon his canvass in favor
of Hyps&aelig;us, if Pompey would accept this as a compromise.
Pompey answered, with the assumed dignity that was common to him,
that he was not the Roman people, and that it was not for him to
interfere.</p>

<p>It was then that Pompey was created sole Consul at the
instigation of Bibulus. He immediately caused a new law to be
passed for the management of the trial which was coming on, and
when he was opposed in this by C&aelig;lius, declared that if
necessary he would carry his purpose by force of arms. Pretending
to be afraid of Milo's violence, he remained at home, and on one
occasion dismissed the Senate. Afterward, when Milo entered the
Senate, he was accused by a Senator present of having come thither
with arms hidden beneath his toga; whereupon he lifted his toga and
showed that there were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id=
"Page_65">65</a></span> none. Asconius tells us that upon this
Cicero declared that all the other charges made against the accused
were equally false. This is the first word of Cicero's known to us
in the matter.</p>

<p>Two or three men declared that because they had been present at
the death of Clodius they had been kidnapped and kept close
prisoners by Milo; and the story, whether true or false, did Milo
much harm. It seems that Milo became again very odious to the
people, and that their hatred was for the time extended to Cicero
as Milo's friend and proposed advocate. Pompey seems to have shared
the feeling, and to have declared that violence was contemplated
against himself. "But such was Cicero's constancy," says Asconius,
"that neither the alienation of the people nor the suspicions of
Pompey, no fear of what might befall himself at the trial, no dread
of the arms which were used openly against Milo, could hinder him
from going on with the defence, although it was within his power to
avoid the quarrel with the people and to renew his friendship for
Pompey by abstaining from it." Domitius &AElig;nobarbus was chosen
as President, and the others elected as judges were, we are told,
equally good men. Milo was accused both of violence and bribery,
but was able to arrange that the former case should be tried first.
The method of the trial is explained. Fifty-one judges or jurymen
were at last chosen. Schola was the first witness examined, and he
exaggerated as best he could the horror of the murder. When
Marcellus, as advocate for Milo, began to examine Schola, the
people were so violent that the President was forced to protect
Marcellus by taking him within the barrier of the judges' seats.
Milo also was obliged to demand protection within the court.
Pompey, then sitting at the Treasury, and frightened by the clamor,
declared that he himself would come down with troops on the next
day. After the hearing of the evidence the Tribune Munatius Plancus
harangued the people, and begged them to come in great numbers on
the morrow so that Milo might not be allowed to es<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span>cape. On
the following day, which was the 11th of April, all the taverns
were shut. Pompey filled the Forum and every approach to it with
his soldiers. He himself remained seated at the Treasury as before,
surrounded by a picked body of men. At the trial on this day, when
three of the advocates against Milo had spoken&mdash;Appius, Marc
Antony, and Valerius Nepos&mdash;Cicero stood up to defend the
criminal. Brutus had prepared an oration declaring that the killing
of Clodius was in itself a good deed, and praiseworthy on behalf of
the Republic; but to this speech Cicero refused his consent,
arguing that a man could not legally be killed simply because his
death was to be desired, and Brutus's speech was not spoken.
Witnesses had declared that Milo had lain in wait for Clodius. This
Cicero alleged to be false, contending that Clodius had lain in
wait for Milo, and he endeavored to make this point and no other.
"But it is proved," says Asconius, "that neither of the men had any
design of violence on that day; that they met by chance, and that
the killing of Clodius had come from the quarrelling of the slaves.
It was well known that each had often threatened the death of the
other. Milo's slaves had no doubt been much more numerous than
those of Clodius when the meeting took place; but those of Clodius
had been very much better prepared for fighting. When Cicero began
to address the judges, the partisans of Clodius could not be
induced to abstain from riot even by fear of the soldiery; so that
he was unable to speak with his accustomed firmness."</p>

<p>Such is the account as given by Asconius, who goes on to tell us
that out of the fifty-one judges thirty-eight condemned Milo and
only thirteen were for acquitting him. Milo, therefore, was
condemned, and had to retire at once into exile at Marseilles.</p>

<p>It seems to have been acknowledged by the judges that Clodius
had not been wounded at first by any connivance on the part of
Milo; but they thought that Milo did direct that Clodius should be
killed during the fight which the slaves had<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span>
commenced among themselves. As far as we can take any interest in
the matter we must suppose that it was so; but we are forced to
agree with Brutus that the killing of Clodius was in itself a good
deed done&mdash;and we have to acknowledge at the same time that
the killing of Milo would have been as good. Though we may doubt as
to the manner in which Clodius was killed, there are points in the
matter as to which we may be quite assured. Milo was condemned, not
for killing Clodius, but because he was opposed at the moment to
the line of politics which Pompey thought would be most conducive
to his own interests. Milo was condemned, and the death of the
wretched Clodius avenged, because Pompey had desired Hyps&aelig;us
to be Consul and Milo had dared to stand in his way. An audience
was refused to Cicero, not from any sympathy with Clodius, but
because it suited Pompey that Milo should be condemned. Could
Cicero have spoken the words which afterward were published, the
jury might have hesitated and the criminal might have been
acquitted. C&aelig;sar was absent, and Pompey found himself again
lifted into supreme power&mdash;for a moment. Though no one in Rome
had insulted Pompey as Clodius had done, though no one had so
fought for Pompey as Cicero had done, still it suited Pompey to
avenge Clodius and to punish Cicero for having taken Milo's part in
regard to the consulship. Milo, after his condemnation for the
death of Clodius, was condemned in three subsequent trials, one
following the other almost instantly, for bribery, for secret
conspiracy, and again for violence in the city. He was absent, but
there was no difficulty in obtaining his conviction. When he was
gone one Saufeius, a friend of his, who had been with him during
the tumult, was put upon his trial for his share in the death of
Clodius. He at any rate was known to have been guilty in the
matter. He had been leader of the party who attacked the tavern,
had killed the tavern-keeper, and had dragged out Clodius to
execution. But Saufeius was twice acquitted. Had there been any
hope of law-abiding tranquillity in Rome, it might have<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span> been
well that Clodius should be killed and Milo banished. As it was,
neither the death of the one nor the banishment of the other could
avail anything. The pity of it was&mdash;the pity&mdash;that such a
one as Cicero, a man with such intellect, such ambition, such
sympathies, and such patriotism, should have been brought to fight
on such an arena.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52,
&aelig;tat. 55.</div>

<p>We have in this story a graphic and most astounding picture of
the Rome of the day. No Consuls had been or could be elected, and
the system by which "interreges" had been enabled to superintend
the election of their successors in lieu of the Consuls of the
expiring year had broken down. Pompey had been made sole Consul in
an informal manner, and had taken upon himself all the authority of
a Dictator in levying troops. Power in Rome seems at the moment to
have been shared between him and bands of gladiators, but he too
had succeeded in arming himself, and as the Clodian faction was on
his side, he was for a while supreme. For law by this time he could
have but little reverence, having been partner with C&aelig;sar in
the so-called Triumvirate for the last eight years. But yet he had
no aptitude for throwing the law altogether on one side, and making
such a coup-de-main as was now and again within his power. Beyond
Pompey there was at this time no power in Rome, except that of the
gladiators, and the owners of the gladiators, who were each intent
on making plunder out of the Empire. There were certain men, such
as were Bibulus and Cato, who considered themselves to be
"optimates"&mdash;leading citizens who believed in the Republic,
and were no doubt anxious to maintain the established order of
things&mdash;as we may imagine the dukes and earls are anxious in
these days of ours. But they were impotent and bad men of business,
and as a body were too closely wedded to their "fish
ponds"&mdash;by which Cicero means their general luxuries and
extravagances. In the bosoms of these men there was no doubt an
eager desire to perpetuate a Republic which had done so much for
them, and a courage sufficient for the doing of<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span> some
great deed, if the great deed would come in their way. They went to
Pharsalia, and Cato marched across the deserts of Libya. They slew
C&aelig;sar, and did some gallant fighting afterward; but they were
like a rope of sand, and had among them no fitting leader and no
high purpose.</p>

<p>Outside of these was Cicero, who certainly was not a fitting
leader when fighting was necessary, and who as to politics in
general was fitted rather by noble aspirations than supported by
fixed purposes. We are driven to wonder that there should have
been, at such a period and among such a people, aspirations so
noble joined with so much vanity of expression. Among Romans he
stands the highest, because of all Romans he was the least Roman.
He had begun with high resolves, and had acted up to them. Among
all the Qu&aelig;stors, &AElig;diles, Pr&aelig;tors, and Consuls
Rome had known, none had been better, none honester, none more
patriotic. There had come up suddenly in those days a man imbued
with the unwonted idea that it behooved him to do his duty to the
State according to the best of his lights&mdash;no Cincinnatus, no
Decius, no Camillus, no Scipio, no pretentious follower of those
half-mythic heroes, no demigod struggling to walk across the stage
of life enveloped in his toga and resolved to impose on all eyes by
the assumption of a divine dignity, but one who at every turn was
conscious of his human duty, and anxious to do it to the best of
his human ability. He did it; and we have to acknowledge that the
conceit of doing it overpowered him. He mistook the feeling of
people around him, thinking that they too would be carried away by
their admiration of his conduct. Up to the day on which he
descended from his Consul's seat duty was paramount with him. Then
gradually there came upon him the conviction that duty, though it
had been paramount with him, did not weigh so very much with
others. He had been lavish in his worship of Pompey, thinking that
Pompey, whom he had believed in his youth to be the best of
citizens, would of all men be the truest to the Republic. Pompey
had deceived him, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id=
"Page_70">70</a></span> he could not suddenly give up his
idol. Gradually we see that there fell upon him a dread that the
great Roman Republic was not the perfect institution which he had
fancied. In his early days Chrysogonus had been base, and Verres,
and Oppianicus, and Catiline; but still, to his idea, the body of
the Roman Republic had been sound. But when he had gone out from
his Consulship, with resolves strung too high that he would remain
at Rome, despising provinces and plunder, and be as it were a
special providence to the Republic, gradually he fell from his high
purpose, finding that there were no Romans such as he had conceived
them to be. Then he fell away and became the man who could
condescend to waste his unequalled intellect in attacking Piso, in
praising himself, and in defending Milo. The glory of his active
life was over when his Consulship was done&mdash;the glory was
over, with the exception of that to come from his final struggle
with Antony&mdash;but the work by which his immortality was to be
achieved was yet before him. I think that after defending Milo he
must have acknowledged to himself that all partisan fighting in
Rome was mean, ignoble, and hollow. With the Senate-house and its
archives burnt as a funeral pile for Clodius, and the Forum in
which he had to plead lined with soldiers who stopped him by their
clang of arms instead of protecting him in his speech, it must have
been acknowledged by Cicero that the old Republic was dead, past
all hope of resurrection. He had said so often to Atticus; but men
say words in the despondency of the moment which they do not wish
to have accepted as their established conviction. In such humor
Cicero had written to his friend; but now it must have occurred to
him that his petulant expressions were becoming only too true. When
instigating Curio to canvass for Milo, and defending Milo as though
it had been a good thing for a Roman nobleman to travel in the
neighborhood of the city with an army at his heels, he must have
ceased to believe even in himself as a Roman statesman.</p>

<p>In the oration which we possess&mdash;which we must teach
our<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">
71</a></span>selves to regard as altogether different from that
which Cicero had been able to pronounce among Pompey's soldiers and
the Clodian rabble&mdash;the reader is astonished by the
magnificence of the language in which a case so bad in itself could
be enveloped, and is made to feel that had he been on the jury, and
had such an address been made to him, he would certainly have voted
for an acquittal. The guilt or innocence of Milo as to the murder
really turned on the point whether he did or did not direct that
Clodius should be dragged out of the tavern and slain; but here in
this oration three points are put forward, in each of which it was
within the scope of the orator to make the jury believe that
Clodius had in truth prepared an ambuscade, that Clodius was of all
Romans the worst, and that Milo was loyal and true, and, in spite
of a certain fierceness of disposition, a good citizen at heart. We
agree with Milo, who declared, when banished, that he would never
have been able to enjoy the fish of Marseilles had Cicero spoken in
the Forum the speech which he afterward composed.</p>

<p>"I would not remind you," he says, "of Milo's Tribuneship, nor
of all his service to the State, unless I could make plain to you
as daylight the ambush which on that day was laid for him by his
enemy. I will not pray you to forgive a crime simply because Milo
has been a good citizen; nor, because the death of Clodius has been
a blessing to us all, will I therefore ask you to regard it as a
deed worthy of praise. But if the fact of the ambush be absolutely
made evident, then I beseech you at any rate to grant that a man
may lawfully defend himself from the arrogance and from the arms of
his enemies."<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a
href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> From this may be
seen the nature of the arguments used. For the language the reader
must turn to the original. That it will be worth his while to do so
he has the evidence of all critics&mdash;especially that of Milo
when he was eating sardines in his exile, and of Quintilian when he
was preparing his lessons on <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>rhetoric. It seems that
Cicero had been twitted with using something of a dominating
tyranny in the Senate&mdash;which would hardly have been true, as
the prevailing influence of the moment was that of Pompey&mdash;but
he throws aside the insinuation very grandly. "Call it tyranny if
you please&mdash;if you think it that, rather than some little
authority which has grown from my services to the State, or some
favor among good men because of my rank. Call it what you will,
while I am able to use it for the defence of the good against the
violence of the evil-minded."<a name="FNanchor_58" id=
"FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class=
"fnanchor">58</a> Then he describes the fashion in which these
two men travelled on the occasion&mdash;the fashion of travelling
as it suited him to describe it. "If you did not hear the details
of the story, but could see simply a picture of all that occurred,
would it not appear which of them had planned the attack, which of
them was ignorant of all evil? One of them was seated in his
carriage, clad in his cloak, and with his wife beside him. His
garments, his clients, his companions all show how little prepared
he was for fighting. Then, as to the other, why was he leaving his
country-house so suddenly? Why should he do this so late in the
evening? Why did he travel so slowly at this time of the year? He
was going, he says, to Pompey's villa. Not that he might see
Pompey, because he knew that Pompey was at Alsium. Did he want to
see the villa? He had been there a thousand times. Why all this
delay, and turning backward and forward? Because he would not leave
the spot till Milo had come up. And now compare this ruffian's mode
of travelling with that of Milo. It has been the constant custom
with Clodius to have his wife with him, but now she was not there.
He has always been in a carriage, but now he was on horseback. His
young Greek sybarites have ever been with him, even when he went as
far as Tuscany; on this occasion there were no such trifles in his
company. Milo, with whom such companions were not <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>usual,
had his wife's singing-boys with him and a bevy of female slaves.
Clodius, who usually never moved without a crowd of prostitutes at
his heels, now had no one with him but men picked for this work in
hand."<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> What a picture we have
here of the manner in which noble Romans were wont to move about
the city and the suburbs! We may imagine that the singing-boys of
Milo's wife were quite as bad as the Greek attendants in whom
Clodius usually rejoiced. Then he asks a question as to Pompey full
of beautiful irony. If Pompey could bring back Clodius from the
dead&mdash;Pompey, who is so fond of him; Pompey, who is so
powerful, so fortunate, so capable of all things; Pompey, who would
be so glad to do it because of his love for the man&mdash;do you
not know that on behalf of the Republic he would leave him down
among the ghosts where he is?<a name="FNanchor_60" id=
"FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class=
"fnanchor">60</a> There is a delightful touch of satire in this
when we remember how odious Clodius had been to Pompey in days not
long gone by, and how insolent.</p>

<p>The oration is ended by histrionic effects in language which
would have been marvellous had they ever been spoken, but which
seem to be incredible to us when we know that they were arranged
for publication when the affair was over. "O me wretched! O me
unhappy!"<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> But these attempts at
translation are all vain. The student who wishes to understand what
may be the effect of Latin words thrown into this choicest form
should read the Milo.</p>

<p>We have very few letters from Cicero in this year&mdash;four
only, I think, and they are of no special moment. In one of them he
recommends Avianus to Titus Titius, a lieutenant then serving under
Pompey.<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> In this he is very
anxious to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">
74</a></span>induce Titius to let Avianus know all the good things
that Cicero had said of him. In our times we sometimes send our
letters of introduction open by the hands of the person introduced,
so that he may himself read his own praise; but the Romans did not
scruple to ask that this favor might be done for them. "Do me this
favor, Titius, of being kind to Avianus; but do me also the greater
favor of letting Avianus know that I have asked you." What Cicero
did to Titius other noble Romans did in their communications with
their friends in the provinces. In another letter to Marius he
expresses his great joy at the condemnation of that Munatius
Plancus who had been Tribune when Clodius was killed. Plancus had
harangued the people, exciting them against Milo and against
Cicero, and had led to the burning of the Senate-house and of the
temple next door. For this Plancus could not be accused during his
year of office, but he had been put upon his trial when that year
was over. Pompey had done his best to save him, but in vain; and
Cicero rejoices not only that the Tribune who had opposed him
should be punished, but that Pompey should have been beaten, which
he attributes altogether to the favor shown toward himself by the
jury.<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> He is aroused to true
exultation that there should have been men on the bench who, having
been chosen by Pompey in order that they might acquit this man, had
dared to condemn him. Cicero had himself spoken against Plancus on
the occasion. Sextus Clodius, who had been foremost among the
rioters, was also condemned.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52,
&aelig;tat. 55.</div>

<p>This was the year in which C&aelig;sar was so nearly conquered
by the Gauls at Gergovia, and in which Vercingetorix, having shut
himself up in Alesia, was overcome at last by the cruel strategy of
the Romans. The brave Gaul, who had done his best to defend his
country and had carried <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id=
"Page_75">75</a></span>himself to the last with a fine
gallantry, was kept by his conqueror six years in chains and then
strangled amid the glories of that conqueror's triumph, a signal
instance of the mercy which has been attributed to C&aelig;sar as
his special virtue. In this year, too, Cicero's dialogues with
Atticus, De Legibus, were written. He seems to have disturbed his
labors in the Forum with no other work.</p>

<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span></p>
<h3><a name="Chapter_IV" id="Chapter_IV"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter IV.</span></h3>

<h4><i>CILICIA.</i></h4>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 51,
&aelig;tat. 56.</div>

<p>We cannot but think that at this time the return of C&aelig;sar
was greatly feared at Rome by the party in the State to which
Cicero belonged; and this party must now be understood as including
Pompey. Pompey had been nominally Proconsul in Spain since the year
of his second Consulship, conjointly with Crassus, <span class=
"smcap">b.c.</span> 55, but had remained in Rome and had taken upon
himself the management of Roman affairs, considering himself to be
the master of the irregular powers which the Triumvirate had
created; and of this party was also Cicero, with Cato, Bibulus,
Brutus, and all those who were proud to call themselves
"optimates." They were now presumed to be desirous to maintain the
old republican form of government, and were anxious with more or
less sincerity according to the character of the men. Cato and
Brutus were thoroughly in earnest, not seeing, however, that the
old form might be utterly devoid of the old spirit. Pompey was
disposed to take the same direction, thinking that all must be well
in Rome as long as he was possessed of high office, grand names,
and the appanages of Dictatorship. Cicero, too, was anxious,
loyally anxious, but anxious without confidence. Something might
perhaps be saved if these optimates could be aroused to some idea
of their duty by the exercise of eloquence such as his own.</p>

<p>I will quote a few words from Mr. Froude's C&aelig;sar: "If
C&aelig;sar came to Rome as Consul, the Senate knew too well what
it might expect;" and then he adds, "Cicero had for some<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span>
time seen what was coming."<a name="FNanchor_64" id=
"FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class=
"fnanchor">64</a> As to these assertions I quite agree with Mr.
Froude; but I think that he has read wrongly both the history of
the time and the character of the man when he goes on to state that
"Cicero preferred characteristically to be out of the way at the
moment when he expected that the storm should break, and had
accepted the government of Cilicia and Cyprus." All the known
details of Cicero's life up to the period of his government of
Cilicia, during his government, and after his return from that
province, prove that he was characteristically wedded to a life in
Rome. This he declared by his distaste to that employment and his
impatience of return while he was absent. Nothing, I should say,
could be more certain than that he went to Cilicia in obedience to
new legal enactments which he could not avoid, but which, as they
acted upon himself, were odious to him. Mr. Froude tells us that he
held the government but for two years.<a name="FNanchor_65" id=
"FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class=
"fnanchor">65</a> The period of these provincial governments had
of late much varied. The acknowledged legal duration was for one
year. They had been stretched by the governing party to three, as
in the case of Verres in Sicily; to five, as with Pompey for his
Spanish government; to ten for C&aelig;sar in Gaul. This had been
done with the view of increasing the opportunities for plunder and
power, but had been efficacious of good in enabling governors to
carry out work for which one year would not have sufficed. It may
be a question whether Cicero as Proconsul in Cilicia deserved blame
for curtailing the period of his services to the Empire, or praise
for abstaining from plunder and power; but the fact is that he
remained in his province not two years but exactly one;<a name=
"FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66"
class="fnanchor">66</a> and that he escaped from it with all the
alacrity which we may presume to be expected by a prisoner when the
bars <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">
78</a></span>of his jail have been opened for him. Whether we
blame him or praise him, we can hardly refrain from feeling that
his impatience was grotesque. There certainly was no desire on
Cicero's part either to go to Cilicia or to remain there, and of
all his feelings that which prompted him never to be far absent
from Rome was the most characteristic of the man.</p>

<p>Among various laws which Pompey had caused to be passed in the
previous year, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52, and which had
been enacted with views personal to himself and his own political
views, had been one "de jure magistratuum"&mdash;as to the way in
which the magistrates of the Empire should be selected. Among other
clauses it contained one which declared that no Pr&aelig;tor and no
Consul should succeed to a province till he had been five years out
of office. It would be useless here to point out how absolutely
subversive of the old system of the Republic this new law would
have been, had the new law and the old system attempted to live
together. The Propr&aelig;tor would have been forced to abandon his
aspirations either for the province or for the Consulship, and no
consular governor would have been eligible for a province till
after his fiftieth year. But at this time Pompey was both consul
and governor, and C&aelig;sar was governor for ten years with
special exemption from another clause in the war which would
otherwise have forbidden him to stand again for the Consulship
during his absence.<a name="FNanchor_67" id=
"FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class=
"fnanchor">67</a> The law was wanted probably only for the
moment; but it had the effect of forcing Cicero out of Rome. As
there would naturally come from it a dearth of candidates for the
provinces it was further decreed by the Senate that the
ex-Pr&aelig;tors and ex-Consuls who had not yet served as governors
should now go forth and undertake the duties of government. In
compliance with <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id=
"Page_79">79</a></span>this order, and probably as a specially
intended consequence of it, Cicero was compelled to go to Cilicia.
Mr. Froude has said that "he preferred characteristically to be out
of the way." I have here given what I think to be the more probable
cause of his undertaking the government of Cilicia.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 51,
&aelig;tat. 56.</div>

<p>In April of this year Cicero before he started wrote the first
of a series of letters which he addressed to Appius Claudius, who
was his predecessor in the province. This Appius was the brother of
the Publius Clodius whom we have known for the last two or three
years as Cicero's pest and persecutor; but he addresses Appius as
though they were dear friends: "Since it has come to pass, in
opposition to all my wishes and to my expectations, that I must
take in hand the government of a province, I have this one
consolation in my various troubles&mdash;that no better friend to
yourself than I am could follow you, and that I could take up the
government from the hands of none more disposed to make the
business pleasant to me than you will be."<a name="FNanchor_68"
id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class=
"fnanchor">68</a> And then he goes on: "You perceive that, in
accordance with the decree of the Senate, the province has to be
occupied." His next letter on the subject was written to Atticus
while he was still in Italy, but when he had started on his
journey. "In your farewell to me," he says, "I have seen the nature
of your love to me. I know well what is my own for you. It must,
then, be your peculiar care to see lest by any new arrangement this
parting of ours should be prolonged beyond one year."<a name=
"FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69"
class="fnanchor">69</a> Then he goes on to tell the story of a
scene that had occurred at Arcanum, a house belonging to his
brother Quintus, at which he had stopped on the road for a family
farewell. Pomponia was there, the wife of Quintus and the sister to
Atticus. There were a few words between the husband and the wife as
to the giving of the invitation for the occasion, in which the lady
behaved with much Christian perversity of <span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>temper. "Alas," says
Quintus to his brother, "you see what it is that I have to suffer
every day!" Knowing as we all do how great were the powers of the
Roman paterfamilias, and how little woman's rights had been
ventilated in those days, we should have thought that an
ex-Pr&aelig;tor might have managed his home more comfortably; but
ladies, no doubt, have had the capacity to make themselves
disagreeable in all ages.</p>

<p>I doubt whether we have any testimony whatever as to Cicero's
provincial government, except that which comes from himself and
which is confined to the letters written by him at the time.<a
name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> Nevertheless, we have a
clear record of his doings, so full and satisfactory are the
letters which he then wrote. The truth of his account of himself
has never been questioned. He draws a picture of his own integrity,
his own humanity, and his own power of administration which is the
more astonishing, because we cannot but compare it with the
pictures which we have from the same hand of the rapacity, the
cruelty, and the tyranny of other governors. We have gone on
learning from his speeches and his letters that these were habitual
plunderers, tyrants, and malefactors, till we are taught to
acknowledge that, in the low condition to which Roman nature had
fallen, it was useless to expect any other conduct from a Roman
governor; and then he gives us the account of how a man did govern,
when, as by a miracle, a governor had been found honest,
clear-headed, sympathetic, and benevolent. That man was himself;
and he gives this account of himself, as it were, without a blush!
He tells the story of himself, not as though it was remarkable!
That other governors should grind the bones of their subjects to
make bread of them, and draw <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>the blood from their veins
for drink; but that Cicero should not condescend to take even the
normal tribute when willingly offered, seems to Cicero to have been
only what the world had a right to expect from him! A wonderful
testimony is this as to the man's character; but surely the
universal belief in his own account of his own governorship is more
wonderful. "The conduct of Cicero in his command was meritorious,"
says De Quincey. "His short career as Proconsul in Cilicia had
procured for him well-merited honor," says Dean Merivale.<a name=
"FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71"
class="fnanchor">71</a> "He had managed his province well; no one
ever suspected Cicero of being corrupt or unjust," says Mr. Froude,
who had, however, said (some pages before) that Cicero was
"thinking as usual of himself first, and his duty afterward."<a
name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> Dio Cassius, who is
never tired of telling disagreeable stories of Cicero's life, says
not a word of his Cilician government, from which we may, at any
rate, argue that no stories detrimental to Cicero as a Proconsul
had come in the way of Dio Cassius. I have confirmed what I have
said as to this episode in Cicero's life by the corroborating
testimony of writers who have not been generally favorable in their
views of his character. Nevertheless, we have no testimony but his
own as to what Cicero did in Cilicia.<a name="FNanchor_73" id=
"FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class=
"fnanchor">73</a></p>

<p>It has never occurred to any reader of Cicero's letters to doubt
a line in which he has spoken directly of his own conduct. His
letters have often been used against himself, but in a different
manner. He has been judged to give true testimony against himself,
but not false testimony in his own favor. His own record has been
taken sometimes as meaning what it has not meant&mdash;and
sometimes as implying much more that the writer intended. A word
which has required for its elucidation an insight into the humor of
the man has been read amiss, or some trembling admissions to a
friend of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">
82</a></span>shortcoming in the purpose of the moment has been
presumed to refer to a continuity of weakness. He has been injured,
not by having his own words as to himself discredited, but by
having them too well credited where they have been misunderstood.
It is at any rate the fact that his own account of his own
proconsular doings has been accepted in full, and that the present
reader may be encouraged to believe what extracts I may give to him
by the fact that all other readers before him have believed
them.</p>

<p>From his villa at Cum&aelig; on his journey he wrote to Atticus
in high spirits. Hortensius had been to see him&mdash;his old
rival, his old predecessor in the glory of the
Forum&mdash;Hortensius, whom he was fated never to see again. His
only request to Hortensius had been that he should assist in taking
care that he, Cicero, should not be required to stay above one year
in his province. Atticus is to help him also; and another friend,
Furnius, who may probably be the Tribune for the next year, has
been canvassed for the same object. In a further letter from
Beneventum he alludes to a third marriage for his daughter Tullia,
but seems to be aware that, as he is leaving Italy, he cannot
interfere in that matter himself. He writes again from Venusia,
saying that he purports to see Pompey at Tarentum before he starts,
and gives special instructions to Atticus as to the payment of a
debt which is due by him to C&aelig;sar. He has borrowed money of
C&aelig;sar, and is specially anxious that the debt should be
settled. In another letter from Tarentum he presses the same
matter. He is anxious to be relieved from the obligation.<a name=
"FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74"
class="fnanchor">74</a></p>



<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">
83</a></span>From Athens he wrote again to his friend a letter which is
chiefly remarkable as telling us something of the quarrel between
Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who was one of the Consuls for the year,
and C&aelig;sar, who was still absent in Gaul. This Marcellus, and
others of his family who succeeded him in his office, were hotly
opposed to C&aelig;sar, belonging to that party of the State to
which Cicero was attached, and to which Pompey was returning.<a
name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> It seems to have been
the desire of the Consul not only to injure but to insult
C&aelig;sar. He had endeavored to get a decree of the Senate for
recalling C&aelig;sar at once, but had succeeded only in having his
proposition postponed for consideration in the following
year&mdash;when C&aelig;sar would naturally return. But to show how
little was his regard to C&aelig;sar, he caused to be flogged in
Rome a citizen from <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id=
"Page_84">84</a></span>one of those towns of Cisalpine Gaul to
which C&aelig;sar had assumed to give the privilege of Roman
citizenship. The man was present as a delegate from his town,
Novocomum<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a>&mdash;the present
Como&mdash;in furtherance of the colony's claims, and the Consul
had the man flogged to show thereby that he was not a Roman.
Marcellus was punished for his insolence by banishment, inflicted
by C&aelig;sar when C&aelig;sar was powerful. We shall learn before
long how Cicero made an oration in his favor; but, in the letter
written from Athens, he blames Marcellus much for flogging the
man.<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> "Fight in my behalf,"
he says, in the course of this letter; "for if my government be
prolonged, I shall fail and become mean." The idea of absence from
Rome is intolerable to him. From Athens also he wrote to his young
friend C&aelig;lius, from whom he had requested information as to
what was going on in Rome. But C&aelig;lius has to be again
instructed as to the nature of the subjects which are to be
regarded as interesting. "What!&mdash;do you think that I have
asked you to send me stories of gladiators, law-court adjournments,
and the pilferings of Christus&mdash;trash that no one would think
of mentioning to me if I were in Rome?"<a name="FNanchor_78" id=
"FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class=
"fnanchor">78</a> But he does not finish his letter to
C&aelig;lius without begging C&aelig;lius to assist in bringing
about his speedy recall. C&aelig;lius troubles him much afterward
by renewed requests for Cilician panthers wanted for &AElig;dilian
shows. Cicero becomes very sea-sick on his journey, and then
reaches Ephesus, in Asia Minor, dating his arrival there on the
five hundred and sixtieth <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85"
id="Page_85">85</a></span>day from the battle of Bovilla,
showing how much the contest as to Milo still clung to his
thoughts.<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> Ephesus was not in his
province, but at Ephesus all the magistrates came out to do him
honor, as though he had come among them as their governor. "Now has
arrived," he says, "the time to justify all those declarations
which I have made as to my own conduct; but I trust I can practise
the lessons which I have learned from you." Atticus, in his full
admiration of his friend's character, had doubtless said much to
encourage and to instigate the virtue which it was Cicero's purpose
to employ. We have none of the words ever written by Atticus to
Cicero, but we have light enough to show us that the one friend was
keenly alive to the honor of the other, and thoroughly appreciated
its beauty. "Do not let me be more than a year away," he exclaims;
"do not let even another month be added.<a name="FNanchor_80"
id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class=
"fnanchor">80</a> Then there is a letter from C&aelig;lius
praying for panthers.<a name="FNanchor_81" id=
"FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class=
"fnanchor">81</a> In passing through the province of Asia to his
own province, he declares that the people everywhere receive him
well. "My coming," he says, "has cost no man a shilling."<a name=
"FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82"
class="fnanchor">82</a> His whole staff has now joined him except
one Tullius, whom he speaks of as a friend of Atticus, but
afterward tells us he had come to him from Titinius. Then he again
enjoins Atticus to have that money paid to C&aelig;sar. From
Tralles, still in the province of Asia, he writes to Appius, the
outgoing governor, a letter full of courtesies, and expressing an
anxious desire for a meeting. He had offered before to go by any
route which might suit Appius, but Appius, as appears afterward,
was anxious for anything rather than to encounter the new governor
within the province he was leaving.<a name="FNanchor_83" id=
"FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class=
"fnanchor">83</a></p>

<p>On 31st July he reached Laodicea, within his own boundaries,
having started on his journey on 10th May, and found all <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">
86</a></span>people glad to see him; but the little details of his
office harass him sadly. "The action of my mind, which you know so
well, cannot find space enough. All work worthy of my industry is
at an end. I have to preside at Laodicea while some Plotius is
giving judgment at Rome. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* And then am I not regretting at every
moment the life of Rome&mdash;the Forum, the city itself, my own
house? Am I not always regretting you? I will endeavor to bear it
for a year; but if it be prolonged, then it will be all over with
me. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* You ask me how I am getting on. I am spending a fortune in
carrying out this grand advice of yours. I like it hugely; but when
the time comes for paying you your debts I shall have to renew the
bill. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* To make me do such work as this is putting a saddle upon a
cow"&mdash;cutting a block with a razor, as we should
say&mdash;"clearly I am not made for it; but I will bear it, so
that it be only for one year."<a name="FNanchor_84" id=
"FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class=
"fnanchor">84</a></p>

<p>From Laodicea, a town in Phrygia, he went west to Synnada. His
province, known as Cilicia, contained the districts named on the
map of Asia Minor as Phrygia, Pisidia, Pamphylia, part of
Cappadocia, Cilicia, and the island of Cyprus. He soon found that
his predecessors had ruined the people. "Know that I have come into
a province utterly and forever destroyed," he says to Atticus.<a
name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> "We hear only of taxes
that cannot be paid, of men's chattels sold on all sides, of the
groans from the cities, of lamentations, of horrors such as some
wild beast might have produced rather than a human being. There is
no room for question. Every man is tired of his life; and yet some
relief is given now, because of me, and by my officers, and by my
lieutenants. No expense is imposed on any one. We do not take even
the hay which is allowed by the Julian law&mdash;not even the wood.
Four beds to lie on is all we accept, and a roof over our heads. In
many places not even that, for we live in our tents. Enormous
crowds therefore come to us, and return, as it were, to life
through the justice and moderation of your <span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>Cicero. Appius, when
he knew that I was come, ran away to Tarsus, the farthest point of
the province." What a picture we have here of the state of a Roman
dependency under a normal Roman governor, and of the good which a
man could do who was able to abstain from plunder! In his next
letter his pride expresses itself so loudly that we have to
remember that this man, after all, is writing only his own secret
thoughts to his bosom friend. "If I can get away from this quickly,
the honors which will accrue to me from my justice will be all the
greater, as happened to Sc&aelig;vola, who was governor in Asia
only for nine months."<a name="FNanchor_86" id=
"FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class=
"fnanchor">86</a> Then again he declares how Appius had escaped
into the farthest corner of the province&mdash;to Tarsus&mdash;when
he knew that Cicero was coming.</p>

<p>He writes again to Appius, complaining. "When I compare my
conduct to yours," he says, "I own that I much prefer my own."<a
name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> He had taken every
pains to meet Appius in a manner convenient to him, but had been
deceived on every side. Appius had, in a way unusual among Roman
governors, carried on his authority in remote parts of the
province, although he had known of his successor's arrival. Cicero
assures him that he is quite indifferent to this. If Appius will
relieve him of one month's labor out of the twelve he will be
delighted. But why has Appius taken away three of the fullest
cohorts, seeing that in the entire province the number of soldiers
left has been so small? But he assures Appius that, as he makes his
journey, neither good nor bad shall hear evil spoken by him of his
predecessor. "But as for you, you seem to have given to the
dishonest reasons for thinking badly of me." Then he describes the
exact course he means to take in his further journey, thus giving
Appius full facility for avoiding him.</p>

<p>From Cybistra, in Cappadocia, he writes official letters to
Caius Marcellus, who had been just chosen Consul, the broth<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span>er
of Marcus the existing Consul; to an older Caius Marcellus, who was
their father, a colleague of his own in the College of Augurs, and
to Marcus the existing Consul, with his congratulations, also to
&AElig;milius Paulus, who had also been elected Consul for the next
year. He writes, also, a despatch to the Consuls, to the
Pr&aelig;tors, to the Tribunes, and to the Senate, giving them a
statement as to affairs in the province. These are interesting,
rather as showing the way in which these things were done, than by
their own details. When he reaches Cilicia proper he writes them
another despatch, telling them that the Parthians had come across
the Euphrates. He writes as Wellington may have done from Torres
Vedras. He bids them look after the safety of their Eastern
dominions. Though they are too late in doing this, yet better now
than never.<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a
href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> "You know," he
says, "with what sort of an army you have supported me here; and
you know also that I have undertaken this duty not in blind folly,
but because in respect for the Republic I have not liked to
refuse. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* As for our allies here in the province, because our rule
here has been so severe and injurious, they are either too weak to
help us, or so embittered against us that we dare not trust
them."</p>

<p>Then there is a long letter to Appius,<a name="FNanchor_89"
id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class=
"fnanchor">89</a> respecting the embassy which was to be sent
from the province to Rome, to carry the praises of the departing
governor and declare his excellence as a Proconsul! This was quite
the usual thing to do! The worse the governor the more necessary
the embassy; and such was the terror inspired even by a departing
Roman, and such the servility of the allies&mdash;even of those who
were about to escape from him&mdash;that these embassies were a
matter of course. There had been a Sicilian embassy to praise
Verres. Appius had complained as though Cicero had impeded this
legation by restricting the amount to be allowed for its expenses.
He rebukes Appius for bringing the charge against him.</p>



<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">
89</a></span>The series of letters written this year by C&aelig;lius to
Cicero is very interesting as giving us a specimen of continued
correspondence other than Ciceronian. We have among the eight
hundred and eighty-five letters ten or twelve from Brutus, if those
attributed to him were really written by him; ten or twelve from
Decimus Brutus, and an equal number from Plancus; but these were
written in the stirring moments of the last struggle, and are
official or military rather than familiar. We have a few from
Quintus, but not of special interest unless we are to consider that
treatise on the duties of a candidate as a letter. But these from
C&aelig;lius to his older friend are genuine and natural as those
from Cicero himself. There are seventeen. They are scattered over
three or four years, but most of them refer to the period of
Cicero's provincial government.</p>

<p>The marvel to me is that C&aelig;lius should have adopted a
style so near akin to that of his master in literature. Scholars
who have studied the words can probably tell us of deficiencies in
language; but the easy, graphic tone is to my ear Ciceronian. Tiro,
who was slave, secretary, freedman, and then literary executor, may
have had the handling of these letters, and have done something
toward producing their literary excellence. The subjects selected
were not always good, and must occasionally have produced in
Cicero's own mind a repetition of the reprimand which he once
expressed as to the gladiatorial shows and law-court adjournments;
but C&aelig;lius does communicate much of the political news from
Rome. In one letter, written in October of this year, he declares
what the Senate has decreed as to the recall of C&aelig;sar from
Gaul, and gives the words of the enactments made, with the names
subscribed to them of the promoters&mdash;and also the names of the
Tribunes who had endeavored to oppose them.<a name="FNanchor_90"
id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class=
"fnanchor">90</a> The purport of these decrees I have mentioned
before. The object was to recall C&aelig;sar, and the effect was to
postpone any such recall till it <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span>would mean nothing; but
C&aelig;lius specially declares that the intention of recalling
C&aelig;sar was agreeable to Pompey, whereby we may know that the
pact of the Triumvirate was already at an end. In another letter he
speaks of the coming of the Parthians, and of Cicero's inability to
fight with them because of the inadequate number of soldiers
intrusted to him. Had there been a real Roman army, then
C&aelig;lius would have been afraid, he says, for his friend's
life. As it is, he fears only for his reputation, lest men should
speak ill of him for not fighting, when to fight was beyond his
power.<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> The language here is so
pretty that I am tempted to think that Tiro must have had a hand in
it. At Rome, we must remember, the tidings as to Crassus were as
yet uncertain. We cannot, however, doubt that C&aelig;lius was in
truth attached to Cicero.</p>

<p>But Cicero was forced to fight, not altogether
unwillingly&mdash;not with the Parthians, but with tribes which
were revolting from Roman authority because of the Parthian
success. "It has turned out as you wished it," he says to
C&aelig;lius&mdash;"a job just sufficient to give me a small
coronet of laurel." Hearing that men had risen in the Taurus range
of mountains, which divided his province from that of Syria, in
which Bibulus was now governor, he had taken such an army as he was
able to collect to the Amanus, a mountain belonging to that range,
and was now writing from his camp at Pindenissum, a place beyond
his own province. Joking at his own soldiering, he tells
C&aelig;lius that he had astonished those around him by his
prowess. "Is this he whom we used to know in the city? Is this our
talkative Senator? You can understand the things they said.<a name=
"FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92"
class="fnanchor">92</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* When I got to the Amanus I was glad
enough to find our friend Cassius had beaten back the real
Parthians from Antioch." But Cicero claims to have done some
gallant things: "I have harassed those men of Amanus who are always
troubling us. Many I have killed; some I have taken; the rest are
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">
91</a></span>dispersed. I came suddenly upon their strongholds,
and have got possession of them. I was called 'Imperator' at the
river Issus." It is hardly necessary to explain, yet once again,
that this title belonged properly to no commander till it had been
accorded to him by his own soldiers on the field of battle.<a name=
"FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93"
class="fnanchor">93</a> He reminds C&aelig;lius that it was on
the Issus that Alexander had conquered Darius. Then he had sat down
before Pindenissum with all the machinery of a siege&mdash;with the
turrets, covered ways, and ramparts. He had not as yet quite taken
the town. When he had done so, he would send home his official
account of it all; but the Parthians may yet come, and there may be
danger. "Therefore, O my Rufus"&mdash;he was C&aelig;lius
Rufus&mdash;"see that I am not left here, lest, as you suspect,
things should go badly with me." There is a mixture in all this of
earnestness and of drollery, of boasting and of laughing at what he
was doing, which is inimitable in its reality. His next letter is
to his other young friend, Curio, who has just been elected
Tribune. He gives much advice to Curio, who certainly always needed
it.<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> He carries on the joke
when he tells Atticus that the "people of Pindenissum have
surrendered." "Who the mischief are these Pindenissians? you will
say. I have not even heard the name before. What would you have? I
cannot make an &AElig;tolia out of Cilicia. With such an army as
this do you expect me to do things like a Macedonicus?<a name=
"FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95"
class="fnanchor">95</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* I had my camp on the Issus, where
Alexander had his&mdash;a better soldier no doubt than you or I. I
really have made a name for myself in Syria. Then up comes Bibulus,
determined to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id=
"Page_92">92</a></span>be as good as I am; but he loses his
whole cohort." The failure made by Bibulus at soldiering is quite
as much to him as his own success. Then he goes back to Laodicea,
leaving the army in winter-quarters, under the command of his
brother Quintus.</p>

<p>But his heart is truly in other matters, and he bursts out, in
the same letter, with enthusiastic praise of the line of conduct
which Atticus has laid down for him: "But that which is more to me
than anything is that I should live so that even that fellow Cato
cannot find fault with me. May I die, if it could be done better.
Nor do I take praise for it as though I was doing something
distasteful; I never was so happy as in practising this moderation.
The thing itself is better to me even than the reputation of it.
What would you have me say? It was worth my while to be enabled
thus to try myself, so that I might know myself as to what I could
do."</p>

<p>Then there is a long letter to Cato in which he repeats the
story of his grand doings at Pindenissum. The reader will be sure
that a letter to Cato cannot be sincere and pleasant as are those
to Atticus and C&aelig;lius. "If there be one man far removed from
the vulgar love of praise, it is I," he says to Cato.<a name=
"FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96"
class="fnanchor">96</a> He tells Cato that they two are alike in
all things. They two only have succeeded in carrying the true
ancient philosophy into the practice of the Forum. Never surely
were two men more unlike than the stiff-necked Cato and the
versatile Cicero.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50,
&aelig;tat. 57.</div>

<p>Lucius &AElig;milius Paullus and C. Clodius Marcellus were
Consuls for the next year. Cicero writes to both of them with
tenders of friendship; but from both of them he asks that they
should take care to have a decree of the Senate passed praising his
doings in Cilicia.<a name="FNanchor_97" id=
"FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class=
"fnanchor">97</a> With us, too, a <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span>returning governor is
anxious enough for a good word from the Prime-minister; but he does
not ask for it so openly. The next letter from C&aelig;lius tells
him that Appius has been accused as to malpractices in his
government, and that Pompey is in favor of Appius. Curio has gone
over to C&aelig;sar. But the important subject is the last handled:
"It will be mean in you if I should have no Greek panthers."<a
name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> The next refers to the
marriages and divorces of certain ladies, and ends with an anecdote
told as to a gentleman with just such ill-natured wit as is common
in London. No one could have suspected Ocella of looking after his
neighbor's wife unless he had been detected thrice in the fact.<a
name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a></p>

<p>From Laodicea he answers a querulous letter which his
predecessor had written, complaining, among other things, that
Cicero had failed to show him personal respect. He proves that he
had not done so, and then rises to a strain of indignation. "Do you
think that your grand old names will affect me who, even before I
had become great in the service of my country, knew how to
distinguish between titles and the men who bore them?"<a name=
"FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a></p>

<p>The next letter to Appius is full of flattery, and asking for
favors, but it begins with a sharp reproof. "Now at last I have
received an epistle worthy of Appius Claudius. The sight of Rome
has restored you to your good-humor. Those I got from you in your
journey were such that I could not read them without
displeasure."<a name="FNanchor_101" id=
"FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class=
"fnanchor">101</a></p>

<p>In February Cicero wrote a letter to Atticus which is, I think,
more expressive in describing the mind of the man than any other
which we have from him. In it is commenced the telling of a story
respecting Brutus&mdash;the Brutus we all know so well&mdash;and
one Scaptius, of whom no one would have heard but for this story,
which, as it deeply affects the character of Cicero, must occupy a
page or two in our narrative; but I <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span>must first refer to his
own account of his own government as again given here. Nothing was
ever so wonderful to the inhabitants of a province as that they
should not have been put to a shilling of expense since he had
entered it. Not a penny had been taken on his own behalf or on that
of the Republic by any belonging to him, except on one day by one
Tullius, and by him indeed under cover of the law. This dirty
fellow was a follower with whom Titinius had furnished him. When he
was passing from Tarsus back into the centre of his province
wondering crowds came out to him, the people not understanding how
it had been that no letters had been sent to them exacting money,
and that none of his staff had been quartered on them. In former
years during the winter months they had groaned under exactions.
Municipalities with money at their command had paid large sums to
save themselves from the quartering of soldiers on them. The island
of Cyprus, which on a former occasion had been made to pay nearly
&pound;50,000 on this head,<a name="FNanchor_102" id=
"FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class=
"fnanchor">102</a> had been asked for nothing by him. He had
refused to have any honors paid to him in return for this conduct.
He had prohibited the erection of statues, shrines, and bronze
chariots in his name&mdash;compliments to Roman generals which had
become common. The harvest that year was bad; but so fully
convinced were the people of his honest dealing, that they who had
saved up corn&mdash;the regraters&mdash;brought it freely into
market at his coming. As some scourge from hell must have been the
presence of such governors as Appius and his predecessors among a
people timid but industrious like these Asiatic Greeks. Like an
unknown, unexpected blessing, direct from heaven, must have been
the coming of a Cicero.</p>

<p>Now I will tell the story of Brutus and Scaptius and their <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">
95</a></span>money&mdash;premising that it has been told by Mr.
Forsyth with great accuracy and studied fairness. Indeed, there is
not a line in Mr. Forsyth's volume which is not governed by a
spirit of justice. He, having thought that Cicero had been too
highly praised by Middleton, and too harshly handled by subsequent
critics, has apparently written his book with the object of setting
right these exaggerations. But in his comments on this matter of
Brutus and Scaptius he seems to me not to have considered the
difference in that standard of honor and honesty which governs
himself, and that which prevailed in the time of Cicero. Not
seeing, as I think, how impossible it was for a Roman governor to
have achieved that impartiality of justice with which a long course
of fortunate training has imbued an English judge, he accuses
Cicero of "trifling with equity." The marvel to me is that one man
such as Cicero&mdash;a man single in his purpose&mdash;should have
been able to raise his own ideas of justice so high above the level
prevailing with the best of those around him. It had become the
nature of a Roman aristocrat to pillage an ally till hardly the
skin should be left to cover the man's bones. Out of this nature
Cicero elevated himself completely. In his own conduct he was free
altogether from stain. The question here arose how far he could
dare to go on offending the instincts, the habits, the nature, of
other noble Romans, in protecting from their rapacity the poor
subjects who were temporarily beneath his charge. It is easy for a
judge to stand indifferent between a great man and a little when
the feelings of the world around him are in favor of such
impartiality; but it must have been hard enough to do so when such
conduct seemed to the noblest Romans of the day to be monstrous,
fanatical, and pretentious.</p>

<p>In this case Brutus, our old friend whom all English readers
have so much admired because he dared to tell his brother-in-law
Cassius that he was</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">"Much condemned to have an itching palm,"</span>
</div></div>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">
96</a></span>appears before us in the guise of an usurious money-lender. It
would be hard in the history of usury to come across the
well-ascertained details of a more grasping, griping usurer. His
practice had been of the kind which we may have been accustomed to
hear rebuked with the scathing indignation of our just judges. But
yet Brutus was accounted one of the noblest Romans of the day, only
second, if second, to Cato in general virtue and philosophy. In
this trade of money-lending the Roman nobleman had found no more
lucrative business than that of dealing with the municipalities of
the allies. The cities were peopled by a money-making, commercial
race, but they were subjected to the grinding impositions of their
governors. Under this affliction they were constantly driven to
borrow money, and found the capitalists who supplied it among the
class by whom they were persecuted and pillaged. A Brutus lent the
money which an Appius exacted&mdash;and did not scruple to do so at
forty-eight per cent., although twelve per cent. per annum, or one
per cent. per month, was the rate of interest permitted by law.</p>

<p>But a noble Roman such as Brutus did not carry on his business
of this nature altogether in his own name. Brutus dealt with the
municipality of Salamis in the island of Cyprus, and there had two
agents, named Scaptius and Matinius, whom he specially recommended
to Cicero as creditors of the city of Salamis, praying Cicero, as
governor of the province, to assist these men in obtaining the
payment of their debts.<a name="FNanchor_103" id=
"FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class=
"fnanchor">103</a> This was quite usual, but it was only late in
the transaction that Cicero became aware that the man really
looking for his money was the noble Roman who gave the
recommendation. Cicero's letter tells us that Scaptius came to him,
and that he promised that for Brutus's sake he would take care that
the people of Salamis should pay their debt.<a name=
"FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> Scaptius thanked
him, and asked for an offi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97"
id="Page_97">97</a></span>cial position in Salamis which would
have given him the power of compelling the payment by force. Cicero
refused, explaining that he had determined to give no such offices
in his province to persons engaged in trade. He had refused such
requests already&mdash;even to Pompey and to Torquatus. Appius had
given the same man a military command in Salamis&mdash;no doubt
also at the instance of Brutus&mdash;and the people of Salamis had
been grievously harassed. Cicero had heard of this, and had
recalled the man from Cyprus. Of this Scaptius had complained
bitterly, and at last he and delegates from Salamis who were
willing to pay their debt, if they could only do it without too
great extortion, went together to Cicero who was then at Tarsus, in
the most remote part of his province. Here he was called upon to
adjudicate in the matter, Scaptius trusting to the influence which
Brutus would naturally have with his friend the governor, and the
men of Salamis to the reputation for justice which Cicero had
already created for himself in Cilicia. The reader must also be
made to understand that Cicero had been entreated by Atticus to
oblige Brutus, who was specially the friend of Atticus. He must
remember also that this narrative is sent by Cicero to Atticus, who
exhorted his correspondent, even with tears in his eyes, to be true
to his honor in the government of his province.<a name=
"FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> He is appealing from
Atticus to Atticus. I am bound to oblige you&mdash;but how can I do
so in opposition to your own lessons? That is his argument to
Atticus.</p>

<p>Then there arises a question as to the amount of money due. The
principal is not in dispute, but the interest. The money has been
manifestly lent on an understanding that four per cent. <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">
98</a></span>per month, or forty-eight per cent. per annum, should
be charged on it. But there has been a law passed that higher
interest than one per cent. per month, or twelve per cent. per
annum, shall not be legal. There has, however, been a counter
decree made in regard to these very Salaminians, and made
apparently at the instigation of Brutus, saying that any contract
with them shall be held in force, notwithstanding the law. But
Cicero again has made a decree that he will authorize no exaction
above twelve per cent. in his province. The exact condition of the
legal claim is less clear to me than to Mr. Forsyth, who has the
advantage of being a lawyer. Be that as it may, Cicero decides that
twelve per cent. shall be exacted, and orders the Salaminians to
pay the amount. To his request they demur, but at last agree to
obey, alleging that they are enabled to do so by Cicero's own
forbearance to them, Cicero having declined to accept the presents
which had been offered to him from the island.<a name=
"FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> They will therefore
pay this money in some sort, as they say, out of the governor's own
pocket.</p>

<p>But when the sum is fixed, Scaptius, finding that he cannot get
it over-reckoned after some fraudulent scheme of his own, declines
to receive it. If with the assistance of a friendly governor he
cannot do better than that for himself and his employer, things
must be going badly with Roman noblemen. But the delegates are now
very anxious to pay this money, and offer to deposit it. Scaptius
begs that the affair shall go no farther at present, no doubt
thinking that he may drive a better bargain with some less rigid
future governor. The delegates request to be allowed to place their
money as paid in some temple, by doing which they would acquit
themselves of all responsibility; but Cicero begs them to abstain.
"Impetravi ab Salaminiis ut silerent," he says. "I shall be
grieved, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">
99</a></span>indeed, that Brutus should be angry with me," he
writes; "but much more grieved that Brutus should have proved
himself to be such as I shall have found him."</p>

<p>Then comes the passage in his letter on the strength of which
Mr. Forsyth has condemned Cicero, not without abstract truth in his
condemnation: "They, indeed, have consented"&mdash;that is the
Salaminians&mdash;"but what will befall them if some such governor
as Paulus should come here? And all this I have done for the sake
of Brutus!" &AElig;milius Paulus was the Consul, and might probably
have Cilicia as a province, and would no doubt give over the
Salaminians to Brutus and his myrmidons without any compunction. In
strictness&mdash;with that assurance in the power of law by means
of which our judges are enabled to see that their righteous
decisions shall be carried out without detriment to
themselves&mdash;Cicero should have caused the delegates from
Salamis instantly to have deposited their money in the temple.
Instead of doing so, he had only declared the amount due according
to his idea of justice&mdash;in opposition to all Romans, even to
Atticus&mdash;and had then consented to leave the matter, as for
some further appeal. Do we not know how impossible it is for a man
to abide strictly by the right, when the strict right is so much in
advance of all around him as to appear to other eyes than his own
as straitlaced, unpractical, fantastic, and almost inhuman? Brutus
wanted his money sorely, and Brutus was becoming a great political
power on the same side with Pompey, and Cato, and the other
"optimates." Even Atticus was interfering for Brutus. What other
Roman governor of whom we have heard would have made a question on
the subject? Appius had lent a guard of horse-soldiers to this
Scaptius with which he had outraged all humanity in
Cyprus&mdash;had caused the councillors of the city to be shut up
till they would come to obedience, in doing which he had starved
five of them to death! Nothing had come of this, such being the way
with the Romans in their provinces. Yet Cicero, who had come among
these poor<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id=
"Page_100">100</a></span> wretches as an unheard-of blessing
from heaven, is held up to scorn because he "trifled with equity!"
Equity with us runs glibly on all fours. With Appius in Cilicia it
was utterly unknown. What are we to say of the man who, by the
strength of his own conscience and by the splendor of his own
intellect, could advance so far out of the darkness of his own age,
and bring himself so near to the light of ours!</p>

<p>Let us think for a moment of our own Francis Bacon, a man more
like to Cicero than any other that I can remember in history. They
were both great lawyers, both statesmen, both men affecting the
<i>omne scibile</i>, and coming nearer to it than perhaps any other
whom we can name; both patriots, true to their conceived idea of
government, each having risen from obscure position to great power,
to wealth, and to rank; each from his own education and his nature
prone to compromise, intimate with human nature, not
over-scrupulous either as to others or as to himself. They were men
intellectually above those around them, to a height of which
neither of them was himself aware. To flattery, to admiration, to
friendship, and to love each of them was peculiarly susceptible.
But one failed to see that it behooved him, because of his
greatness, to abstain from taking what smaller men were grasping;
while the other swore to himself from his very outset that he would
abstain&mdash;and kept the oath which he had sworn. I am one who
would fain forgive Bacon for doing what I believe that others did
around him; but if I can find a man who never robbed, though all
others around him did&mdash;in whose heart the "auri sacra fames"
had been absolutely quenched, while the men with whom he had to
live were sickening and dying with an unnatural craving&mdash;then
I seem to have recognized a hero.</p>

<p>Another complaint is made against Cicero as to Ariobarzanes, the
King of Cappadocia, and is founded, as are all complaints against
Cicero, on Cicero's own telling of the story in question. Why there
should have been complaint in this matter I have not been able to
discover. Ariobarzanes was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101"
id="Page_101">101</a></span> one of those Eastern kings who
became milch cows to the Roman nobles, and who, in their efforts to
satisfy the Roman nobles, could only fleece then own subjects. The
power of this king to raise money seems to have been limited to
about &pound;8000 a month.<a name="FNanchor_107" id=
"FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class=
"fnanchor">107</a> Out of this he offered a part to Cicero as the
Proconsul who was immediately over him. This Cicero declined, but
pressed the king to pay the money to the extortionate Brutus, who
was a creditor, and who endeavored to get this money through
Cicero. But Pompey also was a creditor, and Pompey's name was more
dreadful to the king than that of Brutus. Pompey, therefore, got it
all, though we are told that it was not enough to pay him his
interest; but Pompey, getting it all, was graciously pleased to be
satisfied "Cn&aelig;us noster clementer id fert." "Our Cicero puts
up with that, and asks no questions about the capital," says
Cicero, ironically. Pompey was too wise to kill the goose that laid
such golden eggs. Nevertheless, we are told that Cicero, in this
case, abused his proconsular authority in favor of Brutus. Cicero
effected nothing for Brutus; but, when there was a certain <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">
102</a></span>amount of plunder to be divided among the Romans,
refused any share for himself. Pompey got it all, but not by
Cicero's aid.</p>

<p>There is another long letter, in which Cicero again, for the
third time, tells the story of Brutus and Scaptius.<a name=
"FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> I mention it, as he
continues to describe his own mode of doing his work. He has been
at Laodicea from February to May, deciding questions that had been
there brought before him from all parts of his province except
Cilicia proper. The cities which had been ground down by debt have
been enabled to free themselves, and then to live under their own
laws. This he has done by taking nothing from them for his own
expenses&mdash;not a farthing. It is marvellous to see how the
municipalities have sprung again into life under this treatment.
"He has been enabled by this to carry on justice without
obstruction and without severity. Everybody has been allowed
approach to him&mdash;a custom which has been unknown in the
provinces. There has been no back-stairs influence. He has walked
openly in his own courts, as he used to do when a candidate at
home. All this has been grateful to the people, and much esteemed;
nor has it been too laborious to himself, as he had learned the way
of it in his former life." It was thus that Cicero governed
Cilicia.</p>

<p>There are further letters to Appius and C&aelig;lius, written
from various parts of the province, which cannot fail to displease
us because we feel that Cicero is endeavoring to curry favor. He
wishes to stand well with those who might otherwise turn against
him on his reappearance in Rome. He is afraid lest Appius should be
his enemy and lest Pompey should not be his friend. The practice of
justice and of virtue would, he knew, have much less effect in Rome
than the friendship and enmity of such men. But to Atticus he
bursts out into honest passion against Brutus. Brutus had
recommended to him one Gavius, whom, <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span>to oblige Brutus, he
appointed to some office. Gavius was greedy, and insolent when his
greed was not satisfied. "You have made me a prefect," said Gavius;
"where am I to go for my rations?" Cicero tells him that as he has
done no work he will get no pay; whereupon Gavius, quite
unaccustomed to such treatment, goes off in a huff. "If Brutus can
be stirred by the anger of such a knave as this," he says to
Atticus, "you may love him, if you will, yourself; you will not
find me a rival for his friendship."<a name="FNanchor_109" id=
"FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class=
"fnanchor">109</a> Brutus, however, became a favorite with
Cicero, because he had devoted himself to literature. In judging
these two men we should not lean too heavily on Brutus, because he
did no worse than his neighbors. But then, how are we to judge of
Cicero?</p>

<p>In the latter months of his government there began a new
trouble, in which it is difficult to sympathize with him, because
we are unable to produce in our own minds a Roman's estimation of
Roman things. With true spirit he had laughed at his own military
doings at Pindenissum; but not the less on that account was he
anxious to enjoy the glories of a triumph, and to be dragged
through the city on a chariot, with military trophies around him,
as from time immemorial the Roman conquerors had been dragged when
they returned from their victories.</p>

<p>For the old barbaric conquerors this had been fine enough. A
display of armor&mdash;of helmets, of shields, and of
swords&mdash;a concourse of chariots, of trumpets, and of slaves,
of victims kept for the Tarpeian rock, the spoils and rapine of
battle, the self-asserting glory of the big fighting hero, the
pride of bloodshed, and the boasting over fallen cities, had been
fit for men who had in their hearts conceived nothing greater than
military renown. Our sympathies go along with a Camillus or a
Scipio steeped in the blood of Rome's enemies. A Marius, a Pompey,
and again a few years afterward a C&aelig;sar, were in <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span>their
places as they were dragged along the Via Sacra up to the Capitol
amid the plaudits of the city, in commemoration of their
achievements in arms; but it could not be so with Cicero. "Concedat
laurea lingu&aelig;" had been the watchword of his life. "Let the
ready tongue and the fertile brain be held in higher honor than the
strong right arm." That had been the doctrine which he had
practised successfully. To him it had been given to know that the
lawyer's gown was raiment worthier of a man than the soldier's
breastplate. How, then, could it be that he should ask for so small
a thing as a triumph in reward for so small a deed as that done at
Pindenissum? But it had become the way with all Proconsuls who of
late years had been sent forth from Rome into the provinces. Men to
whose provincial government a few cohorts were attached aspired to
be called "Imperator" by their soldiers after mock battles, and
thought that, as others had followed up their sham victories with
sham triumphs, it should be given to them to do the same. If
Bibulus triumphed it would be a disgrace to Cicero not to triumph.
We measure our expected rewards not by our own merits but by the
good things which have been conceded to others. To have returned
from Pindenissum and not to be allowed the glory of trumpets would
be a disgrace, in accordance with the theory then prevailing in
Rome on such matters; therefore Cicero demanded a triumph.</p>

<p>In such a matter it was in accordance with custom that the
General should send an immediate account of his victorious doings,
demand a "supplication," and have the triumph to be decreed to him
or not after his return home. A supplication was in form a
thanksgiving to the gods for the great favor shown by them to the
State, but in fact took the guise of public praise bestowed upon
the man by whose hands the good had been done. It was usually a
reward for military success, but in the affair of Catiline a
supplication had been decreed to Cicero for saving the city, though
the service rendered had been of a civil nature. Cicero now applied
for a sup<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">
105</a></span>plication, and obtained it. Cato opposed it, and
wrote a letter to Cicero explaining his motives&mdash;upon high
republican principles. Cicero might have endured this more easily
had not Cato voted for a supplication in honor of Bibulus, whose
military achievements had, as Cicero thought, been less than his
own. One Hirrus opposed it also, but in silence, having intended to
allege that the numbers slain by Cicero in his battles were not
sufficient to justify a supplication. We learn that, according to
strict rule, two thousand dead men should have been left on the
field. Cicero's victims had probably been much fewer; nevertheless
the supplication was granted, and Cicero presumed that the triumph
would follow as a matter of course. Alas, there came grievous
causes to interfere with the triumph!</p>

<p>Of all that went on at Rome C&aelig;lius continued to send
Cicero accounts. The Triumvirate was now over. C&aelig;lius says
that Pompey will not attack C&aelig;sar openly, but that he does
all he can to prevent C&aelig;sar from being elected Consul before
he shall have given up his province and his army.<a name=
"FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> For details
C&aelig;lius refers him to a Commentarium&mdash;a word which has
been translated as meaning "newspaper" in this passage&mdash;by
Melmoth. I think that there is no authority for this idea, and that
the commentary was simply the compilation of C&aelig;lius, as were
the commentaries we so well know the compilation of C&aelig;sar.
The Acta Diurna were published by authority, and formed an official
gazette. These no doubt reached Cicero, but were very different in
their nature from the private record of things which he obtained
from his friend.</p>

<p>There are passages in Greek, in two letters<a name=
"FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> written about this
time to Atticus, which refer to the matter from which probably
arose his quarrel with his wife, and her divorce. He makes no
direct allusion to his wife, but only to a freedman of hers,
Philotomus. When Milo was convicted, his goods <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>were
confiscated and sold as a part of his punishment. Philotomus is
supposed to have been a purchaser, and to have made money out of
the transaction&mdash;taking advantage of his position to acquire
cheap bargains&mdash;as should not have been done by any one
connected with Cicero, who had been Milo's friend. The cause of
Cicero's quarrel with his wife has never been absolutely known, but
it is supposed to have arisen from her want of loyalty to him in
regard to money. She probably employed this freedman in filling her
pockets at the expense of her husband's character.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50,
&aelig;tat. 57.</div>

<p>In his own letters he tells of preparations made for his return,
and allusions are made as to his expected triumph. He is grateful
to C&aelig;lius as to what has been done as to the supplication,
and expresses his confidence that all the rest will follow.<a name=
"FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> He is so determined
to hurry away that he will not wait for the nomination of a
successor, and resolves to put the government into the hands of any
one of his officers who may be least unfit to hold it. His brother
Quintus was his lieutenant, but if he left Quintus people would say
of him that in doing so he was still keeping the emoluments in his
own hands. At last he determines to intrust it to a young
Qu&aelig;stor named C. C&aelig;lius&mdash;no close connection of
his friend C&aelig;lius, as Cicero finds himself obliged to
apologize for the selection to his friend. "Young, you will say. No
doubt; but he had been elected Qu&aelig;stor, and is of noble
birth."<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a
href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> So he gives
over the province to the young man, having no one else fitter.</p>

<p>Cicero tells us afterward, when at Athens on his way home, that
he had considerable trouble with his own people on withholding
certain plunder which was regarded by them as their perquisite. He
had boasted much of their conduct&mdash;having taken exception to
one Tullius, who had demanded only a little <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span>hay
and a little wood. But now there came to be pickings&mdash;savings
out of his own proconsular expenses&mdash;to part with which at the
last moment was too hard upon them. "How difficult is virtue," he
exclaims; "how doubly difficult to pretend to act up to it when it
is not felt!"<a name="FNanchor_114" id=
"FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class=
"fnanchor">114</a> There had been a certain sum saved which he
had been proud to think that he would return to the treasury. But
the satellites were all in arms: "Ingemuit nostra cohors."
Nevertheless, he disregarded the "cohort," and paid the money into
the treasury.</p>

<p>As to the sum thus saved, there has been a dispute which has
given rise to some most amusing literary vituperation. The care
with which MSS. have been read now enables us to suppose that it
was ten hundred thousand sesterces&mdash;thus expressed,
"H.S.X."&mdash;amounting to something over &pound;8000. We hear
elsewhere, as will be mentioned again, that Cicero realized out of
his own legitimate allowance in Cilicia a profit of about
&pound;18,000; and we may imagine that the "cohort" should think
itself aggrieved in losing &pound;8000 which they expected to have
divided among them. Middleton has made a mistake, having supposed
the X to be CI&#596; or M&mdash;a thousand instead of
ten&mdash;and quotes the sum saved as having amounted to eight
hundred thousand instead of eight thousand pounds. We who have had
so much done for us by intervening research, and are but ill
entitled to those excuses for error which may fairly be put forward
on Middleton's behalf, should be slow indeed in blaming him for an
occasional mistake, seeing how he has relieved our labors by
infinite toil on his part; but De Quincey, who has been very
rancorous against Cicero, has risen to a fury of wrath in his
denunciation of Cicero's great biographer. "Conyers Middleton," he
says, "is a name that cannot be mentioned without an expression of
disgust." The cause of this was that Middleton, a beneficed
clergyman of the Church of England, and a Cambridge man, differed
from other <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id=
"Page_108">108</a></span>Cambridge clergymen on controversial
points and church questions. Bentley was his great
opponent&mdash;and as Bentley was a stout fighter, so was
Middleton. Middleton, on the whole, got the worst of it, because
Bentley was the stronger combatant; but he seems to have stood in
good repute all his life, and when advanced in years was appointed
Professor of Natural History. He is known to us, however, only as
the biographer of Cicero. Of this book, Monk, the biographer of
Middleton's great opponent, Bentley, declares that, "for elegance,
purity, and ease, Middleton's style yields to none in the English
language." De Quincey says of it that, by "weeding away from it
whatever is colloquial, you would strip it of all that is
characteristic"&mdash;meaning, I suppose, that the work altogether
wants dignity of composition. This charge is, to my thinking, so
absolutely contrary to the fact, that it needs only to be named to
be confuted by the opinion of all who have read the work. De
Quincey pounces upon the above-named error with profoundest
satisfaction, and tells us a pleasant little story about an old
woman who thought that four million people had been once collected
at Caernarvon. Middleton had found the figure wrongly deciphered
and wrongly copied for him, and had translated it as he found it,
without much thought. De Quincey thinks that the error is
sufficient to throw over all faith in the book: "It is in the light
of an evidence against Middleton's good-sense and thoughtfulness
that I regard it as capital." That is De Quincey's estimate of
Middleton as a biographer. I regard him as a laborer who spared
himself no trouble, who was enabled by his nature to throw himself
with enthusiasm into his subject, who knew his work as a writer of
English, and who, by a combination of erudition, intelligence, and
industry, has left us one of those books of which it may truly be
said that no English library should be without it.</p>

<p>The last letter written by Cicero in Asia was sent to Atticus
from Ephesus the day before he started&mdash;on the last day,
namely, of September. He had been delayed by winds and by want<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">
109</a></span> of vessels large enough to carry him and his suite.
News here reached him from Rome&mdash;news which was not true in
its details, but true enough in its spirit. In a letter to Atticus
he speaks of "miros terrores C&aelig;sarianos"<a name=
"FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a>&mdash;"dreadful
reports as to outrages by C&aelig;sar;" that he would by no means
dismiss his army; that he had with him the Pr&aelig;tors elect, one
of the Tribunes, and even one of the Consuls; and that Pompey had
resolved to leave the city. Such were the first tidings presaging
Pharsalia. Then he adds a word about his triumph. "Tell me what you
think about this triumph, which my friends desire me to seek. I
should not care about it if Bibulus were not also asking for a
triumph&mdash;Bibulus, who never put a foot outside his own doors
as long as there was an enemy in Syria!" Thus Cicero had to suffer
untold misery because Bibulus was asking for a triumph!</p>



<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">
110</a></span></p>
<h3><a name="Chapter_V" id="Chapter_V"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter V.</span></h3>

<h4><i>THE WAR BETWEEN C&AElig;SAR AND POMPEY.</i></h4>

<p>What official arrangements were made for Proconsuls in regard to
money, when in command of a province, we do not know. The amounts
allowed were no doubt splendid, but it was not to them that the
Roman governor looked as the source of that fortune which he
expected to amass. The means of plunder were infinite, but of
plunder always subject to the danger of an accusation. We remember
how Verres calculated that he could divide his spoil into three
sufficient parts&mdash;one for the lawyers, one for the judges, so
as to insure his acquittal, and then one for himself. This
plundering was common&mdash;so common as to have become almost a
matter of course; but it was illegal, and subjected some
unfortunate culprits to exile, and to the disgorging of a part of
what they had taken. No accusation was made against Cicero. As to
others there were constantly threats, if no more than threats.
Cicero was not even threatened. But he had saved out of his
legitimate expenses a sum equal to &pound;18,000 of our
money&mdash;from which we may learn how noble were the appanages of
a Roman governor. The expenses of all his staff passed through his
own hands, and many of those of his army. Any saving effected would
therefore be to his own personal advantage. On this money he
counted much when his affairs were in trouble, as he was going to
join Pompey at Pharsalia in the following year. He then begged
Atticus to arrange his matters for him, telling him that the sum
was at his call in Asia,<a name="FNanchor_116" id=
"FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class=
"fnanchor">116</a> <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id=
"Page_111">111</a></span>but he never saw it again: Pompey
borrowed it&mdash;or took it; and when Pompey had been killed the
money was of course gone.</p>

<p>His brother Quintus was with him in Cilicia, but of his
brother's doings there he says little or nothing. We have no
letters from him during the period to his wife or daughter. The
latter was married to her third husband, Dolabella, during his
absence, with no opposition from Cicero, but not in accordance with
his advice. He had purposed to accept a proposition for her hand
made to him by Tiberius Nero, the young Roman nobleman who
afterward married that Livia whom Augustus took away from him even
when she was pregnant, in order that he might marry her himself,
and who thus became the father of the Emperor Tiberius. It is
worthy of remark at the same time that the Emperor Tiberius married
the granddaughter of Atticus. Cicero when in Cilicia had wished
that Nero should be chosen; but the family at home was taken by the
fashion and manners of Dolabella, and gave the young widow to him
as her third husband when she was yet only twenty-five. This
marriage, like the others, was unfortunate. Dolabella, though
fashionable, nobly born, agreeable, and probably handsome, was
thoroughly worthless. He was a Roman nobleman of the type then
common&mdash;heartless, extravagant, and greedy. His country, his
party, his politics were subservient, not to ambition or love of
power, but simply to a desire for plunder. Cicero tried hard to
love him, partly for his daughter's sake, more perhaps from the
necessity which he felt for supporting himself by the power and
strength of the aristocratic party to which Dolabella belonged.</p>

<p>I cannot bring him back to Rome, and all that he suffered there,
without declaring that much of his correspondence during his
government, especially during the latter months of it, and the
period of his journey home, is very distressing. I have told the
story of his own doings, I think, honestly, and how he himself
abstained, and compelled those belonging to him to do so;<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">
112</a></span> how he strove to ameliorate the condition of those
under his rule; how he fully appreciated the duty of doing well by
others, so soon to be recognized by all Christians. Such humanity
on the part of a Roman at such a period is to me marvellous,
beautiful, almost divine; but, in eschewing Roman greed and Roman
cruelty, he was unable to eschew Roman insincerity. I have
sometimes thought that to have done so it must have been necessary
for him altogether to leave public life. Why not? my readers will
say. But in our days, when a man has mixed himself for many years
with all that is doing in public, how hard it is for him to
withdraw, even though, in withdrawing he fears no violence, no
punishment, no exile, no confiscation. The arguments, the prayers,
the reproaches of those around him draw him back; and the
arguments, the reproaches from within are more powerful even than
those from his friends. To be added to these is the scorn, perhaps
the ridicule, of his opponents. Such are the difficulties in the
way of the modern politician who thinks that he has resolved to
retire; but the Roman ex-Consul, ex-Pr&aelig;tor, ex-Governor had
entered upon a mode of warfare in which his all, his life, his
property, his choice of country, his wife, his children, were open
to the ready attacks of his eager enemies. To have deserved well
would be nothing, unless he could keep a party round him bound by
mutual interests to declare that he had deserved well. A rich man,
who desired to live comfortably beyond the struggle of public life,
had to abstain, as Atticus had done, from increasing the sores,
from hurting the ambition, from crushing the hopes of aspirants.
Such a man might be safe, but he could not be useful; such, at any
rate, had not been Cicero's life. In his earlier days, till he was
Consul, he had kept himself free from political interference in
doing the work of his life; but since that time he had necessarily
put himself into competition with many men, and had made many
enemies by the courage of his opinions. He had found even those he
had most trusted opposed to him. He had aroused the jealousy not
only of the C&aelig;sars<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113"
id="Page_113">113</a></span> and the Crassuses and the Pisos,
but also of the Pompeys and Catos and Brutuses. Whom was he not
compelled to fear? And yet he could not escape to his books; nor,
in truth, did he wish it. He had made for himself a nature which he
could not now control.</p>

<p>He had not been long in Cilicia before he knew well how cruel,
how dishonest, how greedy, how thoroughly Roman had been the
conduct of his predecessor Appius. His letters to Atticus are full
of the truths which he had to tell on that matter. His conduct,
too, with regard to Appius was mainly right. As far as in him lay
he endeavored to remedy the evils which the unjust Proconsul had
done, and to stop what further evil was still being done. He did
not hesitate to offend Appius when it was necessary to do so by his
interference. But Appius was a great nobleman, one of the
"optimates," a man with a strong party at his back in Rome. Appius
knew well that Cicero's good word was absolutely necessary to save
him from the ruin of a successful accusation. Cicero knew also that
the support of Appius would be of infinite service to him in his
Roman politics. Knowing this, he wrote to Appius letters full of
flattery&mdash;full of falsehood, if the plain word can serve our
purpose better. Dolabella, the new son-in-law, had taken upon
himself, for some reason as to which it can hardly be worth our
while to inquire, to accuse Appius of malversation in his province.
That Appius deserved condemnation there can be no doubt; but in
these accusations the contests generally took place not as to the
proof of the guilt, but as to the prestige and power of the accuser
and the accused. Appius was tried twice on different charges, and
was twice acquitted; but the fact that his son-in-law should be the
accuser was fraught with danger to Cicero. He thought it necessary
for the hopes which he then entertained to make Appius understand
that his son-in-law was not acting in concert with him, and that he
was desirous that Appius should receive all the praise which would
have been due to a good governor. So great was the influ<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">
114</a></span>ence of Appius at Rome that he was not only
acquitted, but shortly afterward elected Censor. The office of
Censor was in some respects the highest in Rome. The Censors were
elected only once in four years, remaining in office for eighteen
months. The idea was that powers so arbitrary as these should be in
existence only for a year and a half out of each four years.
Questions of morals were considered by them. Should a Senator be
held to have lived as did not befit a Senator, a Censor could
depose him. As Appius was elected Censor immediately after his
acquittal, together with that Piso whom Cicero had so hated, it may
be understood that his influence was very great.<a name=
"FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> It was great enough
to produce from Cicero letters which were flattering and false. The
man who had been able to live with a humanity, a moderation, and an
honesty befitting a Christian, had not risen to that appreciation
of the beauty of truth which an exercise of Christianity is
supposed to exact.</p>

<p>"Sed quid agas? Sic vivitur!"<a name="FNanchor_118" id=
"FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class=
"fnanchor">118</a>&mdash;"What would you have me do? It is thus
we live now!" This he exclaims in a letter to C&aelig;lius, written
a short time before he left the province. "What would you say if
you read my last letter to Appius?" You would open your eyes if you
knew how I have flattered Appius&mdash;that was his meaning. "Sic
vivitur!"&mdash;"It is so we live now." When I read this I feel
compelled to ask whether there was an opportunity for any other way
of living. Had he seen the baseness of lying as an English
Christian gentleman is expected to see it, and had adhered to truth
at the cost of being a martyr, his conduct would have been high
though we might have known less of it; but, looking at all the
circumstances of the period, have we a right to think that he could
have done so?</p>

<p>From Athens on his way home Cicero wrote to his wife, <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">
115</a></span>joining Tullia's name with hers. "Lux nostra," he
calls his daughter; "the very apple of my eye!" He had already
heard from various friends that civil war was expected. He will
have to declare himself on his arrival&mdash;that is, to take one
side or the other&mdash;and the sooner he does so the better. There
is some money to be looked for&mdash;a legacy which had been left
to him. He gives express directions as to the persons to be
employed respecting this, omitting the name of that Philotomus as
to whose honesty he is afraid. He calls his wife "suavissima et
optatissima Terentia," but he does not write to her with the true
love which was expressed by his letters when in exile. From Athens,
also, where he seems to have stayed nearly two months, he wrote in
December. He is easy, he says, about his triumph unless C&aelig;sar
should interfere&mdash;but he does not care much about his triumph
now. He is beginning to feel the wearisomeness of the triumph; and
indeed it was a time in which the utter hollowness of triumphal
pretensions must have made the idea odious to him. But to have
withdrawn would have been to have declared his own fears, his own
doubts, his own inferiority to the two men who were becoming
declared as the rival candidates for Roman power. We may imagine
that at such a time he would gladly have gone in quiet to his Roman
mansion or to one of his villas, ridding himself forever of the
trouble of his lictors, his fasces, and all the paraphernalia of
imperatorial dignity; but a man cannot rid himself of such
appanages without showing that he has found it necessary to do so.
It was the theory of a triumph that the victorious Imperator should
come home hot (as it were) from the battle-field, with all his
martial satellites around him, and have himself carried at once
through Rome. It was barbaric and grand, as I have said before, but
it required the martial satellites. Tradition had become law, and
the Imperator intending to triumph could not dismiss his military
followers till the ceremony was over. In this way Cicero was sadly
hampered by his lictors when, on his landing at Brundi<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span>sium,
he found that Italy was already preparing for her great civil
war.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50,
&aelig;tat. 57.</div>

<p>Early in this year it had been again proposed in the Senate that
C&aelig;sar should give up his command. At this time the two
Consuls, L. &AElig;milius Paulus and C. Claudius Marcellus, were
opposed to C&aelig;sar, as was also Curio, who had been one of
Cicero's young friends, and was now Tribune. But two of these
C&aelig;sar managed to buy by the payment of enormous bribes. Curio
was the more important of the two, and required the larger bribe.
The story comes to us from Appian,<a name="FNanchor_119" id=
"FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class=
"fnanchor">119</a> but the modern reader will find it efficiently
told by Mommsen.<a name="FNanchor_120" id=
"FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class=
"fnanchor">120</a> The Consul had fifteen hundred talents, or
about &pound;500,000! The sum named as that given by C&aelig;sar to
Curio was something greater, because he was so deeply in debt!
Bribes to the amount of above a million of money, such as money is
to us now, bestowed upon two men for their support in the Senate!
It was worth a man's while to be a Consul or a Tribune in those
days. But the money was well earned&mdash;plunder, no doubt,
extracted from Gaul. The Senate decided that both Pompey and
C&aelig;sar should be required to abandon their commands&mdash;or
rather they adopted a proposal to that effect without any absolute
decree. But this sufficed for C&aelig;sar, who was only anxious to
be relieved from the necessity of obeying any order from the Senate
by the knowledge that Pompey also was ordered, and also was
disobedient. Then it was&mdash;in the summer of this
year&mdash;that the two commanders were desired by the Senate to
surrender each of them a legion, or about three thousand men, under
the pretence that the forces were wanted for the Parthian war. The
historians tell us that Pompey had lent a legion to C&aelig;sar,
thus giving us an indication of the singular terms on which legions
were held by the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id=
"Page_117">117</a></span>proconsular officers who commanded
them. C&aelig;sar nobly sends up to Rome two legions, the one as
having been ordered to be restored by himself, and the other as
belonging to Pompey. He felt, no doubt, that a show of nobleness in
this respect would do him better service than the withholding of
the soldiers. The men were stationed at Capua, instead of being
sent to the East, and no doubt drifted back into C&aelig;sar's
hands. The men who had served under C&aelig;sar would not willingly
find themselves transferred to Pompey.</p>

<p>C&aelig;sar in the summer came across the Alps into Cisalpine
Gaul, which as yet had not been legally taken from him, and in the
autumn sat himself down at Ravenna, which was still within his
province. It was there that he had to meditate the crossing of the
Rubicon and the manifestation of absolute rebellion. Matters were
in this condition when Cicero returned to Italy, and heard the
corroboration of the news as to the civil war which had reached him
at Athens.</p>

<p>In a letter written from Athens, earlier than the one last
quoted, Cicero declared to Atticus that it would become him better
to be conquered with Pompey than to conquer with C&aelig;sar.<a
name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> The opinion here
given may be taken as his guiding principle in politics till Pompey
was no more. Through all the doubts and vacillations which
encumbered him, this was the rule not only of his mind but of his
heart. To him there was no Triumvirate: the word had never been
mentioned to his ears. Had Pompey remained free from C&aelig;sar it
would have been better. The two men had come together, and Crassus
had joined them. It was better for him to remain with them and keep
them right, than to stand away, angry and astray, as Cato had done.
The question how far C&aelig;sar was justified in the position
which he had taken up by certain alleged injuries, affected Cicero
less than it has done subsequent <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span>inquirers. Had an
attempt been made to recall C&aelig;sar illegally? Was he subjected to
wrong by having his command taken away from him before the period
had passed for which the people had given it? Was he refused
indulgences to which the greatness of his services entitled
him&mdash;such as permission to sue for the Consulship while absent
from Rome&mdash;while that, and more than that, had been granted to
Pompey? All these questions were no doubt hot in debate at the
time, but could hardly have affected much the judgment of Cicero,
and did not at all affect his conduct. Nor, I think, should they
influence the opinions of those who now attempt to judge the
conduct of C&aelig;sar. Things had gone beyond the domain of law,
and had fallen altogether into that of potentialities. Decrees of
the Senate or votes of the people were alike used as excuses.
C&aelig;sar, from the beginning of his career, had shown his
determination to sweep away as cobwebs the obligations which the
law imposed upon him. It is surely vain to look for excuses for a
man's conduct to the practice of that injustice against him which
he has long practised against others. Shall we forgive a
house-breaker because the tools which he has himself invented are
used at last upon his own door? The modern lovers of C&aelig;sar
and of C&aelig;sarism generally do not seek to wash their hero
white after that fashion. To them it is enough that the man has
been able to trample upon the laws with impunity, and to be a law
not only to himself but to all the world around him. There are some
of us who think that such a man, let him be ever so great&mdash;let
him be ever so just, if the infirmities of human nature permit
justice to dwell in the breast of such a man&mdash;will in the end
do more harm than good. But they who sit at the feet of the great
commanders admire them as having been law-breaking, not
law-abiding. To say that C&aelig;sar was justified in the armed position
which he took in Northern Italy in the autumn of this year, is to
rob him of his praise. I do not suppose that he had meditated any
special line of policy during the<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span> years of hard work in
Gaul, but I think that he was determined not to relinquish his
power, and that he was ready for any violence by which he might
preserve it.</p>

<p>If such was Cicero's idea of this man&mdash;if such the troubled
outlook which he took into the circumstances of the Empire&mdash;he
thought probably but little of the legality of C&aelig;sar's
recall. What would the Consuls do, what would Curio do, what would
Pompey do, and what C&aelig;sar? It was of this that he thought.
Had law-abiding then been possible, he would have been desirous to
abide by the law. Some nearest approach to the law would be the
best. C&aelig;sar had ignored all laws, except so far as he could
use them for his own purposes. Pompey, in conspiring with
C&aelig;sar, had followed C&aelig;sar's lead; but was desirous of
using the law against C&aelig;sar when C&aelig;sar outstripped him
in lawlessness. But to Cicero there was still some hope of
restraining Pompey. Pompey, too, had been a conspirator, but not so
notorious a conspirator as C&aelig;sar. With Pompey there would be
some bond to the Republic; with C&aelig;sar there could be none;
therefore it was better for him to fall with Pompey than to rise
with C&aelig;sar. That was his conviction till Pompey had
altogether fallen.</p>

<p>His journey homeward is made remarkable by letters to Tiro, his
slave and secretary. Tiro was taken ill, and Cicero was obliged to
leave him at Patr&aelig;, in Greece. Whence he had come to Cicero
we do not know, or when; but he had not probably fallen under his
master's peculiar notice before the days of the Cilician
government, as we find that on his arrival at Brundisium he writes
to Atticus respecting him as a person whom Atticus had not much
known.<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> But his affection
for Tiro is very warm, and his little solicitudes for the man whom
he leaves are charming. He is to be careful as to what boat he
takes, and under what captain he sails. He is not to hurry. <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">
120</a></span>The doctor is to be consulted and well paid. Cicero
himself writes various letters to various persons, in order to
secure that attention which Tiro could not have insured unless so
assisted.</p>

<p>Early in January Cicero reached the city, but could not enter it
because of his still unsettled triumph, and C&aelig;sar crossed the
little river which divided his province from the Roman territory.
The 4th of January is the date given for the former small event.
For the latter I have seen no precise day named. I presume that it
was after the 6th, as on that day the Senate appointed Domitian as
his successor in his province. On this being done, the two
Tribunes, Antony and Cassius, hurried off to C&aelig;sar, and
C&aelig;sar then probably crossed the stream. Cicero was appointed
to a command in Campania&mdash;that of raising levies, the duties
of which were not officially repugnant to his triumph.</p>

<p>His doings during the whole of this time were but little to his
credit; but who is there whose doings were to his credit at that
period? The effect had been to take all power out of his hand.
C&aelig;sar had given him up. Pompey could not do so, but we can
imagine how willing Pompey would have been that he should have
remained in Cilicia. He had been sent there, out of the way, but
had hurried home again. If he would only have remained and
plundered! If he would only have remained there and have been
honest&mdash;so that he would be out of the way! But here he
was&mdash;back in Italy, an honest, upright man! No one so utterly
unlike the usual Roman, so lost amid the self-seekers of Rome, so
unnecessarily clean-handed, could be found! Cato was honest,
foolishly honest for his time; but with Cato it was not so
difficult to deal as with Cicero. We can imagine Cato wrapping
himself up in his robe and being savagely unreasonable. Cicero was
all alive to what was going on in the world, but still was honest!
In the mean time he remained in the neighborhood of Naples, writing
to his wife and daughter, writing to Tiro, writing to Atticus, and
telling us all those details which we now seem to<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span> know
so well&mdash;because he has told us. In one of his letters to
Atticus at this time he is sadly in earnest. He will die with
Pompey in Italy, but what can he do by leaving it? He has his
"lictors" with him still. Oh, those dreadful lictors! His
friendship for Cn&aelig;us! His fear of having to join himself with
the coming tyrant! "Oh that you would assist me with your
counsel!"<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a><a
href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> He writes
again, and describes the condition of Pompey&mdash;of Pompey who
had been Magnus. "See how prostrate he is. He has neither courage,
counsel, men, nor industry! Put aside those things; look at his
flight from the city, his cowardly harangues in the towns, his
ignorance of his own strength and that of his enemy! *&nbsp;*&nbsp;*
C&aelig;sar in pursuit of Pompey! Oh, sad! *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Will he kill him?"
he exclaims. Then, still to Atticus, he defends himself. He will
die for Pompey, but he does not believe that he can do any good
either to Pompey or to the Republic by a base flight. Then there is
another cause for staying in Italy as to which he cannot write.
This was Terentia's conduct. At the end of one of his letters he
tells Atticus that with the same lamp by which he had written would
he burn that which Atticus had sent to him. In another he speaks of
a Greek tutor who has deserted him, a certain Dionysius, and he
boils over with anger. His letters to Atticus about the Greek tutor
are amusing at this distance of time, because they show his
eagerness. "I never knew anything more ungrateful; and there is
nothing worse than ingratitude."<a name="FNanchor_124" id=
"FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class=
"fnanchor">124</a></p>

<p>He heaps his scorn upon Pompey: "It is true, indeed, that I said
that it was better to be conquered with him than to conquer with
those others. I would indeed. But of what Pompey was it that I so
spoke? Was it of this one who flies he knows not what, nor whom,
nor whither he will fly?"<a name="FNanchor_125" id=
"FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class=
"fnanchor">125</a> He writes again the same day: "Pompey had
fostered C&aelig;sar, and then had feared him. He had left the
city; he had lost Pice<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id=
"Page_122">122</a></span>num by his own fault, he had betaken
himself to Apulia! Then he went into Greece, leaving us in the dark
as to his plans!" He excuses a letter of his own to C&aelig;sar. He
had written to C&aelig;sar in terms which might be pleasing to the
great man. He had told C&aelig;sar of C&aelig;sar's admirable
wisdom. Was it not better so? He was willing that his letter should
be read aloud to all the people, if only those of Pompey might also
be read aloud. Then follow copies of a correspondence between him
and Pompey. In the last he declares<a name="FNanchor_126" id=
"FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class=
"fnanchor">126</a> that "when he had written from Canusium he had
not dreamed that Pompey was about to cross the sea. He had known
that Pompey had intended to treat for peace&mdash;for peace even
under unjust conditions&mdash;but he had never thought that Pompey
was meditating a retreat out of Italy." He argues well and stoutly,
and does take us along with him. Pompey had been beaten back from
point to point, never once rallying himself against C&aelig;sar. He
had failed, and had slipped away, leaving a man here and there to
stand up for the Republic. Pompey was willing to risk nothing for
Rome. It had come to pass at last that he was being taught
C&aelig;sarism by C&aelig;sar, and when he died was more imperial
than his master.</p>

<p>At this time Cicero's eyes were bad. "Mihi molestior lippitudo
erat etiam quam ante fuerat." And again, "Lippitudinis me&aelig;
signum tibi sit librarii manus." But we may doubt whether any great
men have lived so long with so little to tease them as to their
health. And yet the amount of work he got through was great. He
must have so arranged his affairs as to have made the most he could
of his hours, and have carried in his memory information on all
subjects. When we remember the size of the books which he read,
their unwieldy shapes, their unfitness for such work as that of
ours, there seems to have been a continuation of study such as we
cannot endure. Throughout his life his hours were early, but they
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">
123</a></span>must also have been late. Of his letters we have not
a half, of his speeches not a half, of his treatises not more than
a half. When he was abroad during his exile, or in Cilicia during
his government, he could not have had his books with him. That
C&aelig;sar should have been C&aelig;sar, or Pompey Pompey, does
not seem to me a matter so difficult as that Cicero should have
been Cicero. Then comes that letter of which I spoke in my first
chapter, in which he recapitulates the Get&aelig;, the Armenians,
and the men of Colchis. "Shall I, the savior of the city, assist to
bring down upon that city those hordes of foreign men? Shall I
deliver it up to famine and to destruction for the sake of one man
who is no more than mortal?"<a name="FNanchor_127" id=
"FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class=
"fnanchor">127</a> It was Pompey as to whom he then asked the
question. For Pompey's sake am I to let in these crowds? We have
been told, indeed, by Mr. Froude that the man was C&aelig;sar, and
that Cicero wrote thus anxiously with the special object of
arranging his death!</p>

<p>"Now, if ever, think what we shall do," he says. "A Roman army
sits round Pompey and makes him a prisoner within valley and
rampart&mdash;and shall we live? The city stands; the Pr&aelig;tors
give the law, the &AElig;diles keep up the games, good men look to
their principal and their interest. Shall I remain sitting here?
Shall I rush hither and thither madly, and implore the credit of
the towns? Men of substance will not follow me. The revolutionists
will arrest me. Is there any end to this misery? People will point
at me and say, 'How wise he was not to go with him.' I was not
wise. Of his victory I never wished to be the comrade&mdash;yet now
I do of his sorrow."<a name="FNanchor_128" id=
"FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class=
"fnanchor">128</a></p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49,
&aelig;tat. 58.</div>

<p>Pompey had crossed the sea from Brundisium, and C&aelig;sar had
retreated across Italy to Capua. As he was journeying he saw
Cicero, and asked him to go to Rome. This Cicero refused, and
C&aelig;sar passed on. "I must then use other counsels," said
C&aelig;sar, thus leaving him for the <span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span>last time before
the coming battle. Cicero went on to Arpinum, and there heard the
nightingales. From that moment he resolved. He had not thought it
possible that when the moment came he should have been able to
prevail against C&aelig;sar's advice; but he had done so. He had
feared that C&aelig;sar would overcome him; but when the moment
came he was strong against even C&aelig;sar. He gave his boy his
toga, or, as we should say, made a man of him. He was going after
Pompey, not for the sake of Pompey, not for the sake of the
Republic, but for loyalty. He was going because Atticus had told
him to go. But as he is going there came fresh ground for grief. He
writes to Atticus about the two boys, his son and nephew. The one
is good by nature, and has not yet gone astray. The other, the
elder and his nephew, has been encouraged by this uncle's
indulgence, and has openly adopted evil ways. In other words, he
has become C&aelig;sarian&mdash;for a reward.<a name=
"FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> The young Quintus
has shown himself to be very false. Cicero is so bound together
with his family in their public life that this falling off of one
of them makes him unhappy. Then Curio comes the way, and there is a
most interesting conversation. It seems that Curio, who is fond of
Cicero, tells him everything; but Cicero, who doubts him, lets him
pass on. Then C&aelig;lius writes to him. C&aelig;lius implores
him, for the sake of his children, to bear in mind what he is
doing. He tells him much of C&aelig;sar's anger, and asks him if he
cannot become C&aelig;sarian; at any rate to betake himself to some
retreat till the storm shall pass by and quieter days should come.
But C&aelig;lius, though it had suited Cicero to know him
intimately, had not read the greatness of the man's mind. He did
not understand in the least the difficulty which pervaded Cicero.
To C&aelig;lius it was play&mdash;play in which a man might be
beaten, or banished, or slaughtered; but it was a game in which men
were fighting each for himself. That there <span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>should be a duty
in the matter, beyond that, was inexplicable to C&aelig;lius. And
his children, too&mdash;his anger against young Quintus and his
forgiveness of Marcus! He thinks that Quintus had been purchased by
a large bribe on C&aelig;sar's side, and is thankful that it is no
worse with him. What can have been worse to a young man than to
have been open to such payment? Antony is frequently on the scene,
and already disgusts us by the vain frivolity and impudence of his
life. And then Cicero's eyes afflict him, and he cannot see.
Servius Sulpicius comes to him weeping. For Servius, who is timid
and lachrymose, everything has gone astray. And then there is that
Dionysius who had plainly told him that he desired to follow some
richer or some readier master. At the last comes the news of his
Tullia's child's birth. She is brought to bed of a son. He cannot,
however, wait to see how the son thrives. From the midst of
enemies, and with spies around him, he starts. There is one last
letter written to his wife and daughter from on board the ship at
Caieta, sending them many loves and many careful messages, and then
he is off.</p>

<p>It was now the 11th of June, the third day before the ides,
<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49, and we hear nothing special of
the events of his journey. When he reached the camp, which he did
in safety, he was not well received there. He had given his all to
place himself along with Pompey in the republican quarters, and
when there the republicans were unwilling to welcome him. Pompey
would have preferred that he should have remained away, so as to be
able to say hereafter that he had not come.</p>

<p>Of what occurred to Cicero during the great battle which led to
the solution of the Roman question we know little or nothing. We
hear that Cicero was absent, sick at Dyrrachium, but there are none
of those tirades of abuse with which such an absence might have
been greeted. We hear, indeed, from other sources, very full
accounts of the fighting&mdash;how C&aelig;sar was nearly
conquered, how Pompey might have prevailed had he had the sense to
take the good which came in his way, how<span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span> he failed to take
it, how he was beaten, and how, in the very presence of his wife,
he was murdered at last at the mouth of the Nile by the combined
energies of a Roman and a Greek.</p>

<p>We can imagine how the fate of the world was decided on the
Pharsalus where the two armies met, and the victory remained with
C&aelig;sar. Then there were weepings and gnashings of teeth, and
there were the congratulations and self-applause of the victors. In
all Cicero's letters there is not a word of it. There was terrible
suffering before it began, and there is the sense of injured
innocence on his return, but nowhere do we find any record of what
took place. There is no mourning for Pompey, no turning to
C&aelig;sar as the conqueror. Petra has been lost, and Pharsalia
has been won, but there is no sign.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 48,
&aelig;tat. 59.</div>

<p>Cicero, we know, spent the time at Dyrrachium close to which the
battle of Petra was fought, and went from thence to Corcyra. There
invitation was made to him, as the senior consular officer present,
to take the command of the beaten army, but that he declined. We
are informed that he was nearly killed in the scuffle which took
place. We can imagine that it was so&mdash;that in the confusion
and turmoil which followed he should have been somewhat roughly
told that it behooved him to take the lead and to come forth as the
new commander; that there should be a time at last in which no
moment should be allowed him for doubt, but that he should doubt,
and, after more or less of reticence, pass on. Young Pompey would
have it so. What name would be so good to bind together the
opponents of C&aelig;sar as that of Cicero? But Cicero would not be
led. It seems that he was petulant and out of sorts at the time;
that he had been led into the difficulty of the situation by his
desire to be true to Pompey, and that he was only able to escape
from it now that Pompey was gone. We can well imagine that there
should be no man less able to fight against C&aelig;sar, though
there was none whose name might be so serviceable to use as that of
Cicero. At any rate, as far as we are concerned, there<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span> was
silence on the subject on his part. He wrote not a word to any of
the friends whom Pompey had left behind him, but returned to Italy
dispirited, silent, and unhappy. He had indeed met many men since
the battle of the Pharsalus, but to none of whom we are conversant
had he expressed his thoughts regarding that great campaign.</p>

<p>Here we part from Pompey, who ran from the fighting-ground of
Macedonia to meet his doom in the roads of Alexandria. Never had
man risen so high in his youth to be extinguished so ingloriously
in his age. He was born in the same year with Cicero, but had come
up quicker into the management of the world's affairs, so as to
have received something from his equals of that which was due to
age. Habit had given him that ease of manners which enabled him to
take from those who should have been his compeers the deference
which was due not to his age but to his experience. When Cicero was
entering the world, taking up the cudgels to fight against Sulla,
Pompey had already won his spurs, in spite of Sulla but by means of
Sulla. Men in these modern days learn, as they grow old in public
life, to carry themselves with indifference among the backslidings
of the world. In reading the life of Cicero, we see that it was so
then. When defending Amerinus, we find the same character of man as
was he who afterward took Milo's part. There is the same readiness,
the same ingenuity, and the same high indignation; but there is not
the same indifference as to results. With Amerinus it is as though
all the world depended on it; with Milo he felt it to be sufficient
to make the outside world believe it. When Pompey triumphed, 70
<span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and was made Consul for the second
time, he was already old in glory&mdash;when Cicero had not as yet
spoken those two orations against Verres which had made the
speaking of another impossible. Pompey, we may say, had never been
young. Cicero was never old. There was no moment in his life in
which Cicero was not able to laugh with the Curios and the
C&aelig;liuses behind the back of the great<span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span> man. There was no
moment in which Pompey could have done so. He who has stepped from
his cradle on to the world's high places has lost the view of those
things which are only to be seen by idle and luxurious young men of
the day. Cicero did not live for many years beyond Pompey, but I
doubt whether he did not know infinitely more of men. To Pompey it
had been given to rule them; but to Cicero to live with them.</p>

<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">
129</a></span></p>
<h3><a name="Chapter_VI" id="Chapter_VI"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter VI.</span></h3>

<h4><i>AFTER THE BATTLE.</i></h4>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 48,
&aelig;tat. 59.</div>

<p>In the autumn of this year Cicero had himself landed at
Brundisium. He remained nearly a year at Brundisium, and it is
melancholy to think how sad and how long must have been the days
with him. He had no country when he reached the nearest Italian
port; it was all C&aelig;sar's, and C&aelig;sar was his enemy.
There had been a struggle for the masterdom between two men, and of
the two the one had beaten with whom Cicero had not ranged himself.
He had known how it would be. All the Get&aelig;, and the men of
Colchis, and the Armenians, all the lovers of the fish-ponds and
those who preferred the delicacies of Bai&aelig; to the work of the
Forum, all who had been taught to think that there were provinces
in order that they might plunder, men who never dreamed of a
country but to sell it, all those whom C&aelig;sar was determined
either to drive out of Italy or keep there in obedience to himself,
had been brought together in vain. We already know, when we begin
to read the story, how it will be with them and with C&aelig;sar.
On C&aelig;sar's side there is an ecstasy of hope carried to the
very brink of certainty; on the other is that fainting spirit of
despair which no battalions can assuage. We hear of no Sc&aelig;va
and of no Crastinus on Pompey's side. Men change their nature under
such leading as was that of C&aelig;sar. The inferior men become
heroic by contact with the hero; but such heroes when they come are
like great gouts of blood dabbled down upon a fair cloth. Who that
has eyes to see can look back upon the career of such a one and
not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">
130</a></span> feel an agony of pain as the stern man passes on
without a ruffled face, after ordering the right hands of those who
had fought at Uxellodunum to be chopped off at the wrist, in order
that men might know what was the penalty of fighting for their
country?</p>

<p>There are men&mdash;or have been, from time to time, in all ages
of the world&mdash;let loose, as it were, by the hand of God to
stop the iniquities of the people, but in truth the natural product
of those iniquities. They have come and done their work, and have
died, leaving behind them the foul smell of destruction. An
Augustus followed C&aelig;sar, and him Tiberius, and so on to a
Nero. It was necessary that men should suffer much before they were
brought back to own their condition. But they who can see a Cicero
struggling to avoid the evil that was coming&mdash;not for himself
but for the world around him&mdash;and can lend their tongues,
their pens, their ready wits to ridicule his efforts, can hardly
have been touched by the supremacy of human suffering.</p>

<p>It must have been a sorry time with him at Brundisium. He had to
stay there waiting till C&aelig;sar's pleasure had been made known
to him, and C&aelig;sar was thinking of other things. C&aelig;sar
was away in Egypt and the East, encountering perils at Alexandria
which, if all be true that we have heard, imply that he had lived
to be past fear. Grant that a man has to live as C&aelig;sar did,
and it will be well that he should be past fear. At any rate he did
not think of Cicero, or thinking of him felt that he was one who
must be left to brood in silence over the choice he had made.
Cicero did brood&mdash;not exactly in silence&mdash;over the things
that fate had done for him and for his country. For himself, he was
living in Italy, and yet could not venture to betake himself to one
of the eighteen villas which, as Middleton tells us, he had studded
about the country for his pastime. There were those at Tusculum,
Antium, Astura, Arpinum&mdash;at Formi&aelig;, at Cum&aelig;, at
Puteoli, and at Pompeii. Those who tell us of Cicero's poverty are
surely wandering, carried away<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span> by their erroneous
notions of what were a Roman nobleman's ideas as to money. At no
period of his life do we find Cicero not doing what he was minded
to do for want of money, and at no period is there a hint that he
had allowed himself in any respect to break the law. It has been
argued that he must have been driven to take fees and bribes and
indirect payments, because he says that he wanted money. It was
natural that he should occasionally want money, and yet be in the
main indifferent. The incoming of a regular revenue was not
understood as it is with us. A man here and there might attend to
his money, as did Atticus. Cicero did not; and therefore, when in
want of it, he had to apply to a friend for relief. But he always
applies as one who knows well that the trouble is not enduring. Is
it credible that a man so circumstanced should have remained with
those various sources of extravagance which it would have been easy
for him to have avoided or lessened? We are led to the conviction
that at no time was it expedient to him to abandon his villas,
though in the hurry-scurry of Roman affairs it did now and again
become necessary for him to apply to Atticus for accommodation. Let
us think what must have been C&aelig;sar's demands for money. Of
these we hear nothing, because he was too wise to have an Atticus
to whom he wrote everything, or too wary to write letters upon
business which should be treasured for the curiosity of
after-ages.</p>

<p>To be hopeful and then tremulous; to be eager after success and
then desponding; to have believed readily every good and then, as
readily, evil; to have relied implicitly on a man's faith, and then
to have turned round and declared how he had been deceived; to have
been very angry and then to have forgiven&mdash;this seems to have
been Cicero's nature. Verres, Catiline, Clodius, Piso, and Vatinius
seem to have caused his wrath; but was there one of them against
whom, though he did not forgive him, his anger did not die out?
Then, at last, he was moved to an internecine fight with Antony. Is
there any one who has read the story which we are going to tell who
will not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">
132</a></span> agree with us that, if after Mutina Octavius had
thought fit to repudiate Antony and to follow Cicero's counsels,
Antony would not have been spared?</p>

<p>Nothing angers me so much in describing Cicero as the assertion
that he was a coward. It has sprung from a wrong idea of what
constitutes cowardice. He did not care to fight; but are all men
cowards who do not care to fight when work can be so much better
done by talking? He saw that fighting was the work fit for men of
common clay, or felt it if he did not see it. When men rise to such
a pitch as that which he filled, and C&aelig;sar and Pompey, and
some few others around them, their greatest danger does not consist
in fighting. A man's tongue makes enemies more bitter than his
sword. But Cicero, when the time came, never shirked his foe.
Whether it was Verres or Catiline, or Clodius or Antony, he was
always there, ready to take that foe by the throat, and ready to
offer his own in return. At moments such as that there was none of
the fear which stands aghast at the wrath of the injured one, and
makes the man who is a coward quail before the eyes of him who is
brave.</p>

<p>His friendship for Pompey is perhaps, of all the strong feelings
of his life, the one most requiring excuse, and the most difficult
to excuse. For myself I can see why it was so; but I cannot do that
without acknowledging in it something which derogated from his
greatness. Had he risen above Pompey, he would have been great
indeed; for I look upon it as certain that he did see that Pompey
was as untrue to the Republic as C&aelig;sar. He saw it
occasionally, but it was not borne in upon him at all times that
Pompey was false. C&aelig;sar was not false. C&aelig;sar was an
open foe. I doubt whether Pompey ever saw enough to be open. He
never realized to himself more than men. He never rose to
measures&mdash;much less to the reason for them. When C&aelig;sar
had talked him over, and had induced him to form the Triumvirate,
Pompey's politics were gone. Cicero never blanched. Whether, full
of new hopes, he attacked Chrysogonus with all the energy of one to
whom his injured<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id=
"Page_133">133</a></span> countrymen were dear, or, with the
settled purpose of his life, he accused Verres in the teeth of the
coming Consul Hortensius; whether in driving out Catiline, or in
defending Milo; whether, even, in standing up before C&aelig;sar
for Marcellus, or in his final onslaught upon Antony, his purpose
was still the same. As time passed on he took to himself coarser
weapons, and went down into the arena and fought the beasts at
Ephesus. Alas, it is so with mankind! Who can strive to do good and
not fight beasts? And who can fight them but after some fashion of
their own? He was fighting beasts at Ephesus when he was defending
Milo. He was an oligarch, but he wanted the oligarchy round him to
be true and honest! It was impossible. These men would not be just,
and yet he must use them. Milo and C&aelig;lius and Curio were his
friends. He knew them to be bad, but he could not throw off from
him all that were bad men. If by these means he could win his way
to something that might be good, he would pardon their evil. As we
make our way on to the end of his life we find that his character
becomes tarnished, and that his high feelings are blunted by the
party which he takes and the men with whom he associates.</p>

<p>He did not, indeed, fall away altogether. The magistracy offered
to him, the lieutenancy offered to him, the "free legation" offered
to him, the last appeal made to him that he would go to Rome and
speak a few words&mdash;or that he would stay away and remain
neutral&mdash;did not move him. He did not turn conspirator and
then fight for the prize, as Pompey had done. But he had, for so
many years, clung to Pompey as the leader of a party; had had it so
dinned into his ears that all must depend on Pompey; had found
himself so bound up with the man who, when appealed to as to his
banishment, had sullenly told him he could only do as C&aelig;sar
would have him; whom he had felt to be mean enough to be
stigmatized as Sampsiceramus, him of Jerusalem, the hero of Arabia;
whom he knew to be desirous of doing with his enemies as Sulla had
done with his&mdash;that, in spite of it all, he clung to him
still!</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">
134</a></span>I cannot but blame Cicero for this, but yet I can excuse it. It
is hard to have to change your leader after middle life, and Cicero
could only have changed his by becoming a leader himself. We can
see how hopeless it was. Would it not have been mean had he allowed
those men to go and fight in Macedonia without him? Who would have
believed in him had he seemed to be so false? Not Cato, not Brutus,
not Bibulus, not Scipio, not Marcellus. Such men were the leaders
of the party of which he had been one. Would they not say that he
had remained away because he was C&aelig;sar's man? He must follow
either C&aelig;sar or Pompey. He knew that Pompey was beaten. There
are things which a man knows, but he cannot bring himself to say so
even to himself. He went out to fight on the side already
conquered; and when the thing was done he came home with his heart
sad, and lived at Brundisium, mourning his lot.</p>

<p>From thence he wrote to Atticus, saying that he hardly saw the
advantage of complying with advice which had been given to him that
he should travel incognito to Rome. But it is the special reason
given which strikes us as being so unlike the arguments which would
prevail to-day: "Nor have I resting-places on the way sufficiently
convenient for me to pass the entire daytime within them."<a name=
"FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> The "diversorium"
was a place by the roadside which was always ready should the owner
desire to come that way. It must be understood that he travelled
with attendants, and carried his food with him, or sent it on
before. We see at every turn how much money could do; but we see
also how little money had done for the general comfort of the
people. Brundisium is above three hundred miles from Rome, and the
journey is the same which Horace took afterward, going from the
city.<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> Much had then been
done to make travelling comfortable, or at any rate cheaper than it
had been four-and-twenty years before. But now <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span>the
journey was not made. He reminds Atticus in the letter that if he
had not written through so long an interval it was not because
there had been a dearth of subjects. It had been no doubt prudent
for a man to be silent when so many eyes and so many ears were on
the watch. He writes again some days later, and assures Atticus
that C&aelig;sar thinks well of his "lictors!" Oh those eternal
lictors! "But what have I to do with lictors," he says, "who am
almost ordered to leave the shores of Italy?"<a name=
"FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">132</a> And then C&aelig;sar
had sent angry messages. Cato and Metellus had been said to have
come home. C&aelig;sar did not choose that this should be so, and
had ordered them away. It was clearly manifest to every man alive
now that C&aelig;sar was the actual master of Italy.</p>

<p>During the whole of this winter he is on terms with Terentia,
but he writes to her in the coldest strain. There are many letters
to Terentia, more in number than we have ever known before, but
they are all of the same order. I translate one here to show the
nature of his correspondence: "If you are well, I am so also. The
times are such that I expect to hear nothing from yourself, and on
my part have nothing to write. Nevertheless, I look for your
letters, and I write to you when a messenger is going to start.
Voluminia ought to have understood her duty to you, and should have
done what she did do better. There are other things, however, which
I care for more, and grieve for more bitterly&mdash;as those have
wished who have driven me from my own opinion."<a name=
"FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> Again he writes to
Atticus, deploring that he should have been born&mdash;so great are
his troubles&mdash;or, at any rate, that one should have been born
after him from the same mother. His brother has addressed him in
anger&mdash;his brother, who has desired to make his own affairs
straight with C&aelig;sar, and to swim down the stream pleasantly
with other noble Romans of the time. I can imagine that with
Quintus Cicero there was nothing much higher than the <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">
136</a></span>wealth which the day produced. I can fancy that he
was possessed of intellect, and that when it was fair sailing with
our Consul it was all well with Quintus Cicero; but I can see also
that, when C&aelig;sar prevailed, it was occasionally a matter of
doubt with Quintus whether his brother should not be abandoned
among other things which were obtrusive and vain. He could not
quite do it. His brother compelled him into propriety, and carried
him along within the lines of the oligarchy. Then C&aelig;sar fell,
and Quintus saw that the matter was right; but C&aelig;sar, though
he fell, did not altogether fall, and therefore Quintus after all
turned out to be in the wrong. I fancy that I can see how things
went ill with Quintus.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 47,
&aelig;tat. 60.</div>

<p>C&aelig;sar, after the battle of the Pharsalia, had followed
Pompey, but had failed to catch him. When he came upon the scene in
the roadstead at Alexandria, the murder had been effected. He then
disembarked, and there, as circumstances turned out, was doomed to
fight another campaign in which he nearly lost his life. It is not
a part of my plan to write the life of C&aelig;sar, nor to meddle
with it further than I am driven to do in seeking after the sources
of Cicero's troubles and aspiration; but the story must be told in
a few words. C&aelig;sar went from Alexandria into Asia, and,
flashing across Syria, beat Pharnaces, and then wrote his famous
"Veni, vidi, vici," if those words were ever written. Surely he
could not have written them and sent them home! Even the
subservience of the age would not have endured words so boastful,
nor would the glory of C&aelig;sar have so tarnished itself. He
hurried back to Italy, and quelled the mutiny of his men by a
masterpiece of stage-acting. Simply by addressing them as
"Quirites," instead of "Milites," he appalled them into obedience.
On this journey into Italy he came across Cicero. If he could be
cruel without a pang&mdash;to the arranging the starvation of a
townful of women, because they as well as the men must eat&mdash;he
could be magnificent in his treatment of a Cicero. He had hunted to
the death his late colleague in the Trium<span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span>virate, and had
felt no remorse; though there seems to have been a moment when in
Egypt the countenance of him who had so long been his superior had
touched him. He had not ordered Pompey's death. On no occasion had
he wilfully put to death a Roman whose name was great enough to
leave a mark behind. He had followed the convictions of his
countrymen, who had ever spared themselves. To him a thousand
Gauls, or men of Eastern origin, were as nothing to a single Roman
nobleman. Whether there can be said to have been clemency in such a
course it is useless now to dispute. To C&aelig;sar it was at any
rate policy as well. If by clemency he meant that state of mind in
which it is an evil to sacrifice the life of men to a spirit of
revenge, C&aelig;sar was clement. He had moreover that feeling
which induces him who wins to make common cause&mdash;in little
things&mdash;with those who lose. We can see C&aelig;sar getting
down from his chariot when Cicero came to meet him, and, throwing
his arms round his neck, walking off with him in pleasant
conversation; and we can fancy him talking to Cicero pleasantly of
the greatness which, in times yet to come, pursuits such as his
would show in comparison with those of C&aelig;sar's. "Cedant arma
tog&aelig;; concedat laurea lingu&aelig;," we can hear C&aelig;sar say,
with an irony expressed in no tone of his voice, but still
vibrating to the core of his heart, as he thought so much of his
own undoubted military supremacy, and absolutely nothing of his now
undoubted literary excellence.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 47,
&aelig;tat. 60.</div>

<p>But to go back a little; we shall find Cicero still waiting at
Brundisium during August and September. In the former of these
months he reminds Atticus that "he cannot at present sell anything,
but that he can put by something so that it may be in safety when
the ruin shall fall upon him."<a name="FNanchor_134" id=
"FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class=
"fnanchor">134</a> From this may be deduced a state of things
very different to that above described, but not contradicting it. I
gather from this unintelligible letter, written, as he tells us,
for <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">
138</a></span>the most part in his own handwriting, that he was at
the present moment under some forfeiture of the law to C&aelig;sar.
It may well be that, as one adjudged to be a rebel to his country,
his property should not be salable. If that were so, C&aelig;sar in
some of these bland moments must have revoked the
sentence&mdash;and at such a time all sentences were within
C&aelig;sar's control&mdash;because we know that on his return
Cicero's villas were again within his own power. But he is in sad
trouble now about his wife. He has written to her to send him
twelve thousand sesterces, which he had as it were in a bag, and
she sends him ten, saying that no more is left. If she would deduct
something from so small a sum, what would she do if it were
larger?<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a><a
href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">135</a> Then follow two
letters for his wife&mdash;a mere word in each&mdash;not a sign of
affection nor of complaint in either of them. In the first he tells
her she shall be informed when C&aelig;sar is coming&mdash;in the
latter, that he is coming. When he has resolved whether to go and
meet him or to remain where he is till C&aelig;sar shall have come
upon him, he will again write. Then there are three to Atticus, and
two more to Terentia. In the first he tells him that C&aelig;sar is
expected. Some ten or twelve days afterward he is still full of
grief as to his brother Quintus, whose conduct has been shameful.
C&aelig;sar he knows is near at hand, but he almost hopes that he
will not come to Brundisium. In the third, as indeed he has in
various others, he complains bitterly of the heat: it is of such a
nature that it adds to his grief. Shall he send word to C&aelig;sar
that he will wait upon him nearer to Rome?<a name=
"FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> He is evidently in a
sad condition. Quintus, it must be remembered, had been in Gaul
with C&aelig;sar, and had seen the rising sun. On his return to
Italy he had not force enough to declare a political conviction,
and to go over to C&aelig;sar boldly. He had indeed become
lieutenant to his brother when in Cilicia, having left C&aelig;sar
for the purpose. He afterward went with his brother to the
Phar<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">
139</a></span>salus, assuring the elder Cicero that they two would
still be of the same party. Then the great catastrophe had come,
when Cicero returned from that wretched campaign to Brundisium, and
remained there in despair as at some penal settlement. Quintus
followed C&aelig;sar into Asia with his son, and there pleaded his
own cause with him at the expense of his brother. Of C&aelig;sar we
must all admit that, though indifferent to the shedding of blood,
arrogant, without principle in money and without heart in love, he
was magnificent, and that he injured none from vindictive motives.
He passed on, leaving Quintus Cicero, who as a soldier had been
true to him, without, as we can fancy, many words. Cicero afterward
interceded for his brother who had reviled him, and Quintus will
ever after have to bear the stain of his treachery. Then came the
two letters for his wife, with just a line in each. If her
messenger should arrive, he will send her word back as to what she
is to do. After an interval of nearly a month, there is the
other&mdash;ordering, in perfectly restored good-humor, that the
baths shall be ready at the Tusculan villa: "Let the baths be all
ready, and everything fit for the use of guests; there will
probably be many of them."<a name="FNanchor_137" id=
"FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class=
"fnanchor">137</a> It is evident that C&aelig;sar has passed on
in a good-humor, and has left behind him glad tidings, such as
should ever brighten the feet of the conqueror.</p>

<p>It is singular that, with a correspondence such as that of
Cicero's, of which, at least through the latter two or three years
of his life, every letter of his to his chief friend has been
preserved, there should have been nothing left to us from that
friend himself. It must have been the case, as Middleton suggests,
that Atticus, when Cicero was dead, had the handling of the entire
MS., and had withdrawn his own; either that, or else Cicero and
Atticus mutually agreed to the destruction of their joint labors,
and Atticus had been untrue to his agreement, <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">
140</a></span>knowing well the value of the documents he
preserved. That there is no letter from a woman&mdash;not even a
line to Cicero from his dear daughter&mdash;is much to be
regretted. And yet there are letters&mdash;many from C&aelig;lius,
who is thus brought forward as almost a second and a younger
Atticus&mdash;and from various Romans of the day. When we come to
the latter days of his life, in which he had taken upon himself the
task of writing to Plancus and others as to their supposed duty to
the State, they become numerous. There are ten such from Plancus,
and nine from Decimus Brutus; and there is a whole mass of
correspondence with Marcus Brutus&mdash;to be taken for what it is
worth. With a view to history, they are doubtless worth much; but
as throwing light on Cicero's character, except as to the vigor
that was in the man to the last, they are not of great value. How
is it that a correspondence, which is for its main purpose so full,
should have fallen so short in many of its details? There is no
word, no allusion derogatory to Atticus in these letters, which
have come to us from C&aelig;lius and others. We have Atticus left
to us for our judgment, free from the confession of his own faults,
and free also from the insinuations of others. Of whom would we
wish that the familiar letters of another about ourselves should be
published? Would those objectionable epithets as to Pompey have
been allowed to hold their ground had Pompey lived and had they
been in his possession?</p>

<p>But, in reading histories and biographies, we always accept with
a bias in favor of the person described the anecdotes of those who
talk of them. We know that the ready wit of the surrounding world
has taken up these affairs of the moment and turned them into
ridicule&mdash;then as they do now. We discount the
"Hierosolymarius." We do not quite believe that Bibulus never left
the house while an enemy was to be seen; but we think that a man
may be expected to tell the truth of himself; at any rate, to tell
no untruth against himself. We think that Cicero of all men may be
left to do so&mdash;Cicero, who<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span> so well understood the
use of words, and could use them in his own defence so deftly. I
maintain that it has been that very deftness which has done him all
the harm. Not one of those letters of the last years would have
been written as it is now had Cicero thought, when writing it, that
from it would his conduct have been judged after two thousand
years. "No," will say my readers, "that is their value; they would
not have otherwise been true, as they are. We should not then have
learned his secrets." I reply, "It is a hard bargain to make:
others do not make such bargains on the same terms. But be sure, at
any rate, that you read them aright: be certain that you make the
necessary allowances. Do not accuse him of falsehood because he
unsays on a Tuesday the words he said on the Monday. Bear in mind
on his behalf all the temporary ill that humanity is heir to. Could
you, living at Brundisium during the summer months, 'when you were
scarcely able to endure the weight of the sun,'<a name=
"FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> have had all your
intellects about you, and have been able always to choose your
words?" No, indeed! These letters, if truth is to be expected from
them, have to be read with all the subtle distinctions necessary
for understanding the frame of mind in which they were written. His
anger boils over here, and he is hot. Here tenderness has mastered
him, and the love of old days. He is weak in body just now, and
worn out in spirit; he is hopeless, almost to the brink of despair;
he is bright with wit, he is full of irony, he is purposely
enigmatic&mdash;all of which require an Atticus who knew him and
the people among whom he had lived, and the times in which the
events took place, for their special reading. Who is there can read
them now so as accurately to decipher every intended detail? Then
comes some critic who will not even attempt to read them&mdash;who
rushes through them by the light of some foregone conclusion, and
missing the point at which the writer subtly aims, tells us of some
purpose of which he was altogether <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span>innocent!
Because he jokes about the augurship, we are told how miserably
base he was, and how ready to sell his country!</p>

<p>During the whole of the last year he must have been tortured by
various turns of mind. Had he done well in joining himself to
Pompey? and having done so, had he done well in severing himself,
immediately on Pompey's death, from the Pompeians? Looking at the
matter as from a stand-point quite removed from it, we are inclined
to say that he had done well in both. He could not without
treachery have gone over to C&aelig;sar when C&aelig;sar had come
to the gate of Italy, and, as it were with a blast of his trumpet,
had demanded the Consulship, a triumph, the use of his legions, and
the continuance of his military power. "Let Pompey put down his,
and I will put down mine," he had said. Had Pompey put down his,
Pompey and Cicero, Cato and Brutus, and Bibulus would all have had
to walk at the heels of C&aelig;sar. When Pompey declared that he
would contest the point, he declared for them all. Cicero was bound
to go to Pharsalia. But when, by Pompey's incompetence, C&aelig;sar
was the victor; when Pompey had fallen at the Nile, and all the
lovers of the fish-ponds, and the intractable oligarchs, and the
cutthroats of the Empire, such as young Pompey had become, had
scattered themselves far and wide, some to Asia, some to Illyricum,
some to Spain, and more to Africa&mdash;as a herd of deer shall be
seen to do when a vast hound has appeared among them, with his jaws
already dripping with blood&mdash;was Cicero then to take his part
with any of them? I hold that he did what dignity required, and
courage also. He went back to Italy, and there he waited till the
conqueror should come.</p>

<p>It must have been very bitter. Never to have become great has
nothing in it of bitterness for a noble spirit. What matters it to
the unknown man whether a C&aelig;sar or a Pompey is at the top of
all things? Or if it does matter&mdash;as indeed that question of
his governance does matter to every man who has a soul<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span>
within him to be turned this way or that&mdash;which way he is
turned, though there may be inner regrets that C&aelig;sar should
become the tyrant, perhaps keener regrets, if the truth were all
seen, that Pompey's hands should be untrammelled, who sees them? I
can walk down to my club with my brow unclouded, or, unless I be
stirred to foolish wrath by the pride of some one equally vain, can
enjoy myself amid the festivities of the hour. It is but a little
affair to me. If it come in my way to do a thing, I will do my
best, and there is an end of it. The sense of responsibility is not
there, nor the grievous weight of having tried but failed to govern
mankind. But to have clung to high places; to have sat in the
highest seat of all with infinite honor; to have been called by
others, and, worse still, to have called myself, the savior of my
country; to have believed in myself that I was sufficient, that I
alone could do it, that I could bring back, by my own justice and
integrity, my erring countrymen to their former
simplicity&mdash;and then to have found myself fixed in a little
town, just in Italy, waiting for the great conqueror, who though my
friend in things social was opposed to me body and soul as to rules
of life&mdash;that, I say, must have been beyond the bitterness of
death.</p>

<p>During this year he had made himself acquainted with the details
of that affair, whatever it might be, which led to his divorce soon
after his return to Rome. He had lived about thirty years with his
wife, and the matter could not but have been to him the cause of
great unhappiness. Terentia was not only the mother of his
children, but she had been to him also the witness of his rise in
life and the companion of his fall. He was one who would naturally
learn to love those with whom he was conversant. He seems to have
projected himself out of his own time into those modes of thought
which have come to us with Christianity, and such a separation from
this woman after an intercourse of so many years must have been
very grievous to him. All married Romans underwent divorce quite as
a matter of course. There were many reasons.<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span> A
young wife is more agreeable to the man's taste than one who is
old. A rich wife is more serviceable than a poor. A new wife is a
novelty. A strange wife is an excitement. A little wife is a relief
to one overburdened with the flesh; a buxom wife to him who has
become tired of the pure spirit. Xanthippe asks too much, while
Griselda is too tranquil. And then, as a man came up in the world,
causes for divorce grew without even the trouble of having to
search for faults. C&aelig;sar required that his wife should not be
ill spoken of, and therefore divorced her. Pompey cemented the
Triumvirate with a divorce. We cannot but imagine that, when men
had so much the best of it in the affairs of life, a woman had
always the worst of it in these enforced separations. But as the
wind is tempered to the shorn lamb, so were divorces made
acceptable to Roman ladies. No woman was disgraced by a divorce,
and they who gave over their husbands at the caprice of a moment to
other embraces would usually find consolation. Terentia when
divorced from Cicero was at least fifty, and we are told she had
the extreme honor of having married Sallust after her break with
Cicero. They say that she married twice again after Sallust's
death, and that having lived nearly through the reign of Augustus,
she died at length at the age of a hundred and three. Divorce at
any rate did not kill her. But we cannot conceive but that so
sudden a disruption of all the ties of life must have been grievous
to Cicero. We shall find him in the next chapter marrying a young
ward, and then, too, divorcing her; but here we have only to deal
with the torments Terentia inflicted on him. What those torments
were we do not know, and shall never learn unless by chance the
lost letters of Atticus should come to light. But the general idea
has been that the lady had, in league with a freedman and steward
in her service, been guilty of fraud against her husband. I do not
know that we have much cause to lament the means of ascertaining
the truth. It is sad to find that the great men with whose name we
are occupied have been made subject to<span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span> those "whips and
scorns of time" which we thought to be peculiar to ourselves,
because they have stung us. Terentia, Cicero's wife two thousand
years ago, sent him word that he had but &pound;100 left in his box
at home, when he himself knew well that there must be something
more. That would have gone for nothing had there not been other
things before that, many other things. So, in spite of his ordering
at her hands the baths and various matters to be got ready for his
friends at his Tusculum, a very short time after his return there
he had divorced her.</p>

<p>During this last year he had been engaged on what has since been
found to be the real work of his life. He had already written much,
but had written as one who had been anxious to fill up vacant
spaces of time as they came in his way. From this time forth he
wrote as does one who has reconciled himself to the fact that there
are no more days to be lost if he intends, before the sun be set,
to accomplish an appointed task. He had already compiled the De
Oratore, the De Republica, and the De Legibus. Out of the many
treatises which we have from Cicero's hands, these are they which
are known as the works of his earlier years. He commenced the year
with an inquiry, De Optimo Genere Oratorum, which he intended as a
preface to the translations which he made of the great speeches of
&AElig;schines and Demosthenes, De Corona. These translations are
lost, though the preface remains. He then translated, or rather
paraphrased the Tim&aelig;us of Plato, of which a large proportion
has come down to us, and the Protagoras, of which we have lost all
but a sentence or two. We have his Oratori&aelig; Partitiones, in
which, in a dialogue between himself and his son, he repeats the
lessons on oratory which he has given to the young man. It is a
recapitulation, in short, of all that had been said on a subject
which has since been made common, and which owed its origin to the
work of much earlier years. It is but dull reading, but I can
imagine that even in these days it may be useful to a young lawyer.
There is a cynical morsel among these precepts which is worth<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">
146</a></span> observing, "Cito enim arescit lachryma
pr&aelig;sertim in alienis malis;"<a name="FNanchor_139" id=
"FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class=
"fnanchor">139</a> and another grandly simple, "Nihil enim est
aliud eloquentia nisi copiose loquens sapientia." Can we fancy
anything more biting than the idea that the tears caused by the
ills of another soon grow dry on the orator's cheek, or more wise
than that which tells us that eloquence is no more than wisdom
speaking eloquently? Then he wrote the six Paradoxes addressed to
Brutus&mdash;or rather he then gave them to the world, for they
were surely written at an earlier date. They are short treatises on
trite subjects, put into beautiful language, so as to arrest the
attention of all readers by the unreasonableness of their
reasoning. The most remarkable is the third, in which he endeavored
to show that a man cannot be wise unless he be all-wise, a doctrine
which he altogether overturns in his De Amicitia, written but four
years afterward. Cicero knew well what was true, and wrote his
paradox in order to give a zest to the subject. In the fourth and
the sixth are attacks upon Clodius and Crassus, and are here
republished in what would have been the very worst taste amid the
politeness of our modern times. A man now may hate and say so while
his foe is still alive and strong; but with the Romans he might
continue to hate, and might republish the words which he had
written, eight years after the death of his victim.</p>

<p>I know nothing of Cicero's which so much puts us in mind of the
struggles of the modern authors to make the most of every word that
has come from them, as do these paradoxes. They remind us of some
writer of leading articles who gets together a small bundle of
essays and then gives them to the world. Each of them has done well
at its time, but that has not sufficed for his ambition; therefore
they are dragged out into the light and put forward with a separate
claim for attention, as though they could stand well on their own
legs. But they cannot stand alone, and they fall from having been
put into a position other than that for which they were intended
when written.</p>



<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">
147</a></span></p>
<h3><a name="Chapter_VII" id="Chapter_VII"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter VII.</span></h3>

<h4><i>MARCELLUS, LIGARIUS, AND DEIOTARUS.</i></h4>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46,
&aelig;tat. 61.</div>

<p>The battle of Thapsus, in Africa, took place in the spring of
this year, and Cato destroyed himself with true stoical
tranquillity, determined not to live under C&aelig;sar's rule. If
we may believe the story which, probably, Hirtius has given us, in
his account of the civil war in Africa, and which has come down to
us together with C&aelig;sar's Commentaries, Cato left his last
instructions to some of his officers, and then took his sword into
his bed with him and stabbed himself. Cicero, who, in his dream of
Scipio, has given his readers such excellent advice in regard to
suicide, has understood that Cato must be allowed the praise of
acting up to his own principles. He would die rather than behold
the face of the tyrant who had enslaved him.<a name=
"FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> To Cato it was
nothing that he should leave to others the burden of living under
C&aelig;sar; but to himself the idea of a superior caused an
unendurable affront. The "Catonis nobile letum" has reconciled
itself to the poets of all ages. Men, indeed, have refused to see
that he fled from a danger which he felt to be too much for him,
and that in doing so he had lacked something of the courage of a
man. Many other Romans of the time did the same thing, but to none
has been given all the honor which has been allowed to Cato.</p>



<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">
148</a></span>Cicero felt as others have done, and allowed all his little
jealousies to die away. It was but a short time before that Cato
had voted against the decree of the Senate giving Cicero his
"supplication." Cicero had then been much annoyed; but now Cato had
died fighting for the Republic, and was to be forgiven all personal
offences. Cicero wrote a eulogy of Cato which was known by the name
of Cato, and was much discussed at Rome at the time. It has now
been lost. He sent it to C&aelig;sar, having been bold enough to
say in it whatever occurred to him should be said in Cato's praise.
We may imagine that, had it not pleased him to be
generous&mdash;had he not been governed by that feeling of "De
mortuis nil nisi bonum," which is now common to us all&mdash;he
might have said much that was not good. Cato had endeavored to live
up to the austerest rules of the Stoics&mdash;a mode of living
altogether antagonistic to Cicero's views. But we know that he
praised Cato to the full&mdash;and we know also that C&aelig;sar
nobly took the praise in good part, as coming from Cicero, and
answered it in an Anti-Cato, in which he stated his reasons for
differing from Cicero. We can understand how C&aelig;sar should
have shown that the rigid Stoic was not a man likely to be of
service to his country.</p>

<p>There came up at this period a question which made itself
popular among the "optimates" of Rome, as to the return of
Marcellus. The man of Como, whom Marcellus had flogged, will be
remembered&mdash;the Roman citizen who had first been made a
citizen by C&aelig;sar. This is mentioned now not as the cause of
C&aelig;sar's enmity, who did not care much probably for his
citizen, but as showing the spirit of the man. He, Marcellus, had
been Consul four years since, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 51,
and had then endeavored to procure C&aelig;sar's recall from his
province. He was one of the "optimates," an oligarch altogether
opposed to C&aelig;sar, a Roman nobleman of fairly good repute, who
had never bent to C&aelig;sar, but had believed thoroughly in his
order, and had thought, till the day of Pharsalia came, that
the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">
149</a></span> Consuls and the Senate would rule forever. The day
of Pharsalia did come, and Marcellus went into voluntary banishment
in Mitylene. After Pharsalia, C&aelig;sar's clemency began to make
itself known. There was a pardon for almost every Roman who had
fought against him, and would accept it. No spark of anger burnt in
C&aelig;sar's bosom, except against one or two, of whom Marcellus
was one. He was too wise to be angry with men whose services he
might require. It was C&aelig;sar's wish not to drive out the good
men but to induce them to remain in Rome, living by the grace of
his favor. Marcellus had many friends, and it seems that a public
effort was made to obtain for him permission to come back to Rome.
We must imagine that C&aelig;sar had hitherto refused, probably
with the idea of making his final concession the more valuable. At
last the united Senators determined to implore his grace, and the
Consulares rose one after another in their places, and all, with
one exception,<a name="FNanchor_141" id=
"FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class=
"fnanchor">141</a> asked that Marcellus might be allowed to
return. Cicero, however, had remained silent to the last. There
must have been, I think, some plot to get Cicero on to his legs. He
had gone to meet C&aelig;sar at Brundisium when he came back from
the East, had returned to Rome under his auspices, and had lived in
pleasant friendship with C&aelig;sar's friends. Pardon seems to
have been accorded to Cicero without an effort. As far as he was
concerned, that hostile journey to Dyrrachium&mdash;for he did not
travel farther toward the camp&mdash;counted for nothing with
C&aelig;sar. He was allowed to live in peace, at Rome or at his
villas, as he might please, so long as C&aelig;sar might rule. The
idea seems to have been that he should gradually become absorbed
among C&aelig;sar's followers. But hitherto he had remained silent.
It was now six years since his voice had been heard in Rome. He had
spoken for Milo&mdash;or had intended to speak&mdash;and, in the
same affair, for Munatius Plancus, and for Saufeius, <span class=
"smcap">b.c.</span> 52. He had then <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span>been in his fifty-fifth
year, and it might well be that six years of silence at such a
period of his life would not be broken. It was manifestly his
intention not to speak again, at any rate in the Senate; though the
threats made by him as to his total retirement should not be taken
as meaning much. Such threats from statesmen depend generally on
the wishes of other men. But he held his place in the Senate, and
occasionally attended the debates. When this affair of Marcellus
came on, and all the Senators of consular rank&mdash;excepting only
Volcatius and Cicero&mdash;had risen, and had implored C&aelig;sar
in a few words to condescend to be generous; when Claudius
Marcellus had knelt at C&aelig;sar's feet to ask for his brother's
liberty, and C&aelig;sar himself, after reminding them of the
bitterness of the man, had still declared that he could not refuse
the prayers of the Senate, then Cicero, as though driven by the
magnanimity of the conqueror, rose from his place, and poured forth
his thanks in the speech which is still extant.</p>

<p>That used to be the story till there came the German critic
Wolf, who at the beginning of this century told us that Cicero did
not utter the words attributed to him, and could not have uttered
them. According to Wolf, it would be doing Cicero an egregious
wrong to suppose him capable of having used such words, which are
not Latin, and which were probably written by some ignoramus in the
time of Tiberius. Such a verdict might have been taken as
fatal&mdash;for Wolf's scholarship and powers of criticism are
acknowledged&mdash;in spite of La Harpe, the French scholar and
critic, who has named the Marcellus as a thing of excellence,
comparing it with the eulogistic speeches of Isocrates. The praise
of La Harpe was previous to the condemnation of Wolf, and we might
have been willing to accede to the German as being the later and
probably the more accurate. Mr. Long, the British editor of the
Orations&mdash;Mr. Long, who has so loudly condemned the four
speeches supposed to have been made after Cicero's return from
exile&mdash;gives us no certain guidance. Mr. Long, at any<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">
151</a></span> rate, has not been so disgusted by the Tiberian
Latin as to feel himself bound to repudiate it. If he can read the
Pro Marcello, so can I, and so, my reader, might you do probably
without detriment. But these differences among the great philologic
critics tend to make us, who are so infinitely less learned, better
contented with our own lot. I, who had read the Pro Marcello
without stumbling over its halting Latinity, should have felt
myself crushed when I afterward came across Wolf's denunciations,
had I not been somewhat comforted by La Harpe. But when I found
that Mr. Long, in his introduction to the piece, though he
discusses Wolf's doctrine, still gives to the orator the advantage,
as it may be, of his "imprimatur," I felt that I might go on, and
not be ashamed of myself.<a name="FNanchor_142" id=
"FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class=
"fnanchor">142</a></p>

<p>This is the story that has now to be told of the speech Pro
Marcello. At the time the matter ended very tragically. As soon as
C&aelig;sar had yielded, Cicero wrote to Marcellus giving him
strong reasons for coming home. Marcellus answered him, saying that
it was impossible. He thanks Cicero shortly; but, with kindly
dignity, he declines. "With the comforts of the city I can well
dispense," he says.<a name="FNanchor_143" id=
"FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class=
"fnanchor">143</a> Then Cicero urges him again and again, using
excellent arguments for his return&mdash;which at length prevail.
In the spring of the next year Marcellus, on his way back to Rome,
is at Athens. There Servius Sulpicius spends a day with him; but,
just as Sulpicius is about to pass on, there comes a slave to him
who tells him that Marcellus has been murdered. His friend Magius
Chilo had stabbed him overnight, and had then destroyed himself. It
was said that Chilo had asked Marcellus to pay his debts for him,
and that Marcellus had refused. It seems to be more <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">
152</a></span>probable that Chilo had his own reasons for not
choosing that his friend should return to Rome.</p>

<p>Looking back at my own notes on the speech&mdash;it would make
with us but a ten minutes' after-dinner speech&mdash;I see that it
is said "that it is chiefly remarkable for the beauty of the
language, and the abjectness of the praise of C&aelig;sar." This
was before I had heard of Wolf. As to the praise, I doubt whether
it should be called abject, regard being had to the feelings of the
moment in which it was delivered. Cicero had risen to thank
C&aelig;sar&mdash;on whose breath the recall of Marcellus
depended&mdash;for his unexpected courtesy. In England we should
not have thanked C&aelig;sar as Cicero did: "O C&aelig;sar, there
is no flood of eloquence, no power of the tongue or of the pen, no
richness of words, which may emblazon, or even dimly tell the story
of your great deeds."<a name="FNanchor_144" id=
"FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class=
"fnanchor">144</a> Such language is unusual with us&mdash;as it
would also be unusual to abuse our Pisos and our Vatiniuses, as did
Cicero. It was the Southerner and the Roman who spoke to
Southerners and to Romans. But, undoubtedly, there was present to
the mind of Cicero the idea of saying words which C&aelig;sar might
receive with pleasure. He was dictator, emperor, lord of all
things&mdash;king. Cicero should have remained away, as Marcellus
had done, were he not prepared to speak after this fashion. He had
long held aloof from speech. At length the time had come when he
was, as it were, caught in a trap, and compelled to be
eloquent.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46,
&aelig;tat. 61.</div>

<p>The silence had been broken, and in the course of the autumn he
spoke on behalf of Ligarius, beseeching the conqueror to be again
merciful. This case was by no means similar to that of Marcellus,
who was exiled by no direct forfeiture of his right to live in
Italy, but who had expatriated himself. In this case Ligarius had
been banished with others; but it seems that the punishment had
been inflicted on him, not from the special ill-will of
C&aelig;sar, but from <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id=
"Page_153">153</a></span>the malice of certain enemies who,
together with Ligarius, had found themselves among Pompey's
followers when C&aelig;sar crossed the Rubicon. Ligarius had at
this time been left as acting governor in Africa. In the confusion
of the times an unfortunate Pompeian named Varus had arrived in
Africa, and to him, as being superior in rank, Ligarius had given
up the government. Varus had then gone, leaving Ligarius still
acting, and one Tubero had come with his son, and had demanded the
office. Ligarius had refused to give it up, and the two Tuberos had
departed, leaving the province in anger, and had fought at the
Pharsalus. After the battle they made their peace with C&aelig;sar,
and in the scramble that ensued Ligarius was banished. Now the case
was brought into the courts, in which C&aelig;sar sat as judge. The
younger Tubero accused Ligarius, and Cicero defended him. It seems
that, having been enticed to open his mouth on behalf of Marcellus,
he found himself launched again into public life. But how great was
the difference from his old life! It is not to the Judices, or
Patres Conscripti, or to the Quirites that he now addresses
himself, determined by the strength of his eloquence to overcome
the opposition of stubborn minds, but to C&aelig;sar, whom he has
to vanquish simply by praise. Once again he does the same thing
when pleading for Deiotarus, the King of Galatia, and it is
impossible to deny, as we read the phrases, that the orator sinks
in our esteem. It is not so much that we judge him to be small, as
that he has ceased to be great. He begins his speech for Ligarius
by saying, "My kinsman Tubero has brought before you, O
C&aelig;sar, a new crime, and one not heard of up to this
day&mdash;that Ligarius has been in Africa."<a name=
"FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> The commencement
would have been happy enough if it had not been addressed to
C&aelig;sar; for he was addressing a judge not appointed by any
form, but self-assumed&mdash;a judge by military conquest. We
cannot imagine how C&aelig;sar found time to sit there, with his
legions round him <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id=
"Page_154">154</a></span>still under arms, and Spain not
wholly conquered. But he did do so, and allowed himself to be
persuaded to the side of mercy. Ligarius came back to Rome, and was
one of those who plunged their daggers into him. But I cannot think
that he should have been hindered by this trial and by
C&aelig;sar's mercy from taking such a step, if by nothing else.
Brutus and Cassius also stabbed him. The question to be decided is
whether, on public grounds, these men were justified in killing
him&mdash;a question as to which I should be premature in
expressing an opinion here.</p>

<p>There are some beautiful passages in this oration. "Who is
there, I ask," he says, "who alleges Ligarius to have been in fault
because he was in Africa? He does so who himself was most anxious
to be there, and now complains that he was refused admittance by
Ligarius, he who was in arms against C&aelig;sar. What was your
sword doing, Tubero, in that Pharsalian army? Whom did you seek to
kill then? What was the meaning of your weapon? What was it that
you desired so eagerly, with those eyes and hands, with that
passion in your heart? I press him too much; the young man seems to
be disturbed. I will speak of myself, then, for I also was in that
army."<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> This was in
C&aelig;sar's presence, and no doubt told with C&aelig;sar. We were
all together in the same cause&mdash;you, and I, and Ligarius. Why
should you and I be pardoned and not Ligarius? The oration is for
the most part simply eulogistic. At any rate it was successful, and
became at Rome, for the time, extremely popular. He writes about it
early in the following year to Atticus, who has urged him to put
something into it, before it was published, to mitigate the feeling
against Tubero. Cicero says in his reply to Atticus that the copies
have already been given to the public, and that, indeed, he is not
anxious on Tubero's behalf.</p>

<p>Early in this year he had divorced Terentia, and seems at <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">
155</a></span>once to have married Publilia. Publilia had been his
ward, and is supposed to have had a fortune of her own. He explains
his own motives very clearly in a letter to his friend Plancius. In
these wretched times he would have formed no new engagement, unless
his own affairs had been as sad for him as were those of the
Republic; but when he found that they to whom his prosperity should
have been of the greatest concern were plotting against him within
his own walls, he was forced to strengthen himself against the
perfidy of his old inmates by placing his trust in new.<a name=
"FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> It must have been
very bad with him when he had recourse to such a step as this.
Shortly after this letter just quoted had been written, he divorced
Publilia also&mdash;we are told because Publilia had treated Tullia
with disrespect. We have no details on the subject, but we can well
understand the pride of the young woman who declined to hear the
constant praise of her step-daughter, and thought herself to be
quite as good as Tullia. At any rate, she was sent away quickly
from her new home, having remained there only long enough to have
made not the most creditable episode in Cicero's life.</p>

<p>At this time Dolabella, who assumed the Consulship upon
C&aelig;sar's death, and Hirtius, who became Consul during the next
year, used to attend upon Cicero and take lessons in elocution. So
at least the story has been told, from a letter written in this
year to his friend P&oelig;tus; but I should imagine that the lessons
were not much in earnest. "Why do you talk to me of your
tunny-fish, your pilot-fish, and your cheese and sardines? Hirtius
and Dolabella preside over my banquets, and I teach them in return
to make speeches."<a name="FNanchor_148" id=
"FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class=
"fnanchor">148</a> From this we may learn that C&aelig;sar's
friends were most anxious to be also Cicero's friends. It may be
said that Dolabella was his son-in-law; but Dolabella was at this
moment on the eve of being divorced. It was in spite of his
marriage that Dolabella still <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span>clung to Cicero. All
C&aelig;sar's friends in Rome did the same; so that I am disposed
to think that for this year, just till Tullia's death, he was
falling, not into a happy state, but to the passive contentment of
those who submit themselves to be ruled over by a single master. He
had struggled all his life, and now finding that he must yield, he
thought that he might as well do so gracefully. It was so much
easier to listen to the State secrets of Balbus, and hear from
Oppius how the money was spent, and then to dine with Hirtius or
Dolabella, than to sit ever scowling at home, as Cato would have
done had Cato lived. But with his feelings about the Republic at
heart, how sad it must have been! Cato was gone, and Pompey, and
Bibulus; and Marcellus was either gone or just about to go. Old age
was creeping on. It was better to write philosophy, in friendship
with C&aelig;sar's friends, than to be banished again whither he
could not write it at all. Much, no doubt, he did in preparation
for all those treatises which the next eighteen months were to
bring forth.</p>

<p>C&aelig;sar, just at the end of the year, had been again called
to Spain, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46, to quell the last
throbbings of the Pompeians, and then to fight the final battle of
Munda. It would seem odd to us that so little should have been said
about such an event by Cicero, and that the little should depend on
the education of his son, were it not that if we look at our own
private letters, written to-day to our friends, we find the same
omission of great things. To Cicero the doings of his son were of
more immediate moment than the doings of C&aelig;sar. The boy had
been anxious to enlist for the Spanish war. Quintus, his cousin,
had gone, and young Marcus was anxious to flutter his feathers
beneath the eyes of royalty. At his age it was nothing to him that
he had been taken to Pharsalia and made to bear arms on the
opposite side. C&aelig;sar had become C&aelig;sar since he had
learned to form his opinion on politics, and on C&aelig;sar's side
all things seemed to be bright and prosperous. The lad was anxious
to get away from his new step-mother, and<span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span> asked his father
for the means to go with the army to Spain. It appears by Cicero's
letter to Atticus on the subject<a name="FNanchor_149" id=
"FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class=
"fnanchor">149</a> that, in discussing the matter with his son,
he did yield. These Roman fathers, in whose hands we are told were
the very lives of their sons, seem to have been much like Christian
fathers of modern days in their indulgences. The lad was now
nineteen years old, and does not appear to have been willing, at
the first parental attempt, to give up his military appanages and
that swagger of the young officer which is so dear to the would-be
military mind. Cicero tells him that if he joined the army he would
find his cousin treated with greater favor than himself. Young
Quintus was older, and had been already able to do something to
push himself with C&aelig;sar's friends. "Sed tamen
permisi"&mdash;"Nevertheless, I told him he might go," said Cicero,
sadly. But he did not go. He was allured, probably, by the promise
of a separate establishment at Athens, whither he was sent to study
with Cratippus. We find another proof of Cicero's wealth in the
costliness of his son's household at Athens, as premeditated by the
father. He is to live as do the sons of other great noblemen. He
even names the young noblemen with whom he is to live. Bibulus was
of the Calpurnian "gens," Acidinus of the Manlian, and Messala of
the Valerian, and these are the men whom Cicero, the "novus homo"
from Arpinum, selects as those who shall not live at a greater cost
than his son.<a name="FNanchor_150" id=
"FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class=
"fnanchor">150</a> "He will not, however, at Athens want a
horse." Why not? Why should not a young man so furnished want a
horse at Athens? "There are plenty here at home for the road," says
Cicero. So young Cicero is furnished, and sent forth to learn
philosophy and Greek. But no one has essayed to tell us why he
should not want the horse. Young Cicero when at Athens did not do
well. He writes home in the coming year, to Tiro, two letters which
have been preserved for us, and which seem to give us but a bad
account, at any rate, of his sincerity. "The errors <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>of
his youth," he says, "have afflicted him grievously." Not only is
his mind shocked, but his ears cannot bear to hear of his own
iniquity.<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a><a
href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> "And now," he
says, "I will give you a double joy, to compensate all the anxiety
I have occasioned you. Know that I live with Cratippus, my master,
more like a son than a pupil. I spend all my days with him, and
very often part of the night." But he seems to have had some wit.
Tiro has been made a freedman, and has bought a farm for himself.
Young Marcus&mdash;from whom Tiro has asked for some assistance
which Marcus cannot give him&mdash;jokes with him as to his country
life, telling him that he sees him saving the apple-pips at
dessert. Of the subsequent facts of the life of young Marcus we do
not know much. He did not suffer in the proscriptions of Antony and
Augustus, as did his father and uncle and his cousin. He did live
to be chosen as Consul with Augustus, and had the reputation of a
great drinker. For this latter assertion we have only the authority
of Pliny the elder, who tells us an absurd story, among the wonders
of drinking which he adduces.<a name="FNanchor_152" id=
"FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class=
"fnanchor">152</a> Middleton says a word or two on behalf of the
young Cicero, which are as well worthy of credit as anything else
that has been told. One last glance at him which we can credit is
given in that letter to Tiro, and that we admit seems to us to be
hypocritical.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45,
&aelig;tat. 62.</div>

<p>In the spring of the year Cicero lost his daughter Tullia. We
have first a letter of his to Lepta, a man with whom he had become
intimate, saying that he had been kept in Rome by Tullia's
confinement, and that now he is still detained, though her health
is sufficiently confirmed, by the expectation of obtaining from
Dolabella's agents the first repayment of her dowry. The repayment
of the divorced lady's marriage portion was a thing of every-day
occurrence in Rome, when she was allowed to take away as much as
she had brought with her. Cicero, however, failed to get back
Tullia's <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">
159</a></span>dowry. But he writes in good spirits. He does not
think that he cares to travel any more. He has a house at Rome
better than any of his villas in the country, and greater rest than
in the most desert region. His studies are now never interrupted.
He thinks it probable that Lepta will have to come to him before he
can be induced to go to Lepta. In the mean time let the young Lepta
take care and read his Hesiod.<a name="FNanchor_153" id=
"FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class=
"fnanchor">153</a></p>

<p>Then he writes in the spring to Atticus a letter from Antium,
and we first hear that Tullia is dead. She had seemed to recover
from childbirth; but her strength did not suffice, and she was no
more.<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> A boy had been born,
and was left alive. In subsequent letters we find that Cicero gives
instructions concerning him, and speaks of providing for him in his
will.<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> But of the child we
hear nothing more, and must surmise that he also died. Of Tullia's
death we have no further particulars; but we may well imagine that
the troubles of the world had been very heavy on her. The little
stranger was being born at the moment of her divorce from her third
husband. She was about thirty-two years of age, and it seems that
Cicero had taken consolation in her misfortunes from the expected
pleasure of her companionship. She was now dead, and he was left
alone.</p>

<p>She had died in February, and we know nothing of the first
outbreak of his sorrow. It appears that he at first buried himself
for a while in a villa belonging to Atticus, near Rome, and that he
then retreated to his own at Astura. From thence, and afterward
from Antium, there are a large number of letters, all dealing with
the same subject. He declares himself to be inconsolable; but he
does take consolation from two matters&mdash;from his books on
philosophy, and from an idea which occurs to him that he will
perpetuate the name of Tullia forever by the erection of a monument
that shall be as nearly immortal as stones and bricks can make
it.</p>



<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">
160</a></span>His letters to Atticus at this time are tedious to the general
reader, because he reiterates so often his instructions as to the
purchase of the garden near Rome in which the monument is to be
built; but they are at the same time touching and natural. "Nothing
has been written," he says, "for the lessening of grief which I
have not read at your house; but my sorrow breaks through it
all."<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> Then he tells
Atticus that he too has endeavored to console himself by writing a
treatise on Consolation. "Whole days I write; not that it does any
good." In that he was wrong. He could find no cure for his grief;
but he did know that continued occupation would relieve him, and
therefore he occupied himself continually. "Totos dies scribo." By
doing so, he did contrive not to break his heart. In a subsequent
letter he says, "Reading and writing do not soften it, but they
deaden it."<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a><a
href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">157</a></p>

<p>On the Appian Way, a short distance out of Rome, the traveller
is shown a picturesque ancient building, of enormous strength,
called the Mole of C&aelig;cilia Metella. It is a castle in size,
but is believed to have been the tomb erected to the memory of
C&aelig;cilia, the daughter of Metellus Creticus, and the wife of
Crassus the rich. History knows of her nothing more, and authentic
history hardly knows so much of the stupendous monument. There it
stands, however, and is supposed to be proof of what might be done
for a Roman lady in the way of perpetuating her memory. She was, at
any rate, older than Tullia, having been the wife of a man older
than Tullia's father. If it be the case that this monument be of
the date named, it proves to us, at least, that the notion of
erecting such monuments was then prevalent. Some idea of a similar
kind&mdash;of a monument equally stupendous, and that should last
as long&mdash;seems to have taken a firm hold of Cicero's mind. He
has read all the authors he could find on the subject, and they
agree that it shall be done in the fashion he points out. <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">
161</a></span>He does not, he says, consult Atticus on that
matter, nor on the architecture, for he has already settled on the
design of one Cluatius. What he wants Atticus to do for him now is
to assist him in buying the spot on which it shall be built. Many
gardens near Rome are named. If Drusus makes a difficulty, Atticus
must see Damasippus. Then there are those which belong to Sica and
to Silius! But at last the matter dies away, and even the gardens
are not bought. We are led to imagine that Atticus has been opposed
to the monument from first to last, and that the immense cost of
constructing such a temple as Cicero had contemplated is proved to
him to be injudicious. There is a charming letter written to him at
this time by his friend Sulpicius, showing the great feeling
entertained for him. But, as I have said before, I doubt whether
that or any other phrases of consolation were of service to him. It
was necessary for him to wait and bear it, and the more work that
he did when he was bearing it, the easier it was borne. Lucceius
and Torquatus wrote to him on the same subject, and we have his
answers.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45,
&aelig;tat. 62.</div>

<p>In September C&aelig;sar returned from Spain, having at last
conquered the Republic. All hope for liberty was now gone. Atticus
had instigated Cicero to write something to C&aelig;sar as to his
victories&mdash;something that should be complimentary, and at the
same time friendly and familiar; but Cicero had replied that it was
impossible. "When I feel," he said, "that to draw the breath of
life is in itself base, how base would be my assent to what has
been done!<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158"></a><a
href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> But it is not
only that. There are not words in which such a letter ever can be
written. Do you not know that Aristotle, when he addressed himself
to Alexander, wrote to a youth who had been modest; but then, when
he had once heard himself called king, he became proud, cruel, and
unrestrained? How, then, shall I now write in terms which shall
suffice for his pride to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162"
id="Page_162">162</a></span>the man who has been equalled to
Romulus?" It was true; C&aelig;sar had now returned inflated with
such pride that Brutus, and Cassius, and Casca could no longer
endure him. He came back, and triumphed over the five lands in
which he had conquered not the enemies of Rome, but Rome itself. He
triumphed nominally over the Gauls, the Egyptians, the Asiatics of
Pontus, over the Africans, and the Spaniards; but his triumph was,
in truth, over the Republic. There appears from Suetonius to have
been five separate triumphal processions, each at the interval of a
few days.<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159"></a><a
href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> Amid the glory
of the first Vercingetorix was strangled. To the glory of the third
was added&mdash;as Suetonius tells us&mdash;these words, "Veni,
vidi, vici," displayed on a banner. This I think more likely than
that he had written them on an official despatch. We are told that
the people of Rome refused to show any pleasure, and that even his
own soldiers had enough in them of the Roman spirit to feel
resentment at his assumption of the attributes of a king. Cicero
makes but little mention of these gala doings in his letters. He
did not see them, but wrote back word to Atticus, who had described
it all. "An absurd pomp," he says, alluding to the carriage of the
image of C&aelig;sar together with that of the gods; and he
applauds the people who would not clap their hands, even in
approval of the Goddess of Victory, because she had shown herself
in such bad company.<a name="FNanchor_160" id=
"FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class=
"fnanchor">160</a> There are, however, but three lines on the
subject, showing how little there is in that statement of Cornelius
Nepos that he who had read Cicero's letters carefully wanted but
little more to be well informed of the history of the day.</p>

<p>C&aelig;sar was not a man likely to be turned away from his
purpose of ruling well by personal pride&mdash;less likely, we
should say, than any self-made despot dealt with in history. He did
make efforts to be as he was before. He endeavored to live on terms
of friendship with his old friends; but the spirit of <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span>pride
which had taken hold of him was too much for him. Power had got
possession of him, and he could not stand against it. It was sad to
see the way in which it compelled him to make himself a prey to the
conspirators, were it not that we learn from history how impossible
it is that a man should raise himself above the control of his
fellow-men without suffering.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45,
&aelig;tat. 62.</div>

<p>During these days Cicero kept himself in the country, giving
himself up to his philosophical writings, and indulging in grief
for Tullia. Efforts were repeatedly made to bring him to Rome, and
he tells Atticus in irony that if he is wanted there simply as an
augur, the augurs have nothing to do with the opening of temples.
In the same letter he speaks of an interview he has just had with
his nephew Quintus, who had come to him in his disgrace. He wants
to go to the Parthian war, but he has not money to support him.
Then Cicero uses, as he says, the eloquence of Atticus, and holds
his tongue.<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a><a
href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> We can imagine
how very unpleasant the interview must have been. Cicero, however,
decides that he will go up to the city, so that he may have Atticus
with him on his birthday. This letter was written toward the close
of the year, and Cicero's birthday was the 3d of January.</p>

<p>He then goes to Rome, and undertakes to plead the cause of
Deiotarus, the King of Galatia, before C&aelig;sar. This very old
man had years ago become allied with Pompey, and, as far as we can
judge, been singularly true to his idea of Roman power. He had seen
Pompey in all his glory when Pompey had come to fight Mithridates.
The Tetrarchs in Asia Minor, of whom this Deiotarus was one, had a
hard part to play when the Romans came among them. They were forced
to comply, either with their natural tendency to resist their
oppressors, or else were obliged to fleece their subjects in order
to satisfy the cupidity of the invaders. We remember Ariobarzanes,
who <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">
164</a></span>sent his subjects in gangs to Rome to be sold as
slaves in order to pay Pompey the interest on his debt. Deiotarus
had similarly found his best protection in being loyal to Pompey,
and had in return been made King of Armenia by a decree of the
Roman Senate. He joined Pompey at the Pharsalus, and, when the
battle was over, returned to his own country to look for further
forces wherewith to aid the Republic. Unfortunately for him,
C&aelig;sar was the conqueror, and Deiotarus found himself obliged
to assist the conqueror with his troops. C&aelig;sar seems never to
have forgiven him his friendship for Pompey. He was not a Roman,
and was unworthy of forgiveness. C&aelig;sar took away from him the
kingdom of Armenia, but left him still titular King of Galatia. But
this enmity was known in the king's own court, and among his own
family. His own daughter's son, one Castor, became desirous of
ruining his grandfather, and brought a charge against the king.
C&aelig;sar had been the king's compelled guest in his journey in
quest of Pharnaces, and had passed quickly on. Now, when the war
was over and C&aelig;sar had returned from his five conquered
nations, Castor came forward with his accusation. Deiotarus,
according to his grandson, had endeavored to murder C&aelig;sar
while C&aelig;sar was staying with him. At this distance of time
and place we cannot presume to know accurately what the
circumstances were; but it appears to have been below the dignity
of C&aelig;sar to listen to such a charge. He did do so, however,
and heard more than one speech on the subject delivered in favor of
the accused. Brutus spoke on behalf of the aged king, and spoke in
vain. Cicero did not speak in vain, for C&aelig;sar decided that he
would pronounce no verdict till he had himself been again in the
East, and had there made further inquiries. He never returned to
the East; but the old king lived to fight once more, and again on
the losing side. He was true to the party he had taken, and ranged
himself with Brutus and Cassius at the field of Philippi.</p>

<p>The case was tried, if tried it can be called, in C&aelig;sar's
pri<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">
165</a></span>vate house, in which the audience cannot have been
numerous. C&aelig;sar seems to have admitted Cicero to say what
could be said for his friend, rather than as an advocate to plead
for his client, so that no one should accuse him, C&aelig;sar, of
cruelty in condemning the criminal. The speech must have occupied
twenty minutes in the delivery, and we are again at a loss to
conceive how C&aelig;sar should have found the time to listen to
it. Cicero declares that he feels the difficulty of pleading in so
unusual a place&mdash;within the domestic walls of a man's private
house, and without any of those accustomed supports to oratory
which are to be found in a crowded law court. "But," he says, "I
rest in peace when I look into your eyes and behold your
countenance." The speech is full of flattery, but it is turned so
adroitly that we almost forgive it.<a name="FNanchor_162" id=
"FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class=
"fnanchor">162</a></p>

<p>There is a passage in which Cicero compliments the victor on his
well-known mercy in his victories&mdash;from which we may see how
much C&aelig;sar thought of the character he had achieved for
himself in this particular. "Of you alone, O C&aelig;sar, is it
boasted that no one has fallen under your hands but they who have
died with arms in their hands."<a name="FNanchor_163" id=
"FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class=
"fnanchor">163</a> All who had been taken had been pardoned. No
man had been put to death when the absolute fighting was brought to
an end. C&aelig;sar had given quarter to all. It is the modern,
generous way of fighting. When our country is invaded, and we drive
back the invaders, we do not, if victorious, slaughter their chief
men. Much less, when we invade a country, do we kill or mutilate
all those who have endeavored to protect their own homes.
C&aelig;sar has evidently much to boast, and among the Italians he
has caused it to be believed. It suited Cicero to assert it in
C&aelig;sar's ears. C&aelig;sar wished to be told of his own
clemency among the men of his own country. But because <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">
166</a></span>C&aelig;sar boasted, and Cicero was complaisant,
posterity is not to run away with the boast, and call it true. For
all that is great in C&aelig;sar's character I am willing to give
him credit; but not for mercy; not for any of those divine gifts
the loveliness of which was only beginning to be perceived in those
days by some few who were in advance of their time. It was still
the maxim of Rome that a "supplicatio" should be granted only when
two thousand of the enemy should have been left on the field. We
have something still left of the pagan cruelty about us when we
send triumphant words of the numbers slain on the field of battle.
We cannot but remember that C&aelig;sar had killed the whole Senate
of the Veneti, a nation dwelling on the coast of Brittany, and had
sold all the people as slaves, because they had detained the
messengers he had sent to them during his wars in Gaul. "Gravius
vindicandum statuit"<a name="FNanchor_164" id=
"FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class=
"fnanchor">164</a>&mdash;"He had thought it necessary to punish
them somewhat severely." Therefore he had killed the entire Senate,
and enslaved the entire people. This is only one of the instances
of wholesale horrible cruelty which he committed throughout his war
in Gaul&mdash;of cruelty so frightful that we shudder as we think
of the sufferings of past ages. The ages have gone their way, and
the sufferings are lessened by increased humanity. But we cannot
allow Cicero's compliment to pass idly by. The "nemo nisi armatus"
referred to Italians, and to Italians, we may take it, of the upper
rank&mdash;among whom, for the sake of dramatic effect, Deiotarus
was placed for the occasion.</p>

<p>This was the last of Cicero's casual speeches. It was now near
the end of the year, and on the ides of March following it was
fated that C&aelig;sar should die. After which there was a lull in
the storm for a while, and then Cicero broke out into <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span>that
which I have called his final scream of liberty. There came the
Philippics&mdash;and then the end. This speech of which I have
given record as spoken Pro Rege Deiotaro was the last delivered by
him for a private purpose. Forty-two he has spoken hitherto, of
which something of the story has been told; the Philippics of which
I have got to speak are fourteen in number, making the total number
of speeches which we possess to be fifty-six. But of those spoken
by him we have not a half, and of those which we possess some have
been declared by the great critics to be absolutely spurious. The
great critics have perhaps been too hard upon them: they have all
been polished. Cicero himself was so anxious for his future fame
that he led the way in preparing them for the press. Quintilian
tells us that Tiro adapted them.<a name="FNanchor_165" id=
"FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class=
"fnanchor">165</a> Others again have come after him and have
retouched them, sometimes, no doubt, making them smoother, and
striking out morsels which would naturally become unintelligible to
later readers. We know what he himself did to the Milo. Others
subsequently may have received rougher usage, but still from loving
hands. Bits have been lost, and other bits interpolated, and in
this way have come to us the speeches which we possess. But we know
enough of the history of the times, and are sufficient judges of
the language, to accept them as upon the whole authentic. The great
critic, when he comes upon a passage against which his very soul
recoils, on the score of its halting Latinity, rises up in his
wrath and tears the oration to tatters, till he will have none of
it. One set of objectionable words he encounters after another,
till the whole seems to him to be damnable, and the oration is
condemned. It has been well to allude to this, because in dealing
with these orations it is necessary to point out that every word
cannot be accepted as having been spoken as we find it printed.
Taken collective<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id=
"Page_168">168</a></span>ly, we may accept them as a
stupendous monument of human eloquence and human perseverance.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45,
&aelig;tat. 62.</div>

<p>Late in the year, on the 12th before the calends of January, or
the 21st of December, there took place a little party at Puteoli,
the account of which interests us. Cicero entertained C&aelig;sar
at supper. Though the date is given as above, and though December
had originally been intended to signify, as it does with us, a
winter month, the year, from want of proper knowledge, had run
itself out of order, and the period was now that of October. The
amendment of the calendar, which was made under C&aelig;sar's
auspices, had not as yet been brought into use, and we must
understand that October, the most delightful month of the year, was
the period in question. Cicero was staying at his Puteolan villa,
not far from Bai&aelig;, close upon the sea-shore&mdash;the corner
of the world most loved by all the great Romans of the day for
their retreat in autumn.<a name="FNanchor_166" id=
"FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class=
"fnanchor">166</a> Puteoli, we may imagine, was as pleasant as
Bai&aelig;, but less fashionable, and, if all that we hear be true,
less immoral. Here Cicero had one of his villas, and here, a few
months before his death, C&aelig;sar came to visit him. He gives,
in a very few lines to Atticus, a graphic account of the
entertainment. C&aelig;sar had sent on word to say that he was
coming, so that Cicero was prepared for him. But the lord of all
the world had already made himself so evidently the lord, that
Cicero could not entertain him without certain of those inner
quakings of the heart which are common to us now when some great
magnate may come across our path and demand hospitality for a
moment. Cicero jokes at his own solicitude, but nevertheless we
know that he has felt it when, on the next morning, he sent Atticus
an account of it. His guest has been a burden to him indeed, but
still he does not regret it, for the guest behaved himself so
pleasantly! We must remark that Cicero did not ostensibly shake in
his shoes before him. Cic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169"
id="Page_169">169</a></span>ero had been Consul, and has had
to lead the Senate when C&aelig;sar was probably anxious to escape
himself as an undetected conspirator. C&aelig;sar has grown since,
but only by degrees. He has not become, as Augustus did, "facile
princeps." He is aware of his own power, but aware also that it
becomes him to ignore his own knowledge. And Cicero is also aware
of it, but conscious at the same time of a nominal equality.
C&aelig;sar is now Dictator, has been Consul four times, and will
be Consul again when the new year comes on. But other Romans have
been Dictator and Consul. All of which C&aelig;sar feels on the
occasion, and shows that he feels it. Cicero feels it also, and
endeavors, not quite successfully, to hide it.</p>

<p>C&aelig;sar has come accompanied by troops. Cicero names two
thousand men&mdash;probably at random. When Cicero hears that they
have come into the neighborhood, he is terribly put about till one
Barba Cassius, a lieutenant in C&aelig;sar's employment, comes and
reassures him. A camp is made for the men outside in the fields,
and a guard is put on to protect the villa. On the following day,
about one o'clock, C&aelig;sar comes. He is shut up at the house of
one Philippus, and will admit no one. He is supposed to be
transacting accounts with Balbus. We can imagine how Cicero's cooks
were boiling and stewing at the time. Then the great man walked
down upon the sea-shore. Rome was the only recognized nation in the
world. The others were provinces of Rome, and the rest were
outlying barbaric people, hardly as yet fit to be Roman provinces.
And he was now lord of Rome. Did he think of this as he walked on
the shore of Puteoli&mdash;or of the ceremony he was about to
encounter before he ate his dinner? He did not walk long, for at
two o'clock he bathed, and heard "that story about Mamurra" without
moving a muscle. Turn to your Catullus, the 57th Epigram, and read
what C&aelig;sar had read to him on this occasion, without showing
by his face the slightest feeling. It is short enough, but I cannot
quote it even in a note, even in Latin. Who told C&aelig;sar of the
foul words, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id=
"Page_170">170</a></span> why were they read to him on this
occasion? He thought but little about them, for he forgave the
author and asked him afterward to supper. This was at the bath, we
may suppose. He then took his siesta, and after that "&#7952;&#956;&#949;&#964;&#953;&#954;&#8052;&#957; agebat."
How the Romans went through the daily
process and lived, is to us a marvel. I think we may say that
Cicero did not practise it. C&aelig;sar, on this occasion, ate and
drank plenteously and with pleasure. It was all well arranged, and
the conversation was good of its kind, witty and pleasant.
C&aelig;sar's couch seems to have been in the midst, and around him
lay supping, at other tables, his freedmen, and the rest of his
suite. It was all very well; but still, says Cicero, he was not
such a guest as you would welcome back&mdash;not one to whom you
would say, "Come again, I beg, when you return this way." Once is
enough. There were no politics talked&mdash;nothing of serious
matters. C&aelig;sar had begun to find now that no use could be
made of Cicero for politics. He had tried that, and had given it
up. Philology was the subject&mdash;the science of literature and
languages. C&aelig;sar could talk literature as well as Cicero, and
turned the conversation in that direction. Cicero was apt, and took
the desired part, and so the afternoon passed pleasantly, but still
with a little feeling that he was glad when his guest was gone.<a
name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">167</a></p>

<p>C&aelig;sar declared, as he went, that he would spend one day at
Puteoli and another at Bai&aelig;. Dolabella had a villa down in
those parts, and Cicero knows that C&aelig;sar, as he passed by
Dolabella's house, rode in the midst of soldiers&mdash;in state, as
we should say&mdash;but that he had not done this anywhere else. He
had already promised Dolabella the Consulship.</p>

<p>Was Cicero mean in his conduct toward C&aelig;sar? Up to this
moment there had been nothing mean, except that Roman flattery
which was simply Roman good manners. He had opposed him at
Pharsalia&mdash;or rather in Macedonia. He had <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span>gone
across the water&mdash;not to fight, for he was no fighting
man&mdash;but to show on which side he had placed himself. He had
done this, not believing in Pompey, but still convinced that it was
his duty to let all men know that he was against C&aelig;sar. He
had resisted every attempt which C&aelig;sar had made to purchase
his services. Neither with Pompey nor with C&aelig;sar did he
agree. But with the former&mdash;though he feared that a second
Sulla would arise should he be victorious&mdash;there was some
touch of the old Republic. Something might have been done then to
carry on the government upon the old lines. C&aelig;sar had shown
his intention to be lord of all, and with that Cicero could hold no
sympathy. C&aelig;sar had seen his position, and had respected it.
He would have nothing done to drive such a man from Rome. Under
these circumstances Cicero consented to live at Rome, or in the
neighborhood, and became a man of letters. It must be remembered
that up to the ides of March he had heard of no conspiracy. The two
men, C&aelig;sar and Cicero, had agreed to differ, and had talked
of philology when they met. There has been, I think, as yet,
nothing mean in his conduct.</p>

<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span></p>

<h3><a name="Chapter_VIII" id="Chapter_VIII"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter VIII.</span></h3>

<h4><i>C&AElig;SAR'S DEATH.</i></h4>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44,
&aelig;tat. 63.</div>

<p>After the dinner-party at Puteoli, described in the last
chapter, Cicero came up to Rome, and was engaged in literary
pursuits. C&aelig;sar was now master and lord of everything. In
January Cicero wrote to his friend Curio, and told him with disgust
of the tomfooleries which were being carried on at the election of
Qu&aelig;stors. An empty chair had been put down, and was declared
to be the Consul's chair. Then it was taken away, and another chair
was placed, and another Consul was declared. It wanted then but a
few hours to the end of the consular year&mdash;but not the less
was Caninius, the new Consul, appointed, "who would not sleep
during his Consulship," which lasted but from mid-day to the
evening. "If you saw all this you would not fail to weep," says
Cicero!<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a><a
href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> After this he
seems to have recovered from his sorrow. We have a correspondence
with P&oelig;tus which always typifies hilarity of spirits. There is a
discussion, of which we have but the one side, on "double entendre"
and plain speaking. P&oelig;tus had advocated the propriety of calling
a spade a spade, and Cicero shows him the inexpediency. Then we
come suddenly upon his letter to Atticus, written on the 7th of
April, three weeks after the fall of C&aelig;sar.</p>

<p>Mommsen endeavors to explain the intention of C&aelig;sar in the
adoption of the names by which he chose to be called, and in his
acceptance of those which, without his choosing, were im<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">
173</a></span>posed upon him.<a name="FNanchor_169" id=
"FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class=
"fnanchor">169</a> He has done it perhaps with too great
precision, but he leaves upon our minds a correct idea of the
resolution which C&aelig;sar had made to be King, Emperor,
Dictator, or what not, before he started for Macedonia, <span
class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49,<a name="FNanchor_170" id=
"FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class=
"fnanchor">170</a> and the disinclination which moved him at once
to proclaim himself a tyrant. Dictator was the title which he first
assumed, as being temporary, Roman, and in a certain degree usual.
He was Dictator for an indefinite period, annually, for ten years,
and, when he died, had been designated Dictator for life. He had
already been, for the last two years, named "Imperator" for life;
but that title&mdash;which I think to have had a military sound in
men's ears, though it may, as Mommsen says, imply also civil
rule&mdash;was not enough to convey to men all that it was
necessary that they should understand. Till the moment of his
triumph had come, and that "Veni, vidi, vici" had been flaunted in
the eyes of Rome&mdash;till C&aelig;sar, though he had been ashamed
to call himself a king, had consented to be associated with the
gods&mdash;Brutus, Cassius, and those others, sixty in number we
are told, who became the conspirators, had hardly realized the fact
that the Republic was altogether at an end. A bitter time had come
upon them; but it was softened by the personal urbanity of the
victor. But now, gradually, the truth was declaring itself, and the
conspiracy was formed. I am inclined to think that Shakspeare has
been right in his conception of the plot. "I do fear the people
choose C&aelig;sar for their king," says Brutus. "I had as lief not
be, as live to be in awe of such a thing as I myself," says
Cassius.<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a><a
href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> It had come
home to them at length that C&aelig;sar was to be king, and
therefore they conspired.</p>

<p>It would be a difficult task in the present era to recommend to
my readers the murderers of C&aelig;sar as honest, loyal
politi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">
174</a></span>cians, who did for their country, in its emergency,
the best that the circumstances would allow. The feeling of the
world in regard to murder has so changed during the last two
thousand years, that men, hindered by their sense of what is at
present odious, refuse to throw themselves back into the condition
of things a knowledge of which can have come to them only from
books. They measure events individually by the present scale, and
refuse to see that Brutus should be judged by us now in reference
to the judgment that was formed of it then. In an age in which it
was considered wise and fitting to destroy the nobles of a
barbarous community which had defended itself, and to sell all
others as slaves, so that the perpetrator simply recorded the act
he had done as though necessary, can it have been a base thing to
kill a tyrant? Was it considered base by other Romans of the day?
Was that plea ever made even by C&aelig;sar's friends, or was it
not acknowledged by them all that "Brutus was an honorable man,"
even when they had collected themselves sufficiently to look upon
him as an enemy? It appears abundantly in Cicero's letters that no
one dreamed of regarding them as we regard assassins now, or spoke
of C&aelig;sar's death as we look upon assassination. "Shall we
defend the deeds of him at whose death we are rejoiced?" he says:
and again, he deplores the feeling of regret which was growing in
Rome on account of C&aelig;sar's death, "lest it should be
dangerous to those who have slain the tyrant for us."<a name=
"FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> We find that
Quintilian, among his stock lessons in oratory, constantly refers
to the old established rule that a man did a good deed who had
killed a tyrant&mdash;a lesson which he had taken from the Greek
teachers.<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a><a
href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> We are,
therefore, bound to accept this murder as a thing praiseworthy
according to the light of the age in which it was done, and to
recognize the fact that it was so regarded by the men of the
day.</p>

<p>We are told now that Cicero "hated" C&aelig;sar. There was <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">
175</a></span>no such hatred as the word implies. And we are told
of "assassins," with an intention to bring down on the perpetrators
of the deed the odium they would have deserved had the deed been
done to-day; but the word has, I think, been misused. A king was
abominable to Roman ears, and was especially distasteful to men
like Cicero, Brutus, and the other "optimates" who claimed to be
peers. To be "primus inter pares" had been Cicero's
ambition&mdash;to be the leading oligarch of the day. C&aelig;sar
had gradually mounted higher and still higher, but always leaving
some hope&mdash;infinitesimally small at last&mdash;that he might
be induced to submit himself to the Republic. Sulla had submitted.
Personally there was no hatred; but that hope had almost vanished,
and therefore, judging as a Roman, when the deed was done, Cicero
believed it to have been a glorious deed. There can be no doubt on
that subject. The passages in which he praises it are too numerous
for direct quotation; but there they are, interspersed through the
letters and the Philippics. There was no doubt of his approval. The
"assassination" of C&aelig;sar, if that is to be the word used, was
to his idea a glorious act done on behalf of humanity. The
all-powerful tyrant who had usurped dominion over his country had
been made away with, and again they might fall back upon the law.
He had filched the army. He had run through various provinces, and
had enriched himself with their wealth. He was above all law; he
was worse than a Marius or a Sulla, who confessed themselves, by
their open violence, to be temporary evils. C&aelig;sar was
creating himself king for all time. No law had established him. No
plebiscite of the nation had endowed him with kingly power. With
his life in his hands, he had dared to do it, and was almost
successful. It is of no purpose to say that he was right and Cicero
was wrong in their views as to the government of so mean a people
as the Romans had become. Cicero's form of government, under men
who were not Ciceros, had been wrong, and had led to a state of
things in which a tyrant might for the time be the lesser evil;
but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">
176</a></span> not on that account was Cicero wrong to applaud the
deed which removed C&aelig;sar. Middleton in his life (vol. ii, p.
435) gives us the opinion of Suetonius on this subject, and tells
us that the best and wisest men in Rome supposed C&aelig;sar to
have been justly killed. Mr. Forsyth generously abstains from
blaming the deed, as to which he leaves his readers to form their
own opinion. Abeken expresses no opinion concerning its morality,
nor does Morabin. It is the critics of Cicero's works who have
condemned him without thinking much, perhaps, of the judgment they
have given.</p>

<p>But Cicero was not in the conspiracy, nor had he even
contemplated C&aelig;sar's death. Assertions to the contrary have
been made both lately and in former years, but without foundation.
I have already alluded to some of these, and have shown that
phrases in his letters have been misinterpreted. A passage was
quoted by M. Du Rozoir&mdash;Ad Att., lib. x., 8&mdash;"I don't
think that he can endure longer than six months. He must fall, even
if we do nothing." How often might it be said that the murder of an
English minister had been intended if the utterings of such words
be taken as a testimony! He quotes again&mdash;Ad Att., lib. xiii.,
40&mdash;"What good news could Brutus hear of C&aelig;sar, unless
that he hung himself?" This is to be taken as meditating
C&aelig;sar's death, and is quoted by a French critic, after two
thousand years, in proof of Cicero's fatal ill-will!<a name=
"FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> The whole tenor of
Cicero's letters proves that he had never entertained the idea of
C&aelig;sar's destruction.</p>

<p>How long before the time the conspiracy may have been in
existence we have no means of knowing; but we feel that Cicero was
not a man likely to be taken into the plot. He would have dissuaded
Brutus and Cassius. Judging from what we know of his character, we
think that he would have distrusted its success. Though he rejoiced
in it after it was done, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177"
id="Page_177">177</a></span>he would have been wretched while
burdened with the secret. At any rate, we have the fact that he was
not so burdened. The sight of C&aelig;sar's slaughter, when he saw
it, must have struck him with infinite surprise, but we have no
knowledge of what his feelings may have been when the crowd had
gathered round the doomed man. Cicero has left us no description of
the moment in which C&aelig;sar is supposed to have gathered his
toga over his face so that he might fall with dignity. It certainly
is the case that when you take your facts from the chance
correspondence of a man you lose something of the most touching
episodes of the day. The writer passes these things by, as having
been surely handled elsewhere. It is always so with Cicero. The
trial of Milo, the passing of the Rubicon, the battle of the
Pharsalus, and the murder of Pompey are, with the death of
C&aelig;sar, alike unnoticed. "I have paid him a visit as to whom
we spoke this morning. Nothing could be more forlorn."<a name=
"FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> It is thus the next
letter begins, after C&aelig;sar's death, and the person he refers
to is Matius, C&aelig;sar's friend; but in three weeks the world
had become used to C&aelig;sar's death. The scene had passed away,
and the inhabitants of Rome were already becoming accustomed to his
absence. But there can be no doubt as to Cicero's presence at
C&aelig;sar's fall. He says so clearly to Atticus.<a name=
"FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> Morabin throws a
doubt upon it. The story goes that Brutus, descending from the
platform on which C&aelig;sar had been seated, and brandishing the
bloody dagger in his hand, appealed to Cicero. Morabin says that
there is no proof of this, and alleges that Brutus did it for stage
effect. But he cannot have seen the letter above quoted, or seeing
it, must have misunderstood it.<a name="FNanchor_177" id=
"FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class=
"fnanchor">177</a></p>

<p>It soon became evident to the conspirators that they had
scotched the snake, and not killed it. Cassius and others had <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">
178</a></span>desired that Antony also should be killed, and with
him Lepidus. That Antony would be dangerous they were sure. But
Marcus Brutus and Decimus overruled their counsels. Marcus had
declared that the "blood of the tyrant was all that the people
required."<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178"></a><a
href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> The people
required nothing of the kind. They were desirous only of ease and
quiet, and were anxious to follow either side which might be able
to lead them and had something to give away. But Antony had been
spared; and though cowed at the moment by the death of C&aelig;sar,
and by the assumption of a certain dignified forbearance on the
part of the conspirators, was soon ready again to fight the battle
for the C&aelig;sareans. It is singular to see how completely he
was cowed, and how quickly he recovered himself.</p>

<p>Mommsen finishes his history with a loud p&aelig;an in praise of
C&aelig;sar, but does not tell us of his death. His readers, had
they nothing else to inform them, might be led to suppose that he
had gone direct to heaven, or at any rate had vanished from the
world, as soon as he had made the Empire perfect. He seems to have
thought that had he described the work of the daggers in the
Senate-house he would have acknowledged the mortality of his
godlike hero. We have no right to complain of his omissions. For
research, for labor, and for accuracy he has produced a work almost
without parallel. That he should have seen how great was
C&aelig;sar because he accomplished so much, and that he should
have thought Cicero to be small because, burdened with scruples of
justice, he did so little, is in the idiosyncrasy of the man. A
C&aelig;sar was wanted, impervious to clemency, to justice, to
moderation&mdash;a man who could work with any tools. "Men had
forgotten what honesty was. A person who refused a bribe was
regarded not as an upright man but as a personal foe."<a name=
"FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> C&aelig;sar took
money, and gave bribes, when he had the money to pay them, without
a scruple. It would be absurd to talk about him as dishonest. He
was <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">
179</a></span>above honesty. He was "supra grammaticam." It is
well that some one should have arisen to sing the praises of such a
man&mdash;some two or three in these latter days. To me the
character of the man is unpleasant to contemplate,
unimpressionable, very far from divine. There is none of the human
softness necessary for love; none of the human weakness needed for
sympathy.</p>

<p>On the 15th of March C&aelig;sar fell. When the murder had been
effected, Brutus and the others concerned in it went out among the
people expecting to be greeted as saviors of their country. Brutus
did address the populace, and was well received; but some bad
feeling seems to have been aroused by hard expressions as to
C&aelig;sar's memory coming from one of the Pr&aelig;tors. For the
people, though they regarded C&aelig;sar as a tyrant, and expressed
themselves as gratified when told that the would-be king had been
slaughtered, still did not endure to hear ill spoken of him. He had
understood that it behooved a tyrant to be generous, and appealed
among them always with full hands&mdash;not having been scrupulous
as to his mode of filling them. Then the conspirators, frightened
at menacing words from the crowd, betook themselves to the Capitol.
Why they should have gone to the Capitol as to a sanctuary I do not
think that we know. The Capitol is that hill to a portion of which
access is now had by the steps of the church of the Ara C&oelig;li in
front, and from the Forum in the rear. On one side was the fall
from the Tarpeian rock down which malefactors were flung. On the
top of it was the temple to Jupiter, standing on the site of the
present church. And it was here that Brutus and Cassius and the
other conspirators sought for safety on the evening of the day on
which C&aelig;sar had been killed. Here they remained for the two
following days, till on the 18th they ventured down into the city.
On the 17th Dolabella claimed to be Consul, in compliance with
C&aelig;sar's promise, and on the same day the Senate, moved by
Antony, decreed a public funeral to C&aelig;sar. We may imagine
that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">
180</a></span> decree was made by them with fainting hearts. There
were many fainting hearts in Rome during those days, for it became
very soon apparent that the conspirators had carried their plot no
farther than the death of C&aelig;sar.</p>

<p>Brutus, as far as the public service was concerned, was an
unpractical, useless man. We know nothing of public work done by
him to much purpose. He was filled with high ideas as to his own
position among the oligarchs, and with especial notions as to what
was due by Rome to men of his name. He had a fierce conception of
his own rights&mdash;among which to be Pr&aelig;tor, and Consul,
and Governor of a province were among the number. But he had taken
early in life to literature and philosophy, and eschewed the crowd
of "Fish-ponders," such as were Antony and Dolabella, men prone to
indulge the luxury of their own senses. His idea of liberty seems
to have been much the same as Cicero's&mdash;the liberty to live as
one of the first men in Rome; but it was not accompanied, as it was
with Cicero, by an innate desire to do good to those around him. To
maintain the Pr&aelig;tors, Consuls, and Governors so that each man
high in position should win his way to them as he might be able to
obtain the voices of the people, and not to leave them to be
bestowed at the call of one man who had thrust himself higher than
all&mdash;that seems to have been his <i>beau ideal</i> of Roman
government. It was Cicero's also&mdash;with the addition that when
he had achieved his high place he should serve the people honestly.
Brutus had killed C&aelig;sar, but had spared Antony, thinking that
all things would fall into their accustomed places when the tyrant
should be no more. But he found that C&aelig;sar had been tyrant
long enough to create a lust for tyranny; and that though he might
suffice to kill a king, he had no aptitude for ruling a people.</p>

<p>It was now that those scenes took place which Shakspeare has
described with such accuracy&mdash;the public funeral, Antony's
oration, and the rising of the people against the conspirators.
Antony, when he found that no plan had been devised for car<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">
181</a></span>rying on the government, and that the men were
struck by amazement at the deed they had themselves done, collected
his thoughts and did his best to put himself in C&aelig;sar's
place. Cicero had pleaded in the Senate for a general amnesty, and
had carried it as far as the voice of the Senate could do so. But
the amnesty only intended that men should pretend to think that all
should be forgotten and forgiven. There was no forgiving, as there
could be no forgetting. Then C&aelig;sar's will was brought forth.
They could not surely dispute his will or destroy it. In this way
Antony got hold of the dead man's papers, and with the aid of the
dead man's private secretary or amanuensis, one Fabricius, began a
series of most unblushing forgeries. He procured, or said that he
procured, a decree to be passed confirming by law all C&aelig;sar's
written purposes. Such a decree he could use to any extent to which
he could carry with him the sympathies of the people. He did use it
to a great extent, and seems at this period to have contemplated
the assumption of dictatorial power in his own hands. Antony was
nearly being one of the greatest rascals the world has known. The
desire was there, and so was the intellect, had it not been
weighted by personal luxury and indulgence.</p>

<p>Now young Octavius came upon the scene. He was the great-nephew
of C&aelig;sar, whose sister Julia had married one Marcus Atius.
Their daughter Atia had married Caius Octavius, and of that
marriage Augustus was the child. When Octavius, the father, died,
Atia, the widow, married Marcius Philippus, who was Consul <span
class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56. C&aelig;sar, having no nearer heir,
took charge of the boy, and had, for the last years of his life,
treated him as his son, though he had not adopted him. At this
period the youth had been sent to Apollonia, on the other side of
the Adriatic, in Macedonia, to study with Apollodorus, a Greek
tutor, and was there when he heard of C&aelig;sar's death. He was
informed that C&aelig;sar had made him his heir and at once crossed
over into Italy with his friend Agrippa. On the way up to Rome he
met Cicero at one of his southern<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span> villas, and in the
presence of the great orator behaved himself with becoming respect.
He was then not twenty years old, but in the present difficulty of
his position conducted himself with a caution most unlike a boy. He
had only come, he said for what his great-uncle had left him; and
when he found that Antony had spent the money, does not appear to
have expressed himself immediately in anger. He went on to Rome,
where he found that Antony and Dolabella and Marcus Brutus and
Decimus Brutus and Cassius were scrambling for the provinces and
the legions. Some of the soldiers came to him, asking him to avenge
his uncle's death; but he was too prudent as yet to declare any
purpose of revenge.</p>

<p>Not long after C&aelig;sar's death Cicero left Rome, and spent
the ensuing month travelling about among his different villas. On
the 14th of April he writes to Atticus, declaring that whatever
evil might befall him he would find comfort in the ides of March.
In the same letter he calls Brutus and the others "our heroes," and
begs his friend to send him news&mdash;or if not news, then a
letter without news.<a name="FNanchor_180" id=
"FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class=
"fnanchor">180</a> In the next he again calls them his heroes,
but adds that he can take no pleasure in anything but in the deed
that had been done. Men are still praising the work of C&aelig;sar,
and he laments that they should he so inconsistent. "Though they
laud those who had destroyed C&aelig;sar, at the same time they
praise his deeds."<a name="FNanchor_181" id=
"FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class=
"fnanchor">181</a> In the same letter he tells Atticus that the
people in all the villages are full of joy. "It cannot be told how
eager they are&mdash;how they run out to meet me, and to hear my
accounts of what was done. But the Senate passes no decree!"<a
name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> He speaks of going
into Greece to see his son&mdash;whom he never lived to see
again&mdash;telling him of letters from the lad from Athens, which,
he thinks, however, may be hypocritical, though he is comforted by
finding their language to be clear. He has recovered his
good-humor, and can be jocose. One Cluvius has left him a prop<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">
183</a></span>erty at Puteoli, and the house has tumbled down; but
he has sent for Chrysippus, an architect. But what are houses
falling to him? He can thank Socrates and all his followers that
they have taught him to disregard such worldly things.
Nevertheless, he has deemed it expedient to take the advice of a
certain friend as to turning the tumble-down house into profitable
shape.<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> A little later he
expresses his great disgust that C&aelig;sar, in the public
speeches in Rome, should be spoken of as that "great and most
excellent man."<a name="FNanchor_184" id=
"FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class=
"fnanchor">184</a> And yet he had said, but a few months since,
in his oration for King Deiotarus, in the presence of C&aelig;sar,
"that he looked only into his eyes, only into his face&mdash;that
he regarded only him." The flattery and the indignant reprobation
do, in truth, come very near upon each other, and induce us to ask
whether the fact of having to live in the presence of royalty be
not injurious to the moral man. Could any of us have refused to
speak to C&aelig;sar with adulation&mdash;any of us whom
circumstances compelled to speak to him? Power had made C&aelig;sar
desirous of a mode of address hardly becoming a man to give or a
man to receive. Does not the etiquette of to-day require from us
certain courtesies of conversation, which I would call abject were
it not that etiquette requires them? Nevertheless, making the best
allowance that I can for Cicero, the difference of his language
within a month or two is very painful. In the letter above quoted
Octavius comes to him, and we can see how willing was the young
aspirant to flatter him.</p>

<p>He sees already that, in spite of the promised amnesty, there
must be internecine feud. "I shall have to go into the camp with
young Sextus"&mdash;Sextus Pompeius&mdash;"or perhaps with Brutus,
a prospect at my years most odious." Then he quotes two lines of
Homer, altering a word: "To you, my child, is not given the glory
of war; eloquence, charming eloquence, must be the weapon with
which you will fight." We hear of his <span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>contemplated
journey into Greece, under the protection of a free legation. He
was going for the sake of his son; but would not people say that he
went to avoid the present danger? and might it not be the case that
he should be of service if he remained?<a name="FNanchor_185"
id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class=
"fnanchor">185</a> We see that the old state of doubt is again
falling upon him. &#913;&#7984;&#948;&#8051;&#959;&#956;&#945;&#953; &#932;&#961;&#8182;&#945;&#962;. Otherwise he
could go and make himself safe in Athens. There is a correspondence
between him and Antony, of which he sends copies to Atticus. Antony
writes to him, begging him to allow Sextus Clodius to return from
his banishment. This Sextus had been condemned because of the riot
on the death of his uncle in Milo's affair, and Antony wishes to
have him back. Cicero replies that he will certainly accede to
Antony's views. It had always been a law with him, he says, not to
maintain a feeling of hatred against his humbler enemies. But in
both these letters we see the subtilty and caution of the writers.
Antony could have brought back Sextus without Cicero, and Cicero
knew that he could do so. Cicero had no power over the law. But it
suited Antony to write courteously a letter which might elicit an
uncivil reply. Cicero, however, knew better, and answered it
civilly.</p>

<p>He writes to Tiro telling him that he has not the slightest
intention of quarrelling with his old friend Antony, and will write
to Antony, but not till he shall have seen him, Tiro; showing on
what terms of friendship he stands with his former slave, for Tiro
had by this time been manumitted.<a name="FNanchor_186" id=
"FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class=
"fnanchor">186</a> He writes to Tiro quite as he might have
written to a younger Atticus, and speaks to him of Atticus with all
the familiarity of confirmed friendship. There must have been
something very sweet in the nature of the intercourse which bound
such a man as Cicero to such another as Tiro.</p>

<p>Atticus applies to him, desiring him to use his influence
respecting a certain question of importance as to Buthrotum. <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">
185</a></span>Buthrotum was a town in Epirus opposite to the
island of Corcyra, in which Atticus had an important interest. The
lands about the place were to be divided, and to be distributed to
Roman soldiers&mdash;much, as we may suppose to the injury of
Atticus. He has earnestly begged the interference of Cicero for the
protection of the Buthrotians, and Cicero tells him that he wishes
he could have seen Antony on the subject, but that Antony is too
much busied looking after the soldiers in the Campagna. Cicero
fails to have the wishes of Atticus carried out, and shortly the
subject becomes lost in the general confusion. But the discussion
shows of how much importance at the present moment Cicero's
interference with Antony is considered. It shows also that up to
this period, a few months previous to the envenomed hatred of the
second Philippic, Antony and Cicero were presumed to be on terms of
intimate friendship.</p>

<p>The worship of C&aelig;sar had been commenced in Rome, and an
altar had been set up to him in the Forum as to a god. Had
C&aelig;sar, when he perished, been said to have usurped the
sovereign authority, his body would have been thrown out as
unworthy of noble treatment. Such treatment the custom of the
Republic required. It had been allowed to be buried, and had been
honored, not disgraced. Now, on the spot where the funeral pile had
been made, the altar was erected, and crowds of men clamored round
it, worshipping. That this was the work of Antony we cannot doubt.
But Dolabella, Cicero's repudiated son-in-law, who in furtherance
of a promise from C&aelig;sar had seized the Consulship, was
jealous of Antony and caused the altar to be thrown down and the
worshippers to be dispersed. Many were killed in the
struggle&mdash;for, though the Republic was so jealous of the lives
of the citizens as not to allow a criminal to be executed without
an expression of the voice of the entire people, any number might
fall in a street tumult, and but little would be thought about it.
Dolabella destroyed the
altar, and Cicero was profuse in his<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span> thanks.<a name=
"FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> For though Tullia
had been divorced, and had since died, there was no cause for a
quarrel. Divorces were so common that no family odium was
necessarily created. Cicero was at this moment most anxious to get
back from Dolabella his daughter's dowry. It was never repaid.
Indeed, a time was quickly coming in which such payments were out
of the question, and Dolabella soon took a side altogether opposed
to the Republic&mdash;for which he cared nothing. He was bought by
Antony, having been ready to be bought by any one. He went to Syria
as governor before the end of the year, and at Smyrna, on his road,
he committed one of those acts of horror on Trebonius, an adverse
governor, in which the Romans of the day would revel when liberated
from control. Cassius came to avenge his friend Trebonius, and
Dolabella, finding himself worsted, destroyed himself. He had not
progressed so far in corruption as Verres, because time had not
permitted it&mdash;but that was the direction in which he was
travelling. At the present moment, however, no praise was too
fervid to be bestowed upon him by Cicero's pen. That turning of
C&aelig;sar into a god was opposed to every feeling of his heart,
both, as to men and as to gods.</p>

<p>A little farther on<a name="FNanchor_188" id=
"FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class=
"fnanchor">188</a> we find him complaining of the state of things
very grievously: "That we should have feared this thing, and not
have feared the other!"&mdash;meaning C&aelig;sar and Antony. He
declares that he must often read, for his own consolation, his
treatise on old age, then just written and addressed to Atticus.
"Old age is making me bitter," he says; "I am annoyed at
everything. But my life has been lived. Let the young look to the
future." We here meet the name of C&aelig;rellia in a letter to his
friend. She had probably been sent to make up the quarrel between
him and his young wife Publilia. Nothing came of it, and it is
mentioned only because C&aelig;rellia's name has been joined so
often with that of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id=
"Page_187">187</a></span>Cicero by subsequent writers. In the
whole course of his correspondence with Atticus I do not remember
it to occur, except in one or two letters at this period. I imagine
that some story respecting the lady was handed down, and was
published by Dio Cassius when the Greek historian found that it
served his purpose to abuse Cicero.</p>

<p>On June 22nd he sent news to Atticus of his nephew. Young
Quintus had written home to his father to declare his repentance.
He had been in receipt of money from Antony, and had done Antony's
dirty work. He had been "Antoni dextella"&mdash;"Antony's right
hand"&mdash;according to Cicero, and had quarrelled absolutely with
his father and his uncle. He now expresses his sorrow, and declares
that he would come himself at once, but that there might be danger
to his father. And there is money to be expected if he will only
wait. "Did you ever hear of a worse knave?" Cicero adds. Probably
not; but yet he was able to convince his father and his uncle, and
some time afterward absolutely offered to prosecute Antony for
stealing the public money out of the treasury. He thought, as did
some others, that the course of things was going against Antony. As
a consequence of this he was named in the proscriptions, and
killed, with his father. In the same letter Cicero consults Atticus
as to the best mode of going to Greece. Brundisium is the usual
way, but he has been told by Tiro that there are soldiers in the
town.<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> He is now at
Arpinum, on his journey, and receives a letter from Brutus inviting
him back to Rome, to see the games given by Brutus. He is annoyed
to think that Brutus should expect this. "These shows are now only
honorable to him who is bound to give them," he says; "I am not
bound to see them, and to be present would be dishonorable."<a
name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">190</a> Then comes his
parting with Atticus, showing a demonstrative tenderness foreign to
the sternness of our northern nature. "That you should have <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">
188</a></span>wept when you had parted from me, has grieved me
greatly. Had you done it in my presence, I should not have gone at
all."<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> "Nonis Juliis!"<a
name="FNanchor_192" id="FNanchor_192"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> he exclaims. The
name of July had already come into use&mdash;the name which has
been in use ever since&mdash;the name of the man who had now been
destroyed! The idea distresses him. "Shall Brutus talk of July?" It
seems that some advertisement had been published as to his games in
which the month was so called.</p>

<p>Writing from one of his villas in the south, he tells Atticus
that his nephew has again been with him, and has repented him of
all his sins. I think that Cicero never wrote anything vainer than
this: "He has been so changed," he says, "by reading some of my
writings which I happened to have by me, and by my words and
precepts, that he is just such a citizen as I would have him."<a
name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> Could it be that he
should suppose that one whom he had a few days since described as
the biggest knave he knew should be so changed by a few words well
written and well pronounced? Young Quintus must in truth have been
a clever knave. In the same letter Cicero tells us that Tiro had
collected about seventy of his letters with a view to publication.
We have at present over seven hundred written before that day.</p>

<p>Just as he is starting he gives his friend a very wide
commission: "By your love for me, do manage my matters for me. I
have left enough to pay everything that I owe. But it will happen,
as it often does, that they who owe me will not be punctual. If
anything of that kind should happen, only think of my character.
Put me right before the world by borrowing, or even by selling, if
it be necessary."<a name="FNanchor_194" id=
"FNanchor_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194" class=
"fnanchor">194</a> This is not the language of a man in distress,
but of one anxious that none should lose a shilling by him. He
again thinks of starting from Brundisium, and promises, when he has
arrived there, instantly to begin a new work. He has sent his De
Gloria to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id=
"Page_189">189</a></span>Atticus; a treatise which we have
lost. We should be glad to know how he treated this most difficult
subject. We are astonished at his fecundity and readiness. He was
now nearly sixty-three, and, as he travels about the country, he
takes with him all the adjuncts necessary for the writing of
treatises such as he composed at this period of his life! His
Topica, containing Aristotelian instructions as to a lawyer's work,
he put together on board ship, immediately after this, for the
benefit of Trebatius, to whom it had been promised.</p>

<p>July had come, and at last he resolved to sail from Pompeii and
to coast round to Sicily. He lands for a night at Velia, where he
finds Brutus, with whom he has an interview. Then he writes a
letter to Trebatius, who had there a charming villa, bought no
doubt with Gallic spoils. He is reminded of his promise, and going
on to Rhegium writes his Topica, which he sends to Trebatius from
that place. Thence he went across to Syracuse, but was afraid to
stay there, fearing that his motions might be watched, and that
Antony would think that he had objects of State in his journey. He
had already been told that some attributed his going to a desire to
be present at the Olympian games; but the first notion seems to
have been that he had given the Republic up as lost, and was
seeking safety elsewhere. From this we are made to perceive how
closely his motions were watched, and how much men thought of them.
From Syracuse he started for Athens&mdash;which place, however, he
was doomed never to see again. He was carried back to Leucopetra on
the continent; and though he made another effort, he was, he says,
again brought back. There, at the villa of his friend Valerius, he
learned tidings which induced him to change his purpose, and hurry
off to Rome. Brutus and Cassius had published a decree of the
Senate, calling all the Senators, and especially the Consulares, to
Rome. There was reason to suppose that Antony was willing to relax
his pretensions. They had strenuously demanded his attendance, and
whispers were heard that he had fled from the difficulties of<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">
190</a></span> the times. "When I heard this, I at once abandoned
my journey, with which, indeed, I had never been well pleased."<a
name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> Then he enters into
a long disquisition with Atticus as to the advice which had been
given to him, both by Atticus and by Brutus, and he says some hard
words to Atticus. But he leaves an impression on the reader's mind
that Brutus had so disturbed him by what had passed between them at
Velia, that from that moment his doubts as to going, which had been
always strong, had overmastered him. It was not the winds at
Leucopetra that hindered his journey, but the taunting words which
Brutus had spoken. It was suggested to him that he was deserting
his country. The reproach had been felt by him to be heavy, for he
had promised to Atticus that he would return by the first of
January; yet he could not but feel that there was something in it
of truth. The very months during which he would be absent would be
the months of danger. Indeed, looking out upon the political
horizon then, it seemed as though the nearest months, those they
were then passing, would be the most dangerous. If Antony could be
got rid of, be made to leave Italy, there might be something for an
honest Senator to do&mdash;a man with consular authority&mdash;a
something which might not jeopardize his life. When men now call a
politician of those days a coward for wishing to avoid the heat of
the battle, they hardly think what it is for an old man to leave
his retreat and rush into the Forum, and there encounter such a one
as Antony, and such soldiers as were his soldiers. Cicero, who had
been brave enough in the emergencies of his career, and had gone
about his work sometimes regardless of his life, no doubt thought
of all this. It would be pleasant to him again to see his son, and
to look upon the rough doings of Rome from amid the safety of
Athens; but when his countrymen told him that he had not as yet
done enough&mdash;when Brutus, with his cold, bitter words, rebuked
him for go<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id=
"Page_191">191</a></span>ing&mdash;then his thoughts turned
round on the quick pivot on which they were balanced, and he
hurried back to the fight.</p>

<p>He travelled at once up to Rome, which he reached on the last of
August, and there received a message from Antony demanding his
presence in the Senate on the next day. He had been greeted on his
journey once again by the enthusiastic welcome of his countrymen,
who looked to receive some especial advantage from his honesty and
patriotism. Once again he was made proud by the clamors of a
trusting people. But he had not come to Rome to be Antony's puppet.
Antony had some measure to bring before the Senate in honor of
C&aelig;sar which it would not suit Cicero to support or to oppose.
He sent to say that he was tired after his journey and would not
come. Upon this the critics deal hardly with him, and call him a
coward. "With an incredible pusillanimity," says M. Du Rozoir,
"Cicero excused himself, alleging his health and the fatigue of his
voyage." "He pretended that he was too tired to be present," says
Mr Long. It appears to me that they who have read Cicero's works
with the greatest care have become so enveloped by the power of his
words as to expect from them an unnatural weight. If a politician
of to-day, finding that it did not suit him to appear in the House
of Commons on a certain evening, and that it would best become him
to allow a debate to pass without his presence, were to make such
an excuse, would he be treated after the same fashion?
Pusillanimity, and pretence, in regard to those Philippics in which
he seems to have courted death by every harsh word that he uttered!
The reader who has begun to think so must change his mind, and be
prepared, as he progresses, to find quite another fault with
Cicero. Impetuous, self-confident, rash; throwing down the gage
with internecine fury; striving to crush with his words the man who
had the command of the legions of Rome; sticking at nothing which
could inflict a blow; forcing men by his descriptions to such
contempt of Antony that they should be induced to leave the
stronger party, lest<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id=
"Page_192">192</a></span> they too should incur something of
the wrath of the orator&mdash;that they will find to be the line
which Cicero adopted, and the demeanor he put on during the next
twelve months! He thundered with his Philippics through Rome,
addressing now the Senate and now the people with a hardihood which
you may condemn as being unbecoming one so old, who should have
been taught equanimity by experience; but pusillanimity and
pretence will not be the offences you will bring against him.</p>

<p>Antony, not finding that Cicero had come at his call, declared
in the Senate that he would send his workmen to dig him out from
his house. Cicero alludes to this on the next day without
passion.<a name="FNanchor_196" id="FNanchor_196"></a><a
href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> Antony was not
present, and in this speech he expresses no bitterness of anger. It
should hardly have been named one of the Philippics, which title
might well have been commenced with the second. The name, it should
be understood, has been adopted from a jocular allusion by Cicero
to the Philippics of Demosthenes, made in a letter to Brutus. We
have at least the reply of Brutus, if indeed the letter be genuine,
which is much to be doubted.<a name="FNanchor_197" id=
"FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197" class=
"fnanchor">197</a> But he had no purpose of affixing his name to
them. For many years afterward they were called Antonian&aelig;,
and the first general use of the term by which we know them has
probably been comparatively modern. The one name does as well as
another, but it is odd that speeches from Demosthenes should have
given a name to others so well known as these made by Cicero
against Antony. Plutarch, however, mentions the name, saying that
it had been given to the speeches by Cicero himself.</p>



<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">
193</a></span>In this, the first, he is ironically reticent as to Antony's
violence and unpatriotic conduct. Antony was not present, and
Cicero tells his hearers with a pleasant joke that to Antony it may
be allowed to be absent on the score of ill-health, though the
indulgence had been refused to him. Antony is his friend, and why
had Antony treated him so roughly? Was it unusual for Senators to
be absent? Was Hannibal at the gate, or were they dealing for peace
with Pyrrhus, as was the case when they brought the old blind
Appius down to the House? Then he comes to the question of the
hour, which was, nominally, the sanctioning as law those acts of
C&aelig;sar's which he had decreed by his own will before his
death. When a tyrant usurps power for a while and is then deposed,
no more difficult question can be debated. Is it not better to take
the law as he leaves it, even though the law has become a law
illegally, than encounter all the confusion of retrograde action?
Nothing could have been more iniquitous than some of Sulla's laws,
but Cicero had opposed their abrogation. But here the question was
one not of C&aelig;sar's laws, but of decrees subsequently made by
Antony and palmed off upon the people as having been found among
C&aelig;sar's papers. Soon after C&aelig;sar's death a decision had
been obtained by Antony in favor of C&aelig;sar's laws or acts, and
hence had come these impudent forgeries under the guise of which
Antony could cause what writings he chose to be made public. "I
think that C&aelig;sar's acts should be maintained," says Cicero,
"not as being in themselves good, for that no one can assert. I
wish that Antony were present here without his usual friends," he
adds, alluding to his armed satellites. "He would tell us after
what manner he would maintain those acts of C&aelig;sar's. Are they
to be found in notes and scraps and small documents brought forward
by one witness, or not brought forward at all but only told to us?
And shall those which he engraved in bronze, and which he wished to
be known as the will of the people and as perpetual
laws&mdash;shall they go for noth<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span>ing?"<a name=
"FNanchor_198" id="FNanchor_198"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> Here was the point
in dispute. The decree had been voted soon after C&aelig;sar's
death, giving the sanction of the Senate to his laws. For peace
this had been done, as the best way out of the difficulty which
oppressed the State. But it was intolerable that, under this
sanction, Antony should have the power of bringing forth new edicts
day after day, while the very laws which C&aelig;sar had passed
were not maintained. "What better law was there, or more often
demanded in the best days of the Republic, than that law," passed
by C&aelig;sar, "under which the provinces were to be held by the
Pr&aelig;tors only for one year, and by the Consuls for not more
than two? But this law is abolished. So it is thus that
C&aelig;sar's acts are to be maintained?"<a name="FNanchor_199"
id="FNanchor_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199" class=
"fnanchor">199</a> Antony, no doubt, and his friends, having an
eye to the fruition of the provinces, had found among C&aelig;sar's
papers&mdash;or said they had found&mdash;some writing to suit
their purpose. All things to be desired were to be found among
C&aelig;sar's papers. "The banished are brought back from
banishment, the right of citizenship is given not only to
individuals but to whole nations and provinces, exceptions from
taxations are granted, by the dead man's voice."<a name=
"FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> Antony had begun,
probably, with some one or two more modest forgeries, and had gone
on, strengthened in impudence by his own success, till C&aelig;sar
dead was like to be worse to them than C&aelig;sar living. The
whole speech is dignified, patriotic, and bold, asserting with
truth that which he believed to be right, but never carried into
invective or dealing with expressions of anger. It is very short,
but I know no speech of his more closely to its purpose. I can see
him now, with his toga round him, as he utters the final words: "I
have lived perhaps long enough&mdash;both as to length of years and
the glory I have won. What little may be added, shall be, not for
myself, but for you and for the Republic." The words thus spoken
became absolutely true.</p>

<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">
195</a></span></p>

<h3><a name="Chapter_IX" id="Chapter_IX"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter IX.</span></h3>

<h4><i>THE PHILIPPICS.</i></h4>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44,
&aelig;tat. 63.</div>

<p>Cicero was soon driven by the violence of Antony's conduct to
relinquish the idea of moderate language, and was ready enough to
pick up the gauntlet thrown down for him. From this moment to the
last scene of his life it was all the fury of battle and the shout
of victory, and then the scream of despair. Antony, when he read
Cicero's speech, the first Philippic, the language of which was no
doubt instantly sent to him, seems to have understood at once that
he must either vanquish Cicero or be vanquished by him. He
appreciated to the letter the ironically cautious language in which
his conduct was exposed. He had not chosen to listen to Cicero, but
was most anxious to get Cicero to listen to him. Those "advocates"
of whom Cicero had spoken would be around him, and at a nod, or
perhaps without a nod, would do to Cicero as Brutus and Cassius had
done to C&aelig;sar. The last meeting of the Senate had been on the
2d of September. When it was over, Antony, we are told, went down
to his villa at Tivoli, and there devoted himself for above a
fortnight to the getting up of a speech by which he might silence,
or at any rate answer Cicero. Nor did he leave himself to his own
devices, but took to himself a master of eloquence who might teach
him when to make use of his arms, where to stamp his feet, and in
what way to throw his toga about with a graceful passion. He was
about forty at this time,<a name="FNanchor_201" id=
"FNanchor_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201" class=
"fnanchor">201</a> and in the full flower of his manhood,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">
196</a></span>yet, for such a purpose, he did not suppose himself to know all
that lessons would teach him in the art of invective. There he
remained, mouthing out his phrases in the presence of his
preceptor, till he had learned by heart all that the preceptor
knew. Then he summoned Cicero to meet him in the Senate on the
19th. This Cicero was desirous of doing, but was prevented by his
friends, who were afraid of the "advocates." There is extant a
letter from Cicero to Cassius in which he states it to be well
known in Rome that Antony had declared that he, Cicero, had been
the author of C&aelig;sar's death, in order that C&aelig;sar's old
soldiers might slay him.<a name="FNanchor_202" id=
"FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202" class=
"fnanchor">202</a> There were other Senators, he says, who did
not dare to show themselves in the Senate-house&mdash;Piso, and
Servilius, and Cotta. Antony came down and made his practised
oration against Cicero. The words of his speech have not been
preserved, but Cicero has told us the manner of it, and some of the
phrases which he used. The authority is not very good, but we may
imagine from the results that his story is not far from the truth.
From first to last it was one violent tirade of abuse which he
seemed to vomit forth from his jaws, rather than to "speak after
the manner of a Roman Consular." Such is Cicero's description.</p>

<p>It has been said of Antony that we hear of him only from his
enemies. He left behind him no friend to speak for him, and we have
heard of him certainly from one enemy; but the tidings are of a
nature to force upon us belief in the evil which Cicero spoke of
him. Had he been a man of decent habits of life, and of an honest
purpose, would Cicero have dared to say to the Romans respecting
him the words which he produced, not only in the second Philippic,
which was unspoken, but also in the twelve which followed? The
record of him, as far as it goes, is altogether bad. Plutarch tells
us that he was handsome, and a good soldier, but altogether
vicious. Plutarch is not a biographer whose word is to be taken as
to details, but he is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">
197</a></span>generally correct in his estimate of character. Tacitus tells us
but little about him as direct history, but mentions him ever in
the same tone. Tacitus knew the feeling of Rome regarding him.
Paterculus speaks specially of his fraud, and breaks out into
strong repudiation of the murder of Cicero.<a name=
"FNanchor_203" id="FNanchor_203"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> Valerius Maximus, in
his anecdotes, mentions him slightingly, as an evil man is spoken
of who has forced himself into notice. Virgil has stamped his name
with everlasting ignominy. "Sequiturque nefas Egyptia conjux." I
can think of no Roman writer who has named him with honor. He was a
Roman of the day&mdash;what Rome had made him&mdash;brave, greedy,
treacherous, and unpatriotic.</p>

<p>Cicero again was absent from the Senate, but was in Rome when
Antony attacked him. We learn from a letter to Cornificius that
Antony left the city shortly afterward, and went down to Brundisium
to look after the legions which had come across from Macedonia,
with which Cicero asserts that he intends to tyrannize over them
all in Rome.<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204"></a><a
href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> He then tells
his correspondent that young Octavius has just been discovered in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">
198</a></span>an attempt to have Antony murdered, but that Antony,
having found the murderer in his house, had not dared to complain.
He seems to think that Octavius had been right! The state of things
was such that men were used to murder; but this story was probably
not true. He passes on to declare in the next sentence that he
receives such consolation from philosophy as to be able to bear all
the ills of fortune. He himself goes to Puteoli, and there he
writes the second Philippic. It is supposed to be the most violent
piece of invective ever produced by human ingenuity and human
anger. The readers of it must, however, remember that it was not
made to be spoken&mdash;was not even written, as far as we are
aware, to be shown to Antony, or to be published to the world. We
do not even know that Antony ever saw it. There has been an idea
prevalent that Antony's anger was caused by it, and that Cicero
owed to it his death; but the surmise is based on
probability&mdash;not at all on evidence. Cicero, when he heard
what Antony had said of him, appears to have written all the evil
he could say of his enemy, in order that he might send it to
Atticus. It contained rather what he could have published than what
he did intend to publish. He does, indeed, suggest, in the letter
which accompanied the treatise when sent to Atticus, in some only
half-intelligible words, that he hopes the time may come when the
speech "shall find its way freely even into Sica's house;"<a name=
"FNanchor_205" id="FNanchor_205"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> but we gather even
from that his intention that it should have no absolutely public
circulation. He had struggled to be as severe as he knew how, but
had done it, as it were, with a halter round his neck; and for
Antony's anger&mdash;the anger which afterward produced the
proscription&mdash;there came to be cause enough beyond this.
Before that day he had endeavored to stir up the whole Empire
against Antony, and had all but succeeded.</p>

<p>It has been alleged that Cicero again shows his cowardice <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">
199</a></span>by writing and not speaking his oration, and also by
writing it only for private distribution. If he were a coward, why
did he write it at all? If he were a coward, why did he hurry into
this contest with Antony? If he be blamed because his Philippic was
anonymous, how do the anonymous writers of to-day escape? If
because he wrote it, and did not speak it, what shall be said of
the party writers of to-day? He was a coward, say his accusers,
because he avoided a danger. Have they thought of the danger which
he did run when they bring those charges against him? of what was
the nature of the fight? Do they remember how many Romans in public
life had been murdered during the last dozen years? We are well
aware how far custom goes, and that men became used to the fear of
violent death. Cicero was now habituated to that fear, and was
willing to face it. But not on that account are we to imagine that,
with his eyes open, he was to be supposed always ready to rush into
immediate destruction. To write a scurrilous attack, such as the
second Philippic, is a bad exercise for the ingenuity of a great
man; but so is any anonymous satire. It is so in regard to our own
times, which have received the benefit of all antecedent
civilization. Cicero, being in the midst of those heartless Romans,
is expected to have the polished manners and high feelings of a
modern politician! I have hardly a right to be angry with his
critics because by his life he went so near to justify the
expectation.</p>

<p>He begins by asking his supposed hearers how it has come to pass
that during the last twenty years the Republic had had no enemy who
was not also his enemy. "And you, Antony, whom I have never injured
by a word, why is it that, more brazen-faced than Catiline, more
fierce than Clodius, you should attack me with your maledictions?
Will your enmity against me be a recommendation for you to every
evil citizen in Rome? *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Why does not Antony come down among us
to-day?" he says, as though he were in the Senate and Antony were
away. "He gives a birthday f&ecirc;te in his garden: to whom, I
wonder?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">
200</a></span> I will name no one. To Phormio, perhaps, or Gnatho,
or Ballion? Oh, incredible baseness; lust and impudence not to be
borne!" These were the vile knaves of the Roman comedy&mdash;the
Nyms, Pistols, and Bobadils. "Your Consulship no doubt will be
salutary; but mine did only evil! You talk of my verses," he
says&mdash;Antony having twitted him with the "cedant arma
tog&aelig;." "I will only say that you do not understand them or
any other. Clodius was killed by my counsels&mdash;was he? What
would men have said had they seen him running from you through the
Forum&mdash;you with your drawn sword, and him escaping up the
stairs of the bookseller's shop?<a name="FNanchor_206" id=
"FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206" class=
"fnanchor">206</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* It was by my advice that C&aelig;sar was
killed! I fear, O conscript fathers, lest I should seem to have
employed some false witness to flatter me with praises which do not
belong to me. Who has ever heard me mentioned as having been
conversant with that glorious affair? Among those who did do the
deed, whose name has been hidden&mdash;or, indeed, is not most
widely known? Some had been inclined to boast that they were there,
though they were absent; but not one who was present has ever
endeavored to conceal his name."</p>

<p>"You deny that I have had legacies? I wish it were true, for
then my friends might still be living. But where have you learned
that, seeing that I have inherited twenty million sesterces?<a
name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">207</a> I am happier in this
than you. No one but a friend has made me his heir. Lucius Rubrius
Cassinas, whom you never even saw, has named you." He here refers
to a man over whose property Antony was supposed to have obtained
control fraudulently. "Did he know of you whether you were a white
man or a negro? *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Would you mind telling me what height
Turselius stood?" Here he names another of whose <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">
201</a></span>property Antony is supposed to have obtained
possession illegally. "I believe all you know of him is what farms
he had. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Do you bear in mind," he says, "that you were a bankrupt
as soon as you had become a man? Do you remember your early
friendship with Curio, and the injuries you did his father?" Here
it is impossible to translate literally, but after speaking as he
had done very openly, he goes on: "But I must omit the iniquities
of your private life. There are things I cannot repeat here. You
are safe, because the deeds you have done are too bad to be
mentioned. But let us look at the affairs of your public life. I
will just go through them;" which he does, laying bare as he well
knew how to do, every past act. "When you had been made
Qu&aelig;stor you flew at once to C&aelig;sar. You knew that he was
the only refuge for poverty, debt, wickedness, and vice. Then, when
you had gorged upon his generosity and your plunderings&mdash;which
indeed you spent faster than you got it&mdash;you betook yourself
instantly to the Tribunate. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* It is you, Antony, you who supplied
C&aelig;sar with an excuse for invading his country." C&aelig;sar
had declared at the Rubicon that the Tribunate had been violated in
the person of Antony. "I will say nothing here against C&aelig;sar,
though nothing can excuse a man for taking up arms against his
country. But of you it has to be confessed that you were the
cause. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* He has been a very Helen to us Trojans. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* He has brought
back many a wretched exile, but has forgotten altogether his own
uncle"&mdash;Cicero's colleague in the Consulship, who had been
banished for plundering his province. "We have seen this Tribune of
the people carried through the town on a British war-chariot. His
lictors with their laurels went before him. In the midst, on an
open litter, was carried an actress. When you come back from
Thessaly with your legions to Brundisium you did not kill me! Oh,
what a kindness! *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* You with those jaws of yours, with that huge
chest, with that body like a gladiator, drank so much wine at
Hippea's marriage that in the sight of all Rome you were
forced<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">
202</a></span> to vomit. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* When he had seized Pompey's property
he rejoiced like some stage-actor who in a play is as poor as
Poverty, and then suddenly becomes rich. All his wine, the great
weight of silver, the costly furniture and rich dresses, in a few
days where were they all? A Charybdis do I call him? He swallowed
them all like an entire ocean!" Then he accuses him of cowardice
and cruelty in the Pharsalian wars, and compares him most
injuriously with Dolabella. "Do you remember how Dolabella fought
for you in Spain, when you were getting drunk at Narbo? And how did
you get back from Narbo? He has asked as to my return to the city.
I have explained to you, O conscript fathers, how I had intended to
be here in January, so as to be of some service to the Republic.
You inquire how I got back. In daylight&mdash;not in the dark, as
you did; with Roman shoes on and a Roman toga&mdash;not in barbaric
boots and an old cloak. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* When C&aelig;sar returned from Spain
you again pushed yourself into his intimacy&mdash;not a brave man,
we should say, but still strong enough for his purposes.
C&aelig;sar did always this&mdash;that if there were a man ruined,
steeped in debt, up to his ears in poverty&mdash;a base, needy,
bold man&mdash;that was the man whom he could receive into his
friendship." This as to C&aelig;sar was undoubtedly true.
"Recommended in this way, you were told to declare yourself
Consul." Then he describes the way in which he endeavored to
prevent the nomination of Dolabella to the same office. C&aelig;sar
had said that Dolabella should be Consul, but when C&aelig;sar was
dead this did not suit Antony. When the tribes had been called in
their centuries to vote, Antony, not understanding what form of
words he ought to have used as augur to stop the ceremony, had
blundered. "Would you not call him a very L&aelig;lius?" says
Cicero. L&aelig;lius had made for himself a name among augurs for
excellence.</p>

<p>"Miserable that you are, you throw yourself at C&aelig;sar's
feet asking only permission to be his slave. You sought for
yourself that state of slavery which it has ever been easy for
you<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">
203</a></span> to endure. Had you any command from the Roman
people to ask the same for them? Oh, that eloquence of yours; when
naked you stood up to harangue the people! Who ever saw a fouler
deed than that, or one more worthy scourges?" "Has Tarquin suffered
for this; have Spurius Cassius, Melius, and Marcus Manlius
suffered, that after many ages a king should be set up in Rome by
Marc Antony?" With abuse of a similar kind he goes on to the end of
his declamation, when he again professes himself ready to die at
his post in defence of the Republic. That he now made up his mind
so to die, should it become necessary, we may take for granted, but
we cannot bring ourselves to approve of the storm of abuse under
which he attempted to drown the memory and name of his antagonist.
So virulent a torrent of words, all seeming, as we read them, to
have been poured out in rapid utterances by the keen energy of the
moment, astonish us, when we reflect that it was the work of his
quiet moments. That he should have prepared such a task in the
seclusion of his closet is marvellous. It has about it the very
ring of sudden passion; but it must be acknowledged that it is not
palatable. It is more Roman and less English than anything we have
from Cicero&mdash;except his abuse of Piso, with whom he was again
now half reconciled.</p>

<p>But it was solely on behalf of his country that he did it. He
had grieved when C&aelig;sar had usurped the functions of the
government; but in his grief he had respected C&aelig;sar, and had
felt that he might best carry on the contest by submission. But,
when C&aelig;sar was dead, and Antony was playing tyrant, his very
soul rebelled. Then he sat down to prepare his first instalment of
keen personal abuse, adding word to word and phrase to phrase till
he had built up this unsavory monument of vituperation. It is by
this that Antony is now known to the world. Plutarch makes no
special mention of the second Philippic. In his life of Antony he
does not allude to these orations at all, but in that of Cicero he
tells us how Antony<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id=
"Page_204">204</a></span> had ordered that right hand to be
brought to him with which Cicero had written his Philippics.</p>

<p>The "young Octavius" of Shakespeare had now taken the name of
Octavianus&mdash;Caius Julius C&aelig;sar Octavianus&mdash;and had
quarrelled to the knife with Antony. He had assumed that he had
been adopted by C&aelig;sar, and now demanded all the treasures his
uncle had collected as his own. Antony, who had already stolen
them, declared that they belonged to the State. At any rate there
was cause enough for quarrelling among them, and they were enemies.
Each seems to have brought charges of murder against the other, and
each was anxious to obtain possession of the soldiery. Seen as we
see now the period in Rome of which we are writing&mdash;every
safeguard of the Republic gone, all law trampled under foot,
Consuls, Pr&aelig;tors, and Tribunes not elected but forced upon
the State, all things in disorder, the provinces becoming the open
prey of the greediest plunderer&mdash;it is apparent enough that
there could be no longer any hope for a Cicero. The marvel is that
the every-day affairs of life should have been carried on with any
reference to the law. When we are told that Antony stole
C&aelig;sar's treasures and paid his debts with them, we are
inclined to ask why he had paid his debts at all. But Cicero did
hope. In his whole life there is nothing more remarkable than the
final vitality with which he endeavored to withstand the coming
deluge of military despotism. Nor in all history is there anything
more wonderful than the capacity of power to re-establish itself,
as is shown by the orderly Empire of Augustus growing out of the
disorder left by C&aelig;sar. One is reminded by it of the
impotency of a reckless heir to bring to absolute ruin the princely
property of a great nobleman brought together by the skill of many
careful progenitors. A thing will grow to be so big as to be all
but indestructible. It is like that tower of C&aelig;cilia Metella
against which the storms of twenty centuries have beaten in vain.
Looking at the state of the Roman Empire when Cicero died,<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">
205</a></span> who would not declare its doom? But it did "retrick
its beams," not so much by the hand of one man, Augustus, as by the
force of the concrete power collected within it&mdash;"Quod non
imber edax non aquilo impotens Possit diruere."<a name=
"FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> Cicero with
patriotic gallantry thought that even yet there might be a chance
for the old Republic&mdash;thought that by his eloquence, by his
vehemence of words, he could turn men from fraud to truth, and from
the lust of plundering a province to a desire to preserve their
country. Of Antony now he despaired, but he still hoped that his
words might act upon this young C&aelig;sar's heart. The youth was
as callous as though he had already ruled a province for three
years. No Roman was ever more cautious, more wise, more heartless,
more able to pick his way through blood to a throne, than the young
Augustus. Cicero fears Octavian&mdash;as we must now call
him&mdash;and knows that he can only be restrained by the keeping
of power out of his hands. Writing to Atticus from Arpinum, he
says, "I agree altogether with you. If Octavian gets power into his
hands he will insist upon the tyrant's decrees much more thoroughly
than he did when the Senate sat in the temple of Tellus. Everything
then will be done in opposition to Brutus. But if he be conquered,
then see how intolerable would be the dominion of Antony."<a name=
"FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> In the same letter
he speaks of the De Officiis, which he has just written. In his
next and last epistle to his old friend he congratulates himself on
having been able at last to quarrel with Dolabella. Dolabella had
turned upon him in the end, bought by Antony's money. He then
returns to the subject of Octavian, and his doubts as to his
loyalty. He has been asked to pledge himself to Octavian, but has
declined till he shall see how the young man will behave when Casea
becomes candidate for the Tribunate. If he show himself to be
Casea's enemy, Casea having been one of the conspirators, Cicero
will know that he is not to be trusted. Then he falls <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span>into
a despairing mood, and declares that there is no hope. "Even
Hippocrates was unwilling to bestow medicine on those to whom it
could avail nothing." But he will go to Rome, into the very jaws of
the danger. "It is less base for such as I am to fall publicly than
privately." With these words, almost the last written by him to
Atticus, this correspondence is brought to an end: the most
affectionate, the most trusting, and the most open ever published
to the world as having come from one man to another. No letters
more useful to the elucidation of character were ever written; but
when read for that purpose they should be read with care, and
should hardly be quoted till they have been understood.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44, aetat.
63.</div>

<p>The struggles for the provinces were open and acknowledged.
Under C&aelig;sar, Decimus Brutus had been nominated for Cisalpine
Gaul, Marcus Brutus for Macedonia, and Cassius for Syria. It will
be observed that these three men were the most prominent among the
conspirators. Since that time Antony and Dolabella had obtained
votes of the people to alter the arrangement. Antony was to go to
Macedonia, and Dolabella to Syria. This was again changed when
Antony found that Decimus had left Rome to take up his command. He
sent his brother Caius to Macedonia, and himself claimed to be
Governor of Cisalpine Gaul. Hence there were two Roman governors
for each province; and in each case each governor was determined to
fight for the possession. Antony hurried out of Rome before the end
of the year with the purpose of hindering Decimus from the
occupation of the north of Italy, and Cicero went up to Rome,
determined to take a part in the struggle which was imminent. The
Senate had been summoned for the 19th of December, and attended in
great numbers. Then it was that he spoke the third Philippic, and
in the evening of the same day he spoke the fourth to the people.
It should be understood that none of these speeches were heard by
Antony. Cicero had at this time become the acknowledged chief of
the Republican<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id=
"Page_207">207</a></span> party, having drifted into the
position which Pompey had so long filled. Many of C&aelig;sar's
friends, frightened by his death, or rather cowed by the absence of
his genius, had found it safer to retreat from the C&aelig;sarean
party, of which the Antonys, with Dolabella, the cutthroats and
gladiators of the empire, had the command. Hirtius and Pansa, with
Balbus and Oppius, were among them. They, at this moment, were
powerful in Rome. The legions were divided&mdash;some with Antony,
some with Octavian, and some with Decimus Brutus. The greater
number were with Antony, whom they hated for his cruelty; but were
with him because the mantle of C&aelig;sar's power had fallen on to
his shoulders. It was felt by Cicero that if he could induce
Octavian to act with him the Republic might be again established.
He would surely have influence enough to keep the lad from
hankering after his great uncle's pernicious power. He was aware
that the dominion did in fact belong to the owner of the soldiers,
but he thought that he could control this boy-officer, and thus
have his legions at the command of the Republic.</p>

<p>The Senate had been called together, nominally for the purpose
of desiring the Consuls of the year to provide a guard for its own
safety. Cicero makes it an occasion for perpetuating the feeling
against Antony, which had already become strong in Rome. He breaks
out into praise of Octavian, whom he calls "this young
C&aelig;sar&mdash;almost a boy;" tells them what divine things the
boy had already done, and how he had drawn away from the rebels
those two indomitable legions, the Martia and the Fourth. Then he
proceeds to abuse Antony. Tarquinius, the man whose name was most
odious to Romans, had been unendurable as a tyrant, though himself
not a bad man; but Antony's only object is to sell the Empire, and
to spend the price. Antony had convoked the Senate for November,
threatening the Senators with awful punishments should they absent
themselves; but, when the day came, Antony, the Consul, had himself
fled. He not only pours out the vials of his<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>
wrath but of his ridicule upon Antony's head, and quotes his
bungling words. He gives instances of his imprudence, and his
impotence, and of his greed. Then he again praises the young
C&aelig;sar, and the two Consuls for the next year, and the two
legions, and Decimus Brutus, who is about to fight the battle of
the Republic for them in the north of Italy, and votes that the
necessary guard be supplied. In the same evening he addresses the
people in his fourth Philippic. He again praises the lad and the
two legions, and again abuses Antony. No one can say after this day
that he hid his anger, or was silent from fear. He congratulates
the Romans on their patriotism&mdash;vain congratulations&mdash;and
encourages them to make new efforts. He bids them rejoice that they
have a hero such as Decimus Brutus to protect their liberties, and,
almost, that they have such an enemy as Antony to conquer. It seems
that his words, few as they were&mdash;perhaps because they were so
few&mdash;took hold of the people's imaginations; so that they
shouted to him that he had on that day a second time saved his
country, as he reminds them afterward.<a name="FNanchor_210"
id="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" class=
"fnanchor">210</a></p>

<p>From this time forward we are without those intimate and
friendly letters which we have had with us as our guide through the
last twenty-one years of Cicero's life. For though we have a large
body of correspondence written during the last year of his life,
which are genuine, they are written in altogether a different style
from those which have gone before. They are for the most part
urgent appeals to those of his political friends to whom he can
look for support in his views&mdash;often to those to whom he
looked in vain. They are passionate prayers for the performance of
a public duty, and as such are altogether to the writer's credit.
His letters to Plancus are beautiful in their patriotism, as are
also those to Decimus Brutus. When we think of his age, of his
zeal, of his earnestness, and of the dangers which he ran, we
hardly know how sufficiently to ad<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>mire the public spirit
with which at such a crisis he had taken on himself to lead the
party. But our guide to his inner feelings is gone. There are no
further letters to tell us of every doubt at his heart. We think of
him as of some stalwart commander left at home to arrange the
affairs of the war, while the less experienced men were sent to the
van.</p>

<p>There is also a book of letters published as having passed
between Cicero and Junius Brutus. The critics have generally united
in condemning them as spurious. They are at, any rate, if genuine,
cold and formal in their language.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 43,
&aelig;tat. 64.</div>

<p>Antony had proceeded into Cisalpine Gaul to drive out of the
province the Consul named by the people to govern it. The
nomination of Decimus had in truth been C&aelig;sar's nomination;
but the right of Decimus to rule was at any rate better than that
of any other claimant. He had been appointed in accordance with the
power then in existence, and his appointment had been confirmed by
the decree of the Senate sanctioning all C&aelig;sar's acts. It
was, after all, a question of simple power, for C&aelig;sar had
overridden every legal form. It became necessary, however, that
they who were in power in Rome should decide. The Consuls Hirtius
and Pansa had been C&aelig;sar's friends, and had also been the
friends of Antony. They had not the trust in Antony which
C&aelig;sar had inspired; but they were anxious to befriend
him&mdash;or rather not to break with him. When the Senate met,
they called on one Fufius Calenus&mdash;who was Antony's friend and
Pansa's father-in-law&mdash;first to offer his opinion. He had been
one of C&aelig;sar's Consuls, appointed for a month or two, and was
now chosen for the honorable part of first spokesman, as being a
Consular Senator. He was for making terms with Antony, and
suggested that a deputation of three Senators should be sent to him
with a message calling upon him to retire. The object probably was
to give Antony time, or rather to give Octavian time, to join with
Antony if it suited him. Others spoke in the same sense, and then
Cicero was desired to give<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210"
id="Page_210">210</a></span> his opinion. This was the fifth
Philippic. He is all for war with Antony&mdash;or rather he will
not call it war, but a public breach of the peace which Antony has
made. He begins mildly enough, but warms with his subject as he
goes on: "Should they send ambassadors to a traitor to his country? *&nbsp;*&nbsp;*
Let him return from Mutina." I keep the old Latin name, which
is preserved for us in that of Modena. "Let him cease to contend
with Decimus. Let him depart out of Gaul. It is not fit that we
should send to implore him to do so. We should by force compel him. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;*
We are not sending messengers to Hannibal, who, if Hannibal
would not obey, might be desired to go on to Carthage. Whither
shall the men go if Antony refuses to obey them?" But it is of no
use. With eloquent words he praises Octavian and the two legions
and Decimus. He praises even the coward Lepidus, who was in command
of legions, and was now Governor of Gaul beyond the Alps and of
Northern Spain, and proposes that the people should put up to him a
gilt statue on horseback&mdash;so important was it to obtain, if
possible, his services. Alas! it was impossible that such a man
should be moved by patriotic motives. Lepidus was soon to go with
the winning side, and became one of the second triumvirate with
Antony and Octavian.</p>

<p>Cicero's eloquence was on this occasion futile. At this sitting
the Senate came to no decision, but on the third day afterward they
decreed that the Senators, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Piso, and
Lucius Philippus, should be sent to Antony. The honors which he had
demanded for Lepidus and the others were granted, but he was
outvoted in regard to the ambassadors. On the 4th of January Cicero
again addressed the people in the Forum. His task was very
difficult. He wished to give no offence to the Senate, and yet was
anxious to stir the citizens and to excite them to a desire for
immediate war. The Senate, he told them, had not behaved
disgracefully, but had&mdash;temporized. The war, unfortunately,
must be delayed for those twenty days necessary for the going and
coming of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id=
"Page_211">211</a></span> ambassadors. The ambassadors could
do nothing. But still they must wait. In the mean time he will not
be idle. For them, the Roman people, he will work and watch with
all his experience, with diligence almost above his strength, to
repay them for their faith in him. When C&aelig;sar was with them
they had had no choice but obedience&mdash;so much the times were
out of joint. If they submit themselves to be slaves now, it will
be their own fault. Then in general language he pronounces an
opinion&mdash;which was the general Roman feeling of the day: "It
is not permitted to the Roman people to become slaves&mdash;that
people whom the immortal gods have willed to rule all nations of
the earth."<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211"></a><a
href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> So he ended the
sixth Philippic, which, like the fourth, was addressed to the
people. All the others were spoken in the Senate.</p>

<p>He writes to Decimus at Mutina about this time a letter full of
hope&mdash;of hope which we can see to be genuine. "Recruits are
being raised in all Italy&mdash;if that can be called recruiting
which is in truth a spontaneous rushing into arms of the entire
population."<a name="FNanchor_212" id="FNanchor_212"></a><a
href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> He expects
letters telling him what "our Hirtius" is doing, and what "my young
C&aelig;sar." Hirtius and Pansa, the Consuls of the year, though
they had been C&aelig;sar's party, and made Consuls by C&aelig;sar,
were forced to fight for the Republic. They had been on friendly
terms with Cicero, and they doubted Antony. Hirtius had now
followed the army, and Pansa was about to do so. They both fell in
the battle that was fought at Mutina, and no one can now accuse
them of want of loyalty. But "my C&aelig;sar," on whose behalf
Cicero made so many sweet speeches, for whose glory he was so
careful, whose early republican principles he was so anxious to
direct, made his terms with Antony on the first occasion. At that
time Cicero wrote to Plancus, Consul elect for the next year, and
places before his eyes a picture of all that he can do <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span>for
the Republic. "Lay yourself out&mdash;yes, I pray you, by the
immortal gods&mdash;for that which will bring you to the height of
glory and renown."<a name="FNanchor_213" id=
"FNanchor_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213" class=
"fnanchor">213</a></p>

<p>At the end of January or beginning of February he again
addressed the Senate on the subject of the embassy&mdash;a matter
altogether foreign from that which it had been convoked to discuss.
To Cicero's mind there was no other subject at the present moment
fit to occupy the thoughts of a Roman Senator. "We have met
together to settle something about the Appian Way, and something
about the coinage. The mind revolts from such little cares, torn by
greater matters." The ambassadors are expected back&mdash;two of
them at least, for Sulpicius had died on his road. He cautions the
Senate against receiving with quiet composure such an answer as
Antony will probably send them. "Why do I&mdash;I who am a man of
peace&mdash;refuse peace? Because it is base, because it is full of
danger&mdash;because peace is impossible." Then he proceeds to
explain that it is so. "What a disgrace would it be that Antony,
after so many robberies, after bringing back banished comrades,
after selling the taxes of the State, putting up kingdoms to
auction, shall rise up on the consular bench and address a free
Senate! *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Can you have an assured peace while there is an Antony
in the State&mdash;or many Antonys? Or how can you be at peace with
one who hates you as does he; or how can he be at peace with those
who hate him as do you? *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* You have such an opportunity," he says
at last, "as never fell to the lot of any. You are able, with all
senatorial dignity, with all the zeal of the knights, with all the
favor of the Roman people, now to make the Republic free from fear
and danger, once and forever." Then he thus ends his speech, "About
those things which have been brought before us, I agree with
Servilius." That is the seventh Philippic.</p>

<p>In February the ambassadors returned, but returned laden <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">
213</a></span>with bad tidings. Servius Sulpicius, who was to have
been their chief spokesman, died just as they reached Antony. The
other two immediately began to treat with him, so as to become the
bearers back to Rome of conditions proposed by him. This was
exactly what they had been told not to do. They had carried the
orders of the Senate to their rebellious officer, and then admitted
the authority of that rebel by bringing back his propositions. They
were not even allowed to go into Mutina so as to see Decimus; but
they were, in truth, only too well in accord with the majority of
the Senate, whose hearts were with Antony. Anything to those lovers
of their fish-ponds was more desirable than a return to the loyalty
of the Republic. The Deputies were received by the Senate, who
discussed their embassy, and on the next day they met again, when
Cicero pronounced his eighth Philippic. Why he did not speak on the
previous day I do not know. Middleton is somewhat confused in his
account. Morabin says that Cicero was not able to obtain a hearing
when the Deputies were received. The Senate did on that occasion
come to a decision; against which act of pusillanimity Cicero on
the following day expressed himself very vehemently. They had
decided that this was not to be called a war, but rather a tumult,
and seem to have hesitated in denouncing Antony as a public enemy.
The Senate was convoked on the next day to decide the terms of the
amnesty to be accorded to the soldiers who had followed Antony,
when Cicero, again throwing aside the minor matter, burst upon them
in his wrath. He had hitherto inveighed against Antony; now his
anger is addressed to the Senate. "Lucius C&aelig;sar," he said,
"has told us that he is Antony's uncle, and must vote as such. Are
you all uncles to Antony?" Then he goes on to show that war is the
only name by which this rebellion can be described. "Has not
Hirtius, who has gone away, sick as he is, called it a war? Has not
young C&aelig;sar, young as he is, prompted to it by no one,
undertaken it as a war?" He repeats the words of a letter from
Hirtius which could only have been used<span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span> in war: "I have
taken Claterna. Their cavalry has been put to flight. A battle has
been fought. So many men have been killed. This is what you call
peace!" Then he speaks of other civil wars, which he says have
grown from difference of opinion&mdash;"except that last between
Pompey and C&aelig;sar, as to which I will not speak. I have been
ignorant of its cause, and have hated its ending." But in this war
all men are of one opinion who are worthy of the name of Romans.
"We are fighting for the temples of our gods, for our walls, our
homes, for the abode of the Roman people, for their Penates, their
altars, their hearths for the graves of ancestors&mdash;and we are
fighting only against Antony. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Fufius Calenus tells us of
peace&mdash;as though I of all men did not know that peace was a
blessing. But tell me, Calenus, is slavery peace?" He is very angry
with Calenus. Although he has called him his friend, he was in
great wrath against him. "I am fighting for Decimus and you for
Antony. I wish to preserve a Roman city; you wish to see it
battered to the ground. Can you deny this, you who are creating all
means of delays by which Decimus may be weakened and Antony made
strong?"</p>

<p>"I had consoled myself with this," he says, "that when these
ambassadors had been sent and had returned despised, and had told
the Senate that not only had Antony refused to leave Gaul but was
besieging Mutina, and would not let them even see
Decimus&mdash;that then, in our passion and our rage, we should
have gone forth with our arms, and our horses, and our men, and at
once have rescued our General. But we&mdash;since we have seen the
audacity, the insolence, and the pride of Antony&mdash;we have
become only more cowardly than before." Then he gives his opinion
about the amnesty: "Let any of those who are now with Antony, but
shall leave him before the ides of March and pass to the armies of
the Consuls, or of Decimus, or of young C&aelig;sar, be held to be
free from reproach. If one should quit their ranks through their
own will, let them be rewarded and honored as Hirtius and Pansa,
our Consuls, may think proper."<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span> This was the eighth
Philippic, and is perhaps the finest of them all. It does not
contain the bitter invective of the second, but there is in it a
true feeling of patriotic earnestness. The ninth also is very
eloquent, though it is rather a p&aelig;an sung on behalf of his
friend Sulpicius, who in bad health had encountered the danger of
the journey, and had died in the effort, than one of these
Philippics which are supposed to have been written and spoken with
the view of demolishing Antony. It is a specimen of those funereal
orations delivered on behalf of a citizen who had died in the
service of his country which used to be common among the
Romans.</p>

<p>The tenth is in praise of Marcus Junius Brutus. Were I to
attempt to explain the situation of Brutus in Macedonia, and to say
how he had come to fill it, I should be carried away from my
purpose as to Cicero's life, and should be endeavoring to write the
history of the time. My object is simply to illustrate the life of
Cicero by such facts as we know. In the confusion which existed at
the time, Brutus had obtained some advantages in Macedonia, and had
recovered for himself the legions of which Caius Antonius had been
in possession, and who was now a prisoner in his hands. At this
time young Marcus Cicero was his lieutenant, and it is told us how
one of those legions had put themselves under his command. Brutus
had at any rate written home letters to the Senate early in March,
and Pansa had called the Senate together to receive them.</p>

<p>Again he attacks Fufius Calenus, Pansa's father-in-law, who was
the only man in the Senate bold enough to stand up against him;
though there were doubtless many of those foot Senators&mdash;men
who traversed the house backward and forward to give their
votes&mdash;who were anxious to oppose him. He thanks Pansa for
calling them so quickly, seeing that when they had parted yesterday
they had not expected to be again so soon convoked. We may gather
from this the existence of a practice of sending messengers round
to the Senators' houses<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id=
"Page_216">216</a></span> to call them together. He praises
Brutus for his courage and his patience. It is his object to
convince his hearers, and through them the Romans of the day, that
the cause of Antony is hopeless. Let us rise up and crush him. Let
us all rise, and we shall certainly crush him. There is nothing so
likely to attain success as a belief that the success has been
already attained. "From all sides men are running together to put
out the flames which he has lighted. Our veterans, following the
example of young C&aelig;sar, have repudiated Antony and his
attempts. The 'Legio Martia' has blunted the edge of his rage, and
the 'Legio Quarta' has attacked him. Deserted by his own troops, he
has broken through into Gaul, which he has found to be hostile to
him with its arms and opposed to him in spirit. The armies of
Hirtius and of young C&aelig;sar are upon his trail; and now
Pansa's levies have raised the heart of the city and of all Italy.
He alone is our enemy, although he has along with him his brother
Lucius, whom we all regret so dearly, whose loss we have hardly
been able to endure! What wild beast do you know more abominable
than that, or more monstrous&mdash;who seems to have been created
lest Marc Antony himself should be of all things the most vile?" He
concludes by proposing the thanks of the Senate to Brutus, and a
resolution that Quintus Hortensius, who had held the province of
Macedonia against Caius Antonius, should be left there in command.
The two propositions were carried.</p>

<p>As we read this, all appears to be prospering on behalf of the
Republic; but if we turn to the suspected correspondence between
Brutus and Cicero, we find a different state of things. And these
letters, though we altogether doubt their authenticity&mdash;for
their language is cold, formal, and un-Ciceronian&mdash;still were
probably written by one who had access to those which Cicero had
himself penned: "As to what you write about wanting men and money,
it is very difficult to give you advice. I do not see how you are
to raise any except by borrowing it from the
municipalities"&mdash;in Macedonia&mdash;<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>"according to the
decree of the Senate. As to men, I do not know what to propose.
Pansa is so far from sparing men from his army, that he begrudges
those who go to you as volunteers. Some think that he wishes you to
be less strong than you are&mdash;which, however, I do not suspect
myself."<a name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214"></a><a
href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> A letter might
fall into the hands of persons not intended to read it, and Cicero
was forced to be on his guard in communicating his
suspicions&mdash;Cicero or the pseudo-Cicero. In the next Brutus is
rebuked for having left Antony live when C&aelig;sar was slain.
"Had not some god inspired Octavian," he says, "we should have been
altogether in the power of Antony, that base and abominable man.
And you see how terrible is our contest with him." And he tries to
awaken him to the necessity of severity. "I see how much you
delight in clemency. That is very well. But there is another place,
another time, for clemency. The question for us is whether we shall
any longer exist or be put out of the world." These, which are
intended to represent his private fears, deal with the affairs of
the day in a tone altogether different from that of his public
speeches. Doubt, anxiety, occasionally almost despair, are
expressed in them. But not the less does he thunder on in the
Senate, aware that to attain success he must appear to have
obtained it.</p>

<p>The eleventh Philippic was occasioned by the news which had
arrived in Rome of the death of Trebonius. Trebonius had been
surprised in Smyrna by a stratagem as to which alone no disgrace
would have fallen on Dolabella, had he not followed up his success
by killing Trebonius. How far the bloody cruelty, of which we have
the account in Cicero's words, was in truth executed, it is now
impossible to say. The Greek historian Appian gives us none of
these horrors, but simply intimates that Trebonius, having been
taken in the snare, had his head cut off.<a name="FNanchor_215"
id="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" class=
"fnanchor">215</a> That Cicero believed the story <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>is
probable. It is told against his son-in-law, of whom he had
hitherto spoken favorably. He would not have spoken against the man
except on conviction. Dolabella was immediately declared an enemy
to the Republic. Cicero inveighs against him with all his force,
and says that such as Dolabella is, he had been made by the cruelty
of Antony. But he goes on to philosophize, and declare how much
more miserable than Trebonius was Dolabella himself, who is so base
that from his childhood those things had been a delight to him
which have been held as disgraceful by other children. Then he
turns to the question which is in dispute, whether Brutus should be
left in command of Macedonia, and Cassius of Syria&mdash;Cassius
was now on his way to avenge the death of Trebonius&mdash;or
whether other noble Romans, Publius Servilius, for instance, or
that Hirtius and Pansa, the two Consuls, when they can be spared
from Italy, shall be sent there. It is necessary here to read
between the lines. The going of the Consuls would mean the
withdrawing of the troops from Italy, and would leave Rome open to
the C&aelig;sarean faction. At present Decimus and Cicero, and
whoever else there might be loyal to the Republic, had to fight by
the assistance of other forces than their own. Hirtius and Pansa
were constrained to take the part of the Republic by Cicero's
eloquence, and by the action of those Senators who felt themselves
compelled to obey Cicero. But they did not object to send the
Consuls away, and the Consular legions, under the plea of saving
the provinces. This they were willing enough to do&mdash;with the
real object of delivering Italy over to those who were Cicero's
enemies but were not theirs. All this Cicero understood, and, in
conducting the contest, had to be on his guard, not only against
the soldiers of Antony but against the Senators also, who were
supposed to be his own friends, but whose hearts were intent on
having back some C&aelig;sar to preserve for them their
privileges.</p>

<p>Cicero in this matter talked some nonsense. "By what right, by
what law," he asks, "shall Cassius go to Syria? By<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span> that
law which Jupiter sanctioned when he ordained that all things good
for the Republic should be just and legal." For neither had Brutus
a right to establish himself in Macedonia as Proconsul nor Cassius
in Syria. This reference to Jupiter was a begging of the question
with a vengeance. But it was perhaps necessary, in a time of such
confusion, to assume some pretext of legality, let it be ever so
poor. Nothing could now be done in true obedience to the laws. The
Triumvirate, with C&aelig;sar at its head, had finally trodden down
all law; and yet every one was clamoring for legal rights! Then he
sings the praises of Cassius, but declares that he does not dare to
give him credit in that place for the greatest deed he had done. He
means, of course, the murder of C&aelig;sar.</p>

<p>Paterculus tells us that all these things were decreed by the
Senate.<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216"></a><a
href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">216</a> But he is
wrong. The decree of the Senate went against Cicero, and on the
next day, amid much tumult, he addressed himself to the people on
the subject. This he did in opposition to Pansa, who endeavored to
hinder him from speaking in the Forum, and to Servilia, the
mother-in-law of Cassius, who was afraid lest her son-in-law should
encounter the anger of the Consuls. He went so far as to tell the
people that Cassius would not obey the Senate, but would take upon
himself, on such an emergency, to act as best he could for the
Republic.<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a><a
href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> There was no
moment in this stirring year, none, I think, during Cicero's life,
in which he behaved with greater courage than now in appealing from
the Senate to the people, and in the hardihood with which he
declared that the Senate's decree should be held as going for
nothing. Before the time came in which it could be carried out both
Hirtius and Pansa were dead. They had fallen in relieving Decimus
at Mutina. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id=
"Page_220">220</a></span>His address on this occasion to the
people was not made public, and has not been preserved.</p>

<p>Then there came up the question of a second embassy, to which
Cicero at first acceded. He was induced to do so, as he says, by
news which had arrived of altered circumstances on Antony's part.
Calenus and Piso had given the Senate to understand that Antony was
desirous of peace. Cicero had therefore assented, and had agreed to
be one of the deputation. The twelfth Philippic was spoken with the
object of showing that no such embassy should be sent. Cicero's
condition at this period was most peculiar and most perilous. The
Senate would not altogether oppose his efforts, but they hated
them. They feared that, if Antony should succeed, they who had
opposed Antony would be ruined. Those among them who were the
boldest openly reproached Cicero with the danger which they were
made to incur in fighting his battles.<a name="FNanchor_218"
id="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" class=
"fnanchor">218</a> To be rid of Cicero was their desire and their
difficulty. He had agreed to go on this embassy&mdash;who can say
for what motives? To him it would be a mission of especial peril.
It was one from which he could hardly hope ever to come back alive.
It may be that he had agreed to go with his life in his hand, and
to let them know that he at any rate had been willing to die for
the Republic. It may be that he had heard of some altered
circumstances. But he changed his mind and resolved that he would
not go, unless driven forth by the Senate. There seems to have been
a manifest attempt to get him out of Rome and send him where he
might have his throat cut. But he declined; and this is the speech
in which he did so. "It is impossible," says the French critic,
speaking of the twelfth Philippic, "to surround the word 'I fear'
with more imposing oratorical arguments." It has not occurred to
him that Cicero <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id=
"Page_221">221</a></span>may have thought that he might even
yet do something better with the lees and dregs of his life than
throw them away by thus falling into a trap. Nothing is so common
to men as to fear to die&mdash;and nothing more necessary, or men
would soon cease to live. To fear death more than ignominy is the
disgrace&mdash;a truth which the French critic does not seem to
have recognized when he twits the memory of Cicero with his
scornful sneer, "J'ai peur." Did it occur to the French critic to
ask himself for what purpose should Cicero go to Antony's camp,
where he would probably be murdered, and by so doing favor the
views of his own enemies in Rome? The deputation was not sent; but
in lieu of the deputation Pansa, the remaining Consul, led his
legions out of Rome at the beginning of April.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 43,
&aelig;tat. 64.</div>

<p>Lepidus, who was Proconsul in Gaul and Northern Spain, wrote a
letter at this time to the Senate recommending them to make peace
with Antony. Cicero in his thirteenth Philippic shows how futile
such a peace would be. That Lepidus was a vain, inconstant man,
looking simply to his own advantage in the side which he might
choose, is now understood; but when this letter was received he was
supposed to have much weight in Rome. He had, however, given some
offence to the Senate, not having acknowledged all the honors which
had been paid to him. The advice had been rejected, and Cicero
shows how unfit the man was to give it. This, however, he still
does with complimentary phrases, though from a letter written by
him to Lepidus about this time the nature of his feeling toward the
man is declared: "You would have done better, in my judgment, if
you had left alone this attempt at making peace, which approves
itself neither to the Senate nor to the people, not to any good
man."<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> When we remember the
ordinary terms of Roman letter-writing, we must acknowledge that
this was a plain and not very civil at<span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>tempt to silence
Lepidus. He then goes on in the Philippic to read a letter which
Antony had sent to Hirtius and to young C&aelig;sar, and which they
had sent on to the Senate. The letter is sufficiently bold and
abusive&mdash;throwing it in their teeth that they would rather
punish the murderer of Trebonius than those of C&aelig;sar. Cicero
does this with some wit, but we feel compelled to observe that as
much is to be said on the one side as on the other. Brutus,
Cassius, with Trebonius and others, had killed C&aelig;sar.
Dolabella, perhaps with circumstances of great cruelty, had killed
Trebonius. Cicero had again and again expressed his sorrow that
Antony had been spared when C&aelig;sar was killed. We have to go
back before the first slaughter to resolve who was right and who
was wrong, and even afterward can only take the doings of each in
that direction as part of the internecine feud. Experience has
since explained to us the results of introducing bloodshed into
such quarrels. The laws which recognize war are and were
acknowledged. But when A kills B because he thinks B to have done
evil, A can no longer complain of murder. And Cicero's criticism is
somewhat puerile. "And thou, boy," Antony had said in addressing
Octavian&mdash;"Et te, puer!" "You shall find him to be a man
by-and-by," says Cicero. Antony's Latin is not Ciceronian. "Utrum
sit elegantius," he asks, putting some further question about
C&aelig;sar and Trebonius. "As if there could be anything elegant
in this war," demands Cicero. He goes through the letter in the
same way, turning Antony into ridicule in a manner which must have
riveted in the heart of Fulvia, Antony's wife, who was in Rome, her
desire to have that bitter-speaking tongue torn out of his mouth.
Such was the thirteenth Philippic.</p>

<p>On the 21st of April was spoken the fourteenth and the last.
Pansa early in the month had left Rome, and marched toward Mutina
with the intention of relieving Decimus. Antony, who was then
besieging Mutina after such a fashion as to prevent all egress or
ingress, and had all but brought Decimus<span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span> to starvation,
finding himself about to be besieged, put his troops into motion,
and attacked those who were attacking him. Then was fought the
battle in which Antony was beaten, and Pansa, one of the Consuls,
so wounded that he perished soon afterward. Antony retreated to his
camp, but was again attacked by Hirtius and Octavian, and by
Decimus, who sallied out of the town. He was routed, and fled, but
Hirtius was killed in the battle. Suetonius tells us that in his
time a rumor was abroad that Augustus, then Octavian, had himself
killed Hirtius with his own hands in the fight&mdash;Hirtius having
been his fellow-general, and fighting on the same side; and that he
had paid Glyco, Pansa's doctor, to poison him while dressing his
wounds.<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220"></a><a
href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> Tacitus had
already made the story known.<a name="FNanchor_221" id=
"FNanchor_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221" class=
"fnanchor">221</a> It is worth repeating here only as showing the
sort of conduct which a grave historian and a worthy biographer
were not ashamed to attribute to the favorite Emperor of Rome.</p>

<p>It was on the receipt of the news in Rome of the first battle,
but before the second had been fought, that the last Philippic was
spoken. Pansa was not known to have been mortally wounded, nor
Hirtius killed, nor was it known that Decimus had been relieved;
but it was understood that Antony had received a check. Servilius
had proposed a supplication, and had suggested that they should put
away their saga and go back to their usual attire. The "sagum" was
a common military cloak, which the early Romans wore instead of the
toga when they went out to war. In later days, when the definition
between a soldier and a civilian became more complete, they who
were left at home wore the sagum, in token of their military
feelings, when the Republic was fighting its battles near Rome. I
do not suppose that when Crassus was in Parthia, or C&aelig;sar in
Gaul, the sagum was worn. It was not exactly known when <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">
224</a></span>the distant battles were being fought. But Cicero
had taken care that the sagum should be properly worn, and had even
put it on himself&mdash;to do which as a Consular was not required
of him. Servilius now proposed that they should leave off their
cloaks, having obtained a victory; but Cicero would not permit it.
Decimus, he says, has not been relieved, and they had taken to
their cloaks as showing their determination to succor their General
in his distress. And he is discontented with the language used:
"You have not even yet called Antony a 'public enemy.'" Then he
again lashes out against the horror of Antony's proceedings: "He is
waging war, a war too dreadful to be spoken of, against four Roman
Consuls"&mdash;he means Hirtius and Pansa, who were already
Consuls, and in truth already dead, and Decimus and Plancus, who
were designated as Consuls for the next year. Plancus, however,
joined his legions afterward with those of Antony, and insisted in
establishing the Second Triumvirate. "Rushing from one scene of
slaughter to another, he causes wherever he goes misery,
desolation, bloodshed, and agony." The language is so fine that it
is worth our while to see the words.<a name="FNanchor_222" id=
"FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222" class=
"fnanchor">222</a> "Is he not responsible for the horrors of
Dolabella? What he would do in Rome, were it not for the protection
of Jupiter, may be seen from the miseries which his brother has
inflicted on those poor men of Parma&mdash;that Lucius, whom all
men hate, and the gods too would hate, if they hated as they ought.
In what city was Hannibal as cruel as Antony at Parma; and shall we
not call him an enemy?" Servilius had asked for a supplication, but
had only asked for one of moderate length. And Servilius had not
called the generals Imperatores. Who should be so called but they
who have been valiant, and lucky, and successful? Cicero forgets
the meaning of the title, and that even Bibulus had been called
Imperator in Syria. Here he runs off <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span>from his subject, and
at some length praises himself. It seems that Rome was in a tumult
at the time, and that Antony's enemies did all they could to
support him, and also to turn his head. He had been carried into
the Senate-house in triumph, and had been thanked by the whole
city. After lauding the different generals, and calling them all
Imperatores, he desires the Senate to decree them a supplication
for fifty days. Fifty days are to be devoted to thanksgiving to the
gods, though it had already been declared how very little they have
done for which to be thankful, as Decimus had not yet been
liberated.</p>

<p>Fifty days are granted for the battle of Mutina, which as yet
was supposed to have been but half fought. When we hear the term
"supplicatio" first mentioned in Livy one day was granted. It had
grown to twenty when the gods were thanked for the victory over
Vercingetorix. Now for this half-finished affair fifty was hardly
enough. When the time was over, Antony and Lepidus had joined their
forces triumphantly. Pansa and Hirtius were dead, and Decimus
Brutus had fled, and had probably been murdered. Nothing increases
so out of proportion to the occasion as the granting of honors.
Stars, when they fall in showers, pale their brilliancy, and turn
at last to no more than a cloud of dust. Honors are soon robbed of
all their honor when once the first step downward has been taken.
The decree was passed, and Cicero finished his last speech on so
poor an occasion. But though the thing itself then done be small
and trivial to us now, it was completed in magnificent language.<a
name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">223</a> The passage of which
I give the first words below is very fine in the original, though
it does not well bear translation. Thus he ended his fourteenth
Philippic, and the silver tongue which had charmed Rome so often
was silent forever.</p>

<p>We at least have no record of any further speech; nor, as <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">
226</a></span>I think, did he again take the labor of putting into
words which should thrill through all who heard them, not the
thoughts but the passionate feelings of the moment.</p>

<p>I will venture to quote from a contemporary his praise of the
Philippics. Mr. Forsyth says: "Nothing can exceed the beauty of the
language, the rhythmical flow of the periods, and the harmony of
the style. The structure of the Latin language, which enables the
speaker or writer to collocate his words, not, as in English,
merely according to the order of thought, but in the manner best
calculated to produce effect, too often baffles the powers of the
translator who seeks to give the force of the passage without
altering the arrangement. Often again, as is the case with all
attempts to present the thoughts of the ancient in a modern dress,
a periphrasis must be used to explain the meaning of an idea which
was instantly caught by the Greek or Roman ear. Many allusions
which flashed like lightning upon the minds of the Senators must be
explained in a parenthesis, and many a home-thrust and caustic
sarcasm are now deprived of their sting, which pierced sharply at
the moment of their utterance some twenty centuries ago.</p>

<p>"But with all such disadvantages I hope that even the English
reader will be able to recognize in these speeches something of the
grandeur of the old Roman eloquence. The noble passages in which
Cicero strove to force his countrymen for very shame to emulate the
heroic virtues of their forefathers, and urged them to brave every
danger and welcome death rather than slavery in the last struggle
for freedom, are radiant with a glory which not even a translation
can destroy. And it is impossible not to admire the genius of the
orator whose words did more than armies toward recovering the lost
liberty of Rome."</p>

<p>His words did more than armies, but neither could do anything
lasting for the Republic. What was one honest man among so many? We
remember Mommsen's verdict: "On the Roman oligarchy of this period
no judgment can be pass<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id=
"Page_227">227</a></span>ed save one of inexorable and
remorseless condemnation." The farther we see into the facts of
Roman history in our endeavors to read the life of Cicero, the more
apparent becomes its truth. But Cicero, though he saw far toward
it, never altogether acknowledged it. In this consists the charm of
his character, though at the same time the weakness of his
political aspirations; his weakness&mdash;because he was vain
enough to imagine that he could talk men back from their
fish-ponds; its charm&mdash;because he was able through it all to
believe in honesty. The more hopeless became the cause, the
sweeter, the more impassioned, the more divine, became his
language. He tuned his notes to still higher pitches of melody, and
thought that thus he could bring back public virtue. Often in these
Philippics the matter is small enough. The men he has to praise are
so little; and Antony does not loom large enough in history to have
merited from Cicero so great a meed of vituperation! Nor is the
abuse all true, in attributing to him motives so low. But Cicero
was true through it all, anxious, all on fire with anxiety to
induce those who heard him to send men to fight the battles to
which he knew them, in their hearts, to be opposed.</p>

<p>The courage, the persistency, and the skill shown, in the
attempt were marvellous. They could not have succeeded, but they
seem almost to have done so. I have said that he was one honest man
among many. Brutus was honest in his patriotism, and Cassius, and
all the conspirators. I do not doubt that C&aelig;sar was killed
from a true desire to restore the Roman Republic. They desired to
restore a thing that was in itself evil&mdash;the evils of which
had induced C&aelig;sar to see that he might make himself its
master. But Cicero had conceived a Republic in his own
mind&mdash;not Utopian, altogether human and rational&mdash;a
Republic which he believed to have been that of Scipio, of
Marcellus, and L&aelig;lius: a Republic which should do nothing for
him but require his assistance, in which the people should vote,
and the oligarchs rule in accordance with the es<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">
228</a></span>tablished laws. Peace and ease, prosperity and
protection, it would be for the Rome of his dream to bestow upon
the provinces. Law and order, education and intelligence, it would
be for her rulers to bestow upon Rome. In desiring this, he was the
one honest man among many. In accordance with that theory he had
lived, and I claim for him that he had never departed from it. In
his latter days, when the final struggle came, when there had
arisen for him the chance of C&aelig;sar's death, when Antony was
his chief enemy, when he found himself in Rome with authority
sufficient to control legions, when the young C&aelig;sar had not
shown&mdash;probably had not made&mdash;his plans, when Lepidus and
Plancus and Pollio might still prove themselves at last true men,
he was once again alive with his dream. There might yet be again a
Scipio, or a Cicero as good as Scipio, in the Republic; one who
might have lived as gloriously, and die&mdash;not amid the
jealousies but with the love of his countrymen.</p>

<p>It was not to be. Looking back at it now, we wonder that he
should have dared to hope for it. But it is to the presence within
gallant bosoms of hope still springing, though almost forlorn, of
hope which has in its existence been marvellous, that the world is
indebted for the most beneficial enterprises. It was not given to
Cicero to stem the tide and to prevent the evil coming of the
C&aelig;sars; but still the nature of the life he had led, the
dreams of a pure Republic, those aspirations after liberty have not
altogether perished. We have at any rate the record of the great
endeavors which he made.</p>

<p>Nothing can have been worse managed than the victory at Mutina.
The two Consuls were both killed; but that, it may be said, was the
chance of war. Antony with all his cavalry was allowed to escape
eastward toward the Cottian Alps. Decimus Brutus seems to have
shown himself deficient in all the qualities of a General, except
that power of endurance which can hold a town with little or no
provision. He wrote to Cicero saying that he would follow Antony.
He makes a promise<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id=
"Page_229">229</a></span> that Antony shall not be allowed to
remain in Italy. He beseeches Cicero to write to that "windy fellow
Lepidus," to prevent him from joining the enemy. Lepidus will never
do what is right unless made to do so by Cicero. As to Plancus,
Decimus has his doubts, but he thinks that Plancus will be true to
the Republic now that Antony is beaten.<a name="FNanchor_224"
id="FNanchor_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224" class=
"fnanchor">224</a> In his next letter he speaks of the great
confusion which has come among them from the death of the two
Consuls. He declares also how great has been Antony's energy in
already recruiting his army. He has opened all the prisons and
workhouses, and taken the men he found there. Ventidius has joined
him with his army, and he still fears Lepidus. And young
C&aelig;sar, who is supposed to be on their side, will obey no one,
and can make none obey him. He, Decimus, cannot feed his men. He
has spent all his own money and his friends'. How is he to support
seven legions?<a name="FNanchor_225" id=
"FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225" class=
"fnanchor">225</a> On the next day he writes again, and is still
afraid of Plancus and of Lepidus and of Pollio. And he bids Cicero
look after his good name: "Stop the evil tongues of men if you
can."<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> A few days afterward
Cicero writes him a letter which he can hardly have liked to
receive. What business had Brutus to think the senate cowardly?<a
name="FNanchor_227" id="FNanchor_227"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">227</a> Who can be afraid of
Antony conquered who did not fear him in his strength? How should
Lepidus doubt now when victory had declared for the Republic?
Though Antony may have collected together the scrapings of the
jails, Decimus is not to forget that he, Decimus, has the whole
Roman people at his back.</p>

<p>Cicero was probably right to encourage the General, and to
endeavor to fill him with hope. To make a man victorious you should
teach him to believe in victory. But Decimus knew the nature of the
troops around him, and was aware that every soldier was so imbued
with an idea of the power of C&aelig;sar that, though C&aelig;sar
was dead, they could fight with only <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>half a heart against
soldiers who had been in his armies. The name and authority and
high office of the two Consuls had done something with them, and
young C&aelig;sar had been with the Consuls. But both the Consuls
had been killed&mdash;which was in itself ominous&mdash;and Antony
was still full of hope, and young C&aelig;sar was not there, and
Decimus was unpopular with the men. It was of no use that Cicero
should write with lofty ideas and speak of the spirit of the
Senate. Antony had received a severe check, but the feeling of
military rule which C&aelig;sar had engendered was still there, and
soldiers who would obey their officers were not going to submit
themselves to "votes of the people." Cicero in the mean time had
his letters passing daily between himself and the camps, thinking
to make up by the energy of his pen for the weakness of his party.
Lepidus sends him an account of his movements on the Rhone,
declaring how he was anxious to surround Antony. Lepidus was
already meditating his surrender. "I ask from you, my Cicero, that
if you have seen with what zeal I have in former times served the
Republic, you should look for conduct equal to it, or surpassing it
for the future; and, that you should think me the more worthy of
your protection, the higher are my deserts."<a name=
"FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> He was already, when
writing that letter, in treaty with Antony. Plancus writes to him
at the same time apologizing for his conduct in joining Lepidus. It
was a service of great danger for him, Plancus, but it was
necessary for Lepidus that this should be done. We are inclined to
doubt them all, knowing whither they were tending. Lepidus was
false from the beginning. Plancus doubled for a while, and then
yielded himself.</p>

<p>The reader, I think, will have had no hope for Cicero and the
Republic since the two Consuls were killed; but as he comes upon
the letters which passed between Cicero and the armies he will have
been altogether disheartened.</p>


<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">
231</a></span></p>
<h3><a name="Chapter_X" id="Chapter_X"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter X.</span></h3>

<h4><i>CICERO'S DEATH.</i></h4>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 43,
&aelig;tat. 64.</div>

<p>What other letters from Cicero we possess were written almost
exclusively with the view of keeping the army together, and
continuing the contest against Antony. There are among them a few
introductory letters of little or no interest. And these military
despatches, though of importance as showing the eager nature of the
man, seem, as we read them, to be foreign to his nature. He does
not understand war, and devotes himself to instigating men to
defend the Republic, of whom we suspect that they were not in the
least affected by the words they received from him. The
correspondence as to this period of his life consists of his
letters to the Generals, and of theirs to him. There are nearly as
many of the one as of the other, and the reader is often inclined
to doubt whether Cicero be writing to Plancus or Plancus to Cicero.
He remained at Rome, and we can only imagine him as busy among the
official workshops of the State, writing letters, scraping together
money for the troops, struggling in vain to raise levies, amid a
crowd of hopeless, doubting, disheartened Senators, whom he still
kept together by his eloquence as Republicans, though each was
eager to escape.</p>

<p>But who can be made Consuls in the place of Pansa and Hirtius?
Octavian, who had not left Italy after the battle of Mutina, was
determined to be one; but the Senate, probably under the guidance
of Cicero, for a time would not have him. There was a rumor that
Cicero had been elected&mdash;or is said to have been such a rumor.
Our authority for it comes from<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span> that correspondence
with Marcus Brutus on the authenticity of which we do not trust,
and the date of which we do not know.<a name="FNanchor_229" id=
"FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229" class=
"fnanchor">229</a> "When I had already written my letter, I heard
that you had been made Consul. When that is done I shall believe
that we shall have a true Republic, and one supported by its own
strength." But probably neither was the rumor true, nor the fact
that there was such a rumor. It was not thus that Octavian meant to
play his part. He had been passed over by Cicero when a General
against Antony was needed. Decimus had been used, and Hirtius and
Pansa had been employed as though they had been themselves strong
as were the Consuls of old. So they were to Cicero&mdash;in whose
ears the very name of Consul had in it a resonance of the
magnificence of Rome. Octavian thought that Pansa and Hirtius were
but C&aelig;sar's creatures, who at C&aelig;sar's death had turned
against him. But even they had been preferred to him. In those days
he was very quick to learn. He had been with the army, and with
C&aelig;sar's soldiers, and was soon instructed in the steps which
it was wise that he should take. He put aside, as with a sweep of
his hand, all the legal impediments to his holding the Consulship.
Talk to him of age! He had already heard that word "boy" too often.
He would show them what a boy would do. He would let them
understand that there need be no necessity for him to canvass, to
sue for the Consulship cap in hand, to have morning levees and to
know men's names&mdash;as had been done by Cicero. His uncle had
not gone through those forms when he had wanted the Consulship.
Octavian sent a military order by a band of officers, who, marching
into the Senate, demanded the office. When the old men hesitated,
one Cornelius, a centurion, showed them his sword, and declared
that by means of that should his General be elected Consul. The
Greek biographers and historians, Plutarch, Dio, and Appian, say
that he was minded <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id=
"Page_233">233</a></span>to make Cicero his fellow-Consul,
promising to be guided by him in everything; but it could hardly
have been so, with the feelings which were then hot against Cicero
in Octavian's bosom. Dio Cassius is worthy of little credit as to
this period, and Appian less so, unless when supported by Latin
authority. And we find that Plutarch inserts stories with that
freedom which writers use who do not suppose that others coming
after them will have wider sources of information than their own.
Octavian marched into Rome with his legions, and had himself chosen
Consul in conjunction with Quintius Pedius, who had also been one
of the coheirs to C&aelig;sar's will. This happened in September.
Previous to this Cicero had sent to Africa for troops; but the
troops when they came all took part with the young C&aelig;sar.</p>

<p>A story is told which appears to have been true, and to have
assisted in creating that enmity which at last induced Octavian to
assent to Cicero's death. He was told that Cicero had said that
"the young man was to be praised, and rewarded, and elevated!"<a
name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">230</a> The last word,
"tollendum," has a double meaning; might be elevated to the
skies&mdash;or to the "gallows." In English, if meaning the latter,
we should say that such a man must be "put out of the way." Decimus
Brutus told this to Cicero as having been repeated by Sigulius, and
Cicero answers him, heaping all maledictions upon Sigulius. But he
does not deny the words, or their intention&mdash;and though he is
angry, he is angry half in joke. He had probably allowed himself to
use the witticism, meaning little or nothing&mdash;choosing the
phrase without a moment's thought, because it contained a double
meaning. No one can conceive that he meant to imply that young
C&aelig;sar should be murdered. "Let us reward him, but for the
moment let us be rid of him." And then, too, he had in the same
sentence called him a boy. As far as evidence <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span>goes,
we know that the words were spoken. We can trust the letter from
Decimus to Cicero, and the answer from Cicero to Decimus. And we
know that, a short time afterward, Octavian, sitting in the island
near Bologna with Antony, consented that Cicero's name should be
inserted in the fatal list as one of those doomed to be
murdered.</p>

<p>In the mean time Lepidus had taken his troops over to Antony,
and Pollio joined them soon afterward with his from Spain. After
that it was hardly to be expected that Plancus should hesitate.
There has always been a doubt whether Plancus should or should not
be regarded as a traitor. He held out longer than the others, and
is supposed to have been true in those assurances which he made to
Cicero of Republican fervor. Why was he bound to obey Cicero, who
was then at Rome, sending out his orders without official
authority? While the Consuls had been alive he could obey the
Consuls; and at the Consuls' death he could for a while follow the
spirit of their instructions. But as that spirit died away he found
himself without orders other than Cicero's. In this condition was
it not better for him to go with the other Generals of the Empire
rather than to perish with a falling party? In addition to this it
will happen at such a time that the soldiers themselves have a will
of their own. With them the name of C&aelig;sar was still powerful,
and to their thinking Antony was fighting on dead C&aelig;sar's
side. When we read the history of this year, the fact becomes clear
that out of Rome C&aelig;sar's name was more powerful than Cicero's
eloquence. Governed by such circumstances, driven by events which
he could not control, Plancus has the merit of having been the last
among the doubtful Generals to desert the cause which Cicero had at
heart. Cassius and Brutus in the East were still collecting legions
for the battle of Philippi. With that we shall have no trouble
here. In the West, Plancus found himself bound to follow the
others, and to join Antony and Lepidus in spite of the
protestations he had made. To those who read Cicero's<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>
letters of this year the question must often arise whether Plancus
was a true man. I have made his excuse to the reader with all that
I can say in his favor. The memory of the man is, however,
unpleasant to me.</p>

<p>Decimus, when he found himself thus alone, endeavored to force
his way with his army along the northern shore of the Adriatic, so
as to join Marcus Brutus in Macedonia. To him, as one of those who
had slain C&aelig;sar, no power was left of deserting. He was
doomed unless he was victorious. He was deserted by his soldiers,
who left him in batches, and at last was taken alive, when
wandering through the country, and sent (dead) to Antony. Marcus
Brutus and Cassius seem to have turned a deaf ear to all Cicero's
entreaties that they should come to his rescue. Cicero in his last
known letter&mdash;which however was written as far back as in
July&mdash;is very eager with Cassius: "Only attempts are heard of
your army, very great in themselves, but we expect to hear of
deeds. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Nothing can be grander or more noble than yourself, and
therefore it is that we are longing for you here in Rome. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;*
Believe me that everything depends on you and Brutus&mdash;that we
are waiting for both of you. For Brutus we are waiting
constantly."<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231"></a><a
href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> This was after
Lepidus had gone, but while Plancus was supposed to be as yet
true&mdash;or rather, not yet false. He did, no doubt, write
letters to Brutus urging him in the same way. Alas, alas! it was
his final effort made for the Republic.</p>

<p>In September Octavian marched into Rome as a conqueror, at the
head of those troops from Africa which had been sent as a last
resource to help the Republicans. Then we may imagine that Cicero
recognized the fact that there was left nothing further for which
to struggle. The Republic was done, his dream was over, and he
could only die. Brutus and Cassius might still carry on the
contest; but Rome had now fallen a second time, in spite of his
efforts, and all hope must have <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span>fled from him. When
C&aelig;sar had conquered at Pharsalia, and on his return from the
East had graciously met him at Brundisium, and had generously
accorded to him permission to live under the shadow of his throne,
the time for him must have been full of bitterness. But he had not
then quite realized the meaning of a tyrant's throne. He had not
seen how willingly the people would submit themselves, how little
they cared about their liberty; nor had he as yet learned the
nature of military despotism. Rome had lived through Sulla's time,
and the Republic had been again established. It might live through
C&aelig;sar's period of command. When C&aelig;sar had come to him
and supped with him, as a prince with one of his subjects, his
misery had been great. Still there was a hope, though he knew not
from whence. Those other younger men had felt as he had
felt&mdash;and C&aelig;sar had fallen. To his eyes it was as though
some god had interfered to restore to him, a Roman, his ancient
form of government. C&aelig;sar was now dead, and all would be
right&mdash;only that Antony was left alive. There was need for
another struggle before Consuls, Pr&aelig;tors, and &AElig;diles
could be elected in due order; and when he found that the struggle
was to be made under his auspices, he girded up his loins and was
again happy. No man can be unhappy who is pouring out his
indignation in torrents, and is drinking in the applause of his
audience. Every hard word hurled at Antony, and every note of
praise heard in return, was evidence to him of his own power. He
did believe, while the Philippics were going on, that he was
stirring up a mighty power to arouse itself and claim its proper
dominion over the world. There were moments between in which he may
have been faint-hearted&mdash;in which he may have doubted as to
young C&aelig;sar&mdash;in which he feared that Pansa might escape
from him, or that Decimus would fall before relief could reach him;
but action lent a pleasantness and a grace to it all. It is sweet
to fight with the hope of victory. But now, when young C&aelig;sar
had marched into Rome with his legions, and was doubtless<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">
237</a></span> prepared to join himself to Antony, there was no
longer anything for Cicero to do in this world.</p>

<p>It is said, but not as I think on good authority, that Cicero
went out to meet C&aelig;sar&mdash;and if to meet him, then also to
congratulate him. Appian tells us that in the Senate Cicero
hastened to congratulate C&aelig;sar, assuring him how anxious he
had been to secure the Consulship for him, and how active.
C&aelig;sar smiled, and said that Cicero had perhaps been a little
late in his friendship.<a name="FNanchor_232" id=
"FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" class=
"fnanchor">232</a> Dio Cassius only remarks that C&aelig;sar was
created Consul by the people in the regular way, two Consuls having
been chosen; and adds that the matter was one of great glory to
C&aelig;sar, seeing that he had obtained the Consulship at an
unusually early age.<a name="FNanchor_233" id=
"FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" class=
"fnanchor">233</a> But, as I have said above, their testimony for
many reasons is to be doubted. Each wrote in the interest of the
C&aelig;sars, and, in dealing with the period before the Empire,
seems only to have been anxious to make out some connected story
which should suit the Emperor's views. Young C&aelig;sar left Rome
still with the avowed purpose of proceeding against Antony as
against one declared by the Senate to be an enemy; but the purpose
was only avowed. Messengers followed him on the road, informing him
that the ban had been removed, and he was then at liberty to meet
his friend on friendly terms. Antony had sent word to him that it
was not so much his duty as young C&aelig;sar's to avenge the death
of his uncle, and that unless he would assist him, he, Antony,
would take his legions and join Brutus and Cassius.<a name=
"FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> I prefer to believe
with Mr. Forsyth that Cicero had retired with his brother Quintus
to one of his villas. Plutarch tells us that he went to his
Tusculan retreat, and that on receiving news of the proscriptions
he determined to remove to Astura, on the sea-side, in order that
he might be ready to escape into Macedonia. Octavian, in the mean
time, having caused a law to be passed <span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>by Pedius
condemning all the conspirators to death, went northward to meet
Antony and Lepidus at Bononia, the Bologna of to-day. Here it was
necessary that the terms of the compact should be settled by which
the spoils of the world should be divided among them; and here they
met, these three men, on a small river island, remote from the
world&mdash;where, as it is supposed, each might think himself
secure from the other. Antony and Lepidus were men old in
craft&mdash;Antony in middle life, and Lepidus somewhat older.
C&aelig;sar was just twenty-one; but from all that we have been
able to gather as to that meeting, he was fully able to hold his
own with his elders. What each claimed as his share in the Empire
is not so much matter of history as the blood which each demanded.
Paterculus says that the death-warrants which were then signed were
all arranged in opposition to C&aelig;sar.<a name=
"FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> But Paterculus wrote
as the servant of Tiberius, and had been the servant of Augustus.
It was his object to tell the story as much in favor of Augustus as
it could be told. It is said that, debating among themselves the
murders which each desired for his own security, young C&aelig;sar,
on the third day only, gave up Cicero to the vengeance of Antony.
It may have been so. It is impossible that we should have a record
of what took place from day to day on that island. But we do know
that there Cicero's death was pronounced, and to that doom young
C&aelig;sar assented. It did not occur to them, as it would have
done to Julius C&aelig;sar at such a time, that it would be better
that they should show their mercy than their hatred. This
proscription was made by hatred and not by fear. It was not Brutus
and Cassius against whom it was directed&mdash;the common enemies
of the three Triumviri. Sulla had attempted to stamp out a whole
faction, and so far succeeded as to strike dumb with awe the
remainder. But here the bargain of death<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">
239</a></span>was made by each against the other's friends. "Your brother
shall go," said Antony to Lepidus. "If so, your uncle also," said
Lepidus to Antony. So the one gave up his brother and the other his
uncle, to indulge the private spleen of his partner; and Cicero
must go to appease both. As it happened, though Cicero's fate was
spoken, the two others escaped their doom. "Nothing so bad was done
in those days," says Paterculus, "that C&aelig;sar should have been
compelled to doom any one to death, or that such a one as Cicero
should have been doomed by any."<a name="FNanchor_236" id=
"FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236" class=
"fnanchor">236</a> Middleton thinks, and perhaps with fair
reason, that C&aelig;sar's objection was feigned, and that his
delay was made for show. A slight change in quoting the above
passage, unintentionally made, favors his view; "Or that Cicero
should have been proscribed by him," he says, turning "ullo" into
"illo." The meaning of the passage seems to be, that it was sad
that C&aelig;sar should have been forced to yield, or that any one
should have been there to force him. As far as C&aelig;sar is
concerned, it is palliative rather than condemnatory. Suetonius,
indeed, declares that though Augustus for a time resisted the
proscription, having once taken it in hand he pursued it more
bloodily than the others.<a name="FNanchor_237" id=
"FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237" class=
"fnanchor">237</a> It is said that the list when completed
contained the names of three hundred Senators and two thousand
Knights; but their fate was for a time postponed, and most of them
ultimately escaped. We have no word of their deaths, as would have
been the case had they all fallen. Seventeen were named for instant
execution, and against these their doom went forth. We can
understand that Cicero's name should have been the first on the
list.</p>

<p>We are told that when the news reached Rome the whole city was
struck with horror. During the speaking of the Phil<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">
240</a></span>ippics the Republican party had been strong and
Cicero had been held in favor. The soldiers had still clung to the
memory of C&aelig;sar; but the men of mark in the city, those who
were indolent and rich and luxurious, the "fish-ponders" generally,
had thought that, now C&aelig;sar was dead, and especially as
Antony had left Rome, their safest course would be to join the
Republic. They had done so, and had found their mistake. Young
C&aelig;sar had first come to Rome and they had been willing enough
to receive him, but now he had met Antony and Lepidus, and the
bloody days of Sulla were to come back upon them. All Rome was in
such a tumult of horror and dismay that Pedius, the new Consul, was
frightened out of his life by the clamor. The story goes that he
ran about the town trying to give comfort, assuring one and another
that he had not been included in the lists, till, as the result of
it all, he himself, when the morning came, died from the exertion
and excitement.</p>

<p>There is extant a letter addressed to Octavian&mdash;supposed to
have been written by Cicero, and sometimes printed among his
works&mdash;which, if written by him, must have been composed about
this time. It no doubt was a forgery, and probably of a much later
date; but it serves to show what were the feelings presumed to have
been in Cicero's bosom at the time. It is full of abuse of Antony,
and of young C&aelig;sar. I can well imagine that such might have
been Cicero's thoughts as he remembered the praise with which he
had laden the young man's name; how he had decreed to him most
unusual honors and voted statues for him. It had all been done in
order that the Republic might be preserved, but had all been done
in vain. It must have distressed him sorely at this time as he
reflected how much eulogy he had wasted. To be sneered at by the
boy when he came back to Rome to assume the Consulship, and to be
told, with a laugh, that he had been a little late in his welcome!
And to hear that the boy had decreed his death in conjunction with
Antony and Lepidus! This was all that Rome could do for him at the
end&mdash;for him who had so loved her,<span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span> suffered so much
for her, and been so valiant on her behalf! Are you not a little
late to welcome me as one of my friends? the boy had said when
Cicero had bowed and smiled to him. Then the next tidings that
reached him contained news that he was condemned! Was this the
youth of whom he had declared, since the year began, that "he knew
well all the boy's sentiments; that nothing was dearer to the lad
than the Republic, nothing more reverent than the dignity of the
Senate?" Was it for this that he had bade the Senate "fear nothing"
as to young Octavian, "but always still look for better and greater
things?" Was it for this that he had pledged his faith for him with
such confident words&mdash;"I promise for him, I become his surety,
I engage myself, conscript fathers, that Caius C&aelig;sar will
always be such a citizen as he has shown himself to-day?"<a name=
"FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> And thus the young
man had redeemed his tutor's pledges on his behalf! "A little late
to welcome me, eh?" his pupil had said to him, and had agreed that
he should be murdered. But, as I have said, the story of that
speech rests on doubtful authority.</p>

<p>Had not Cicero too rejoiced at the uncle's murder? And having
done so, was he not bound to endure the enmity he had provoked? He
had not indeed killed C&aelig;sar, or been aware that he was to be
killed; but still it must be said of him that, having expressed his
satisfaction at what had been done, he had identified himself with
those who had killed him, and must share their fate. The slaying of
a tyrant was almost by law enjoined upon Romans&mdash;was at any
rate regarded as a virtue rather than a crime. There of course
arises the question, who is to decide whether a man be a tyrant?
and the idea being radically wrong, becomes enveloped in difficulty
out of which there is no escape. But there remains as a fact the
existence of the feeling which was at the time held to have
justified Brutus&mdash;and also Cicero. A man has to inquire of his
own heart with what amount of criminality he can accuse the Cicero
of the day, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id=
"Page_242">242</a></span>or the young Augustus. Can any one
say that Cicero was base to have rejoiced that C&aelig;sar had been
killed? Can any one not regard with horror the young Consul, as he
sat there in the privacy of the island, with Antony on one side and
Lepidus on the other, and then in the first days of his youth, with
the down just coming on his cheeks, sending forth his edict for
slaughtering the old friend of the Republic?</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 43,
&aelig;tat. 64.</div>

<p>It is supposed that Cicero left Rome in company with his brother
Quintus, and that at first they went to Tusculum. There was no bar
to their escaping from Italy had they so chosen, and probably such
was their intention as soon as tidings reached them of the
proscription. It is pleasant to think that they should again have
become friends before they died. In truth, Marcus the elder was
responsible for his brother's fate. Quintus had foreseen the sun
rising in the political horizon, and had made his adorations
accordingly. He, with others of his class, had shown himself ready
to bow down before C&aelig;sar. With his brother's assent he had
become C&aelig;sar's lieutenant in Gaul, such employment being in
conformity with the practice of the Republic. When C&aelig;sar had
returned, and the question as to power arose at once between
C&aelig;sar and Pompey, Quintus, who had then been with his brother
in Cilicia, was restrained by the influence of Marcus; but after
Pharsalia the influence of Marcus was on the wane. We remember how
young Quintus had broken away and had joined C&aelig;sar's party.
He had sunk so low that he had become "Antony's right hand." In
that direction lay money, luxury, and all those good things which
the government of the day had to offer. Cicero was so much in
C&aelig;sar's eyes, that C&aelig;sar despised the elder and the
younger Quintus for deserting their great relative, and would
hardly have them. The influence of the brother and the uncle sat
heavily on them. The shame of being C&aelig;sarean while he was
Pompeian, the shame of siding with Antony while he sided with the
Republic, had been too great for them. While he was speaking his
Philippics they could not but be<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span> enthusiastic on the
same side. And now, when he was proscribed, they were both
proscribed with him. As the story goes, Quintus returned from
Tusculum to Rome to seek provision for their journey to Macedonia,
there met his son, and they both died gallantly. Antony's hirelings
came upon the two together, or nearly together, and, finding the
son first, put him to the torture, so to learn from him the place
of his father's concealment; then the father, hearing his son's
screams, rushed out to his aid, and the two perished together. But
this story also comes to us from Greek sources, and must be taken
for what it is worth.</p>

<p>Marcus, alone in his litter, travelled through the country to
his sea-side villa at Astura. Then he went on to Formi&aelig;, sick
with doubt, not knowing whether to stay and die, or encounter the
winter sea in such boat as was provided for him. Should he seek the
uncomfortable refuge of Brutus's army? We can remember his bitter
exclamations as to the miseries of camp life. He did go on board;
but was brought back by the winds, and his servants could not
persuade him to make another attempt. Plutarch tells us that he was
minded to go to Rome, to force his way into young C&aelig;sar's
house and there to stab himself, but that he was deterred from this
melodramatic death by the fear of torture. The story only shows how
great had been the attention given to every detail of his last
moments, and what the people in Rome had learned to say of them.
The same remark applies to Plutarch's tale as to the presuming
crows who pecked at the cordage of his sails when his boat was
turned to go back to the land, and afterward with their beaks
strove to drag the bedclothes from off him when he lay waiting his
fate the night before the murderers came to him.</p>

<p>He was being carried down from his villa at Formi&aelig; to the
sea-side when Antony's emissaries came upon him in his litter.
There seem to have been two of them&mdash;both soldiers and
officers in the pay of Antony&mdash;Popilius L&aelig;nas and
Herennius. They <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id=
"Page_244">244</a></span>overtook him in the wood, through
which paths ran from the villa down to the sea-shore. On
arriving at the house they had not found Cicero,
but were put upon his track by a freedman who had belonged
to Quintus, named Philologus. He could hardly have
done a kinder act than to show the men the way how they
might quickly release Cicero from his agony. They went
down to the end of the wood, and there met the slaves bearing
the litter. The men were willing to fight for their master;
but Cicero, bidding them put down the chair, stretched out his
neck and received his death-blow. Antony had given special
orders to his servants. They were to bring Cicero's head and
his hands&mdash;the hands which had written the Philippics, and
the tongue which had spoken them&mdash;and his order was
obeyed to the letter. Cicero was nearly sixty-four when he
died, his birthday being on the 3d of January following. It
would be hardly worth our while to delay ourselves for a
moment with the horrors of Antony's canduct, and those of
his wife Fulvia&mdash;Fulvia the widow of Clodius and the wife of
Antony&mdash;were it not that we may see what were the manners
to which a great Roman lady had descended in those days
in which the Republic was brought to an end. On the rostra
was stuck up the head and the hands as a spectacle to the
people, while Fulvia specially avenged herself by piercing the
tongue with her bodkin. That is the story of Cicero's death
as it has been generally told.</p>

<p>We are told also that Rome heard the news and saw the
sight with ill-suppressed lamentation. We can easily believe
that it should have been so. I have endeavored, as I have
gone on with my work, to compare him to an Englishman of
the present day; but there is no comparing English eloquence
to his, or the ravished ears of a Roman audience to the
pleasure taken in listening to our great orators. The world
has become too impatient for oratory, and then our Northern
senses cannot appreciate the melody of sounds as did the finer
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id=
"Page_245">245</a></span>organs of the Roman people. We require truth, and justice,
and common-sense from those who address us, and get much
more out of our public speeches than did the old Italians.
We have taught ourselves to speak so that we may be believed&mdash;or
have come near to it. A Roman audience did not much
care, I fancy, whether the words spoken were true. But it
was indispensable that they should be sweet&mdash;and sweet they
always were. Sweet words were spoken to them, with their
cadences all measured, with their rhythm all perfect; but
no words had ever been so sweet as those of Cicero. I even,
with my obtuse ears, can find myself sometimes lifted by them
into a world of melody, little as I know of their pronunciation
and their tone. And with the upper classes&mdash;those who read,
his literature had become almost as divine as his speech. He
had come to be the one man who could express himself in
perfect language. As in the next age the Eclogues of Virgil
and the Odes of Horace became dear to all the educated
classes because of the charm of their expression, so in their
time, I fancy, had become the language of Cicero. It is not
surprising that men should have wept when they saw that
ghaatly face staring at them from the rostra, and the
protruding tongue and the outstretched hands. The marvel
is that, seeing it, they should still have borne with Antony.</p>

<p>That which Cicero has produced in literature is, as a rule,
admitted to be excellent; but his character as a man has been
held to be tarnished by three faults&mdash;dishonesty, cowardice,
and insincerity. As to the first, I have denied it altogether,
and my denial is now submitted to the reader for his judgment
It seems to have been brought against him not in
order to make him appear guilty, but because it bas appeared
to be impossible that, when others were so deeply in fault, he
should have been innocent. That he should have asked for
nothing, that he should have taken no illicit rewards, that he
should not have submitted to be feed, but that he should have
kept his hands clean while all around him were grasping
at everything&mdash;taking money, selling their aid for stipulated
payments, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id=
"Page_246">246</a></span>grinding miserable creditors
has been too much for believe. I will not
take my readers back over the cases brought against him, but will
ask them to ask themselves whether there is one supported by
evidence fit to go before a jury. The accusations have been made by
men clean-handed themselves; but to them it has appeared
unreasonable to believe that a Roman oligarch of those days should
be an honest gentleman.</p>

<p>As to his cowardice, I feel more doubt as to my power of
carrying my readers with me, though no doubt as to Cicero's
courage. Cowardice in a man is abominable. But what is cowardice?
and what courage? It is a matter in which so many errors are made!
Tinsel is so apt to shine like gold and dazzle the sight! In one of
the earlier chapters of this book, when speaking of Catiline, I
have referred to the remarks of a contemporary writer: "The world
has generally a generous word for the memory of a brave man dying
for his cause!" "All wounded in front," is quoted by this author
from Sallust. "Not a man taken alive! Catiline himself gasping out
his life ringed around with corpses of his friends." That is given
as a picture of a brave man dying for his cause, who should excite
our admiration even though his cause were bad. In the previous
lines we have an intended portrait of Cicero, who, "thinking, no
doubt, that he had done a good day's work for his patrons, declined
to run himself into more danger." Here is one story told of
courage, and another of fear. Let us pause for a moment and regard
the facts. Catiline, when hunted to the last gasp, faced his enemy
and died fighting like a man&mdash;or a bull. Who is there cannot
do so much as that? For a shilling or eighteen-pence a day we can
get an army of brave men who will face an enemy&mdash;and die, if
death should come. It is not a great thing, nor a rare, for a man
in battle not to run away. With regard to Cicero the allegation is
that he would not be allowed to be bribed to accuse C&aelig;sar,
and thus incur danger. The accusation which is thus brought
against<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">
247</a></span> him is borrowed from Sallust, and is no doubt
false; but I take it in the spirit in which it is made. Cicero
feared to accuse C&aelig;sar, lest he should find himself
enveloped, through C&aelig;sar's means, in fresh danger. Grant that
he did so. Was he wrong at such a moment to save his life for the
Republic&mdash;and for himself? His object was to banish Catiline,
and not to catch in his net every existing conspirator. He could
stop the conspiracy by securing a few, and might drive many into
arms by endeavoring to encircle all. Was this cowardice? During all
those days he had to live with his life in his hands, passing about
among conspirators who he knew were sworn to kill him, and in the
midst of his danger he could walk and talk and think like a man. It
was the same when he went down into the court to plead for Milo,
with the gladiators of Clodius and the soldiery of Pompey equally
adverse to him. It was the same when he uttered Philippic after
Philippic in the presence of Antony's friends. True courage, to my
thinking, consists not in facing an unavoidable danger. Any man
worthy of the name can do that. The felon that will be hung
to-morrow shall walk up to the scaffold and seem ready to surrender
the life he cannot save. But he who, with the blood running hot
through his veins, with a full desire of life at his heart, with
high aspirations as to the future, with everything around him to
make him happy&mdash;love and friendship and pleasant
work&mdash;when he can willingly imperil all because duty requires
it, he is brave. Of such a nature was Cicero's courage.</p>

<p>As to the third charge&mdash;that of insincerity&mdash;I would
ask of my readers to bethink themselves how few men are sincere
now? How near have we approached to the beauty of truth, with all
Christ's teaching to guide us? Not by any means close, though we
are nearer to it than the Romans were in Cicero's days. At any rate
we have learned to love it dearly, though we may not practise it
entirely. He also had learned to love it, but not yet to practise
it quite so well as we do. When it shall be said of men truly that
they are thoroughly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id=
"Page_248">248</a></span> sincere, then the millennium will
have come. We flatter, and love to be flattered. Cicero flattered
men, and loved it better. We are fond of praise, and all but ask
for it. Cicero was fond of it, and did ask for it. But when truth
was demanded from him, truth was there.</p>

<p>Was Cicero sincere to his party, was he sincere to his friends,
was he sincere to his family, was he sincere to his dependents? Did
he offer to help and not help? Did he ever desert his ship, when he
had engaged himself to serve? I think not. He would ask one man to
praise him to another&mdash;and that is not sincere. He would apply
for eulogy to the historian of his day&mdash;and that is not
sincere. He would speak ill or well of a man before the judge,
according as he was his client or his adversary&mdash;and that
perhaps is not sincere. But I know few in history on whose positive
sincerity in a cause his adherents could rest with greater
security. Look at his whole life with Pompey&mdash;as to which we
see his little insincerities of the moment because we have his
letters to Atticus; but he was true to his political idea of a
Pompey long after that Pompey had faded from his dreams. For twenty
years we have every thought of his heart; and because the feelings
of one moment vary from those of another, we call him insincere.
What if we had Pompey's thoughts and C&aelig;sar's, would they be
less so? Could C&aelig;sar have told us all his feelings? Cicero
was insincere: I cannot say otherwise. But he was so much more
sincere than other Romans as to make me feel that, when writing his
life, I have been dealing with the character of one who might have
been a modern gentleman.</p>

<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249"
id="Page_249">249</a></span></p>
<h3><a name="Chapter_XI" id="Chapter_XI"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter XI.</span></h3>

<h4><i>CICERO'S RHETORIC.</i></h4>

<p>It is well known that Cicero's works are divided into four main
parts. There are the Rhetoric, the Orations, the Epistles, and the
Philosophy. There is a fifth part, indeed&mdash;the Poetry; but of
that there is not much, and of the little we have but little is
esteemed. There are not many, I fear, who think that Cicero has
deserved well of his country by his poetry. His prose works have
been divided as I have stated them. Of these, two portions have
been dealt with already&mdash;as far as I am able to deal with
them. Of the Orations and Epistles I have spoken as I have gone on
with my task, because the matter there treated has been available
for the purposes of biography: the other two, the Rhetoric and the
Philosophy, have been distinct from the author's life.<a name=
"FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">239</a> They might have been
good or bad, and his life would have been still the same; therefore
it is necessary to divide them from his life, and to speak of them
separately. They are the work of his silent chamber, as the others
were the enthusiastic outpourings of his daily spirit, or the
elaborated arguments of his public career. Who has left behind him
so widely spread a breadth of literature? Who has made so many
efforts, and has so well succeeded in them all? I do not know that
it has ever been given to any one man to run up and down the
strings of knowledge, and touch them all as though each had been
his peculiar study, as Cicero has done.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">
250</a></span>His rhetoric has been always made to come first,
because, upon the whole, it was first written. It may be as well
here to give a list of his main works, with their
dates&mdash;premising, however, that we by no means in that way get
over the difficulty as to time, even in cases as to which we are
sure of our facts. A treatise may have been commenced and then put
by, or may have been written some time previously to publication.
Or it may be, as were those which are called the Academica, that it
was remodelled, and altered in its shape and form. The Academica
were written at the instance of Atticus. We now have the altered
edition of a fragment of the first book, and the original of the
second book. In this manner there have come discrepancies which
nearly break the heart of him who would fain make his list clear.
But here, on the whole, is presented to the reader with fair
accuracy a list of the works of Cicero, independent of that
continual but ever-changing current of his thought which came
welling out from him daily in his speeches and his letters. Again,
however, we must remember that here are omitted all those which are
either wholly lost or have come to us only in fragments too
abruptly broken for the purposes of continuous study. Of these I
will not even attempt to give the names, though when we remember
some of the subjects&mdash;the De Gloria, the De Re
Militari&mdash;he could not go into the army for a month or two
without writing a book about it&mdash;the De Auguriis, the De
Philosophia, the De Suis Temporibus, the De Suis Consiliis, the De
Jure Civili, and the De Universo, we may well ask ourselves what
were the subjects on which he did not write. In addition to these,
much that has come to us has been extracted, as it were
unwillingly, from palimpsests, and is, from that and from other
causes, fragmentary. We have indeed only fragments of the essays De
Republica, De Legibus, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, and De
Fato, in addition to the Academica.</p>

<p>The list of the works of which it is my purpose to give some
shortest possible account in the following chapters is as
follows:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">
251</a></span></p>

<table width="100%" summary="works of Cicero" border="0" style="border-collapse:collapse;">
<tr>
<td class="center_15top"><span class="smcap">Titles of the
Works</span></td>
<td class="center_60"><span class="smcap">Nature of the
Work.</span><br />


<table width="100%" summary="Nature of Work" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="center_30">Those as to</td>
<td class="left_30">Rhetoric</td>
<td class="center_30">are marked</td>
<td class="center_10">*</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_30">&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left_30">Philosophy</td>
<td class="center_30">&nbsp;"&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center_10">&dagger;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_30">&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left_30">The Moral Essays</td>
<td class="center_30">&nbsp;"&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center_10">&Dagger;</td>
</tr>
</table>
</td>
<td class="center_15top"><span class="smcap">The date of
Publication</span></td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">Rheticorum ad. C. Herennium.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">Four books, giving lessons in Rhetoric; supposed
to have been written, not by Cicero, but by one Cornificius.*<a
name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">240</a></p>
</td>
<td class="center_15" rowspan="2"><span class=
"smcap">b.c.</span><br />
87, 86.<br />
&AElig;tat.<br />
20, 21.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">De Inventione.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">Four books, giving lessons in Rhetoric, supposed
to have been translated from the Greek. Two out of four have come to us.*</p>
</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">De Oratore.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">Three dialogues, in three books&mdash;supposed to
have been held under a plane-tree, in the garden at Tusculum
belonging to Crassus, forty years before&mdash;in which are laid
down instructions for the making of an orator.*</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 55.<br />
&AElig;tat. 52.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">De Republica.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">Six political discussions&mdash;supposed to have
been held seventy-five years before the date at which they were
written&mdash;on the best mode of governance. We have but a
fragment of them.&Dagger;</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 53.<br />
&AElig;tat. 54.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">De Legibus.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">Three out of six books as to the best laws for
governing the Republic. They are carried on between Atticus,
Quintus, and Marcus. They are supposed to have been written <span
class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52 (&aelig;tat. 55 but were not published
till after his death.&Dagger;</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52.<br />
&AElig;tat. 55.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">De Optimo Genere Oratorum.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">A preface to the translation of the speeches of
&AElig;schines and of Demosthenes for and against Ctesiphon&mdash;in the
matter of the Golden Crown.*</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br />
&AElig;tat. 61.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">De Partitione Oratoria.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">Instructions by questions and answers, supposed
to have been previously given to his son in Greek, on the art of
speaking in public.*</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46.<br />
&AElig;tat. 61.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">The Academica.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">Treatises, in which he deals with the various
phases of Philosophy taught by the Academy. It has been altered,
and we have only a part of the first book of the altered portion
and the second part of the treatise before it was altered. In its
altered form it is addressed to Varro.&dagger;</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br />
&AElig;tat. 62.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">A treatise in five books, in the form of
dialogues, as to the results to be looked for in inquiries as to
what is good and what is evil. It is addressed to
Brutus.&dagger;</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br />
&AElig;tat. 62.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">Brutus: or, De Claris Oratoribus.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">A treatise on the most perfect orators of past
times. It is addressed to Brutus, and has, in a peculiar manner,
been always called by his name.*</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br />
&AElig;tat. 62.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">Orator.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">A treatise, addressed to Brutus, to show what the
perfect orator should be.*</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br />
&AElig;tat. 62.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">Tusculan&aelig; Disputationes.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">Or the Tusculan Inquiries, supposed to have been
held with certain friends in his Tusculan villa, as to contempt of
Death and Pain and Sorrow, as to conquering the Passions, and the
happiness to be derived from Virtue. They are addressed to
Brutus.*</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br />
&AElig;tat. 62.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252"
id="Page_252">252</a></span>De Natura Deorum.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">Three books addressed to Brutus. Velleius,
Balbus, and Cotta discuss the relative merits of the Epicurean,
Stoic, and Academic Schools.&dagger;</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">Divinatione.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">He discusses with his brother Quintus the
property of the gods to "divine," or rather to enable men to read
prophecies. It is a continuation of a former work.&dagger;</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">De Fato.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">The part only of a book on Destiny.&dagger;</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">The Topica.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">A so-called translation from Aristotle. It is
addressed to Trebatius.*</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">De Senectute.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">A treatise on Old Age, addressed to Atticus, and
called Cato Major.&Dagger;</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">De Amicitia.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">A treatise on Friendship, addressed also to
Atticus, and called L&aelig;lius.&Dagger;</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center_15">De Officiis.</td>
<td class="left_60">
<p class="indent">To his son. Treating of the Moral Duties of Life.
Containing three books&mdash;<br />
&nbsp;&nbsp;I. On Honesty<br />
&nbsp;II. On Expediency<br />
III. Comparing Honesty and Expediency.</p>
</td>
<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p>It is to be observed from this list that for thirty years of his
life Cicero was silent in regard to literature&mdash;for those
thirty years in which the best fruits of a man's exertion are
expected from him. Indeed, we may say that for the first fifty-two
years of his life he wrote nothing but letters and speeches. Of the
two treatises with which the list is headed, the first, in all
probability, did not come from his pen, and the second is no more
than a lad's translation from a Greek author. As to the work of
translation, it must be understood that the Greek and Latin
languages did not stand in reference to each other as they do now
to modern readers. We translate in order that the pearls hidden
under a foreign language may be conveyed to those who do not read
it, and admit, when we are so concerned, that none can truly drink
the fresh water from a fountain so handled. The Romans, in
translating from the Greek, thinking nothing of literary
excellence, felt that they were bringing Greek thought into a form
of language in which it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id=
"Page_253">253</a></span> could be thus made useful. There was
no value for the words, but only for the thing to be found in it.
Thence it has come that no acknowledgment is made. We moderns
confess that we are translating, and hardly assume for ourselves a
third-rate literary place. When, on the other hand, we find the
unexpressed thought floating about the world, we take it, and we
make it our own when we put it into a book. The originality is
regarded as being in the language, not in the thought. But to the
Roman, when he found the thought floating about the world in the
Greek character, it was free for him to adopt it and to make it his
own. Cicero, had he done in these days with this treatise as I have
suggested, would have been guilty of gross plagiarism, but there
was nothing of the kind known then. This must be continually
remembered in reading his essays. You will find large portions of
them taken from the Greek without acknowledgment. Often it shall be
so, because it suits him to contradict an assertion or to show that
it has been allowed to lead to false conclusions. This general
liberty of translation has been so frequently taken by the Latin
poets&mdash;by Virgil and Horace, let us say, as being those best
known&mdash;that they have been regarded by some as no more than
translations. To them to have been translators of Homer, or of
Pindar and Stesichorus, and to have put into Latin language ideas
which were noble, was a work as worthy of praise as that of
inventing. And it must be added that the forms they have used have
been perfect in their kind. There has been no need to them for
close translation. They have found the idea, and their object has
been to present it to their readers in the best possible language.
He who has worked amid the bonds of modern translation well knows
how different it has been with him. There is not much in the
treatise De Inventione to arrest us. We should say, from reading
it, that the matter it contains is too good for the production of a
youth of twenty-one, but that the language in which it is written
is not peculiarly fine. The writer intended to continue it&mdash;or
wrote as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">
254</a></span> though he did&mdash;and therefore we may imagine
that it has come to us from some larger source. It is full of
standing cases, or examples of the law courts, which are brought up
to show the way in which these things are handled. We can imagine
that a Roman youth should be practised in such matters, but we
cannot imagine that the same youth should have thought of them all,
and remembered them all, and should have been able to describe
them.</p>

<p>The following is an example: "A certain man on his journey
encountered a traveller going to make a purchase, having with him a
sum of money. They chatted along the road together, and, as happens
on such occasions, they became intimate. They went to the same inn,
where they supped, and said that they would sleep together. Having
supped they went to bed; when the landlord&mdash;for this was told
after it had all been found out, and he had been taken for another
offence&mdash;having perceived that one man had money, in the
middle of the night, knowing how sound they would sleep from
fatigue, crept up to them, and having taken out of its scabbard the
sword of him that was without the money as it lay by his side, he
killed the other man, put back the sword, and then went to his bed.
But he whose sword had been used rose long before daylight and
called loudly to his companion. Finding that the man slumbered too
heavily to be stirred, he took himself and his sword and the other
things he had brought away with him and started alone. But the
landlord soon raised the hue-and-cry, 'A man has been killed!' and,
with some of the guests, followed him who had gone off. They took
the man on the road, and dragged his sword out of its sheath, which
they found all bloody. They carried him back to the city, and he
was accused." In this cause there is the declaration of the crime
alleged, "You killed the man." There is the defence, "I did not
kill him." Thence arises the issue. The question to be judged is
one of conjecture. "Did he kill him?"<a name="FNanchor_241" id=
"FNanchor_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241" class=
"fnanchor">241</a> We may <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>judge from the story
that the case was not one which had occurred in life, but had been
made up. The truculent landlord creeping in and finding that
everything was as he wished it; and the moneyless man going off in
the dark, leaving his dead bedfellow behind him&mdash;as the
landlord had intended that he should&mdash;form all the incidents
of a stock piece for rehearsal rather than the occurrence of a true
murder. The same may be said of other examples adduced, here as
afterward, by Quintilian. They are well-known cases, and had
probably been handed down from one student to another. They tell us
more of the manners of the people than of the rudiments of their
law.</p>

<p>From this may be seen the nature of the work. From thence we
skip over thirty years and come at once to <span class=
"smcap">b.c.</span> 55. The days of the Triumvirate had come, and
the quarrel with Clodius&mdash;of Cicero's exile and his return,
together with the speeches which he had made, in the agony of his
anger, against his enemies. And all this had taken place since
those halcyon days in which he had risen, on the voices of his
countrymen, to be Qu&aelig;stor, &AElig;dile, Pr&aelig;tor, and
Consul. He had first succeeded as a public man, and then, having
been found too honest, he had failed. There can be no doubt that he
had failed because he had been too honest. I must have told the
story of his political life badly if I have not shown that
C&aelig;sar had retired from the assault because Cicero was Consul,
but had retired only as a man does who steps back in order that his
next spring forward may be made with more avail. He chose well the
time for his next attack, and Cicero was driven to decide between
three things&mdash;he must be C&aelig;sarean, or must be quiet, or
he must go. He would not be C&aelig;sarean, he certainly could not
be quiet, and he went. The immediate effect of his banishment was
on him so great that he could not employ himself. But he returned
to Rome, and, with too evident a reliance on a short-lived
popularity, he endeavored to replace himself in men's eyes; but it
must have been clear to him that he had struggled in vain. Then he
looked back upon his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id=
"Page_256">256</a></span> art, his oratory, and told himself
that, as the life of a man of action was no longer open to him, he
could make for himself a greater career as a man of letters. He
could do so. He has done so. But I doubt whether he had ever a
confirmed purpose as to the future. Had some grand Consular career
been open to him&mdash;had it been given to him to do by means of
the law what C&aelig;sar did by ignoring the law&mdash;this life of
him would not have been written. There would, at any rate, have
been no need of these last chapters to show how indomitable was the
energy and how excellent the skill of him who could write such
books, because&mdash;he had nothing else to do.</p>

<p>The De Oratore is a work in three divisions, addressed to his
brother Quintus, in which it has undoubtedly been Cicero's object
to convince the world that an orator's employment is the highest of
all those given to a man to follow; and this he does by showing
that, in all the matters which an orator is called upon to touch,
there is nothing which he cannot adorn by the possession of some
virtue or some knowledge. To us, in these days, he seems to put the
cart before the horse, and to fail from the very beginning, by
reason of the fact that the orator, in his eloquence, need never
tell the truth. It is in the power of man so to
praise&mdash;constancy, let us say&mdash;as to make it appear of
all things the best. But he who sings the praise of it may be the
most inconstant of mankind, and may know that he is deceiving his
hearers as to his own opinions&mdash;at any rate, as to his own
practice. The virtue should come first, and then the speech
respecting it. Cicero seems to imply that, if the speech be there,
the virtue may be assumed.</p>

<p>But it has to be acknowledged, in this and in all his discourses
as to the perfect orator, that it is here as it has been in all the
inquirers after the &#964;&#8056; &#954;&#945;&#955;&#8057;&#957;.<a name="FNanchor_242"
id="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242" class=
"fnanchor">242</a> We must recognize the <span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span>fact that the
Romans have adopted a form of inquiry from the Greeks, and, having
described a more than human perfection, have instigated men to work
up toward it by letting it be known how high will be the
excellence, should it ever be attained. It is so in the De Oratore,
as to which we must begin by believing that the speech-maker wanted
is a man not to be found in any House of Commons. No Conservative
and no Liberal need fear that he will be put out of court by the
coming of this perfectly eloquent man. But this Cicero of whom we
are speaking has been he who has been most often quoted for his
perfections.<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243"></a><a
href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> The running
after an impossible hero throws a damp over the whole search. When
no one can expect to find the thing sought for, who can seek
diligently? By degrees the ambitious student becomes aware that it
is impossible, and is then carried on by a desire to see how he is
to win a second or a third place, if so much may be accorded to
him. In his inquiries he will find that the Cicero, if he look to
Quintilian or Tacitus&mdash;or the Crassus, if he look to
Cicero&mdash;is so set before him as the true model; and with that
he may be content.</p>

<p>The De Oratore is by far the longest of his works on rhetoric,
and, as I think, the pleasantest to read. It was followed, after
ten years, by the Brutus, or De Claris Oratoribus, and then by the
Orator. But in all of them he charms us rather by his example than
instructs us by his precepts. He will nev<span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span>er make us
believe, for instance, that a man who talks well will on that
account be better than a man who thinks well; but he does make us
believe that a man who talks as Cicero knew how to do must have
been well worth hearing, and also that to read his words, when
listening to them is no longer possible, is a great delight. Having
done that, he has no doubt carried his object. He was too much a
man of the world to have an impracticable theory on which to expend
himself. Oratory had come uppermost with him, and had indeed made
itself, with the Romans, the only pursuit to be held in rivalry
with that of fighting. Literature had not as yet assumed its place.
It needed Cicero himself to do that for her. It required the
writing of such an essay as this to show, by the fact of its
existence, that Cicero the writer stood quite as high as Cicero the
orator. And then the written words remain when the sounds have died
away. We believe that Cicero spoke divinely. We can form for
ourselves some idea of the rhythm of his periods. Of the words in
which Cicero spoke of himself as a speaker we have the entire
charm.</p>

<p>Boccaccio, when he takes his queen into a grassy meadow and
seats her in the midst of her ladies, and makes her and them and
their admirers tell their stories, seems to have given rise to the
ideas which Cicero has used when introducing his Roman orators
lying under a plane-tree in the garden of Tusculum, and there
discussing rhetoric; so much nearer to us appear the times of
Cicero, with all the light that has been thrown upon them by their
own importance, than does the middle of the fourteenth century in
the same country. But the practice in this as in all matters of
social life was borrowed from the Greeks, or perhaps rather the
pretence of the practice. We can hardly believe that Romans of an
advanced age would so have arranged themselves for the sake of
conversation. It was a manner of bringing men together which had
its attraction for the mind's eye; and Cicero, whose keen
imagination represented to him the pleasantness of the picture, has
used the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">
259</a></span> form of narrative with great effect. He causes
Crassus and Antony to meet in the garden of Crassus at Tusculum,
and thither he brings, on the first day, old Mucius Sc&aelig;vola
the augur, and Sulpicius and Cotta, two rising orators of the
period. On the second day Sc&aelig;vola is supposed to be too
fatigued to renew the intellectual contest, and he retires; but one
C&aelig;sar comes in with Quintus Lutatius Catulus, and the
conversation is renewed. Crassus and Antony carry it on in chief,
but Crassus has the leading voice. C&aelig;sar, who must have been
the wag among barristers of his day, undertakes to give examples of
that Attic salt by which the profundity of the law courts is
supposed to have been relieved. The third conversation takes place
on the afternoon of the second day, when they had refreshed
themselves with sleep; though Crassus, we are specially told, had
given himself up to the charms of no mid-day siesta. His mind had
been full of the greatness of the task before him, but he will show
neither fatigue nor anxiety. The art, the apparent ease with which
it is all done, the grace without languor, the energy without
exertion, are admirable. It is as though, they were sitting by
running water, or listening to the music of some grand organ. They
remove themselves to a wood a little farther from the house, and
there they listen to the eloquence of Crassus. Cotta and Sulpicius
only hear and assent, or imply a modified dissent in doubting
words.</p>

<p>It is Crassus who insists that the orator shall be omniscient,
and Antony who is supposed to contest the point with him. But they
differ in the sweetest language; and each, though he holds his own,
does it with a deference that is more convincing than any
assertion. It may be as well, perhaps, to let it be understood that
Crassus and C&aelig;sar are only related by distant family
ties&mdash;or perhaps only by ties of adoption&mdash;to the two of
the First Triumvirate whose names they bear; whereas Antony was the
grandfather of that Cleopatra's lover against whom the Philippics
were hurled.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id=
"Page_260">260</a></span>No one, as I have said before, will read these conversations for
the sake of the argument they contain; but they are, and will be,
studied as containing, in the most appropriate language, a thousand
sayings respecting the art of speech. "No power of speaking well
can belong to any but to him who knows the subjects on which he has
to speak;"<a name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244"></a><a
href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> a fact which
seems so clear that no one need be troubled with stating it, were
it not that men sin against it every day. "How great the
undertaking to put yourself forward among a crowd of men as being
the fittest of all there to be heard on some great subject!"<a
name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> "Though all men
shall gnash their teeth, I will declare that the little book of the
twelve tables surpasses in authority and usefulness all the
treatises of all the philosophers."<a name="FNanchor_246" id=
"FNanchor_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class=
"fnanchor">246</a> Here speaks the Cicero of the Forum, and not
that Cicero who amused himself among the philosophers. "Let him
keep his books of philosophy for some Tusculum idleness such as is
this of ours, lest, when he shall have to speak of justice, he must
go to Plato and borrow from him, who, when he had to express him in
these things, created in his books some new Utopia."<a name=
"FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> For in truth, though
Cicero deals much, as we shall see by-and-by, with the
philosophers, and has written whole treatises for the sake of
bringing Greek modes of thought among the Romans, he loved the
affairs of the world too well to trust them to philosophy. There
has been some talk of old age, and Antony, before the evening has
come, declares his view. "So far do I differ from you," he says,
"that not only do I not think that any relief in age is to be found
in the crowd of them who may come to me for advice, but I look to
its solitude as a harbor. You indeed may fear it, but to me it will
be most welcome."<a name="FNanchor_248" id=
"FNanchor_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248" class=
"fnanchor">248</a></p>

<p>Then Cicero begins the second book with a renewal of the
assertion as to oratory generally, not putting the words into <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">
261</a></span>the mouth of any of his party, but declaring it as
his own belief: "This is the purpose of this present treatise, and
of the present time, to declare that no one has been able to excel
in eloquence, not merely without capacity for speaking, but also
without acquired knowledge of all kinds."<a name="FNanchor_249"
id="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" class=
"fnanchor">249</a> But Antony professes himself of another
opinion: "How can that be when Crassus and I often plead opposite
causes, and when one of us can only say the truth? Or how can it be
possible, when each of us must take the cause as it comes to
him?"<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> Then, again, he
bursts into praise of the historian, as though in opposition to
Crassus: "How worthy of an orator's eulogy is the writing of
history, whether greatest in the flood of its narrative or in its
variety! I do not know that we have ever treated it separately, but
it is there always before our eyes. For who does not know that the
first law of the historian is that he must not dare to say what is
false: the next, that he must not dare to suppress what is true."<a
name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">251</a> We wonder, when
Cicero was writing this, whether he remembered his request to
Lucceius, made now two years ago. He gives a piece of advice to
young advocates, apologizing, indeed, for thinking it necessary;
but he has found it to be necessary, and he gives it: "Let me teach
this to them all; when they intend to plead, let them first study
their causes."<a name="FNanchor_252" id=
"FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class=
"fnanchor">252</a> It is not only here that we find that the
advice which is useful now was wanted then. "Read your cases!" The
admonition was wanted in Rome as it has been since in London.</p>

<p>But the great mistake of the whole doctrine creeps out at every
page as we go on, and disproves the idea on which the De Oratore is
founded. All Cicero's treatises on the subject, and Quintilian's,
and those of the pseudo-Tacitus, and of the first Greek from which
they have come, fall to the ground as soon as we are told that it
must be the purport of the ora<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span>tor to turn the mind of
those who hear him either to the right or to the left, in
accordance with the drift of the cause.<a name="FNanchor_253"
id="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253" class=
"fnanchor">253</a> The mind rejects the idea that it can be the
part of a perfect man to make another believe that which he
believes to be false. If it be necessary that an orator should do
so, then must the orator be imperfect. We have the same lesson
taught throughout. It is the great gift of the orator, says Antony,
to turn the judge's mind so that he shall hate or love, shall fear
or hope, shall rejoice or grieve, or desire to pity or desire to
punish.<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254"></a><a
href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">254</a> No doubt it is
a great power. All that is said as to eloquence is true. It may be
necessary that to obtain the use of it you shall educate yourself
with more precision than for any other purpose. But there will be
the danger that they who have fitted the dagger to the hand will
use it. It cannot be right to make another man believe that which
you think to be false.</p>

<p>In the use of raillery in eloquence the Roman seems to have been
very backward; so much so that it is only by the examples given of
it by themselves as examples that we learn that it existed. They
can appall us by the cruelty which they denounce. They can melt us
by their appeals to our pity. They can terrify; they can horrify;
they can fill us with fear or hope, with anger, with despair, or
with rage; but they cannot cause us to laugh. Their attempts at a
joke amuse us because we recognize the attempt. Here C&aelig;sar is
put forward to give us the benefit of his wit. We are lost in
surprise when we find how miserable are his jokes, and take a pride
in finding that in one line we are the masters of the Romans. I
will give an instance, and I pick it out as the best among those
selected by Cicero. Nasica goes to call upon Ennius, and is
informed by the maid-servant that her master is not at home. Ennius
returns the visit, and Nasica halloos out from the win<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span>dow
that he is not within. "Not within!" says Ennius; "don't I know
your voice?" Upon which Nasica replies, "You are an impudent
fellow! I had the grace to believe your maid, and now you will not
believe me myself."<a name="FNanchor_255" id=
"FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255" class=
"fnanchor">255</a> How this got into a law-case we do not know;
it is told, however, just as I have told it. But there are enough
of them here to make a small Joe Miller; and yet, in the midst of
language that is almost divine in its expressions, they are given
as having been worthy of all attention.</p>

<p>The third book is commenced by the finest passage in the whole
treatise. Cicero remembers that Crassus is dead, and then tells the
story of his death. And Antony is dead, and the C&aelig;sars. The
last three had fallen in the Marian massacres. There is but little
now in the circumstances of their death to excite our tears. Who
knows aught of that Crassus, or of that Antony, or of those
C&aelig;sars? But Cicero so tells it in his pretended narrative as
almost to make us weep. The day was coming when a greater than
either of them was to die the same death as Antony, by the order of
another Antony&mdash;to have his tongue pierced, and his bloody
head thrust aloft upon the rostra. But no Roman has dared to tell
us of it as Cicero has told the story of those others. Augustus had
done his work too well, and it was much during his reign that
Romans who could make themselves heard should dare to hold their
tongues.</p>

<p>It would be useless in me here to attempt to give any notion of
the laws as to speech which Cicero lays down. For myself I do not
take them as laws, feeling that the interval of time has been too
great to permit laws to remain as such. No orator could, I feel
sure, form himself on Cicero's ideas. But the sweetness of the
language is so great as to convince us that he, at any rate, knew
how to use language as no one has done since: "But there is a
building up of words, and a turning<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span> of them round, and
a nice rendering. There is the opposing and the loosening. There is
the avoiding, the holding back, the sudden exclamation, and the
dropping of the voice; and the taking an argument from the case at
large and bringing it to bear on a single point; and the proof and
the propositions together. And there is the leave given; and then a
doubting, and an expression of surprise. There is the counting up,
the setting right; the utter destruction, the continuation, the
breaking off, the pretence, the answer made to one's self, the
change of names, the disjoining and rejoining of things&mdash;the
relation, the retreat, and the curtailing."<a name=
"FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> Who can translate
all these things when Quintilian himself has been fain to
acknowledge that he has attempted and has failed to handle them in
fitting language?</p>

<p>And then at last there comes that most lovely end to these most
charming discourses: "His autem de rebus sol me ille admonuit, ut
brevior essem, qui ipse jam pr&aelig;cipitans, me quoque hac
pr&aelig;cipitem p&aelig;ne evolvere coegit."<a name=
"FNanchor_257" id="FNanchor_257"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">257</a> These words are so
charming in their rhythm that I will not rob them of their beauty
by a translation. The setting sun requires me also to go to rest:
that is their simple meaning. At the end of the book he introduces
a compliment to Hortensius, who during his life had been his great
rival, and who was still living when the De Oratore was
written.</p>

<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52,
&aelig;tat. 55.</div>

<p>The next on the list is the De Optimo Genere Oratorum&mdash;a
preliminary treatise written as a preface to a translation made by
himself on the speeches of &AElig;schines and Demosthenes against
Ctesiphon in the matter of the Golden Crown. We have not the
translations; but we have his reasons for translating
them&mdash;namely, that he might enable readers only of Latin to
judge how far &AElig;schines and Demosthenes had deserved, either
of them, the title of "Optimus orator." For they had spoken against
each other with the most <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265"
id="Page_265">265</a></span>bitter abuse, and each spokesman
was struggling for the suppression of the other. Each was speaking
with the knowledge that, if vanquished, he would have to pay
heavily in his person and his pocket. He gives the palm to neither;
but he tells his readers that the Attic mode of speaking is
gone&mdash;of which, indeed, the glory is known, but the nature
unknown. But he explains that he has not translated the two pieces
verbatim, as an interpreter, but in the spirit, as an orator, using
the same figures, the same forms, the same strength of ideas. We
have to acknowledge that we do not see how in this way he can have
done aught toward answering the question De Optimo Genere Oratorum;
but he may perhaps have done something to prove that he himself, in
his oratory, had preserved the best known Grecian forms.</p>

<p>The De Partitione Oratoria Dialogus follows, of which we have
already spoken, written when he was an old man, and was in the
sixty-first year of his life. It was the year in which he had
divorced Terentia, and had been made thoroughly wretched in private
and in public affairs. But he was not on that account disabled from
preparing for his son these instructions, in the form of questions
and answers, on the art of speaking.</p>

<p>We next come to the Brutus; or, De Claris Oratoribus, a dialogue
supposed to have been held between Brutus, Atticus, and Cicero
himself. It is a continuation of the three books De Oratore. He
there describes what is essential to the character of the optimus
orator. He here looks after the special man, going back over the
results of past ages, and bringing before the reader's eyes all
Greek and Roman orators, till he comes down to Cicero. I cannot but
say that the feeling is left with the reader that the orator
optimus has been reached at last in Cicero's mind.</p>

<p>We must remark, in the first place, that he has chosen for his
friend, to whom to address his piece, one whom he has only known
late in life. It was when he went to Cilicia as governor, when he
was fifty-six years old, that he was thrown by<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span>
Atticus into close relations with Brutus. Now he has, next to
Atticus, become his most chosen friend. His three next treatises,
the Orator, the Tusculan Disquisitions, and the De Natura Deorum,
have all been graced, or intended to be graced, by the name of
Brutus. And yet, from what we know, we can hardly imagine two men
less likely to be brought together by their political ambition. The
one compromising, putting up with the bad rather than with a worse,
knowing that things were evil, and contented to accept those that
were the least so; the other strict, uncompromising, and one who
had learned lessons which had taught him that there was no choice
among things that were bad! And Brutus, too, had told Cicero that
his lessons in oratory were not to his taste. There was a something
about Cicero which enabled him to endure such rebukes while there
was aught worthy of praise in the man who rebuked him; and it was
to this something that his devotion was paid. We know that Brutus
was rapacious after money with all the greed of a Roman nobleman,
and we know also that Cicero was not. Cicero could keep his hands
clean with thousands around him, and with thousands going into the
pockets of other men. He could see the vice of Brutus, but he did
not hate it. He must have borne, too, with something from Atticus
of the same kind. The truth seems to me that to Cicero there was no
horror as to greediness, except to greed in himself. He could hate
it for himself and yet tolerate it in others, as a man may
card-playing, or rackets, or the turf. But he must have known that
Brutus had made himself the owner of all good gifts in learning,
and took him to his heart in consequence. In no other way can I
explain to myself the feeling of subservience to Brutus which
Cicero so generally expresses: it exists in none other of his
relations of life. Political subservience there is to Pompey; but
he can laugh at Pompey, and did not dedicate to him his treatises
De Republica, or De Legibus. To Appius Claudius he was very
courteous. He thought badly of Appius, but hardly worse than he
ought to have done of Brutus.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267"
id="Page_267">267</a></span> Of C&aelig;lius he was fond,
of Curio, of Trebatius. To P&aelig;tus he was attached, to
Sulpicius and Marcellus. But to none of them did he ever show that
deference which he did to Brutus. I could have understood this
feeling as evinced in the political letters at the end of his life,
and have explained it to myself by saying that the "ipsissima
verba" have not probably come to us. But I cannot say that the name
of Brutus does not stand there, written in imperishable letters on
the title-pages of his most chosen pieces. If this be so, Brutus
has owed more to his learning than the respect of Cicero. All ages
since have felt it, and Shakespeare has told us that "Brutus is an
honorable man."</p>

<p>There is a dispute as to the period of the authorship of this
treatise. Cicero in it tells us of Cato and of Marcellus, and
therefore we must suppose that it was written when they were alive.
Indeed, he so compares C&aelig;sar and Marcellus as he could not
have done had they not both been alive. But Cato and Marcellus died
<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46, and how then could the treatise
have been written in <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45? It should,
however, be remembered that a written paper may be altered and
rewritten, and that the date of authorship and that of publication
cannot be exactly the same. But the time is of but little matter to
those who can take delight in the discourse. He begins by telling
us how he had grieved when, on his return from Cilicia, he had
heard that Hortensius was dead. Hortensius had brought him into the
College of Augurs, and had there stood to him in the place of a
parent. And he had lamented Hortensius also on behalf of Rome.
Hortensius had gone. Then he goes on to say that, as he was
thinking of these things while walking in his portico, Brutus had
come to him and Pomponius Atticus. He says how pleasantly they
greeted each other; and then gradually they go on, till Atticus
asks him to renew the story he had before been telling. "In truth,
Pomponius," he says, "I remember it right well, for then it was
that I heard Deiotarus, that truest and best of kings, defended by
our Brutus here," Deiotarus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id=
"Page_268">268</a></span> was that Eastern king whose
defence by Cicero himself I have mentioned when speaking of his
pleadings before C&aelig;sar. Then he rushes off into his subject,
and discusses at length his favorite idea. It must still be
remembered that neither here are to be traced any positive line of
lessons in oratory. There is no beginning, no middle, and no end to
this treatise. Cicero runs on, charming us rather by his language
than by his lessons. He says of Eloquence that "she is the
companion of peace, and the associate of ease."<a name=
"FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">258</a> He tells us of Cato,
that he had read a hundred and fifty of his speeches, and had
"found them all replete with bright words and with great matter; *&nbsp;*&nbsp;*
and yet no one in his days read Cato's speeches!"<a name=
"FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> This, of course, was
Cato the elder. Then we hear how Demosthenes said that in oratory
action was everything: it was the first thing, the second, and the
third. "For there is nothing like it to penetrate into the minds of
the audience&mdash;to teach them, to turn them, and to form them,
till the orator shall be made to appear exactly that which he
wishes to be thought.<a name="FNanchor_260" id=
"FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260" class=
"fnanchor">260</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* The man who listens to one who is an
orator believes what he hears; he thinks everything to be true, he
approves of all."<a name="FNanchor_261" id=
"FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261" class=
"fnanchor">261</a> No doubt! In his power of describing the
orator and his work Cicero is perfect; but he does not describe the
man doing that which he is bound to do by his duty.</p>

<p>He tells us that nothing is worse than half a dozen
advocates&mdash;which certainly is true.<a name="FNanchor_262"
id="FNanchor_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262" class=
"fnanchor">262</a> Further on he comes to C&aelig;sar, and
praises him very highly. But here Brutus is made to speak, and
tells us how he has read the Commentaries, and found them to be
"bare in their beauty, perfect in symmetry, but unadorned, and
deprived of all outside garniture."<a name="FNanchor_263" id=
"FNanchor_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263" class=
"fnanchor">263</a> They are all that he has told us, nor could
they have been described in truer words. Then he names Hortensius,
and speaks of him in language which is graceful and graphic; but he
reserves his <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id=
"Page_269">269</a></span>greatest strength for himself, and at
last, declaring that he will say nothing in his own praise, bursts
out into a string of eulogy, which he is able to conceal beneath
dubious phrases, so as to show that he himself has acquired such a
mastery over his art as to have made himself, in truth, the best
orator of them all.<a name="FNanchor_264" id=
"FNanchor_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264" class=
"fnanchor">264</a></p>

<p>Perhaps the chief charm of this essay is to be found in the
lightness of the touch. It is never heavy, never severe, rarely
melancholic. If read without reference to other works, it would
leave on the reader's mind the impression that though now and again
there had come upon him the memory of a friend who had gone, and
some remembrance of changes in the State to which, as an old man,
he could not give his assent; nevertheless, it was written by a
happy man, by one who was contented among his books, and was
pleased to be reminded that things had gone well with him. He
writes throughout as one who had no great sorrow at his heart. No
one would have thought that in this very year he was perplexed in
his private affairs, even to the putting away of his wife; that
C&aelig;sar had made good his ground, and, having been Dictator
last year, had for the third time become Consul; that he knew
himself to be living, as a favor, by C&aelig;sar's pleasure. Cicero
seems to have written his Brutus as one might write who was well at
ease. Let a man have taught himself aught, and have acquired the
love of letters, it is easy for him then, we might say, to carry on
his work. What is it to him that politicians are cutting each
other's throats around him? He has not gone into that arena and
fought and bled there, nor need he do so. Though things may have
gone contrary to his views, he has no cause for anger, none for
personal disappointment, none for personal shame; but with Cicero,
on every morning as he rose he must have remembered Pompey and have
thought of C&aelig;sar. And though C&aelig;sar was courteous to
him, the courtesy of a ruler is hard to be borne by him who himself
has ruled. C&aelig;sar was <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270"
id="Page_270">270</a></span>Consul; and Cicero, who remembered
how majestically he had walked when a few years since he was Consul
by the real votes of the people, how he had been applauded for
doing his duty to the people, how he had been punished for
stretching the laws on the people's behalf, how he had refused
everything for the people, must have had bitter feelings in his
heart when he sat down to write this conversation with Brutus and
with Atticus. Yet it has all the cheerfulness which might have been
expected from a happy mind. But we must remark that at its
close&mdash;in its very final words&mdash;he does allude with sad
melancholy to the state of affairs, and that then it breaks off
abruptly. Even in the middle of a sentence it is brought to a
close, and the reader is left to imagine that something has been
lost, or that more might have been added.</p>

<p>The last of these works is the Orator. We have passed in review
the De Oratore, and the Brutus; or, De Claris Oratoribus. We have
now to consider that which is commonly believed to be the most
finished piece of the three. Such seems to have become the general
idea of those scholars who have spoken and written on the subject.
He himself says that there are in all five books. There are the
three De Oratore; the fourth is called the Brutus, and the fifth
the Orator.<a name="FNanchor_265" id="FNanchor_265"></a><a
href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">265</a> In some MSS.
this work has a second title, De Optimo Genere Dicendi&mdash;as
though the five books should run on in a sequence, the first three
being on oratory in general, the fourth as to famous orators, while
the last concluding work is on the best mode of oratory. Readers
who may wish to carry these in their minds must exclude for the
moment from their memory the few pages which he wrote as a preface
to the translations from &AElig;schines and Demosthenes. The
purport is to show how that hitherto unknown hero of romance may be
produced&mdash;the perfect orator.</p>

<p>Here as elsewhere we shall find the greatest interest lies in a
certain discursive treatment of his subject, which enables <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">
271</a></span>him to run hither and thither, while he always
pleases us, whatever attitude he may assume, whatever he may say,
and in whatever guise he may speak to us. But here, in the last
book, there does seem to be some kind of method in his discourse.
He distinguishes three styles of eloquence&mdash;the simple, the
moderate, and the sublime, and explains that the orator has three
duties to perform. He must learn what on any subject he has to say;
he must place his arguments in order, and he must know how to
express them. He explains what action should achieve for the
orator, and teaches that eloquence depends wholly on elocution. He
tells us that the philosophers, the historians, and the poets have
never risen to his ideas of eloquence; but that he alone does so
who can, amid the heat and work of the Forum, turn men's minds as
he wishes. Then he teaches us how each of the three styles should
be treated&mdash;the simple, the moderate, and the
sublime&mdash;and shows us how to vary them. He informs us what
laws we should preserve in each, what ornaments, what form, and
what metaphors. He then considers the words we should use, and
makes us understand how necessary it is to attend to the minutest
variety of sound. In this matter we have to acknowledge that he, as
a Roman, had to deal with instruments for listening infinitely
finer than are our British ears; and I am not sure that we can
follow him with rapture into all the mysteries of the P&oelig;on, the
Dochmius, and the Dichoreus. What he says of rhythm we are willing
to take to be true, and we wonder at the elaborate study given to
it; but I doubt whether we here do not read of it as a thing beyond
us, by descending into which we should be removing ourselves
farther from the more wholesome pursuits of our lives.</p>

<p>There are, again, delightful morsels here. He tells us, for
instance, that he who has created a beautiful thing must have
beauty in his soul,<a name="FNanchor_266" id=
"FNanchor_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266" class=
"fnanchor">266</a>&mdash;a charming idea, as to which we do not
stop <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">
272</a></span>to inquire whether it be true or not. He gives us a
most excellent caution against storing up good sayings, and using
them from the storehouse of our memory: "Let him avoid these
studied things, not made of the moment, but brought from the
closet."<a name="FNanchor_267" id="FNanchor_267"></a><a
href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> Then he rises
into a grand description of the perfect orator: "But that third man
is he, rich, abundant, dignified, and instructed, in whom there is
a divine strength. This is he whose fulness and culture of speech
the nations have admired, and whose eloquence has been allowed to
prevail over the people.<a name="FNanchor_268" id=
"FNanchor_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268" class=
"fnanchor">268</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Then will the orator make himself felt
more abundantly. Then will he rule their minds and turn their
hearts. Then will he do with them as he would wish."<a name=
"FNanchor_269" id="FNanchor_269"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">269</a></p>

<p>But in the teeth of all this it did not please Brutus himself.
"When I wrote to him," he said to Atticus, "in obedience to his
wishes, 'De Optimo Genere Dicendi,' he sent word, both to you and
me, that that which pleased me did not satisfy him."<a name=
"FNanchor_270" id="FNanchor_270"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> "Let every man kiss
his own wife," says Cicero in his letter in the next words to those
we have quoted; and we cannot but love the man for being able to
joke when he is telling of the rebuff he has received. It must have
been an additional pang to him, that he for whom he had written his
book should receive it with stern rebuke.</p>

<p>At last we come to the Topica; the last instructions which
Cicero gives on the subject of oratory. The Romans seem to have
esteemed much the lessons which are here conveyed, but for us it
has but little attraction. He himself declares it to have been a
translation from Aristotle, but declares also that the translation
has been made from memory. He has been at sea, he says, in the
first chapter, and has there performed his task, and has sent it as
soon as it has been done. There is something in this which is
unintelligible to us. He has translated <span class='pagenum'><a
name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>a treatise of
Aristotle from memory&mdash;that is, without having the original
before him&mdash;and has done this at sea, on his intended journey
to Greece!<a name="FNanchor_271" id="FNanchor_271"></a><a
href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">271</a> I do not
believe that Cicero has been false in so writing. The work has been
done for his young friend Trebatius, who had often asked it, and
was much too clever when he had received it not to recognize its
worth. But Cicero has, in accordance with his memory, reduced to
his own form Aristotle's idea as to "invention" in logic.
Aristotle's work is, I am informed, in eight books: here is a
bagatelle in twenty-five pages. There is an audacity in the
performance&mdash;especially in the doing it on board ship; but we
must remember that he had spent his life in achieving a knowledge
of these things, and was able to write down with all the rapidity
of a practised professor the doctrines on the matter which he
wished to teach Trebatius.</p>

<p>This later essay is a recapitulation of the different sources to
which an orator, whether as lawyer, advocate, philosopher, or
statesman, may look for his arguments. That they should have been
of any great use to Trebatius, in the course of his long life as
attorney-general about the court of Augustus, I cannot believe. I
do not know that he rose to special mark as an orator, though he
was well known as a counsellor; nor do I think that oratory, or the
powers of persuasion, can be so brought to book as to be made to
submit itself to formal rules. And here they are given to us in the
form of a catalogue. It is for modern readers perhaps the least
interesting of all Cicero's works.</p>

<p>There is left upon us after reading these treatises a general
idea of the immense amount of attention which, in the Roman
educated world, was paid to the science of speaking. To bring his
arguments to bear at the proper moment&mdash;to catch the ideas
that are likely to be rising in the minds of men&mdash;to know when
the sympathies may be expected and when demanded, when the <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">
274</a></span>feelings may be trusted and when they have been too
blunted to be of service&mdash;to perceive from an instinctive
outlook into those before him when he may be soft, when hard, when
obdurate and when melting&mdash;this was the business of a Roman
orator. And this was to be achieved only by a careful study of the
characters of men. It depended in no wise on virtue, on morals, or
on truth, though very much on education. How he might please the
multitude&mdash;this was everything to him. It was all in all to
him to do just that which here in our prosaic world in London we
have been told that men ought not to attempt. They do attempt it,
but they fail&mdash;through the innate honesty which there is in
the hearts of men. In Italy, in Cicero's time, they attempted it,
and did not fail. But we can see what were the results.</p>

<p>The attention which Roman orators paid to their voices was as
serious, and demanded the same restraint, as the occupations of the
present athlete. We are inclined to doubt whether too much of life
is not devoted to the purpose. It could not be done but by a people
so greedy of admiration as to feel that all other things should be
abandoned by those who desire to excel. The actor of to-day will do
it, but it is his business to act; and if he so applies himself to
his profession as to succeed, he has achieved his object. But
oratory in the law court, as in Parliament, or in addressing the
public, is only the means of imbuing the minds of others with the
ideas which the speaker wishes to implant there. To have those
ideas, and to have the desire to teach them to others, is more to
him than the power of well expressing them. To know the law is
better than to talk of knowing it. But with the Romans so great was
the desire to shine that the reality was lost in its appearance;
and so prone were the people to indulge in the delight of their
senses that they would sacrifice a thing for a sound, and preferred
lies in perfect language to truth in halting syllables. This
feeling had sunk deep into Cicero's heart when he was a youth, and
has given to his character the only stain which it has. He would be
patriotic: to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id=
"Page_275">275</a></span> love his country was the first duty
of a Roman. He would be honest: so much was indispensable to his
personal dignity. But he must so charm his countrymen with his
voice as to make them feel while they listened to him that some god
addressed them. In this way he became permeated by the love of
praise, till it was death to him not to be before the lamps.</p>

<p>The "perfect orator" is, we may say, a person neither desired
nor desirable. We, who are the multitude of the world, and have
been born to hold our tongues and use our brains, would not put up
with him were he to show himself. But it was not so in Cicero's
time; and this was the way he took to sing the praises of his own
profession and to magnify his own glory. He speaks of that
profession in language so excellent as to make us who read his
words believe that there was more in it than it did in truth hold.
But there was much in it, and the more so as the performers reacted
upon their audience. The delicacy of the powers of expression had
become so great, that the powers of listening and distinguishing
had become great also. As the instruments became fine, so did the
ears which were to receive their music. Cicero, and Quintilian
after him, tell us this. The latter, in speaking of the nature of
the voice, gives us a string of epithets which it would be hopeless
to attempt to translate: "Nam est et candida, et fusca, et plena,
et exilis, et levis, et aspera, et contracta, et fusa, et dura, et
flexibilis, et clara, et obtusa; spiritus etiam longior,
breviorque."<a name="FNanchor_272" id="FNanchor_272"></a><a
href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> And the
remarkable thing was, that every Roman who listened would
understand what the orator intended, and would know too, and would
tell him of it, if by error he had fallen into some cadence which
was not exactly right. To the modes of raising the voice, which are
usually divided into three&mdash;the high or treble, the low or
bass, and that which is between the two, the contralto and
tenor&mdash;many others<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id=
"Page_276">276</a></span> are added. There are the eager
and the soft, the higher and the lower notes, the quicker and the
slower. It seems little to us, who know that we can speak or
whisper, hammer our words together, or drawl them out. But then
every listener was critically alive to the fact whether the speaker
before him did or did not perform his task as it should be done. No
wonder that Cicero demanded who was the optimus orator. Then the
strength of body had to be matured, lest the voice should fall to
"a sick, womanly weakness, like that of an eunuch." This must be
provided by exercise, by anointing, by continence, by the easy
digestion of the food&mdash;which means moderation; and the jaws
must be free, so that the words must not strike each other. And as
to the action of the orator, Cicero tells us that it should speak
as loudly and as plainly as do the words themselves. In all this we
find that Quintilian only follows his master too closely. The
hands, the shoulders, the sides, the stamping of the foot, the
single step or many steps&mdash;every motion of the body, agreeing
with the words from his mouth, are all described.<a name=
"FNanchor_273" id="FNanchor_273"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">273</a> He attributes this
to Antony&mdash;but only because, as he thinks of it, some movement
of Antony's has recurred to his memory.</p>

<p>To make the men who heard him believe in him was the one gift
which Cicero valued; not to make them know him to be true, but to
believe him to be so. This it was, in Cicero's time, to be the
optimus orator.</p>

<p>Since Cicero's time there has been some progress in the general
conduct of men. They are less greedy, less cruel, less
selfish&mdash;greedy, cruel, and selfish though they still are. The
progress which the best among us have made Cicero in fact achieved;
but he had not acquired that theoretic aversion to a lie which is
the first feeling in the bosom of a modern gentleman; therefore it
was that he still busied himself with finding the optimus
orator.</p>


<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">
277</a></span></p>
<h3><a name="Chapter_XII" id="Chapter_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII.</h3>

<h4><i>CICERO'S PHILOSOPHY.</i></h4>

<p>It will have been observed that in the list given in the
previous chapter the works commonly published as Cicero's
Philosophy have been divided. Some are called his Philosophy and
some his Moral Essays. It seems to be absurd to put forward to the
world his Tusculan Inquiries, written with the declared object of
showing that death and pain were not evils, together with a moral
essay, such as that De Officiis, in which he tells us what it may
become a man of the world to do. It is as though we bound up Lord
Chesterfield's letters in a volume with Hume's essays, and called
them the philosophy of the eighteenth century. It might be true,
but it would certainly be absurd. There might be those who regard
the letters as philosophical, and those who would so speak of the
essays; but their meaning would be diametrically opposite. It is so
with Cicero, whose treatises have been lumped together under this
name with the view of bringing them under one appellation. It had
been found necessary to divide his works and to describe them. The
happy man who first thought to put the De Natura Deorum and the De
Amicitia into boards together, and to present them to the world
under the name of his philosophy, perhaps found the only title that
could unite the two. But he has done very much to mislead the
world, and to teach readers to believe that Cicero was in truth one
who endeavored to live in accordance with the doctrine of any
special school of philosophy.</p>

<p>He was too honest, too wise, too civilized, too modern for that.
He knew, no one better, that the pleasure of the world<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span> was
pleasant, and that the ills are the reverse. When his wife betrayed
him, he grieved. When his daughter died, he sorrowed. When his foe
was strong against him, he hated him. He avoided pain when it came
near him, and did his best to have everything comfortable around
him. He was so far an Epicurean, as we all are. He did not despise
death, or pain, or grief. He was a modern-minded man&mdash;if I
make myself understood&mdash;of robust tendencies, moral, healthy,
and enduring; but he was anything but a philosopher in his life.
Let us remember the way in which he laughs at the idea of bringing
philosophy into real life in the De Oratore. He is speaking of the
manner in which the lawyers would have had to behave themselves in
the law courts if philosophy had been allowed to prevail: "No man
could have grieved aloud. No patron would have wept. No one would
have sorrowed. There would have been no calling of the Republic to
witness; not a man would have dared to stamp his foot, lest it
should have been told to the Stoics."<a name="FNanchor_274" id=
"FNanchor_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274" class=
"fnanchor">274</a> "You should keep the books of the philosophers
for your Tusculan ease," he had said in the preceding chapter; and
he speaks, in the same page, of "Plato's fabulous State."</p>

<p>Then why, it may be asked, did he write so many essays on
philosophy&mdash;enough to have consumed the energies of many
laborious years? There can be no doubt that he did write the
Philosophy, though we have ample reason to know that it was not his
philosophy. All those treatises, beginning with the
Academica&mdash;written when he was sixty-two, two years only
before his death, and carried on during twelve months with
indomitable energy&mdash;the De Finibus, the Tusculan Disputations,
the De Natura Deorum, the De Divinatione, and the De
Fato&mdash;were composed during the time named. To those who have
regarded Cicero as a philosopher&mdash;as one who has devoted his
life to the pursuits of philosophy&mdash;does it not appear odd
that he should have deferred his writing on the subject and
postponed <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id=
"Page_279">279</a></span>his convictions till now? At this
special period of his life why should he have rushed into them at
once, and should so have done it as to be able to leave them aside
at another period? Why has all this been done within less than two
years? Let any man look to the last year of his life, when the
Philippics were coming hot from his brain and eager from his mouth,
and ask himself how much of Greek philosophy he finds in them. Out
of all the sixty-four years of his life he devoted one to this
philosophy, and that not the last, but the penultimate; and so
lived during all these years, even including that one, as to show
how little hold philosophy had upon his conduct. &#913;&#7984;&#948;&#949;&#959;&#956;&#945;&#953; &#932;&#961;&#8182;&#945;&#962;.
Was that Greek philosophy? or the eager exclamation
of a human spirit, in its weakness and in its strength, fearing the
breath of his fellow-men, and yet knowing that the truth would
ultimately be expressed by it?</p>

<p>Nor is the reason for this far to seek, though the character
which could avail itself of such a reason requires a deep insight.
To him literature had been everything. We have seen with what
attention he had studied oratory&mdash;rhetoric rather&mdash;so as
to have at his fingers'-ends the names of those who had ever shone
in it, and the doctrines they had taught. We know how well read he
was in Homer and the Greek tragedians; how he knew by heart his
Ennius, his N&aelig;vius, his Pacuvius, and the others who had
written in his own tongue. As he was acquainted with the poets and
rhetoricians, so also was he acquainted with those writers who have
handled philosophy. His incredible versatility was never at fault.
He knew them all from the beginning, and could interest himself in
their doctrines. He had been in the schools at Athens, and had
learned it all. In one sense he believed in it. There was a great
battle of words carried on, and in regard to that battle he put his
faith in this set or in the other. But had he ever been asked by
what philosophical process he would rule the world, he would have
smiled. Then he would have declared himself not to be an
Academician, but a Republican.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span>It was with him a game of play, ornamented with all the learning
of past ages. He had found the schools full of it at Athens, and
had taken his part in their teaching. It had been pleasant to him
to call himself a disciple of Plato, and to hold himself aloof from
the straitness of the Stoics, and from the mundane theories of the
followers of Epicurus. It had been well for him also to take an
interest in that play. But to suppose that Cicero, the modern
Cicero, the Cicero of the world&mdash;Cicero the polished
gentleman, Cicero the soft hearted, Cicero the hater, Cicero the
lover, Cicero the human&mdash;was a believer in Greek
philosophy&mdash;that he had taken to himself and fed upon those
shreds and tatters and dry sticks&mdash;that he had ever satisfied
himself with such a mode of living as they could promise to
him&mdash;is indeed to mistake the man. His soul was quiveringly
alive to all those instincts which now govern us. Go among our
politicians, and you shall find this man and the other, who, in
after-dinner talk, shall call himself an Epicurean, or shall think
himself to be an Academician. He has carried away something of the
learning of his college days, and remembers enough of his school
exercises for that; but when he has to make a speech for or against
Protection, then you will find out where lies his philosophy.</p>

<p>And so it was with Cicero during this the penultimate year of
his life. He poured forth during this period such an amount of
learning on the subject, that when men took it up after the lapse
of centuries they labelled it all as his philosophy. When he could
no longer talk politics, nor act them&mdash;when the Forum was no
longer open to him, nor the meetings of the people or of the
Senate&mdash;when he could no longer make himself heard on behalf
of the State&mdash;then he took to discussions on Carneades. And
his discussions are wonderful. How could he lay his mind to work
when his daughter was dead, and write in beautiful language four
such treatises as came from his pen while he was thinking of the
temple which was to be built to her memory? It is a marvel that at
such a period, at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id=
"Page_281">281</a></span> such an age, he should have been
equal to the labor. But it was thus that he amused himself,
consoled himself, distracted himself. It is hard to believe that,
in the sad evening of his life, such a power should have remained
with him; but easier, I think, than to imagine that in that year of
his life he had suddenly become philosophical.</p>

<p>In describing the Academica, the first of these works in point
of time, it is necessary to explain that by reason of an alteration
in his plan of publishing, made by Cicero after he had sent the
first copy to Atticus, and by the accident that the second part has
been preserved of the former copy and the first part of the second,
a confusion has arisen. Cicero had felt that he might have done
better by his friends than to bring Hortensius, Catulus, and
Lucullus discussing Greek philosophy before the public. They were,
none of them, men who when alive had interested themselves in the
matter. He therefore rewrote the essays, or altered them, and again
sent them forth to his friend Varro. Time has been so far kind to
them as to have preserved portions of the first book as altered,
and the second of the four which constituted the first edition. It
is that which has been called Lucullus. The Catulus had come first,
but has been lost. Hortensius and Cicero were the last two. We may
perceive, therefore, into what a length of development he carried
his purpose. It must be of course understood that he dictated these
exercises, and assisted himself by the use of all mechanical means
at his disposal. The men who worked for him were slaves, and these
slaves were always willing to keep in their own hands the good
things which came to them by the exercise of their own intelligence
and adroitness. He could not multiply his own hands or brain, but
he could multiply all that might assist them. He begins by telling
Varro that he has long since desired to illustrate in Latin letters
the philosophy which Socrates had commended, and he asks Varro why
he, who was so much given to writing, had not as yet written about
any of these things. As Varro boasted<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span> afterward that he was
the author of four hundred and ninety books, there seems to be a
touch of irony in this. Be that as it may, Varro is made to take up
the gauntlet and to rush away at once amid the philosophers. But
here on the threshold, as it were, of his inquiries, we have
Cicero's own reasons given in plain language: "But now, hit hard by
the heavy blow of fortune, and freed as I am from looking after the
State, I seek from philosophy relief from my pain." He thinks that
he may in this way perhaps best serve the public, or even "if it be
not so, what else is there that he may find to do?"<a name=
"FNanchor_275" id="FNanchor_275"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> As he goes on,
however, we find that what he writes is about the philosophers
rather than philosophy.</p>

<p>Then we come to the Lucullus. It seems odd that the man whose
name has come down to us as a by-word for luxury, and who is laden
with the reproach of overeating, should be thus brought forward as
a philosopher. It was perhaps the subsequent feeling on Cicero's
part that such might be the opinion of men which induced him to
alter his form&mdash;in vain, as far as we are concerned. But
Lucullus had lived with Antiochus, a Greek philosopher, who had
certain views of his own, and he is made to defend them through
this book.</p>

<p>Here as elsewhere it is not the subject which delights us so
much as the manner in which he handles certain points almost
outside the subject: "How many things do those exercised in music
know which escape us! Ah, there is Antiope, they say; that is
Andromache."<a name="FNanchor_276" id="FNanchor_276"></a><a
href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> What can be
truer, or less likely, we may suppose, to meet us in a treatise on
philosophy, and, therefore, more welcome? He is speaking of
evidence: "It is necessary that the mind shall yield to what is
clear, whether it wish it or no, as the dish in a balance must give
way when a weight is put upon it.<a name="FNanchor_277" id=
"FNanchor_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277" class=
"fnanchor">277</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* You may snore, if you will, as well as
sleep," says Carneades; "what good will it do you?"<a name=
"FNanchor_278" id="FNanchor_278"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> And <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>then
he gives the guesses of some of the old philosophers as to the
infinite. Thales has said that water is the source of everything.
Anaximander would not agree to this, for he thought that all had
come from space. Anaximenes had affirmed that it was air.
Anaxagoras had remarked that matter was infinite. Xenophanes had
declared that everything was one whole, and that it was a god,
everlasting, eternal, never born and never dying, but round in his
shape! Parmenides thought that it was fire that moved the earth.
Leucippus believed it to be "plenum et inane." What "full and
empty" may mean I cannot tell; but Democritus could, for he
believed in it&mdash;though in other matters he went a little
farther! Empedocles sticks to the old four elements. Heraclitus is
all for fire. Melissus imagines that whatever exists is infinite
and immutable, and ever has been and ever will be. Plato thinks
that the world has always existed, while the Pythagoreans attribute
everything to mathematics.<a name="FNanchor_279" id=
"FNanchor_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279" class=
"fnanchor">279</a> "Your wise man," continues Cicero, "will know
one whom to choose out of all these. Let the others, who have been
repudiated, retire."</p>

<p>"They are all concealed, these things&mdash;hidden in thick
darkness, so that no human eye can have power enough to look up
into the heavens or down on to the earth. We do not know our own
bodies, or the nature or strength of their component parts. The
doctors themselves, who have opened them and looked at them, are
ignorant. The Empirics declare that they know nothing; because, as
soon as looked at, they may change. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Hicetas, the Syracusan, as
Theophrastus tells us, thinks that the heavens and the sun and the
moon and the stars all stand still, and that nothing in all the
world moves but the earth. Now what do you, followers of Epicurus,
say to this?"<a name="FNanchor_280" id=
"FNanchor_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280" class=
"fnanchor">280</a> I need not carry the conversation on any
farther to show that Cicero is ridiculing the whole thing. This
Hicetas, the Syracusan, seems to have been nearer the mark than the
others, according <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id=
"Page_284">284</a></span>to the existing lights, which had not
shone out as yet in Cicero's days. "But what was the meaning of it
all? Who knows anything about it? How is a man to live by listening
to such trash as this?" It is thus that Cicero means to be
understood. I will agree that Cicero does not often speak out so
clearly as he does here, turning the whole thing into ridicule. He
does generally find it well to say something in praise of these
philosophers. He does not quite declare the fact that nothing is to
be made of them; or, rather, there is existing in it all an under
feeling that, were he to do so, he would destroy his character and
rob himself of his amusement. But we remember always his character
of a philosopher, as attributed to Cato, in his speech during his
Consulship for Murena. I have told the story when giving an account
of the speech. "He who cuts the throat of an old cock when there is
no need, has sinned as deeply as the parricide when breaking his
father's neck,"<a name="FNanchor_281" id=
"FNanchor_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281" class=
"fnanchor">281</a> says Cicero, laughing at the Stoics. There he
speaks out the feelings of his heart&mdash;there, and often
elsewhere in his orations. Here, in his Academica, he is eloquent
on the same side. We cannot but rejoice at the plainness of his
words; but it has to be acknowledged that we do not often find him
so loudly betraying himself when dealing with the old discussions
of the Greek philosophers.</p>

<p>Very quickly after his Academica, in <span class=
"smcap">b.c.</span> 45, came the five books, De Finibus Bonorum et
Malorum, written as though with the object of settling the whole
controversy, and declaring whether the truth lay with the
Epicureans, the Stoics, or the Academics. What, at last, is the
good thing, and what the evil thing, and how shall we gain the one
and avoid the other? If he will tell us this, he will have proved
himself to be a philosopher to some purpose. But he does nothing of
the kind. At the end of the fifth book we find Atticus, who was an
Epicurean, declaring to Quintus Cicero that he held his <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">
285</a></span>own opinion just as firmly as ever, although he had
been delighted to hear how well the Academician Piso had talked in
Latin. He had hitherto considered that these were things which
would not sound well unless in the Greek language.</p>

<p>It is again in the form of a dialogue, and, like all his
writings at this time, is addressed to Brutus. It is in five books.
The first two are supposed to have been held at Cum&aelig;, between
Cicero, Torquatus, and Triarius. Here, after a prelude in favor of
philosophy and Latin together, Torquatus is allowed to make the
best excuse he can for Epicurus. The prelude contains much good
sense; for, whether he be right or not in what he says, it is good
for every man to hold his own language in respect. "I have always
thought and said that the Latin language is not poor as it is
supposed to be, but even richer than the Greek."<a name=
"FNanchor_282" id="FNanchor_282"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> "Let us learn," says
Torquatus, who has happened to call upon him at Cum&aelig; with
Triarius, a grave and learned youth, as we are told, "since we have
found you at your house, why it is that you do not approve of
Epicurus&mdash;he who, alive, seems to have freed the minds of men
from error, and to have taught them everything which could tend to
make them happy."<a name="FNanchor_283" id=
"FNanchor_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283" class=
"fnanchor">283</a> Then Torquatus goes to work and delivers a
most amusing discourse on the wisdom of Democritus and his great
disciple. The words fly about with delightful power, so as to leave
upon our minds an idea that Torquatus is persuading his audience;
for it is Cicero's peculiar gift, in whosesoever mouth he puts his
words, to make him argue as though he were the victor. We feel sure
that, had he in his hand held a theory contrary to that of
Torquatus, had he in truth cared about it, he could not have made
Torquatus speak so well. But the speaker comes to an end, and
assures his hearers that his only object had been to hear&mdash;as
he had never heard before&mdash;what Cicero's own opinion might be
on the matter.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">
286</a></span>The second book is a continuation of the same meeting. The word
is taken up by Cicero, and he refutes Torquatus. It seems to us,
however, that poor Epicurus is but badly treated&mdash;as has been
generally the case in the prose works which have come down to us.
We have, indeed, the poem of Lucretius, and it is admitted that it
contains fine passages. But I was always told when young that the
writing of it had led him to commit suicide&mdash;a deed on his
part which seems to have been painted in black colors, though Cato
and Brutus, the Stoics, did the same thing very gloriously. The
Epicureans are held to be sensualists, because they have used the
word "pleasure" instead of "happiness," and Cicero is hard upon
them. He tells a story of the dying moments of Epicurus, quoting a
letter written on his death-bed. "While I am writing," he says, "I
am living my last hour, and the happiest. I have so bad a pain in
my stomach that nothing can be worse. But I am compensated for it
all by the joy I feel as I think of my philosophical discourses."<a
name="FNanchor_284" id="FNanchor_284"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">284</a> Cicero then goes on
to declare that, though the saying is very noble, it is
unnecessary; he should not, in truth, have required compensation.
But whenever an opinion is enunciated, the reader feels it to be
unnecessary. He does not want opinion. He is satisfied with the
language in which Cicero writes about the opinions of others, and
with the amusing manner in which he deals with things of themselves
heavy and severe.</p>

<p>In the third book he, some time afterward, discusses the Stoic
doctrine with Cato at the Tusculan villa of Lucullus, near to his
own. He had walked over, and finding Cato there by chance, had
immediately gone to work to demolish Cato's philosophical
doctrines. He tells us what a glutton Cato was over his books,
taking them even into the Senate with him. Cicero asks for certain
volumes of Aristotle, and Cato answers him that he would fain put
into his hand those of Zeno's school.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">
287</a></span>We can see how easily Cato falls into the trap. He takes up his
parable, and preaches his sermon, but he does it with a marvellous
enthusiasm, so that we cannot understand that the man who wrote it
intended to demolish it all in the next few pages. I will translate
his last words of Cato's appeal to the world at large: "I have been
carried farther than my intention. But in truth the admirable order
of the system, and the incredible symmetry of it, has led him on.
By the gods, do you not wonder at it? In nature there is nothing so
close packed, nor in art so well fitted. The latter always agrees
with the former&mdash;that which follows with that which has gone
before. Not a stone in it all can be moved from its place. If you
touch but one letter it falls to the ground. How severe, how
magnificent, how dignified stands out the person of the wise man,
who, when his reason shall have taught him that virtue is the only
good, of a necessity must be happy! He shall be more justly called
king than Tarquin, who could rule neither himself nor others; more
rightly Dictator than Sulla, the owner of the three vices, luxury,
avarice, and cruelty; more rightly rich than Crassus, who, had he
not in truth been poor, would never have crossed the Euphrates in
quest of war. All things are justly his who knows how to use them
justly. You may call him beautiful whose soul is more lovely than
his body. He is free who is slave to no desire. He is unconquered
for whose mind you can forge no chains; you need not wait with him
for the last day to pronounce him happy. If this be so, then the
good man is also the happy man. What can be better worth our study
than philosophy, or what more heavenly than virtue?"<a name=
"FNanchor_285" id="FNanchor_285"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">285</a> All of this was
written by Cicero in most elaborate language, with a finish of
words polished down to the last syllable, because he had nothing
else wherewith to satisfy the cravings of his intellect.</p>

<p>The fourth book is a continuation of the argument "Which <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">
288</a></span>when he had said he (made) an end.&mdash;But I
(began)."<a name="FNanchor_286" id="FNanchor_286"></a><a
href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> With no other
introduction Cicero goes to work and demolishes every word that
Cato had said. He is very courteous, so that Cato cannot but admit
that he is answered becomingly; but, to use a common phrase, he
does not leave him a leg to stand upon. Although during the
previous book Cato has talked so well that the reader will think
that there must be something in it, he soon is made to perceive
that the Stoic budge is altogether shoddy.</p>

<p>The fifth and last book, De Finibus, is supposed to recount a
dialogue held at Athens, or, rather, gives the circumstances of a
discourse pretended to have been delivered there by Pupius Piso to
the two Ciceros, and to their cousin Lucius, on the merits of the
old Academy and the Aristotelian Peripatetics; for Plato's
philosophy had got itself split into two. There was the old and the
new, and we may perhaps doubt to which Cicero devoted himself. He
certainly was not an Epicurean, and he certainly was not a Stoic.
He delighted to speak of himself as a lover of Plato. But in some
matters he seems to have followed Aristotle, who had diverged from
Plato, and he seems also to have clung to Carneades, who had become
master of the new Academy. But, in truth, to ascertain the special
doctrine of such a man on such a subject is vain. As we read these
works we lose ourselves in admiration of his memory; we are
astonished at the industry which he exhibits; we are delighted by
his perspicuity; and feel ourselves relieved amid the crowd of
names and theories by flashes of his wit; but there comes home to
us, as a result, the singular fact of a man playing with these
theories as the most interesting sport the world had produced, but
not believing the least in any of them. It was not that he
disbelieved; and perhaps among them all the tenets of the new
Academy were those which reconciled themselves the best to his
common-sense. But they were all nothing to him but an
amusement.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">
289</a></span>In this book there are some exquisite bits. He says, speaking of
Athens, that, "Go where you will through the city, you place your
footsteps on the vestiges of history."<a name="FNanchor_287"
id="FNanchor_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287" class=
"fnanchor">287</a> He says of a certain Demetrius, whom he
describes as writing books without readers in Egypt, "that this
culture of his mind was to him, as it were, the food by which his
humanity was kept alive."<a name="FNanchor_288" id=
"FNanchor_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288" class=
"fnanchor">288</a> And then he falls into the praise of our love
for our neighbors, and introduces us to that true philosophy which
was the real guide of his life. "Among things which are honest," he
says, "there is nothing which shines so brightly and so widely as
that brotherhood between men, that agreement as to what may be
useful to all, and that general love for the human race. It comes
from our original condition, in which children are loved by their
parents; and then binding together the family, it spreads itself
abroad among relations, connections, friends, and neighbors. Then
it includes citizens and those who are our allies. At last it takes
in the whole human race, and that feeling of the soul arises which,
giving every man his own, and defending by equal laws the rights of
each, is called justice."<a name="FNanchor_289" id=
"FNanchor_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289" class=
"fnanchor">289</a> It matters little how may have been introduced
this great secret which Christ afterward taught, and for which we
look in vain through the writings of all the philosophers. It comes
here simply from Cicero himself in the midst of his remarks on the
new Academy, but it gives the lesson which had governed his life:
"I will do unto others as I would they should do unto me." In this
is contained the rudiments of that religion which has served to
soften the hearts of us all. It is of you I must think, and not of
myself. Hitherto the schools had taught how a man should make
himself happy, whether by pleasure, whether by virtue, or whether
by something between the two. It seems that it had never as yet
occurred to a man to think of another except as a part of <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">
290</a></span>the world around him. Then there had come a teacher
who, while fumbling among the old Greek lessons which had professed
to tell mankind what each should do for himself, brings forth this,
as it were, in preparation for the true doctrine that was to come:
"Ipsa caritas generis humani!"&mdash;"That love of the human race!"
I trust I may be able to show, before I have finished my work, that
this was Cicero's true philosophy. All the rest is merely with him
a play of words.</p>

<p>Our next work contains the five books of the Tusculan
Disputations, addressed to Brutus: Tusculanarum Disputationum, ad
M. Brutum, libri i., ii., iii., iv., and v. That is the name that
has at last been decided by the critics and annotators as having
been probably given to them by Cicero. They are supposed to have
been written to console himself in his grief for the death of
Tullia. I have great doubt whether consolation in sorrow is to be
found in philosophy, but I have none as to the finding it in
writing philosophy. Here, I may add, that the poor generally suffer
less in their sorrow than the rich, because they are called upon to
work for their bread. The man who must make his pair of shoes
between sunrise and the moment at which he can find relief from his
weary stool, has not time to think that his wife has left him, and
that he is desolate in the world. Pulling those weary threads,
getting that leather into its proper shape, seeing that his
stitches be all taut, so that he do not lose his place among the
shoemakers, so fills his time that he has not a moment for a tear.
And it is the same if you go from the lowest occupation to the
highest. Writing Greek philosophy does as well as the making of
shoes. The nature of the occupation depends on the mind, but its
utility on the disposition. It was Cicero's nature to write. Will
any one believe that he might not as well have consoled himself
with one of his treatises on oratory? But philosophy was then to
his hands. It seems to have cropped up in his latter years, after
he had become inti<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id=
"Page_291">291</a></span>mate with Brutus. When life was again
one turmoil of political fever it was dropped.</p>

<p>In the five of the Books of the Tusculan Disputations, still
addressed to Brutus, he contends: 1. That death is no evil; 2. That
pain is none; 3. That sorrow may be abolished; 4. That the passions
may be conquered; 5. That virtue will suffice to make a man happy.
These are the doctrines of the Stoics; but Cicero does not in these
books defend any school especially. He leans heavily on Epicurus,
and gives all praise to Socrates and to Plato; but he is
comparatively free: "Nullius adductus jurare in verba magistri,"<a
name="FNanchor_290" id="FNanchor_290"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">290</a> as Horace afterward
said, probably ridiculing Cicero. "I live for the day. Whatever
strikes my mind as probable, that I say. In this way I alone am
free."<a name="FNanchor_291" id="FNanchor_291"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">291</a></p>

<p>Let us take his dogmas and go through them one by one, comparing
each with his own life. This, it may be said, is a crucial test to
which but few philosophers would be willing to accede; but if it
shall be found that he never even dreamed of squaring his conduct
with his professions, then we may admit that he employed his time
in writing these things because it did not suit him to make his
pair of shoes.</p>

<p>Was there ever a man who lived with a greater fear of death
before his eyes&mdash;not with the fear of a coward, but with the
assurance that it would withdraw him from his utility, and banish
him from the scenes of a world in sympathy with which every pulse
of his heart was beating? Even after Tullia was dead the Republic
had come again for him, and something might be done to stir up
these fain&eacute;ant nobles! What could a dead man do for his
country? Look back at Cicero's life, and see how seldom he has put
forward the plea of old age to save him from his share of the work
of attack. Was this the man to console himself with the idea that
death was no evil? And did he despise pain, or make any attempt at
show<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">
292</a></span>ing his disregard of it? You can hardly answer this
question by looking for a man's indifference when undergoing it. It
would be to require too much from philosophy to suppose that it
could console itself in agony by reasoning. It would not be fair to
insist on arguing with Cato in the gout. The clemency of human
nature refuses to deal with philosophy in the hard straits to which
it may be brought by the malevolence of evil. But when you find a
man peculiarly on the alert to avoid the recurrence of pain, when
you find a man with a strong premeditated antipathy to a condition
as to which he pretends an indifference, then you may fairly assert
that his indifference is only a matter of argument. And this was
always Cicero's condition. He knew that he must at any rate lose
the time passed by him under physical annoyance. His health was
good, and by continued care remained so to the end; but he was
always endeavoring to avoid sea-sickness. He was careful as to his
baths, careful as to his eyes, very careful as to his diet. Was
there ever a man of whom it might be said with less truth that he
was indifferent as to pain?</p>

<p>The third position is that sorrow may be abolished. Read his
letters to Atticus about his daughter Tullia, written at the very
moment he was proving this. He was a heart-broken, sorrow-stricken
man. It will not help us now to consider whether in this he showed
strength or weakness. There will be doubt about it, whether he
gained or lost more by that deep devotion to another creature which
made his life a misery to him because that other one had gone;
whether, too, he might not have better hidden his sorrow than have
shown it even to his friend. But with him, at any rate, it was
there. He can talk over it, weep over it, almost laugh over it; but
if there be a thing that he cannot do, it is to treat it after the
manner of a Stoic.</p>

<p>His passions should be conquered. Look back at every period of
his life, and see whether he has ever attempted it.<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span> He
has always been indignant, or triumphant, or miserable, or
rejoicing. Remember the incidents of his life before and after his
Consulship&mdash;the day of his election and the day of his
banishment&mdash;and ask the philosophers why he had not controlled
his passion. I shall be told, perhaps, that here was a man over
whom, in spite of his philosophy, his passion had the masterhood.
But what attempt did he ever make? Has he shown himself to us to be
a man with a leaning toward such attempts? Has he not revelled in
his passions, feeling them to be just, righteous, honest, and
becoming a man? Has he regretted them? Did they occasion him
remorse? Will any one tell me that such a one has lived with the
conviction that he might conquer the evils of the world by
controlling his passions? That virtue will make men happy he might
probably have granted, if asked; but he would have conceded the
point with a subterfuge. The commonest Christian of the day will
say as much; but he will say it in a different meaning from that
intended by the philosophers, who had declared, as a rule of life,
that virtue would suffice to make them happy. To be good to your
neighbors will make you happy in the manner described by Cicero in
the fifth book, De Finibus. Love those who come near you. Be good
to your fellow-creatures. Think, when dealing with each of them,
what his feelings may be. Melt to a woman in her sorrow. Lend a man
the assistance of your shoulder. Be patient with age. Be tender
with children. Let others drink of your cup and eat of your loaf.
Where the wind cuts, there lend your cloak. That virtue will make
you happy. But that is not the virtue of which he spoke when he
laid down his doctrine. That was not the virtue with which Brutus
was strong when he was skinning those poor wretches of Salamis.
Such was the virtue with which the heart of Cicero glowed when he
saw the tradesmen of the Cilician town come out into the
market-place with their corn.</p>

<p>Cicero begins the second book of the Tusculans by telling
us<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">
294</a></span> that Neoptolemus liked to do a little philosophy
now and then, but never too much at a time. With himself the matter
was different: "In what else is there that I can do better?" Then
he takes the bit between his teeth and rushes away with it. The
reader feels that he would not stop him if he could. He does
little, indeed, for philosophy; but so much for literature that he
would be a bold man who would want to have him otherwise
employed.</p>

<p>He wrote three treatises, De Natura Deorum. Had he declared that
he would write three treatises to show the ideas which different
men had taken up about the gods he would be nearer to the truth. We
have an idea of what was Cicero's real notion of that "dominans in
nobis deus"<a name="FNanchor_292" id="FNanchor_292"></a><a
href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">292</a>&mdash;that god
which reigns within us&mdash;and which he declares in Scipio's
dream to have forbidden us to commit suicide. Nothing can be
farther removed from that idea than the gods of which he tells us,
either in the first book, in which the gods of Epicurus are set
forth; in the second, in which the Stoics are defended; or the
third, in which the gods, in accordance with the Academy, are
maintained; not but that, either for the one or for the other, the
man who speaks up for that sect does not say the best that is to be
said. Velleius is eloquent for the Epicureans, Balbus for the
Stoics, and Cotta for the Academy. And in that which each says
there is to be found a germ of truth&mdash;though indeed Cicero
makes his Epicurean as absurd as he well can do. But he does not
leave a trace behind of that belief in another man's belief which
an energetic preacher is sure to create. The language is excellent,
the stories are charming, the arguments as used against each other
are courteous, clever, and such that on the spur of the moment a
man cannot very well reply to them; but they leave on the mind of
the reader a sad feeling of the lack of reality.</p>

<p>In the beginning he again repeats his reasons for writing on
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">
295</a></span>such subjects so late in life. "Being sick with
ease, and having found the condition of the Republic to be such
that it has to be ruled by one man, I have thought it good, for the
sake of the Republic, to write about philosophy in a language that
shall be understood by all our citizens, believing it to be a
matter of great import to the glory of the State that things of
such weight should be set forth in the Latin tongue;"<a name=
"FNanchor_293" id="FNanchor_293"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">293</a> not that the
philosophy should be set forth, but what the different teachers
said about it. His definition of eternity&mdash;or rather the want
of definition&mdash;is singular: "There has been from all time an
eternity which no measurement of time can describe. Its duration
cannot be understood&mdash;that there should have been a time
before time existed."<a name="FNanchor_294" id=
"FNanchor_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294" class=
"fnanchor">294</a> Then there comes an idea of the Godhead,
escaping from him in the midst of his philosophy, modern, human,
and truly Ciceronian: "Lo, it comes to pass that this god, of whom
we are sure in our minds, and of whom we hold the very footprints
on our souls, can never appear to us."<a name="FNanchor_295"
id="FNanchor_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295" class=
"fnanchor">295</a></p>

<p>By-and-by we come to a passage in which we cannot but imagine
that Cicero does express something of the feeling of his heart, as
for a moment he seems to lose his courtesy in abusing the
Epicureans: "Therefore do not waste your salt, of which your people
are much in want, in laughing at us. Indeed, if you will listen to
me, you will not try to do so; it does not become you; it is not
given to you; you have not the power. I do not say this to you," he
says, addressing Velleius, "for your manners have been polished,
and you possess the courtesy of our people; but I am thinking of
you all as a body, and chiefly of him who is the father of your
rules&mdash;a man without science, without letters&mdash;one who
insults all, without critical ability, without weight, without
wit."<a name="FNanchor_296" id="FNanchor_296"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">296</a> Cicero, I think,
must have felt some genuine dislike for Epicurus when he spoke of
him in such terms as these.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">
296</a></span>Then, alas! there is commenced a passage in which are inserted
many translated verses of the Greek poet Aratus. Cicero when a lad
had taken in hand the Ph&aelig;nomena of Aratus, and here he finds
a place in which can be introduced some of his lines. Aratus had
devoted himself to the singing of the stars, and has produced for
us many of the names with which we are still familiar: "The Twins;"
"The Bull;" "The Great Bear;" "Cassiopeia;" "The Waterman;" "The
Scorpion;" these and many others are made to come forward in
hexameters&mdash;and by Cicero in Latin, as by Aratus in their
Greek guise. We may suppose that the poem as translated had fallen
dead&mdash;but here it is brought to life and is introduced into
what is intended as at least a rationalistic account of the gods
and their nature. Nothing less effective can be imagined than the
repetition of uninteresting verses in such a place; for the reader,
who has had Epicurus just handled for him, is driven to remember
that their images are at any rate as false as the scheme of
Epicurus, and is made to conclude that Balbus does not believe in
his own argument. It has been sometimes said of Cicero that he is
too long. The lines have probably been placed here as a joke,
though they are inserted at such a length as to carry the reader
away altogether into another world.</p>

<p>Farther on he devotes himself to anatomical research, which, for
that age, shows an accurate knowledge. But what has it to do with
the nature of the gods? "When the belly which is placed under the
stomach becomes the receptacle of meat and drink, the lungs and the
heart draw in the air for the stomach. The stomach, which is
wonderfully arranged, consists chiefly of nerves. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* The lungs
are light and porous, and like a sponge&mdash;just fit for drawing
in the breath. They blow themselves out and draw themselves in, so
that thus may be easily received that sustenance most necessary to
animal life."<a name="FNanchor_297" id=
"FNanchor_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297" class=
"fnanchor">297</a></p>

<p>The third book is but a fragment, but it begins well with <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">
297</a></span>pleasant raillery against Epicurus. Cotta declares
that he had felt no difficulty with Epicurus. Epicurus and his
allies had found little to say as to the immortal gods. His gods
had possessed arms and legs, but had not been able to move them.
But from Balbus, the Stoic, they had heard much which, though not
true, was nevertheless truthlike. In all these discourses it seems
that the poor Epicureans are treated with but a moderate amount of
mercy. But Cotta continues, and tells many stories of the gods. He
is interrupted in his tale, for the sad hand of destruction has
fallen upon the MS., and his arguments have come to us unfinished.
"It is better," he says, "not to give wine to the sick at all,
because you may injure them by the application. In the same way I
do not know whether it would not be better to refuse that gift of
reason, that sharpness and quickness of thought, to men in general,
than to bestow it upon them so often to their own destruction."<a
name="FNanchor_298" id="FNanchor_298"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">298</a> It is thus that is
discussed the nature of the gods in this work of Cicero, which is
indeed a discussion on the different schools of philosophy, each in
the position which it had reached in his time.</p>

<p>The De Natura Deorum is followed by two books, De Divinatione,
and by the fragment of one, De Fato. Divination is the science of
predicting events. By "Fatum" Cicero means destiny, or that which
has been fixed beforehand. The three books together may be taken as
religious discourses, and his purport seems to have been to show
that it might be the duty of the State to foster observances, and
even to punish their non-observance&mdash;for the benefit of the
whole&mdash;even though they might not be in themselves true. He is
here together with his brother, or with those whom, like his
brother, he may suppose to have emancipated themselves from
superstition&mdash;and tells him or them that though they do not
believe they should feign belief. If the augurs declare by the
flight of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">
298</a></span>birds that such a thing should be done, let it be done, although
he who has to act in the matter has no belief in the birds. If they
declare that a matter has been fixed by fate, let it be as though
it were fixed, whether fixed or no. He repudiates the belief as
unreasonable or childish, but recommends that men should live as
though they believed. In such a theory as this put thus before the
reader, there will seem to be dissimulation. I cannot deny that it
is so, though most anxious to assert the honesty of Cicero. I can
only say that such dissimulation did prevail then, and that it does
prevail now. If any be great enough to condemn the hierarchs of all
the churches, he may do so, and may include Cicero with the
Archbishop of Canterbury. I am not. It seems necessary to make
allowance for the advancing intelligence of men, and unwise to
place yourself so far ahead as to shut yourself out from that
common pale of mankind. I distrust the self-confidence of him who
thinks that he can deduce from one acknowledged error a whole
scheme of falsehood. I will take our Protestant Church of England
religion and will ask some thoughtful man his belief as to its
changing doctrines, and will endeavor to do so without shocking the
feelings of any. When did Sabbatarian observances begin to be
required by the Word of God, and when again did they cease to be
so? If it were worth the while of those who have thought about the
subject to answer my question, the replies would be various. It has
never begun! It has never wavered! And there would be the
intermediate replies of those who acknowledge that the feeling of
the country is altering and has altered. In the midst of this, how
many a father of a family is there who goes to church for the sake
of example? Does not the Church admit prayers for change of
weather? Ask the clergyman on his way from church what he is doing
with his own haystack, and his answer will let you know whether he
believes in his own prayers. He has lent all the sanctity of his
voice to the expression of words which had been written when the
ignorance of men as to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299"
id="Page_299">299</a></span> works of nature was greater; or
written yesterday because the ignorance of man has demanded it. Or
they who have demanded it have not perhaps been ignorant
themselves, but have thought it well to subserve the superstition
of the multitude. I am not saying this as against the religious
observances of to-day, but as showing that such is still the
condition of men as to require the defence which Cicero also
required when he wrote as follows: "Former ages erred in much which
we know to have been changed by practice, by doctrine, or by time.
But the custom, the religion, the discipline, the laws of the
augurs and the authority of the college, are retained, in obedience
to the opinion of the people, and to the great good of the State.
Our Consuls, Claudius and Junius, were worthy of all punishment
when they put to sea in opposition to the auspices; for men must
obey religion, nor can the customs of our country be set aside so
easily."<a name="FNanchor_299" id="FNanchor_299"></a><a
href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">299</a> No stronger
motive for adhering to religious observances can be put forward
than the opinion of the people and the good of the State. There
will be they who aver that truth is great and should be allowed to
prevail. Though broken worlds should fall in disorder round their
heads, they would stand firm amid the ruins. But they who are
likely to be made responsible will not cause worlds to be
broken.</p>

<p>Such, I think, was the reasoning within Cicero's mind when he
wrote these treatises. In the first he encounters his brother
Quintus at his Tusculan villa, and there listens to him discoursing
in favor of religion. Quintus is altogether on the side of the gods
and the auspices. He is, as we may say, a gentleman of the old
school, and is thoroughly conservative. In this way he has an
opportunity given him of showing the antiquity of his belief.
"Stare super vias antiquas," is the motto of Quintus Cicero. Then
he proceeds to show the two kinds of divination which have been in
use. There is the one which he calls
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">
300</a></span>"Ars," and which we perhaps may call experience. The soothsayer
predicts in accordance with his knowledge of what has gone before.
He is asked to say, for instance, whether a ship shall put to sea
on a Friday. He knows&mdash;or thinks that he knows, or in his
ignorance declares that he thinks that he knows&mdash;that ships
that have put to sea on Friday have generally gone to the bottom.
He therefore predicts against the going to sea. Although the ship
should put forth on the intended day, and should make a prosperous
voyage, the prophet has not been proved to be false. That can only
be done by showing that ships that have gone to sea on Friday have
generally been subject to no greater danger than others&mdash;a
process which requires the close observations of science to make
good. That is Art. Then there is the prediction which comes from a
mind disturbed&mdash;one who dreams, let us say, or prophesies when
in a fit&mdash;as the Sibyl, or Epimenides of Crete, who lived one
hundred and fifty-seven years, but slept during sixty-four of them.
Quintus explains as to these that the god does not desire mankind
to understand them, but only to use them.<a name="FNanchor_300"
id="FNanchor_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300" class=
"fnanchor">300</a></p>

<p>He tells us many amusing details as to prophetic dreams and the
doings of soothsayers and wise men. The book so becomes chatty and
full of anecdotes, and interspersed with many pieces of
poetry&mdash;some by others and some by Cicero. Here are given
those lines as to the battle of the eagle and the dragon which I
have ventured to call the best amid the nine versions brought
forward.<a name="FNanchor_301" id="FNanchor_301"></a><a
href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">301</a></p>

<p>We cannot but sympathize with him in the reason which he
prefixes to the second book of this treatise: "I often ask myself
and turn in my mind how best I may serve the largest number of my
fellow-citizens, lest there should come a time in which I should
seem to have ceased to be anxious for the State; and nothing better
has occurred to me than that I should make known the way of
studying the best arts&mdash;which <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span>indeed I think I have
now done in various books."<a name="FNanchor_302" id=
"FNanchor_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302" class=
"fnanchor">302</a> Then he recapitulates them. There is the
opening work on philosophy which he had dedicated to Hortensius,
now lost. Then in the four books of the Academics he had put
forward his ideas as to that school which he believed to be the
least arrogant and the truest&mdash;meaning the new Academy. After
that, as he had felt all philosophy to be based on the search after
good and evil, he had examined that matter. The Tusculan Inquiries
had followed, in which he had set forth, in five books, the five
great rules of living well. Having finished this, he had written
his three books on the nature of the gods, and was now in the act
of completing it, and would complete it, by his present inquiries.
We cannot but sympathize with him because we know that, though he
was not quite in earnest in all this, he was as near it as a man
can be who teaches that which he does not quite believe himself.
Brutus believed it, and Cato, and that Velleius, and that Balbus,
and that Cotta. Or if perchance any of them did not, they lived,
and talked, and read, and were as erudite about it, as though they
did. The example was good, and the precepts were the best to be
had. Amid it all he chose the best doctrine, and he was undoubtedly
doing good to his countrymen in thus representing to them in their
native language the learning by which they might best be
softened.</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<span class="i05">"Gr&aelig;cia capta ferum victorem cepit, et artes,</span>
<span class="i0">Intulit agresti Latio."<a name="FNanchor_303" id=
"FNanchor_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303" class=
"fnanchor">303</a></span>
</div></div>

<p>Here, too, he explains his own conduct in a beautiful passage.
"My fellow-citizens," says he, "will pardon me, or perhaps will
rather thank me, for that when the Republic fell into the pow<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">
302</a></span>er of one man I neither hid myself nor did I desert
them; nor did I idly weep, or carry myself as though angry with the
man or with the times; nor yet, forsooth, so flattering the good
fortune of another, that I should have to be ashamed of what I had
done myself. For I had learned this lesson from the philosophy of
Plato&mdash;that there are certain changes in public affairs. They
will be governed now by the leaders of the State, then by the
people, sometimes by a single man."<a name="FNanchor_304" id=
"FNanchor_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304" class=
"fnanchor">304</a> This is very wise, but he goes to work and
altogether destroys his brother's argument. He knows that he is
preaching only to a few&mdash;in such a manner as to make his
preaching safe. His language is very pleasing, always civil, always
courteous; but not the less does he turn the arguments of his
brother into ridicule. And we feel that he is not so much laughing
at his brother as at the gods themselves&mdash;they are so clearly
wooden gods&mdash;though he is aware how necessary it is for the
good of the State that they shall be received. He declares that, in
accordance with the theory of his brother&mdash;meaning thereby the
Stoics&mdash;"it is necessary that they, the gods, should spy into
every cottage along the road, so that they may look after the
affairs of men."<a name="FNanchor_305" id=
"FNanchor_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305" class=
"fnanchor">305</a> It is playful, argumentative, and satirical.
At last he proposes to leave the subject. Socrates would also do
so, never asking for the adhesion of any one, but leaving the full
purport of his words to sink into the minds of his audience.
Quintus says that he quite agrees to this, and so the discourse De
Divinatione is brought to an end.</p>

<p>Of his book on fate we have only a fragment, or the middle part
of it. It is the desire of Cicero to show that, in the sequence of
affairs which men call Life, it matters little whether there be a
Destiny or not. Things will run on, and will be changed, or
apparently be changed, by the action of men. What is it to us
whether this or that event has been decreed while we live, and
while each follows his own devices? All this, however, <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span>is a
little tedious, taken at the end of so long a course of philosophy;
and we rise at last from the perusal with a feeling of thankfulness
that all these books of Chrysippus of which he tells us, are not
still existent to be investigated.</p>

<p>Such is the end of those works which I admit to have been
philosophical, and of which it seems he understood that they were
the work of about eighteen months. They were all written after
C&aelig;sar's triumph&mdash;when it was no longer in the power of
any Roman to declare his opinion either in the Senate or in the
Forum. C&aelig;sar had put down all opposition, and was made
supreme over everything&mdash;till his death. The De Fato was
written, indeed, after he had fallen, but before things had so far
shaped themselves as to make it necessary that Cicero should return
to public life. So, indeed, were the three last moral essays, which
I shall notice in the next chapter; but in truth he had them always
in his heart. It was only necessary that he should send them forth
to scribes, leaving either to himself or to some faithful Tiro the
subsequent duty of rearrangement. But what a head there was there
to contain it all!</p>

<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id=
"Page_304">304</a></span></p>
<h3><a name="Chapter_XIII" id="Chapter_XIII"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter XIII.</span></h3>

<h4><i>CICERO'S MORAL ESSAYS.</i></h4>

<p>We have now to deal with the moral essays of this almost
inexhaustible contributor to the world's literature, and we shall
then have named perhaps a quarter of all that he wrote. I have seen
somewhere a calculation that only a tenth of his works remain to
us, dug out, as it were, from the buried ruins of literature by the
care of sedulous and eager scholars. I make a more modest estimate
of his powers. Judging from what we know to have been lost, and
from the absence of any effort to keep the greater portion of his
letters, I think that I do not exaggerate his writing. Who can say
but that as time goes on some future Petrarch or some future Mai
may discover writings hitherto unknown, concealed in convent boxes,
or more mysteriously hidden beneath the labors of Middle-Age monks?
It was but in 1822 that the De Republica was brought to
light&mdash;so much of it at least as we still possess; and for
more than thirty years afterward Cardinal Mai continued to
reproduce, from time to time, collections of Greek and Latin
writings hitherto unheard of by classical readers. Let us hope,
however, that the zeal of the learned may stop short of that
displayed by Simon Du Bos, or we may have whole treatises of Cicero
of which he himself was guiltless.<a name="FNanchor_306" id=
"FNanchor_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306" class=
"fnanchor">306</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">
305</a></span>I can hardly content myself with classifying the De Republica
and the De Legibus under the same name with these essays of Cicero,
which are undoubtedly moral in their nature. But it may pass,
perhaps, without that distinct contradiction which had to be made
as to the enveloping the De Officiis in the garb of philosophy. It
has been the combining of the true and false in one set, and
handing them down to the world as Cicero's philosophy, which has
done the mischief. The works reviewed in the last chapter contained
disputations on the Greek philosophy which Cicero thought might be
well handled in the Latin language for the benefit of his
countrymen. It would be well for them to know what Epicurus taught,
or Zeno, and how they differed from Socrates and Plato, and this he
told them. Now in these moral essays he gives them his own
philosophy&mdash;if that may be called philosophy which is intended
to teach men how to live well. There are six books on government,
called the De Republica, and three on law; and there are the three
treatises on old age and friendship, each in one book, and that on
the duty of man to man, in three.</p>

<p>There is a common error in the world as to the meaning of the
word republic. It has come to have a sweet savor in the nostrils of
men, or a most evil scent, according to their politics. But there
is, in truth, the Republic of Russia, as there is that of the
United States, and that of England. Cicero, in using it as the name
of his work, simply means "the government;" and the treatise under
that head contains an account of the Roman Empire, and is
historical rather than argumentative and scientific. He himself was
an oligarch, and had been brought up amid a condition of things in
which that most deleterious form of government recommended itself
to him as containing all that had been good and magnificent in the
Roman Empire. The great men of Rome, whom the empire had <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">
306</a></span>demanded for its construction, had come up each for
the work of a year; and, when succeeding, had perhaps been elected
for a second. By the expulsion of their kings, the class from whom
these men had been chosen showed their personal desire for honor,
and the marvel is that through so many centuries those oligarchs
should have flourished. The reader, unless he be strongly
impregnated with democratic feelings, when he begins to read Roman
history finds himself wedded to the cause of these oligarchs. They
have done the big deeds, and the opposition comes to them from
vulgar hands. Let me ask any man who remembers the reading of his
Livy whether it was not so with him. But it was in truth the
democratic element opposed to these leaders, and the battles they
won from time to time within the walls of the city, which produced
the safety of Rome and enabled the government to go on. Then by
degrees the people became enervated and the leaders became corrupt,
and by masterhood over foreign people and external subjects slaves
were multiplied, and the work appertaining to every man could be
done by another man's hand. Then the evils of oligarchy began.
Plunder, rapine, and luxury took the place of duty performed. A
Verres ruled where a Marcellus had conquered. Cicero, who saw the
difference plainly enough in regard to the individuals, did not
perceive that this evil had grown according to its nature. That
state of affairs was produced which Mommsen has described to us as
having been without remedy. But Cicero did not see it. He had his
eyes on the greatness of the past&mdash;and on himself&mdash;and
would not awake to the fact that the glory was gone from Rome. He
was in this state of mind when he wrote his De Republica, nine
years before the time in which he commenced his philosophical
discussions. Then he still hoped. C&aelig;sar was away in Gaul, and
Pompey maintained at Rome the ghost of the old Republic. He could
still open his mouth and talk boldly of freedom. He had not been as
yet driven to find consolation amid that play of words which
constitutes the Greek philosophy.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span>I must remind the readers again that the De Republica is a
fragment: the first part is wanting. We find him telling us the
story of the elder Cato, in order that we may understand how good
it is that we should not relax in our public work as long as our
health will sustain us. Then he gives instances to show that the
truly good citizen will not be deterred by the example of men who
have suffered for their country, and among the number he names
himself. But he soon introduces the form of dialogue which he
afterward continues, and brings especially the younger Scipio and
L&aelig;lius upon the scene. The lessons which are given to us are
supposed to come from the virtue of the titular grandson of the
greater Scipio who out-man&oelig;vred Hannibal. He continues to tell
story after story out of the Roman chronicles, and at last assures
us that that form of government is the best in which the
monarchical element is tempered by the authority of the leading
citizens, and kept alive by the voices of the people. Is it only
because I am an Englishman that he seems to me to describe that
form of government which was to come in England?</p>

<p>The second book also begins with the praises of Cato. Scipio
then commences with Romulus, and tells the history of Rome's kings.
Tarquin is banished, and the Consulate established. He tells us, by
no means with approbation, how the Tribunate was established, and
then, alas! there comes a break in the MS.</p>

<p>In the third we have, as a beginning, a fragment handed down to
us by Augustine, in which Cicero complains of the injustice of
Nature in having sent man into the world, as might a step-mother,
naked, weak, infirm, with soul anxious, timid, and without force,
but still having within it something of divine fire not wholly
destroyed. Then, after a while, through many "lacun&aelig;,"
Scipio, L&aelig;lius, and one Philus fall into a discourse as to
justice. There is a remarkable passage, from which we learn that
the Romans practised protection with a rigor exceeding that of
modern nations. They would not even<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span> permit their
transalpine allies to plant their olives and vineyards, lest their
produce should make their way across Italy&mdash;whereby they
raised the prices against themselves terribly of oil and wine.<a
name="FNanchor_307" id="FNanchor_307"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">307</a> "There is a kind of
slavery which is unjust," says one, "when those men have to serve
others who might 'properly belong to themselves.' But when they
only are made to be slaves who&mdash;" We may perceive that the
speaker went on to say that they who were born slaves might
properly be kept in that position. But it is evidently intended to
be understood that there exists a class who are slaves by right.
Carneades, the later master of the new Academy, has now joined
them, and teaches a doctrine which would not make him popular in
this country. "If you should know," he says, "that an adder lay hid
just where one were about to sit down whose death would be a
benefit to you, you would do wrong unless you were to tell him of
it. But you would do it with impunity, as no one could prove that
you knew it." From this may be seen the nature of the discourses on
justice.</p>

<p>The next two books are but broken fragments, treating of morals
and manners. In the sixth we come to that dream of Scipio which has
become so famous in the world of literature that I do not know
whether I can do better than translate it, and add it on as an
appendix to the end of my volume. It is in itself so beautiful in
parts that I think that all readers will thank me. (See appendix to
this chapter). At the same time it has to be admitted that it is in
parts fantastic, and might almost be called childish, were it not
that we remember, when reading it, at what distance of time it was
written, and with what difficulty Cicero strove to master subjects
which science has made familiar to us. The music of the spheres
must have been heard in his imagination before he could have told
us of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">
309</a></span>it, as he has done in language which seems to be
poetic now as it was then&mdash;and because poetic, therefore not
absurd. The length of the year's period is an extravagance. You may
call your space of time by what name you will; it is long or short
in proportion to man's life. He tells us that we may not hope that
our fame shall be heard of on the other side of the Ganges, or that
our voices shall come down through many years. I myself read this
dream of Scipio in a volume found in Australia, and read it two
thousand years after it was written. He could judge of this world's
future only by the past. But when he tells us of the soul's
immortality, and of the heaven to be won by a life of virtue, of
the duty upon us to remain here where God has placed us, and of the
insufficiency of fame to fill the cravings of the human heart, then
we have to own that we have come very near to that divine teaching
which he was not permitted to hear.</p>

<p>Two years afterward, about the time that Milo was killing
Clodius, he wrote his treatise in three books, De Legibus. It is,
we are told, a copy from Plato. As is the Topica a copy from
Aristotle, written on board ship from memory, so may this be called
a copy. The idea was given to him, and many of the thoughts which
he has worked up in his own manner. It is a dialogue between him
and Atticus and his brother Quintus, and treats rather of the
nature and origin of law, and how law should be made to prevail,
than of laws as they had been as yet constructed for the governance
of man. All that is said in the first book may be found scattered
through his philosophic treatises. There are some pretty morsels,
as when Atticus tells us that he will for the nonce allow Cicero's
arguments to pass, because the music of the birds and the waters
will prevent his fellow-Epicureans from hearing and being led away
by mistaken doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_308" id=
"FNanchor_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308" class=
"fnanchor">308</a> Now and again he enunciates a great doctrine,
as when he declares that "there is nothing bet<span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span>ter
than that men should understand that they are born to be just, and
that justice is not a matter of opinion, but is inherent in
nature."<a name="FNanchor_309" id="FNanchor_309"></a><a
href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">309</a> He constantly
opposes the idea of pleasure, recurring to the doctrine of his
Greek philosophy. It was not by them, however, that he had learned
to feel that a man's final duty here on earth is his duty to other
men.</p>

<p>In the second book he inculcates the observance of religious
ceremonies in direct opposition to that which he afterward tells us
in his treatise De Divinatione. But in this, De Legibus, we may
presume that he intends to give instructions for the guidance of
the public, whereas in the other he is communicating to a few
chosen friends those esoteric doctrines which it would be dangerous
to give to the world at large. There is a charming passage, in
which we are told not to devote the rich things of the earth to the
gods. Gold and silver will create impure desire. Ivory, taken from
the body of an animal, is a gift not simple enough for a god.
Metals, such as iron, are for war rather than for worship. An
image, if it is to be used, let it be made of one bit of wood, or
one block of stone. If cloth is given, let it not be more than a
woman can make in a month. Let there be no bright colors. White is
best for the gods; and so on.<a name="FNanchor_310" id=
"FNanchor_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310" class=
"fnanchor">310</a> Here we have the wisdom of Plato, or of those
from whom Plato had borrowed it, teaching us a lesson against which
subsequent ages have rebelled. It is not only that a god cannot
want our gold and silver, but that a man does want them. That rule
as to the woman's morsel of cloth was given in some old assembly,
lest her husband or her brother should lose the advantage of her
labor. It was seen what superstition would do in collecting the
wealth of the world round the shrines of the gods. How many a man
has since learned to regret the lost labor of his household; and
yet what god has been the better? There may be a question of
&aelig;sthetics, indeed, with which Cicero does not meddle.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">
311</a></span>In the third book he descends to practical and at the same time
political questions. There had been no matter contested so
vehemently among Romans as that of the establishment and
maintenance of the Tribunate. Cicero defends its utility, giving,
with considerable wit, the task of attacking it to his brother
Quintus. Quintus, indeed, is very violent in his onslaught. What
can be more "pestiferous," or more prone to sedition? Then Cicero
puts him down. "O Quintus," he says, "you see clearly the vices of
the Tribunate! but can there be anything more unjust than, in
discussing a matter, to remember all its evils and to forget all
its merits? You might say the same of the Consuls; for the very
possession of power is an evil in itself. But without that evil you
cannot have the good which the institution contains. The power of
the Tribunes is too great, you say. Who denies it? But the violence
of the people, always cruel and immodest, is less so under their
own leader than if no leader had been given them. The leader will
measure his danger; but the people itself know no such
measurement."<a name="FNanchor_311" id=
"FNanchor_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311" class=
"fnanchor">311</a> He afterward takes up the question of the
ballot, and is against it on principle. "Let the people vote as
they will," he says, "but let their votes be known to their
betters."<a name="FNanchor_312" id="FNanchor_312"></a><a
href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">312</a> It is, alas,
useless now to discuss the matter here in England! We have been so
impetuous in our wish to avoid the evil of bribery&mdash;which was
quickly going&mdash;that we have rushed into that of dissimulation,
which can only be made to go by revolutionary changes. When men
vote by tens of thousands the ballot will be safe, but no man will
then care for the ballot. It is, however, strange to see how
familiar men were under the Roman Empire with matters which are
perplexing us to-day.</p>

<p>We now come to the three purely moral essays, the last written
of his works, except the Philippics and certain of his letters, and
the Topica. Indeed, when you reach the last year or two of his
life, it becomes difficult to assign their exact <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">
312</a></span>places to each. He mentions one as written, and then
another; but at last this latter appears before the former. They
were all composed in the same year, the year before his
death&mdash;the most active year of his life, as far as his written
works are concerned&mdash;and I shall here treat De Senectute
first, then De Amicitia, and the De Officiis last, believing them
to have been published in that order.</p>

<p>The De Senectute is an essay written in defence of old age,
generally called Cato Major. It is supposed to have been spoken by
the old Censor, 149 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and to have
been listened to by Scipio and L&aelig;lius. This was the same
Scipio who had the dream&mdash;who, in truth, was not a Scipio at
all, but a son of Paulus &AElig;milius, whom we remember in history
as the younger Africanus. Cato rushes at once into his subject, and
proves to us his point by insisting on all those commonplace
arguments which were probably as well known before his time as they
have been since. All men wish for old age, but none rejoice when it
has come. The answer is that no man really wishes for old age, but
simply wishes for a long life, of which old age is the necessary
ending. It creeps on us so quickly! But in truth it does not creep
quicker on youth than does youth on infancy; but the years seem to
fly fast because not marked by distinct changes. It is the part of
a wise man to see that each portion of his five-act poem shall be
well performed. Cato goes on with his lesson, and tells us perhaps
all that could be said on behalf of old age at that period of the
world's history. It was written by an old man to an old man; for it
is addressed to Atticus, who was now sixty-seven, and of course
deals much in commonplaces. But it is full of noble thoughts, and
is pleasant, and told in the easiest language; and it leaves upon
the reader a sweet savor of the dignity of age. Let the old man
feel that it is not for him to attempt the pranks of youth, and he
will already have saved himself from much of the evil which Time
can do to him. I am ready for you, and you cannot hurt me. "Let not
the old man assume the strength of<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span> the young, as a young
man does not that of the bull or the elephant. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* But still
there is something to be regretted by an orator, for to talk well
requires not only intellect but all the powers of the body. The
melodious voice, however, remains, which&mdash;and you see my
years&mdash;I have not yet lost. The voice of an old man should
always be tranquil and contained."<a name="FNanchor_313" id=
"FNanchor_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313" class=
"fnanchor">313</a> He tells a story of Massinissa, who was then
supposed to be ninety. He was stiff in his joints, and therefore
when he went a journey had himself put upon a horse, and never left
it, or started on foot and never mounted.<a name="FNanchor_314"
id="FNanchor_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314" class=
"fnanchor">314</a> "We must resist old age, my L&aelig;lius. We
must compensate our shortness by our diligence, my Scipio. As we
fight against disease, so let us contend with old age.<a name=
"FNanchor_315" id="FNanchor_315"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">315</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Why age should
be avaricious I could never tell. Can there be anything more absurd
than to demand so great a preparation for so small a journey?"<a
name="FNanchor_316" id="FNanchor_316"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">316</a> He tells them that
he knew their fathers, and that "he believes they are still
alive&mdash;that, though they have gone from this earth, they are
still leading that life which can only be considered worthy of the
name."<a name="FNanchor_317" id="FNanchor_317"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">317</a></p>

<p>The De Amicitia is called L&aelig;lius. It is put into the mouth
of L&aelig;lius, and is supposed to be a discourse on friendship
held by him in the presence of his two sons-in-law, Caius Fannius
and Mucius Sc&aelig;vola, a few days after the death of Scipio his
friend. Not Damon and Pythias were more renowned for their
friendship than Scipio and L&aelig;lius. He discusses what is
friendship, and why it is contracted; among whom friendship should
exist; what should be its laws and duties; and, lastly, by what
means it should be preserved.</p>

<p>Cicero begins by telling the story of his own youth; how he had
been placed under the charge of Sc&aelig;vola the augur, and how,
having changed his toga, he never left the old man's side till he
died; and he recalls how once, sitting with him in <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span>a
circle with friends, Sc&aelig;vola fell into that mode of
conversation which was usual with him, and told him how once
L&aelig;lius had discoursed to them on friendship. It is from first
to last fresh and green and cooling, as is the freshness of the
early summer grass to men who live in cities. The reader feels, as
he goes on with it, that he who had such thoughts and aspirations
could never have been altogether unhappy. Coming at the end of his
life, in the telling the stories of which we have had to depend so
much on his letters to Atticus, it reminds me of the love that
existed between them. He has sometimes been querulous with his
Atticus. He has complained of bad advice, of deficient care, of
halting friendship&mdash;in reading which accusations we have, all
of us, declared him to be wrong. But Atticus understood him. He
knew that the privileges and the burden must go together, and told
himself how much more than sufficient were the privileges to
compensate the burden. When we make our histories on the bases of
such loving letters, we should surely open them with careful hands,
and deal with them in sympathy with their spirit. In writing this
treatise De Amicitia especially for the eyes of Atticus, how
constantly the heart must have gone back to all that had passed
between them&mdash;how confident he must have been of the truth of
his friend! He who, after nearly half a century of friendship,
could thus write to his friend on friendship cannot have been an
unhappy man.</p>

<p>"Should a new friendship spring up," he tells us, "let it not be
repressed. You shall still gather fruit from young trees; but do
not let it take the place of the old. Age and custom will have
given the old fruit a flavor of its own. Who is there that would
ride a new horse in preference to one tried&mdash;one who knows
your hand?"<a name="FNanchor_318" id="FNanchor_318"></a><a
href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">318</a></p>

<p>I regard the De Officiis as one of the most perfect treatises on
morals which the world possesses, whether for the truth of <span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">
315</a></span>the lessons given, for their universality, or for
the beauty and lightness of the language. It is on a subject
generally heavy, but is treated with so much art and grace as to
make it a delight to have read it, and an important part of
education to know it. It is addressed to his son, and is as good
now as when it was written. There is not a precept taught in it
which is not modern as well as ancient, and which is not fit alike
for Christians and Pagans. A system of morality, we might have
said, should be one which would suit all men alike. We are bound to
acknowledge that this will suit only gentlemen, because he who
shall live in accordance with it must be worthy of that name. The
"honestum" means much more in Latin than it does in English.
Neither "honor" nor "honesty" will give the rendering&mdash;not
that honor or that honesty which we know. Modern honor flies so
high that it leaves honesty sometimes too nearly out of sight;
while honesty, though a sterling virtue, ignores those sentiments
on which honor is based. "Honestum" includes it all; and Cicero has
raised his lessons to such a standard as to comprise it all. But he
so teaches that listeners delight to hear. He never preaches. He
does not fulminate his doctrine at you, bidding you beware of
backslidings and of punishments; but he leads you with him along
the grassy path, till you seem to have found out for yourself what
is good&mdash;you and he together, and together to have learned
that which is manly, graceful, honest, and decorous.</p>

<p>In Cicero's essays is to be found always a perfect withdrawal of
himself from the circumstances of the world around him; so that the
reader shall be made to suppose that, in the evening of his life,
having reached at last, by means of work done for the State, a time
of blessed rest, he gives forth the wisdom of his age, surrounded
by all that a tranquil world can bestow upon him. Look back through
the treatises written during the last two years, and each shall
appear to have been prepared in some quiet and undisturbed period
of his life; but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id=
"Page_316">316</a></span> we know that the last polish given
by his own hands to these three books De Officiis was added amid
the heat and turmoils of the Philippics. It is so singular, this
power of adapting his mind to whatever pursuit he will, that we are
taught almost to think that there must have been two Ciceros, and
that the one was eager in personal conflict with Antony, while the
other was seated in the garden of some Italian villa meditating
words by obeying which all men might be ennobled.</p>

<p>In the dialectical disputations of the Greek philosophers he had
picked up a mode of dividing his subject into numbers which is
hardly fitted for a discourse so free and open as is this. We are
therefore somewhat offended when we are told that virtue is
generally divided "into three headings."<a name="FNanchor_319"
id="FNanchor_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319" class=
"fnanchor">319</a> If it be so, and if it be necessary that we
should know it, it should, I think, be conveyed to us without this
attempt at logical completeness. It is impossible to call this a
fault. Accuracy must, indeed, be in all writers a virtue. But
feeling myself to be occasionally wounded by this numbering, I
mention it. In the De Officiis he divides the entire matter into
three parts, and to each part he devotes a book. In the first he
considers whether a thing is fit to be done or left
undone&mdash;that is, whether it be "honestum" or "turpe;" in the
second, whether it be expedient, that is "utile," or the reverse;
and in the third he compares the "honestum" and the "utile," and
tells us what to choose and what to avoid.</p>

<p>The duty due by a citizen to his country takes with him a place
somewhat higher than we accord to it. "Parents are dear, children
are dear to us, so are relations and friends; but our country
embraces it all, for what good man would not die so that he might
serve it? How detestable, then, is the barbarity of those who wound
their country at every turn, and have been and are occupied in its
destruction."<a name="FNanchor_320" id=
"FNanchor_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320" class=
"fnanchor">320</a> He gives us some excellent advice as to our
games, which might be read with <span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span>advantage, perhaps, by
those who row in our university races. But at the end of it he
tells us that the hunting-field affords an honest and fitting
recreation.<a name="FNanchor_321" id="FNanchor_321"></a><a
href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">321</a> I have said
that he was modern in his views&mdash;but not altogether modern. He
defends the suicide of Cato. "To them," he says, speaking of Cato's
companions in Africa, "it might not have been forgiven. Their life
was softer and their manners easier. But to Cato nature had given
an invincible gravity of manners which he had strengthened with all
the severity of his will. He had always remained steadfast in the
purpose that he would never stand face to face with the tyrant of
his country."<a name="FNanchor_322" id=
"FNanchor_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322" class=
"fnanchor">322</a> There was something terribly grand in Cato's
character, which loses nothing in coming to us from the lips of
Cicero. So much Cicero allows to the stern nature of the man's
character. Let us look back and we shall find that we make the same
allowance. This is not, in truth, a lesson which he gives us, but
an apology which he makes.</p>

<p>Read his advice given in the following line for the outward
demeanor of a gentleman: "There are two kinds of beauty. The one is
loveliness, which is a woman's gift. But dignity belongs to the
man. Let all ornament be removed from the person not worthy of a
man to wear&mdash;and all fault in gesture and in motion which is
like to it. The manners of the wrestling-ground and of the stage
are sometimes odious; but let us see the actor or the wrestler
walking simple and upright, and we praise him. Let him use a
befitting neatness, not verging toward the effeminate, but just
avoiding a rustic harshness. The same measure is to be taken with
your clothes as with other matters in which a middle course is
best."<a name="FNanchor_323" id="FNanchor_323"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">323</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">
318</a></span>Then he tells his son what pursuits are to be regarded as
sordid. "Those sources of gain are to be regarded as mean in the
pursuit of which men are apt to be offended, as are the business of
tax-gathers and usurers. All those are to be regarded as illiberal
to which men bring their work but not their art." As for instance,
the painter of a picture shall be held to follow a liberal
occupation&mdash;but not so the picture dealer. "They are sordid
who buy from merchants that they may sell again: they have to lie
like the mischief or they cannot make their living. All mere
workmen are engaged in ignoble employment: what of grandeur can the
mere workshop produce? Least of all can those trades be said to be
good which administer only to our pleasures&mdash;such as
fish-mongers, butchers, cooks, and poulterers."<a name=
"FNanchor_324" id="FNanchor_324"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">324</a> He adds at the end
of his list that of all employment none is better than agriculture,
or more worthy of the care of a freeman. In all of this it is
necessary that we should receive what he says with some little
allowance for the difference in time; but there is nothing, if we
look closely into it, in which we cannot see the source of noble
ideas, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">
319</a></span>and the reason for many notions which are now
departing from us&mdash;whether for good or evil who shall say?</p>

<p>In the beginning of the second book he apologizes for his love
of philosophy, as he calls it, saying that he knew how it had been
misliked among those round him. "But when the Republic," he says,
"had ceased to be&mdash;that Republic which had been all my
care&mdash;my employment ceased both in the Forum and the Senate.
But when my mind absolutely refused to be inactive, I thought that
I might best live down the misery of the time if I devoted myself
to philosophy."<a name="FNanchor_325" id=
"FNanchor_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325" class=
"fnanchor">325</a> From this we may see how his mind had worked
when the old occupation of his life was gone. "Nihil agere autem
quum animus non posset!" How piteous was his position, and yet how
proud! There was nothing for him to do&mdash;but there was nothing
because hitherto there had been so much that he had always
done.</p>

<p>He tells his son plainly how an honest man must live. To be
ashamed of nothing, he must do nothing of which he will be ashamed.
But for him there is this difficulty: "If any one on his entrance
into the world has had laid upon him the greatness of a name won by
his father, let us say&mdash;as, my Cicero, has perhaps happened to
you&mdash;the eyes of all men will be cast upon him, and inquiry
will be made as to his mode of life. He will be so placed under the
meridian sun that no word spoken or deed done by him shall be
hidden.<a name="FNanchor_326" id="FNanchor_326"></a><a
href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">326</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* He must
live up to the glory to which he has been born." He gives to his
son much advice about the bar. "But the greatest praise," he says,
"comes from defending a man accused; and especially so when you
shall assist one who is surrounded and ill-treated by the power of
some great man. This happened to me more than once in my youth,
when, for instance, I defended Roscius Amerinus against Sulla's
power. The speech is with us extant still."<a name=
"FNanchor_327" id="FNanchor_327"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">327</a> He tells us much as
to the possession of money, and the means of insuring it in a
well-<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">
320</a></span>governed state. "Take care that you allow no debts
to the injury of the Republic. You must guard against this at all
hazards&mdash;but never by taking from the rich and giving it to
the poor. Nothing is so requisite to the State as public
credit&mdash;which cannot exist unless debtors be made to pay what
they owe. There was nothing to which I looked more carefully than
this when I was Consul. Horse and foot, they tried their best; but
I opposed them, and freed the Republic from the threatened evil.
Never were debts more easily or more quickly collected. When men
knew that they could not ignore their creditors, then they paid.
But he who was then the conquered is the conqueror now. He has
effected what he contemplated&mdash;even though it be not now
necessary for him."<a name="FNanchor_328" id=
"FNanchor_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328" class=
"fnanchor">328</a> From this passage it seems that these books
must have been first written before C&aelig;sar's death.
C&aelig;sar, at the time of Catiline's conspiracy, had endeavored
to annul all debts&mdash;that is, to establish "new tables"
according to the Roman idiom&mdash;but had failed by Cicero's
efforts. He had since affected it, although he might have held his
power without seeking for the assistance of such debtors. Who could
that be but C&aelig;sar? In the beginning of the third book there
is another passage declaring the same thing: "I have not strength
enough for silent solitude, and therefore give myself up to my pen.
In the short time since the Republic has been overturned I have
written more than in all my former years."<a name=
"FNanchor_329" id="FNanchor_329"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">329</a> That, again, he
could not have written after C&aelig;sar had fallen. We are left,
indeed, to judge, from the whole nature of the discourse, that it
was written at the period in which the wrongs done by C&aelig;sar
to Rome&mdash;wrongs at any rate as they appeared to
Cicero&mdash;were just culminating in that regal pride of action
which led to his slaughter. It was written then, but was published
a few months afterward.</p>

<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">
321</a></span></p>

<h3><a name="Chapter_XIV" id="Chapter_XIV"></a><span class=
"smcap">Chapter XIV</span>.</h3>

<h4><i>CICERO'S RELIGION.</i></h4>

<p>I should hardly have thought it necessary to devote a chapter of
my book to the religion of a pagan, had I not, while studying
Cicero's life, found that I was not dealing with a pagan's mind.
The mind of the Roman who so lived as to cause his life to be
written in after-times was at this period, in most instances,
nearly a blank as to any ideas of a God. Horace is one who in his
writing speaks much of himself. Ovid does so still more constantly.
They are both full of allusions to "the gods." They are both aware
that it is a good thing to speak with respect of the national
worship, and that the orders of the Emperor will be best obeyed by
believers. "Dis te minorem quod geris, imperas," says Horace, when,
in obedience probably to Augustus, he tells his fellow-citizens
that they are forgetting their duties in their unwillingness to pay
for the repairs of the temples. "Superi, quorum sumus omnia," says
Ovid, thinking it well to show in one of his writings, which he
sent home from his banishment, that he still entertained the
fashionable creed. But they did not believe. It was at that time
the fashion to pretend a light belief, in order that those below
might live as though they believed, and might induce an absolute
belief in the women and the children. It was not well that the
temple of the gods should fall into ruins. It was not well that the
augurs, who were gentlemen of high family, should go for nothing.
C&aelig;sar himself was the high-priest, and thought much of the
position, but he certainly was bound by no priestcraft. A religious
belief was not expected from a<span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span> gentleman. Religious
ceremonies had gradually sunk so low in the world's esteem that the
Roman nobility had come to think of their gods as things to swear
by, or things to amuse them, or things from which, if times were
bad with them, some doubtful assistance might perchance come. In
dealing with ordinary pagans of those days religion may be laid
altogether on one side. I remember no passage in Livy or Tacitus
indicating a religious belief.</p>

<p>But with Cicero my mind is full of such; and they are of a
nature to make me feel that had he lived a hundred years later I
should have suspected him of some hidden knowledge of Christ's
teachings. M. Renan has reminded us of Cicero's dislike to the
Jews. He could not learn from the Jews&mdash;though the Jew,
indeed, had much that he could teach him. The religion which he
required was far from the selfishness of either Jew or Roman. He
believed in eternity, in the immortality of the soul, in virtue for
the sake of its reward hereafter, in the omnipotence of God, the
performance of his duty to his neighbors, in conscience, and in
honesty. "Certum esse in c&aelig;lo definitum locum, ubi beati
&aelig;vo sempiterno fruantur."<a name="FNanchor_330" id=
"FNanchor_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330" class=
"fnanchor">330</a> "There is certainly a place in heaven where
the blessed shall enjoy eternal life." Can St. Paul have expressed
with more clearness his belief as to a heaven? Earlier in his
career he expresses in language less definite, but still
sufficiently clear, his ideas as to another world: "An vero tam
parvi animi videamur esse omnes, qui in republica, atque in his
vit&aelig; periculis laboribusque versamur, ut, quum, usque ad
extremum spatium, nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum
duxerimus, vobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur?"<a name=
"FNanchor_331" id="FNanchor_331"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">331</a> "Are we all of us so
poor in spirit as to think that after toiling for our country and
ourselves&mdash;though we have not had one moment <span class=
'pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span>of
ease here upon earth&mdash;when we die all things shall die with
us?" And when he did go it should be to that glory for which virtue
shall have trained him. "Neque te sermonibus vulgi dederis, nec in
pr&aelig;mis humanis spem posueris rerum tuarum; suis te oportet
illecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad verum decus."<a name=
"FNanchor_332" id="FNanchor_332"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">332</a> "You shall put your
hope neither in man's opinion nor in human rewards; but Virtue
itself by her own charms shall lead you the way to true glory." He
thus tells us his idea of God's omnipotence: "Quam vim animum esse
dicunt mundi, eamdemque esse mentem sapientiamque perfectam; quem
Deum appellant."<a name="FNanchor_333" id=
"FNanchor_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333" class=
"fnanchor">333</a> "This force they call the soul of the world,
and, looking on it as perfect in intelligence and wisdom, they name
it their God." And again he says, speaking of God's care, "Quis
enim potest&mdash;quam existimet a deo se curari&mdash;non et dies,
et noctes divinum numen horrere?"<a name="FNanchor_334" id=
"FNanchor_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334" class=
"fnanchor">334</a> "Who is there, when he thinks that a God is
taking care of him, shall not live day and night in awe of his
divine majesty?" As to man's duty to his neighbor, a subject as to
which Pagans before and even after the time of Cicero seem to have
had but vague ideas, the treatise De Officiis is full of it, as
indeed is the whole course of his life. "Omne officium, quod ad
conjunctionem hominum et ad societatem tuendam valet, anteponendum
est illi officio, quod cognitione et scientia continetur."<a name=
"FNanchor_335" id="FNanchor_335"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">335</a> "All duty which
tends to protect the society of man with men is to be preferred to
that of which science is the simple object." His belief in a
conscience is shown in the law he lays down against suicide: "Vetat
enim dominans ille in nobis deus, injussu hinc nos suo
demigrare."<a name="FNanchor_336" id="FNanchor_336"></a><a
href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">336</a> "That God
within us forbids us to depart hence without his permission." As to
justice, I need give no quotation from his works as proof of that
virtue which all his works have been written to uphold.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">
324</a></span>This pagan had his ideas of God's governance of men, and of
man's required obedience to his God, so specially implanted in his
heart, that he who undertakes to write his life should not pass it
by unnoticed. To us our religion has come as a thing to believe,
though taking too often the form of a stern duty. We have had it
from our fathers and our mothers; and though it has been given to
us by perhaps indifferent hands, still it has been given. It has
been there with all its written laws, a thing to live by&mdash;if
we choose. Rich and poor, the majority of us know at any rate the
Lord's Prayer, and most of us have repeated it regularly during our
lives. There are not many of us who have not learned that they are
deterred by something beyond the law from stealing, from murder,
from committing adultery. All Rome and all Romans knew nothing of
any such obligation, unless it might be that some few, like Cicero,
found it out from the recesses of their own souls. He found it out,
certainly. "Suis te oportet illecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad verum
decus." "Virtue itself by its own charms shall lead you the way to
true glory." The words to us seem to be quite commonplace. There is
not a curate who might not put them into a sermon. But in Cicero's
time they were new, and hitherto untaught. There was the old Greek
philosopher's idea that the &#964;&#8056; &#954;&#945;&#955;&#8057;&#957;&mdash;the thing of
beauty&mdash;was to be found in virtue, and that it would make a
man altogether happy if he got a hold of it. But there was no God
connected with it, no future life, no prospect sufficient to redeem
a man from the fear of death. It was leather and prunella, that,
from first to last. The man had to die and go, melancholy, across
the Styx. But Cicero was the first to tell his brother Romans of an
intelligible heaven. "Certum esse in c&oelig;lo definitum locum ubi
beati &aelig;vo sempiterno fruantur." "There is certainly a place
in heaven where the blessed shall enjoy eternal life." And then how
nearly he had realized that doctrine which tells us that we should
do unto others as we would they should do unto us&mdash;the
very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">
325</a></span> pith and marrow and inside meaning of Christ's
teaching, by adapting which we have become human, by neglecting
which we revert to paganism. When we look back upon the world
without this law, we see nothing good in it, in spite of individual
greatness and national honor. But Cicero had found it.&mdash;"That
brotherhood between men, that agreement as to what may be useful to
all, and that general love for the human race!"<a name=
"FNanchor_337" id="FNanchor_337"></a><a href=
"#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">337</a> It is all contained
in these few words, but if anything be wanted to explain at length
our duty to our neighbors it will be found there on reference to
this passage. How different has been the world before that law was
given to us and since! Even the existence of that law, though it be
not obeyed, has softened the hearts of men.</p>

<p>If, as some think, it be the purport of Christ's religion to
teach men to live after a godlike fashion rather than to worship
God after a peculiar form, then may we be allowed to say that
Cicero was almost a Christian, even before the coming of Christ.
If, as some think, an eternity of improved existence for all is to
be looked for by the disciples of Christ, rather than a heaven of
glory for the few and for the many, a hell that never shall be
mitigated, then had Cicero anticipated much of Christ's doctrine.
That he should have approached the mystical portion of our religion
it would of course be absurd to suppose. But a belief in that
mystical part is not essential for forming the conduct of men. The
divine birth, and the doctrine of the Trinity, and the Lord's
Supper, are not necessary to teach a man to live with his brother
men on terms of forbearance and brotherly love. You shall live with
a man from year's end to year's end, and shall not know his creed
unless he tell you, or that you see him performing the acts of his
worship; but you cannot live with him, and not know whether he live
in accordance with Christ's teaching. And so it was with Cicero.
Read his works through from the beginning to the end, and you shall
feel <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">
326</a></span>that you are living with a man whom you might
accompany across the village green to church, should he be kind
enough to stay with you over the Sunday. The urbanity, the
softness, the humanity, the sweetness are all there. But you shall
not find it to be so with C&aelig;sar, or Lucretius, or with
Virgil. When you read his philosophical treatises it is as though
you were discussing with some latter-day scholar the theories of
Plato or of Epicurus. He does not talk of them as though he
believed in them for his soul's guidance, nor do you expect it. All
the interest that you have in the conversation would be lost were
you to find such faith as that. You would avoid the man, as a
pagan. The Stoic doctrine would so shock you, when brought out for
real wear, as to make you feel yourself in the company of some mad
Atheist&mdash;with a man for whose welfare, early or late in life,
church bells had never been rung. But with a man who has his Plato
simply by heart you can spend the long summer day in sweet
conversation. So it is with Cicero. You lie down with him looking
out upon the sea at Com&aelig;, or sit with him beneath the
plane-tree of Crassus, and listen while he tells you of this
doctrine and the other. So Arcesilas may be supposed to have said,
and so Carneades laid down the law. It was that and no more. But
when he tells you of the place assigned to you in heaven, and how
you are to win it, then he is in earnest.</p>

<p>We care in general but little for any teacher of religion who
has not struggled to live up to his own teaching. Cicero has told
us of his ideas of the Godhead, and has given us his theory as to
those deeds by which a man may hope to achieve the heaven in which
that God will reward with everlasting life those who have deserved
such bliss. Love of country comes first with him. It behooves, at
any rate, a man to be true to his country from first to last. And
honesty and honor come next&mdash;that "honestum" which carries him
to something beyond the mere integrity of the well-conducted
tradesmen. Then family affection; then friendship; and then that
constant love for our fel<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327"
id="Page_327">327</a></span>low-creatures which teaches us to
do unto others as we would they should do unto us. Running through
these there are a dozen smaller virtues, but each so mingled with
the other as to have failed in obtaining a separate
place&mdash;dignity, manliness, truth, mercy, long-suffering,
forgiveness, and humanity.</p>

<p>Try him by these all round and see how he will come out of the
fire. He so loved his country that we may say that he lived for it
entirely; that from the first moment in which he began to study as
a boy in Rome the great profession of an advocate, to the last in
which he gave his throat to his murderers, there was not a moment
in which his heart did not throb for it.</p>

<p>In the defence of Amerinus and in the prosecution of Verres, his
object was to stop the proscriptions, to shame the bench, and to
punish the plunderers of the provinces. In driving out Catiline the
same strong feeling governed him. It was the same in Cilicia. The
same patriotism drove him to follow Pompey to the seat of war. The
same filled him with almost youthful energy when the final battle
for the Republic came. It has been said of him that he began life
as a Liberal in attacking Sulla, and that afterward he became a
Conservative when he gained the Consulship; that he opposed
C&aelig;sar, and then flattered him, and then rejoiced at his
death. I think that they who have so accused him have hardly
striven to read his character amidst the changes of the time. A
Conservative he was always; but he wished to see that the things
around him were worth conserving. He was always opposed to
C&aelig;sar, whose genius and whose spirit were opposed to his own.
But in order that something of the Republic might be preserved, it
became necessary to bear with C&aelig;sar. For himself he would
take nothing from C&aelig;sar, except permission to breathe Italian
air. He flattered him, as was the Roman custom. He had to do that,
or his presence would have been impossible&mdash;and he could
always do something by his presence. As far as love of country
went, which among virtues stood the first with him, he was pure and
great. There was not a moment in his career in which the feel<span
class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">
328</a></span>ing was not in his heart&mdash;mixed indeed with
personal ambition, as must be necessary, for how shall a man show
his love for his country except by his desire to stand high in its
counsels? To be called "Pater Patri&aelig;" by Cato was to his ears
the sweetest music he had ever heard.</p>

<p>Let us compare his honesty with that of the times in which he
lived. All the high rewards of the State were at his command, and
he might so have taken them as to have been safer, firmer, more
powerful, by taking them; but he took nothing. No gorgeous wealth
from a Roman province stuck to his hands. We think of our
Cavendishes, our Howards, and our Stanleys, and feel that there is
nothing in such honesty as this. But the Cavendishes, the Howards,
and the Stanleys of those days robbed with unblushing pertinacity.
C&aelig;sar robbed so much that he put himself above all question
of honesty. Where did he, who had been so greatly in debt before he
went to Spain, get the million with which he bribed his adherents?
Cicero neither bought nor sold. Twenty little stories have been
told of him, not one with a grain of enduring truth to justify one
of them. He borrowed, and he always paid; he lent, but was not
always repaid. With such a voice to sell as his, a voice which
carried with it the verdict of either guilt or innocence, what
payments would it not have been worth the while of a Roman nobleman
to make to him? No such payments, as far as we can tell, were ever
made. He took a present of books from his friend P&oelig;tus, and
asked another friend what "Cincius" would say to it? Men struggling
to find him out, and not understanding his little joke, have said,
"Lo! he has been paid for his work. He defended P&oelig;tus, and
P&oelig;tus gave him books." "Did he defend P&oelig;tus?" you ask. "We
surmise so, because he gave him books," they reply. I say that at
any rate the fault should be brought home against him before it is
implied from chance passages in his own letters.</p>

<p>Cicero's affection for his family gives us an entirely
unfamiliar insight into Roman manners. There is a softness, a
ten<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">
329</a></span>derness, an eagerness about it, such as would give a
grace to the life of some English nobleman who had his heart
garnered up for him at home, though his spirit was at work for his
country. But we do not expect this from the Pompeys and
C&aelig;sars and Catos of Rome, perhaps because we do not know them
as we know Cicero. It is odd, however, that we should have no word
of love for his boys, as to Pompey; no word of love for his
daughter, as to C&aelig;sar. But Cicero's love for his wife, his
brother, his son, his nephew, especially for his daughter, was
unbounded. All offences on their part he could forgive, till there
came his wife's supposed dishonesty, which was not to be forgiven.
The ribaldry of Dio Cassius has polluted the story of his regard
for Tullia; but in truth we know nothing sweeter in the records of
great men, nothing which touches us more, than the profundity of
his grief. His readiness to forgive his brother and to forgive his
nephew, his anxiety to take them back to his affections, his
inability to live without them, tell of his tenderness.</p>

<p>His friendship for Atticus was of the same calibre. It was of
that nature that it could not only bear hard words but could
occasionally give them without fear of a breach. Can any man read
the records of this long affection without wishing that he might be
blessed with such a friendship? As to that love of our
fellow-creatures which comes not from personal liking for them, but
from that kindness of heart toward all mankind which has been the
fruit to us of Christ's teaching, that desire to do unto others as
they should do unto us, his whole life is an example. When
Qu&aelig;stor in Sicily, his chief duty was to send home corn. He
did send it home, but so that he hurt none of those in Sicily by
whom it was supplied. In his letter to his brother as to his
government of Asia Minor, the lessons which he teaches are to the
same effect. When he was in Cilicia, it was the same from first to
last. He would not take a penny from the poor provincials&mdash;not
even what he might have taken by law. "Non modo non f&aelig;num,
sed ne<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">
330</a></span> ligna quidem!" Where did he get the idea that it
was a good thing not to torment the poor wretches that were
subjected to his power? Why was it that he took such an un-Roman
pleasure in making the people happy?</p>

<p>Cicero, no doubt, was a pagan, and in accordance with the rules
prevailing in such matters it would be necessary to describe him of
that religion, if his religion be brought under discussion. But he
has not written as pagans wrote, nor did he act as they acted. The
educated intelligence of the Roman world had come to repudiate
their gods, and to create for itself a belief&mdash;in nothing. It
was easier for a thoughtful man, and pleasanter for a thoughtless,
to believe in nothing, than in Jupiter and Juno, in Venus and in
Mars. But when there came a man of intellect so excellent as to
find, when rejecting the gods of his country, that there existed
for him the necessity of a real God, and to recognize it as a fact
that the intercourse of man with man demanded it, we must not, in
recording the facts of his life, pass over his religion as though
it were simple chance. Christ came to us, and we do not need
another teacher. Christ came to us so perfected in manhood as to be
free from blemish. Cicero did not come at all as a teacher. He
never recognized the possibility of teaching men a religion, or
probably the necessity. But he did see the way to so much of the
truth as to perceive that there was a heaven; that the way to it
must be found in good deeds here on earth; and that the good deeds
required of him would be kindness to others. Therefore I have
written this final chapter on his religion.</p>

<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">
333</a></span></p>

<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX"></a>APPENDIX.</h2>

<h4>(<i>See</i> page <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, Vol. II.)</h4>

<h4><i>SCIPIO'S DREAM.</i></h4>

<p>Scipio the younger had gone, when in Africa, to meet Massinissa,
and had there discussed with the African king the character of his
nominal grandfather, for he was in fact the son of Paulus
&AElig;milius and had been adopted by the son of the great
conqueror at Zama. He had then retired to rest, and had dreamed a
dream, and is thus made to tell it. Africanus the elder had shown
himself to him greater than life, and had spoken to him in the
following words: "Approach," said the ghost; "approach in spirit,
and cease to fear, and write down on the tablets of your memory
this that I shall tell you.</p>

<p>"Look down upon that city. I compelled it to obey Rome. It now
seeks to renew its former strife, and you, but yet new to arms,
have come to conquer it." Then from his starry heights he points to
the once illustrious Carthage. "In twice twelve months that city
you shall conquer, and shall have earned for yourself that name
which by descent has become yours. Destroyer of Carthage,
triumphant Censor, ambassador from Rome to Egypt, Syria, Asia, and
Greece, you shall be chosen Consul a second time, though absent
and, having besieged Numantia, shall bring a great war to an end.
Then will the whole State turn to you and to your name. The
Senate, the citizens, the allies will expect you. In one word, it
will be to you as Dictator that the Republic will look to be saved
from the crimes of your relatives.</p>

<p>"But that you may be always alive to protect the Republic, know
this. There is in heaven a special place of bliss for those who
have served their country. To that God who looks down upon the
earth there is nothing dearer than men bound to each other by
reverence for the laws."</p>

<p>"Then, frightened, I asked him whether he were still living, and
my father Paulus, and others whom we believed to have departed. 'In
truth,' he said, 'they live who have escaped from the bondage of
the flesh. This which you call life is death. But behold Paulus
your father.' Beholding him, I poured forth a world of tears, but
he, embracing me, forbade me to weep.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name=
"Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span>"'Since this of yours is life, as my grandsire tells me,' I
said, as soon as my tears allowed me to speak, 'why, O father most
revered, do I delay here on earth, rather than haste to meet you?'
'It cannot be so,' he answered. 'Unless that God whose temple is
around you everywhere shall have liberated you from the chains of
the body, you cannot come to us. Men are begotten subject to his
law, and inhabit the globe which is called the earth; and to them
is given a soul from among the stars, perfect in their form and
alive with heavenly instincts, which complete with wondrous speed
their rapid courses. Wherefore, my son, by you and by all just men
that soul must be retained within its body's confines, nor can it
be allowed to flit without command of him by whom it has been given
to you. You may not escape the duty which God has trusted to you.
Live, my Scipio, and shine with piety and justice, as your
grandfather did and I have done. It is your duty to your parents
and to your relatives, but especially your duty to your country.
There lies the road to heaven. By following that course shall you
find your way to those who crowd with disembodied spirits the realm
beneath your eyes.'</p>

<p>"Then did I behold that splendid circle of fire which you, after
the Greeks, call the Milky-way, and looking out from thence could
see that all things were beautiful and all wonderful. There were
stars which we cannot see from hence, and others of tremendous,
unsuspected size; and then those smaller ones nearest to us, which
shine with a reflected light. But every star among them all loomed
larger than our earth. That seemed so mean, that I was sorry to
belong to so small an empire.</p>

<hr style='width: 45%;' />
<p>"As I gazed a sound struck my ears. 'What music is that,' said
I, 'swelling so loudly and yet so sweet?'</p>

<p>"'It is that harmony of the stars,' he said, 'which the world
creates by its own movement. Low and loud, base and treble, they
clang together with unequal intervals, but each in time and tune.
They could not work in silence, and nature demands that from one
end of heaven to the other they shall be sonorous with a deep
diapason. The far off give a loud treble twang. Those nearest to
the moon sound low and base. The earth, the ninth in order,
immovable upon its lowest seat, occupies the centre of the system.
From the eight there come seven sounds, distinct among themselves,
Venus and Mercury joining in one effort. In that number is the
secret of all human affairs. Learned men have made their way to
heaven by imitating this music; as have others also by the
excellence of their studies. Filled with this sound the sense of
hearing has failed among men. What sense is duller? It is as when
the Nile falls down to her cataracts, and the nations around,
astonished by the tumult, become deaf.'</p>

<hr style='width: 45%;' />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">
335</a></span>"'Then,' said Africanus, 'look and see how small are the
habitations of men, how grand are those of the angels of light.
What fame can you expect from men, or what glory? You see how they
live in mean places&mdash;in small spots, lonely amid vast
solitudes, and that they who inhabit them dwell so isolated that
nothing can pass between them. Can you expect glory from them?</p>

<p>"'You behold this earth surrounded by zones. You see two of
them, frozen from their poles, have been made solid with
everlasting ice; and how the centre realm between them has been
scorched by the sun's rays. Two, however, are fit for life. They
who inhabit the southern, whose footsteps are opposed to ours, are
a race of whom we know nothing. But see how small a part of this
little earth is inhabited by us who are turned toward the north.
For all the earth which you inhabit, wide and narrow, is but a
small island surrounded by that sea which you call the great
Atlantic Ocean&mdash;which, however large as you deem it, how small
it is! Has your name or has mine been able, over this small morsel
of the earth's surface, to ascend Mount Caucasus or to cross the
Ganges? Who in the regions of the rising or setting sun has heard
of our fame? Cut off these regions, distant but a hand's breadth,
and see within what narrow borders will your reputation be spread!
They who speak of you&mdash;for how short a time will their voices
be heard?</p>

<p>"'Grant that man, unenvious, shall wish to hand down your fame
to future ages, still there will come those storms of nature. The
earth will be immersed in water and scorched with fire; a doom
which in the course of ages must happen, and will deny to you any
lasting glory. Will you be content that they who are to come only
shall hear of you, when to those crowds of better men who have
passed away your name shall be as nothing?</p>

<p>"'And remember too that no man's renown shall reach the duration
of a year. Men call that space a year which they measure by the
return of a single star to its old place. But when all the stars
shall have come back, and shall have made their course across the
heavens, then, then shall that truly be called a year. In this year
how many are there of our ages contained. For as when Romulus died,
and made his way here to these temples of the gods, the sun was
seen by man to fade away, so will the sun again depart from the
heavens, when the stars, having accomplished their spaces, shall
have returned to their old abodes. Of this, the true year, not a
twentieth part has been as yet consumed. If, then, you despair of
reaching this abode, which all of true excellence strive to
approach, what glory is there to be gained? When gained, it will
not last the space of one year. Look then aloft, my son, and fix
your eyes upon this eternal home. Despise all vulgar fame, nor
place your hopes on human rewards. Let Virtue by her own charms
lead you on to true glory.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336"
id="Page_336">336</a></span> Let men talk of you&mdash;for
talk they will. Man's talk of man is small in its space, and
short-lived in its time. It dies with a generation and is forgotten
by posterity.'</p>

<p>"When he had spoken I thus answered him: 'Africanus,' I said, 'I
indeed have hitherto endeavored to find a road to heaven, following
your example and my father's; but now, for so great a reward, will
I struggle on more bravely.' 'Struggle on,' he replied, 'and know
this&mdash;not that thou art mortal but only this thy body. This
frail form is not thyself. It is the mind, invisible, and not a
shape at which a man may point with his fingers. Know thyself to be
a god. To be strong in purpose and in mind; to remember to provide
and to rule; to restrain and to move the body it is placed over, as
the great God does the world&mdash;that is to be a god. And as the
God who moves this mortal world is eternal, so does an eternal soul
govern this frail body.'"</p>

<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> As I shall
explain a few pages farther on, four of these speeches are supposed
by late critics to be spurious.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> See Mr. Long's
introduction to these orations. "All this I admit," says Mr. Long,
speaking of some possible disputant; "but he will never convince
any man of sense that the first of Roman writers, a man of good
understanding, and a master of eloquence, put together such
tasteless, feeble, and extravagant compositions."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> Pro Cn. Plancio,
ca. xxx.: "Nonne etiam illa testis est oratio qu&aelig; est a me
prima habita in Senatu. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Recitetur oratio, qu&aelig; propter rei
magnitudinem dicta de scripto est."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> Quintilian, lib.
xi., ca. 1, who as a critic worshipped Cicero, has nevertheless
told us very plainly what had been up to his time the feeling of
the Roman world as to Cicero's self-praise: "Reprehensus est in hac
parte non mediocriter Cicero."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
iv., 2. He recommends that the speech should be put into the hands
of all young men, and thus gives further proof that we still here
have his own words. When so much has come to us, we cannot but
think that an oration so prepared would remain extant.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> I had better,
perhaps, refer my readers to book v., chap. viii., of Mommsen's
History.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> "Politique des
Romains dans la religion;" a treatise which was read by its author
to certain students at Bordeaux. It was intended as a preface to a
longer work.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
i., 2.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
i., 5: "Nosti hominis tarditatem, et taciturnitatem."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> Ad Quintum
Fratrem, lib. ii., 3.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> Ibid., lib.
ii., 6.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
iv., 5.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
v., 12.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> Very early in
the history of Rome it was found expedient to steal an Etruscan
soothsayer for the reading of these riddles, which was gallantly
done by a young soldier, who ran off with an old prophet in his
arms (Livy, v., 15). We are naively told by the historian that the
more the prodigies came the more they were believed. On a certain
occasion a crowd of them was brought together: Crows built in the
temple of Juno. A green tree took fire. The waters of Mantua became
bloody. In one place it rained chalk in another fire. Lightning was
very destructive, sinking the temple of a god or a nut-tree by the
roadside indifferently. An ox spoke in Sicily. A precocious baby
cried out "Io triumphe" before it was born. At Spoletum a woman
became a man. An altar was seen in the heavens. A ghostly band of
armed men appeared in the Janiculum (Livy, xxiv., 10). On such
occasions the "aruspices" always ordered a vast slaughter of
victims, and no doubt feasted as did the wicked sons of Eli.</p>

<p>Even Horace wrote as though he believed in the anger of the
gods&mdash;certainly as though he thought that public morals would
be improved by renewed attention to them:</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">Delicta majorum immeritus lues,</span>
<span class="i0">Romane, donec templa refeceris.&mdash;Od., lib. iii., 6.</span>
</div>
</div>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> See the
Preface by M. Guerault to his translation of this oration, De
Aruspium Responsis.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> Ca. ix.: "Who
is there so mad that when he looks up to the heavens he does not
acknowledge that there are gods, or dares to think that the things
which he sees have sprung from chance&mdash;things so wonderful
that the most intelligent among us do not understand their
motions?"</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> Ca. xxviii.:
"Qu&aelig; in tempestate s&aelig;va quieta est, et lucet in
tenebris, et pulsa loco manet tamen, atque h&aelig;ret in patria,
splendetque per se semper, neque alienis unquam sordibus
obsolescit." I regard this as a perfect allocution of words in
regard to the arrangement both for the ear and for the
intellect.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> Ca. xliv.:
"There have always been two kinds of men who have busied themselves
in the State, and have struggled to be each the most prominent. Of
these, one set have endeavored to be regarded as 'populares,'
friends of the people; the other to be and to be considered as
'optimates,' the most trustworthy. They who did and said what could
please the people were 'populares,' but they who so carried
themselves as to satisfy every best citizen, they were
'optimates.'" Cicero, in his definition, no doubt begs the
question; but to do so was his object.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> Mommsen, lib.
v., chap. viii., in one of his notes, says that this oration as to
the provinces was the very "palinodia" respecting which Cicero
wrote to Atticus. The subject discussed was no doubt the same. What
authority the historian has found for his statement I do not know;
but no writer is generally more correct.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> De Prov.
Cons., ca. viii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> Ca. xiii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> Ca. xiv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> Ca.
xviii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> Pro C. Balbo,
ca. vii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> Ibid., ca.
xiii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> Gibbon,
Decline and Fall, ca. vii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> There was no
covenant, no bond of service, no master's authority, probably no
discipline; but the eager pupil was taught to look upon the anxious
tutor with love, respect, and faith.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> In Pisonem,
xxvii. Even in Cicero's words as used here there is a touch of
irony, though we cannot but imagine that at this time he was
anxious to stand well with Pompey. "There are coming on the games,
the most costly and the most magnificent ever known in the memory
of man; such as there never were before, and, as far as I can see,
never will be again." "Show yourself there if you dare!"&mdash;he
goes on to say, addressing the wretched Piso.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> Plutarch's
Life of Pompey: "Crassus upon the expiration of his Consulship
repaired to his province. Pompey, remaining in Rome, opened his
theatre." But Plutarch, no doubt, was wrong.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> We may
imagine what was the standing of the family from the address which
Horace made to certain members of it in the time of Augustus.
"Credite Pisones," De Arte Poetica. The Pisones so addressed were
the grandsons of Cicero's victim.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> Quin., ix.,
4: "Pro dii immortales, quis hic illuxit dies!" The critic quotes
it as being vicious in sound, and running into metre, which was
considered a great fault in Roman prose, as it is also in English.
Our ears, however, are hardly fine enough to catch the iambic twang
of which Quintilian complains.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> Ca. xviii.,
xx., xxii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> "Qu&aelig;
potest homini esse polito delectatio," Ad Div., vii., 1. These
words have in subsequent years been employed as an argument against
all out-of-door sports, with disregard of the fact that they were
used by Cicero as to an amusement in which the spectators were
merely looking on, taking no active part in deeds either of danger
or of skill.&mdash;<i>Fortnightly Review</i>, October, 1869, The
Morality of Field Sports.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
iv., 16.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> Ad Div., ii.,
8.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> See the
letter, Ad Quin. Frat., lib. iii., 2: "Homo undique actus, et quam
a me maxime vulneraretur, non tulit, et me trementi voce exulem
appellavit." The whole scene is described.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> Ad Fam., v.,
8.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> Ad Quin.
Frat., ii., 12.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> Ad Att., iv.,
15.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> Val. Max.,
lib. iv., ca. ii., 4.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> Horace, Sat.,
lib. ii., 1:</p>

<p>
<span style="margin-left: 18.5em;"><span class="smcap">Hor.</span>
"Trebati,</span><br />
Quid faciam pr&aelig;scribe."&mdash;<span class=
"smcap">Treb.</span> "Quiescas."&mdash;<span class=
"smcap">Hor.</span> "Ne faciam, inquis,
Omnino versus?"&mdash;<span class="smcap">Treb.</span>
"Aio."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Hor.</span> "Peream male si
non Optimum erat."<br />
</p>

<p>Trebatius became a noted jurisconsult in the time of Augustus,
and wrote treatises.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> Ca. iv.:
"Male judicavit populus. At judicavit. Non debuit, at potuit."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> Ca. vi.:
"Servare necesse est gradus. Cedat consulari generi praetorium, nec
contendat cum praetorio equester locus."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> Ca. xix.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> Ad Fam., i.,
9.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> Ca. xi.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> Ad Fam., lib.
ii., 6: "Dux nobis et auctor opus est et eorum ventorum quos
proposui moderator quidem et quasi gubernator."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> Mommsen, book
v., chap. viii. According to the historian, Clodius was the
Achilles, and Milo the Hector. In this quarrel Hector killed
Achilles.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
iv., 16.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> Ad Fam., lib.
vii., 7.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> Vell. Pat.,
ii., 47.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> We remember
the scorn with which Horace has treated the Roman soldier whom he
supposes to have consented to accept both his life and a spouse
from the Parthian conqueror:</p>

<p><br />
Milesne Crassi conjuge barbara<br />
Turpis maritus vixit?&mdash;Ode iii., 5.<br />
</p>

<p>It has been calculated that of 40,000 legionaries half were
killed, 10,000 returned to Syria, and that 10,000 settled
themselves in the country we now know as Merv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> Ad Quin.
Frat., lib. ii., 4, and Ad Att., lib. iv., 5.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> "Interrogatio
de &aelig;re alieno Milonis."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> Livy,
Epitome, 107: "Absens et solus quod nulli alii umquam
contigit."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> The Curia
Hostilia, in which the Senate sat frequently, though by no means
always.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> Ca. ii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> Ca. v.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> Ca. xx.,
xxi.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> Ca. xxix.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> Ca. xxxvii.:
"O me miserum! O me infelicem! revocare tu me in patriam, Milo,
potuisti per hos. Ego te in patria per eosdem retinere non potero!"
"By the aid of such citizens as these," he says, pointing to the
judges' bench, "you were able to restore me to my country. Shall I
not by the same aid restore you to yours?"</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> Ad Fam., lib.
xiii., 75.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> Ad Fam., lib.
vii., 2: "In primisque me delectavit tantum studium bonorum in me
exstitisse contra incredibilem contentionem clarissimi et
potentissimi viri."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> C&aelig;sar,
a Sketch, p. 336.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> Ibid., p.
341.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> He reached
Laodicea, an inland town, on July 31st, <span class=
"smcap">b.c.</span> 51, and embarked, as far as we can tell, at
Sida on August 3d, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50. It may be
doubted whether any Roman governor got to the end of his year's
government with greater despatch.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> No exemption
was made for C&aelig;sar in Pompey's law as it originally stood;
and after the law had been inscribed as usual on a bronze tablet it
was altered at Pompey's order, so as to give C&aelig;sar the
privilege. Pompey pleaded forgetfulness, but the change was
probably forced upon him by C&aelig;sar's
influence.&mdash;Suetonius, J. C&aelig;sar, xxviii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
iii., 2.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
v., 1.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> Abeken points
out to us, in dealing with the year in which Cicero's government
came to an end, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50, that Cato's
letters to Cicero (Ad Fam., lib. xv., 5) bear irrefutable testimony
as to the real greatness of Cicero. See the translation edited by
Merivale, p. 235. This applies to his conduct in Cilicia, and may
thus be taken as evidence outside his own, though addressed to
himself.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> The Roman
Triumvirate, p. 107.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> C&aelig;sar,
a Sketch, pp. 170, 341.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> Professor
Mommsen says no word of Cicero's government in Cilicia.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> I cannot but
refer to Mommsen's account of this transaction, book v., chap.
viii.: "Golden fetters were also laid upon him," Cicero. "Amid the
serious embarrassments of his finances the loans of C&aelig;sar
free of interest *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* were in a high degree welcome to him; and many
an immortal oration for the Senate was nipped in the bud by the
thought that the agent of C&aelig;sar might present a bill to him
after the close of the sitting." There are many assertions here for
which I have looked in vain for the authority. I do not know that
Cicero's finances were seriously embarrassed at the time. The
evidence goes rather to show that they were not so. Had he ever
taken more than one loan from C&aelig;sar? I find nothing as to any
question of interest; but I imagine that C&aelig;sar treated Cicero
as Cicero afterward treated Pompey when he lent him money. We do
not know whether even Crassus charged C&aelig;sar interest. We may
presume that a loan is always made welcome, or the money would not
be borrowed, but the "high degree of welcome," as applied to this
especial loan, ought to have some special justification. As to
Cicero's anxiety in borrowing the money I know nothing, but he was
very anxious to pay it. The borrowing and the lending of money
between Roman noblemen was very common. No one had ever borrowed so
freely as C&aelig;sar had done. Cicero was a lender and a borrower,
but I think that he was never seriously embarrassed. What oration
was nipped in the bud by fear of his creditor? He had lately spoken
twice for Saufeius, once against S. Clodius, and against
Plancus&mdash;in each case opposing the view of C&aelig;sar, as far
as C&aelig;sar had views on the matter. The sum borrowed on this
occasion was 800,000 sesterces&mdash;between &pound;6000 and
&pound;7000. A small additional sum of &pound;100 is mentioned in
one of the letters to Atticus, lib. v., 5., which is, however,
spoken of by Cicero as forming one whole with the other. I can
hardly think that Mommsen had this in view when he spoke of loans
in the plural number.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> M.&nbsp;C.
Marcellus was Consul <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 51; his
brother, C. Claudius Marcellus, was Consul <span class=
"smcap">b.c.</span> 50, another C. Claudius Marcellus, a cousin, in
<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> Mommsen calls
him a "respected Senator." M. De Guerle, in his preface to the
oration Pro Marcello, claims for him the position of a delegate. He
was probably both&mdash;though we may doubt whether he was
"respected" after his flogging.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
v., 11: "Marcellus foede in Comensi;" and he goes on to say that
even if the man had been no magistrate, and therefore not entitled
to full Roman treatment, yet he was a Transalpine, and therefore
not subject to the scourge. See Mr. Watson's note in his Select
Letters.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
ii., 8.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
v., 13.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> Ibid.:
"Qu&aelig;so ut simus annui; ne intercaletur quidem." It might be
that an intercalary month should be added, and cause delay.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. viii., 2: "Ut tibi cur&aelig; sit quod ad pantheras
attinet."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
v., 14.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
iii., 5.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
v., 15.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> Ibid.,
16.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
v., 17.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
iii., 6.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
xv., 1.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> Ibid., iii.,
8.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
viii., 8.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
viii., 10.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> Ibid., ii.,
10.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> This mode of
greeting a victorious general had no doubt become absurd in the
time of Cicero, when any body of soldiers would be only too willing
to curry favor with the officer over them by this acclamation.
Cicero ridicules this; but is at the same time open to the
seduction&mdash;as a man with us will laugh at the Sir Johns and
Sir Thomases who are seated around him, but still, when his time
comes, will be pleased that his wife shall be called "My Lady" like
the rest of them.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
ii., 7.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
v., 2.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
xv., 4.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> Ibid., xv.,
10, and lib. xv., 13: "Ut quam honorificentissimum senatus
consultum de meis rebus gestis faciendum cures."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
viii., 6.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> Ibid., 7.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> Ibid.,
iii., 7.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> Ibid.,
9.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> The amount
seems so incredible that I cannot but suspect an error in the MS.
The sum named is two hundred Attic talents. The Attic talent,
according to Smith's dictionary, was worth &pound;243 13<i>s.</i>
It may be that this large amount had been collected over a series
of years.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. v., 21.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> Ibid.,
vi., 1. This is the second letter to Atticus on the transaction,
and in this he asserts, as though apologizing for his conduct to
Brutus, that he had not before known that the money belonged to
Brutus himself: "Nunquam enim ex illo audivi illam pecuniam esse
suam."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> In the
letter last quoted, "Flens mihi meam famam commendasti." "Believe,"
he says, "that I cling to the doctrines which you yourself have
taught me. They are fixed in my very heartstrings."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> See the
former of the two letters, Ad. Att., lib. v., 21: "Quod enim
pr&aelig;tori dare consuessent, quoniam ego non acceperam, se a me
quodam modo dare."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> Ad Att.,
vi., 1: "Tricesimo quoque die talenta Attica xxxiii., et hoc ex
tributis." On every thirteenth day he gets thirty three talents
from the taxes, the talent being about &pound;243. Of the poverty
of Ariobarzanes we have heard much, and of the number of slaves
which reached Rome from his country. It was thus, probably, that
the king paid Pompey his interest.</p>

<div class="blockquot">
<p>Mancipiis locuples eget &aelig;ris Cappadonum rex.&mdash;Hor.
Epis., lib. i., vi.</p>
</div>

<p>Persius tells us how the Roman slave-dealer was wont to slap the
fat Cappadocian on the thigh to show how sound he was as he was
selling him, Sat. vi., 77. "Cappadocis eques catastis" is a phrase
used by Martial, lib. x., 76, to describe from how low an origin a
Roman knight might descend, telling us also that there were
platforms erected for the express purpose of selling slaves from
Cappadocia. Juvenal speaks also of "Equites Cappadoces" in the same
strain, Sat. vii., 15. The descendant even of a slave from
Cappadocia might rise to be a knight. From all this we may learn
what was the source of the &pound;8000 a month which Pompey
condescended to take, and which Cicero describes as being "ex
tributis."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. vi., 2.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. vi., 3.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. viii., 11.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. vi., 4, 5.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. ii., 15: "Scito me sperare ea qu&aelig; sequuntur."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> Ibid.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. vii., 1.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. vi., 8.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xi., 1.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> Appius and
Piso were the last two Censors elected by the Republic.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. ii., 15.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> Appian, De
Bell. Civ., lib. ii., 26. The historian tells us that the Consul
built a temple with the money, but that Curio had paid his
debts.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> Mommsen,
book v., ca. ix.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. vii., 1: "Video cum altero vinci satius esse quam cum altero
vincere."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. vii., 2: "Adolescentem, ut nosti, et adde, si quid vis,
probum."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. vii., 20-23.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. viii., 4.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. viii., 7.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> Copy of
letter D, enclosed in letter to Atticus, lib. viii., 11.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. ix., 10.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ix., 12.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. x., 4.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xi., 5.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> Horace,
Sat., lib. i., sat. 5.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xi., 7.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> Ad Div.,
xiv., 16.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xi., 24.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xi., 24.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. xi., 20-22.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> Ad Div.,
xiv., 22, 20. The numbers going the wrong way is only an indication
that the letters were wrongly placed by Gr&aelig;vius.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xi., 22</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">139</span></a>
Oratori&aelig; Partitiones, xvii., xxiii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> De
Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxxi.: "Catoni cum incredibilem tribuisset
natura gravitatem, eamque ipse perpetua constantia roborasset,
semperque in proposito susceptoque consilio permansisset, moriendum
potius quam tyranni vultum aspiciendum fuit."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> This was
Lucius Volcatius Tullus.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> But it is
now, I believe, the opinion of scholars that Wolf has been proved
to be wrong, and the words to have been the very words of Cicero,
by the publication of certain fragments of ancient scholia on the
Pro Marcello which have been discovered by Cardinal Mai since the
time of the dispute.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> Ad Div.,
iv., 11.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> Pro
Marcello, ii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> Pro
Ligario, i.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> Pro
Ligario, iii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> Ad Fam.,
lib. iv., 14.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. ix., 16.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xii., 7.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> Ibid.,
32.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. xvi., 21.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> Pliny,
Hist. Nat., lib. xiv., 28.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. vi., 18.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xii., 12.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> Ibid., 18,
28.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xii., 14.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> Ibid., 18,
28.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xiii., 28.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> Suetonius,
Julius C&aelig;sar, ca. xxxvii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xiii., 44.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib xiii., 42.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> Pro Rege
Deiotaro, ii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> Ibid., ca.
xii.: "Solus, inquam, es, C. C&aelig;sar, cujus in victoria cecide
it nemo nisi armatus."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">164</span></a>
C&aelig;sar, De Bello Gallico, lib. iii., 16: "Itaque, omni Senatu
necato, reliquos sub corona vendidit," he says, and passes on in
his serene, majestic manner.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> Quint.,
lib. x., vii.: "Nam Ciceronis ad pr&aelig;sens modo tempus aptatos
libertus Tiro contraxit."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> Horace,
Epis., lib. i., 1: "Nullus in orbe sinus Baiis pr&aelig;lucet
am&aelig;nis."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xiii., 52.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. vii., 30.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> Mommsen,
book v., xi.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> He left
Brundisium on the last day of the year.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">171</span></a>
Shakspeare, Julius C&aelig;sar, act i., sc. 2.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xiv., 9, 15.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">173</span></a>
Quintilian, lib. vii., 4.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> These
words will be found in M. Du Rozoir's summary to the
Philippics.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xiv., 1.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> Ibid., 14:
"Quam oculis cepi justo interitu tyranni."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> Morabin,
liv. vi., chap. iii., sec. 6.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> Velleius
Paterculus, lib. ii., ca. lviii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> Mommsen,
book v., xi.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xiv., 4.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. xiv., 6.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. xiv., 7.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xiv., 9.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. xiv., 11.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xiv., 13.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. xvi., 23.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. ix., 11.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xiv., 21.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xv., 21.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. xv., 26.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xv., 27.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. xvi., 1.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. xvi., 5.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. xvi., 2.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xvi., 7.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> Phil., i.,
5: "Nimis iracunde hoc quidem, et valde intemperanter." "Who," he
goes on to say, "has sinned so heavily against the Republic that
here, in the Senate, they shall dare to threaten his house by
sending the State workmen?"</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> Brutus,
Ciceroni, lib. ii., 5: "Jam concedo ut vel Philippici vocentur quod
tu quadam epistola jocans scripsisti." I fear, however, that we
must acknowledge that this letter cannot be taken as an authority
for the early use of the name.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> Phil., i.,
ca. vii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> Ibid., i.,
ca. viii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> Ibid., i.,
ca. x.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> The year
of his birth is uncertain. He had been Consul three years back, and
must have spoken often.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. xii., 2.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> It may
here be worth our while to quote the impassioned language which
Velleius Paterculus uses when he chronicles the death of Cicero,
lib. ii., 66: "Nihil tamen egisti, M. Antoni (cogit enim excedere
propositi formam operis, erumpens animo ac pectore indignatio),
nihil, inquam, egisti, mercedem c&aelig;lestissimi oris et
clarissimi capitis abscissi numerando, auctoramentoque funebri ad
conservatoris quondam reipublic&aelig; tantique consulis irritando
necem. Rapuisti tu M. Ciceroni lucem solicitam, et &aelig;tatem
senilem, et vitam miseriorem, te principe, quam sub te triumviro
mortem. Famam vero gloriamque factorum atque dictorum adeo non
abstulisti, ut auxeris. Vivit, vivetque per omnium s&aelig;culorum
memoriam; dumque hoc vel forte, vel providentia, vel utcumque
constitutum, rerum natur&aelig; corpus, quod ille p&aelig;ne solus
Romanorum animo vidit, ingenio complexus est, eloquentia
illuminavit, manebit incolume, comitem &aelig;vi sui laudem
Ciceronis trahet, omnisque posteritas illius in te scripta
mirabitur, tuum in eum factum execrabitur; citiusque in mundo genus
hominum, quam ea, cadet." This was the popular idea of Cicero in
the time of Tiberius.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. xii., 23.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xvi., 11.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> On
referring to the Milo, ca. xv., the reader will see the very
different tone in which Cicero spoke of this incident when Antony
was in favor with him.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">207</span></a> It was a
sign of an excellent character in Rome to have been chosen often as
heir in part to a man's property.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">208</span></a> Horace,
Odes, lib. iii., 30.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">209</span></a> Ad Att.,
lib. xvi., 14.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">210</span></a>
Philippics, lib. vi., 1.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">211</span></a> "Populum
Romanum servire fas non est, quem dii immortales omnibus gentibus
imperare voluerunt."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">212</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. xi., 8.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">213</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. x., 3.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">214</span></a> Ad Brutum,
lib. ii., 6.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">215</span></a> Appian. De
Bell. Civ., lib. iii., ca. 26.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">216</span></a> Vell.
Pat., lib. ii., 62: "Qu&aelig; omnia senatus decretis comprensa et
comprobata sunt."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">217</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. xii., 7. This is in a letter to Cassius, in which he says,
"Promisi enim et prope confirmavi, te non expectasse nec
expectaturum decreta nostra, sed te ipsum tuo more rempublicam
defensurum."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">218</span></a> Appian,
lib. iii., ca. 50. The historian of the civil wars declares that
Piso spoke up for Antony, saying that he should not be damnified by
loose statements, but should be openly accused. Feelings ran very
high, but Cicero seems to have held his own.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">219</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. x., 27.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">220</span></a> Suetonius,
Augustus, lib. xi.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">221</span></a> Tacitus,
Ann., lib. i., x.: "C&aelig;sis Hirtio et Pansa, sive hostis illos,
seu Pansam venenum vulneri affusum, sui milites Hirtium et,
machinator doli, C&aelig;sar abstulerat."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">222</span></a> Philip.,
xiv., 3: "Omnibus, quanquam ruit ipse suis cladibus, pestem,
vastitatem, cruciatum, tormenta denuntiat."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">223</span></a> Philip.,
xiv., 12: "O fortunata mors, qu&aelig; natur&aelig; debita, pro
patria est potissimum reddita."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">224</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. xi., 9.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">225</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. xi., 10.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">226</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. xi., 11.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">227</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. xi., 18.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">228</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. x., 34.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">229</span></a> Ad Brutum,
lib. i., 4.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">230</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. xi., 20: "Ipsum C&aelig;sarem nihil sane de te questum, nisi
quod diceret, te dixisse, laudandum adolescentem, ornandum,
tollendum."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">231</span></a> Ad Div.,
lib. xii., 10.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">232</span></a> Appian,
lib. iii., 92.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">233</span></a> Dio
Cassius, lib. xlvi., 46.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">234</span></a> Vell.
Paterculus, lib. ii., 65.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">235</span></a> Vell.
Paterculus, lib. ii., 66: "Repugnante C&aelig;sare, sed frustra
adversus duos, instauratum Sullani exempli malum, proscriptio."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">236</span></a> Vell.
Paterculus, lib. ii., 66: "Nihil tam indignum illo tempore fuit,
quam quod aut C&aelig;sar aliquem proscribere coactus est, aut ab
ullo Cicero proscriptus est."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">237</span></a> Suetonius,
Augustus, 27: "In quo restitit quidem aliquamdiu collegis, ne qua
fieret proscriptio, sed inceptam utroque acerbius exercuit."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">238</span></a> Phil., iv.,
ca. xviii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">239</span></a> In the
following list I have divided the latter, making the Moral Essays
separate from the Philosophy.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">240</span></a> I have
given here those treatises which are always printed among the works
of Cicero.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">241</span></a> De
Inventione, lib. ii., 4.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">242</span></a>
Quintilian, in his Pro&aelig;mium or Preface: "Oratorem autem
instituimus illum perfectum, qui esse nisi vir bonus non potest."
It seems as though there had almost been the question whether the
perfect orator could exist, although there was no question he had
never done so as yet.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">243</span></a> Quint.,
lib. iii., 1: "Pr&aelig;cipuum vero lumen sicut eloquenti&aelig;,
ita pr&aelig;ceptis quoque ejus, dedit unicum apud nos specimen
orandi, docendique oratorias artes, M. Tullius." And in Tacitus, De
Oratoribus, xxx.: "Ita ex multa eruditione, ex pluribus artibus,"
he says, speaking of Cicero, "et omnium rerum scientia exundat, et
exuberat illa admirabilis eloquentia; neque oratoris vis et
facultas, sicut ceterarum rerum, angustis et brevibus terminis
cluditur; sed is est orator, qui de omni qu&aelig;stione pulchre,
et ornate, et ad persuadendum apte dicere, pro dignitate rerum, ad
utilitatem temporum, cum voluptate audientium possit." This has not
the ring of Tacitus, but it shows equally well the opinion of the
day.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">244</span></a> De
Oratore, lib. i., ca. xi.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">245</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. i., ca. xxv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">246</span></a> Ibid.,
lib, i., ca. xliv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">247</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. i., ca. lii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">248</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. i., ca. lx.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">249</span></a> De
Oratore, lib. ii., ca. i.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">250</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ii., ca. vii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">251</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ii., ca. xv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">252</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ii., ca. xxiv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">253</span></a> De
Oratore, lib. ii., ca. xxvii.: "Ut probemus vera esse ea, qu&aelig;
defendimus; ut conciliemus nobis eos, qui audiunt; ut animos eorum,
ad quemcumque causa postulabit motum, vocemus."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">254</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ii., ca. xliv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">255</span></a> De
Oratore, lib. ii., ca. lxviii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">256</span></a> De
Oratore, lib. iii., ca. liv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">257</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. iii., ca. lv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">258</span></a> Brutus,
ca. xii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">259</span></a> Ibid., ca.
xvii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">260</span></a> Ibid., ca.
xxxviii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">261</span></a> Ibid., ca.
l.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_262" id="Footnote_262"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">262</span></a> Ibid., ca.
lvii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_263" id="Footnote_263"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_263"><span class="label">263</span></a> Ibid., ca.
lxxv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_264" id="Footnote_264"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_264"><span class="label">264</span></a> Brutus,
ca. xciii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_265" id="Footnote_265"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_265"><span class="label">265</span></a> De
Divinatione, lib. ii., 1.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_266" id="Footnote_266"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_266"><span class="label">266</span></a> Orator,
ca. ii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_267" id="Footnote_267"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_267"><span class="label">267</span></a> Orator,
ca. xxvi.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_268" id="Footnote_268"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_268"><span class="label">268</span></a> Ibid., ca.
xxviii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_269" id="Footnote_269"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_269"><span class="label">269</span></a> Ibid., ca.
xxxvi. Here his language becomes very fine.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_270" id="Footnote_270"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_270"><span class="label">270</span></a> Ad. Att.,
lib. xiv., 20.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_271" id="Footnote_271"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_271"><span class="label">271</span></a> Topica,
ca. 1: "Itaque haec quum mecum libros non haberem, memoria
repetita, in ipsa navigatione conscripsi, tibique ex itinere
misi."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_272" id="Footnote_272"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_272"><span class="label">272</span></a> Quint.,
lib. xi., 3. The translations of these epithets are "open, obscure,
full, thin, light, rough, shortened, lengthened, harsh, pliable,
clear, clouded."</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_273" id="Footnote_273"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_273"><span class="label">273</span></a> Brutus,
ca. xxxviii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_274" id="Footnote_274"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_274"><span class="label">274</span></a> De
Oratore, lib. i., ca. liii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_275" id="Footnote_275"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_275"><span class="label">275</span></a> Academica,
ii., lib. i., ca. iii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_276" id="Footnote_276"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_276"><span class="label">276</span></a> Ibid., i.,
lib. ii., ca. vii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_277" id="Footnote_277"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_277"><span class="label">277</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ii., ca. xii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_278" id="Footnote_278"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_278"><span class="label">278</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ii., ca. xxix.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_279" id="Footnote_279"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_279"><span class="label">279</span></a> Academica,
i., lib. ii., ca. xxxvii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_280" id="Footnote_280"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_280"><span class="label">280</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ii., ca. xxxix.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_281" id="Footnote_281"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_281"><span class="label">281</span></a> Pro
Murena, ca. xxix.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_282" id="Footnote_282"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_282"><span class="label">282</span></a> De
Finibus, lib. i., ca. iii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_283" id="Footnote_283"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_283"><span class="label">283</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. i., ca. v.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_284" id="Footnote_284"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_284"><span class="label">284</span></a> De
Finibus, lib. ii., ca. xxx.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_285" id="Footnote_285"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_285"><span class="label">285</span></a> De
Finibus, lib iii., ca. xxii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_286" id="Footnote_286"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_286"><span class="label">286</span></a> De
Finibus, lib. iv., ca. 1.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_287" id="Footnote_287"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_287"><span class="label">287</span></a> De
Finibus, lib. v., ca. ii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_288" id="Footnote_288"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_288"><span class="label">288</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. v., ca. xix.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_289" id="Footnote_289"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_289"><span class="label">289</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. v., ca. xxiii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_290" id="Footnote_290"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_290"><span class="label">290</span></a> Epis.,
lib. i., 1, 14.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_291" id="Footnote_291"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_291"><span class="label">291</span></a> Tus.
Disp., lib. v., ca. xi.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_292" id="Footnote_292"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">292</span></a> Tus.
Disp., lib. i., ca. xxx.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_293" id="Footnote_293"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_293"><span class="label">293</span></a> De Natura
Deo., lib. i., ca. iv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_294" id="Footnote_294"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_294"><span class="label">294</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. i., ca. ix.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_295" id="Footnote_295"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_295"><span class="label">295</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. i., ca. xiv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_296" id="Footnote_296"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_296"><span class="label">296</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ii., ca. xxix.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_297" id="Footnote_297"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">297</span></a> De Nat.
Deo., lib. ii., ca. liv., lv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_298" id="Footnote_298"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_298"><span class="label">298</span></a> De Nat.
Deo., lib. iii., ca. xxvii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_299" id="Footnote_299"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_299"><span class="label">299</span></a> De
Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. xxxiii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_300" id="Footnote_300"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_300"><span class="label">300</span></a> De
Divinatione, lib. i., ca. xviii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_301" id="Footnote_301"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_301"><span class="label">301</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. i., ca. xlvii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_302" id="Footnote_302"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_302"><span class="label">302</span></a> De
Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. i.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_303" id="Footnote_303"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_303"><span class="label">303</span></a> Horace,
Ep., lib. ii., ca. i.:</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<span class="i05">"Greece, conquered Greece, her conqueror subdued,</span>
<span class="i0">And Rome grew polished who till then was rude."</span>
<span class="i14"><span class="smcap">Conington's</span> Translation.</span>
</div>
</div>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_304" id="Footnote_304"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_304"><span class="label">304</span></a> De
Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. ii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_305" id="Footnote_305"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_305"><span class="label">305</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ii., ca. li.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_306" id="Footnote_306"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_306"><span class="label">306</span></a> The story
of Simon Du Bos and his MS. has been first told to me by Mr. Tyrell
in his first volume of the Correspondence of Cicero, p. 88. That a
man should have been such a scholar, and yet such a liar, and
should have gone to his long account content with the feeling that
he had cheated the world by a fictitious MS., when his erudition,
if declared, would have given him a scholar's fame, is marvellous.
Perhaps he intended to be discovered. I, for one, should not have
heard of Bosius but for his lie.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_307" id="Footnote_307"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_307"><span class="label">307</span></a> De
Republica, lib. iii. It is useless to give the references here. It
is all fragmentary, and has been divided differently as new
information has been obtained.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_308" id="Footnote_308"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_308"><span class="label">308</span></a> De
Legibus, lib. i., ca. vii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_309" id="Footnote_309"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_309"><span class="label">309</span></a> De
Legibus, lib. i., ca. x.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_310" id="Footnote_310"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_310"><span class="label">310</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ii., ca. xviii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_311" id="Footnote_311"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_311"><span class="label">311</span></a> De
Legibus, lib. iii., ca. ix., x.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_312" id="Footnote_312"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_312"><span class="label">312</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. iii., xvii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_313" id="Footnote_313"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_313"><span class="label">313</span></a> De
Senectute, ca. ix.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_314" id="Footnote_314"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_314"><span class="label">314</span></a> Ibid., ca.
x.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_315" id="Footnote_315"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_315"><span class="label">315</span></a> Ibid., ca.
xi.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_316" id="Footnote_316"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_316"><span class="label">316</span></a> Ibid., ca.
xviii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_317" id="Footnote_317"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_317"><span class="label">317</span></a> Ibid., ca.
xxi.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_318" id="Footnote_318"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_318"><span class="label">318</span></a> De
Amicitia, ca. xix.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_319" id="Footnote_319"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_319"><span class="label">319</span></a> De
Officiis, lib. ii., ca. v.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_320" id="Footnote_320"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_320"><span class="label">320</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. i., ca. xvii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_321" id="Footnote_321"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_321"><span class="label">321</span></a> De
Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxix: "Suppeditant autem et campus noster et
studia venandi, honesta exempla ludendi." The passage is quoted
here as an antidote to that extracted some time since from one of
his letters, which has been used to show that hunting was no
occupation for a "polite man"&mdash;as he, Cicero, had disapproved
of Pompey's slaughter of animals on his new stage.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_322" id="Footnote_322"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_322"><span class="label">322</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. i., ca. xxxi.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_323" id="Footnote_323"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_323"><span class="label">323</span></a> De
Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxxvi. It is impossible not to be reminded
by this passage of Lord Chesterfield's letters to his son, written
with the same object; but we can see at once that the Roman desired
in his son a much higher type of bearing than the Englishman. The
following is the advice given by the Englishman: "A thousand little
things, not separately to be defined, conspire to form these
graces&mdash;this 'je ne sais quoi' that always pleases. A pretty
person; genteel motions; a proper degree of dress; an harmonious
voice, something open and cheerful in the countenance, but without
laughing; a distinct and properly raised manner of
speaking&mdash;all these things and many others are necessary
ingredients in the composition of the pleasing 'je ne sais quoi'
which everybody feels, though nobody can describe. Observe
carefully, then, what displeases or pleases you in others, and be
persuaded that, in general, the same thing will please or displease
them in you. Having mentioned laughing, I must particularly warn
you against it; and I could wish that you may often be seen to
smile, but never heard to laugh, while you live." I feel sure that
Cicero would laugh, and was heard to laugh, and yet that he was
always true to the manners of a gentleman.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_324" id="Footnote_324"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_324"><span class="label">324</span></a> De
Officiis, lib. i., ca. xlii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_325" id="Footnote_325"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_325"><span class="label">325</span></a> De
Officiis, lib. ii., l.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_326" id="Footnote_326"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">326</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ii., ca. xiii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_327" id="Footnote_327"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_327"><span class="label">327</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. ii., ca. xiv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_328" id="Footnote_328"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_328"><span class="label">328</span></a> De
Officiis, lib. ii., ca. xxiv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_329" id="Footnote_329"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_329"><span class="label">329</span></a> Ibid.,
lib. iii., ca. i.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_330" id="Footnote_330"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_330"><span class="label">330</span></a> De
Republica, lib. vi. It is useless to give the chapters, as the
treatise, being fragmentary, is differently divided in different
editions.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_331" id="Footnote_331"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_331"><span class="label">331</span></a> Ad
Archiam, ca. xii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_332" id="Footnote_332"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_332"><span class="label">332</span></a> De
Republica, lib. vi.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_333" id="Footnote_333"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_333"><span class="label">333</span></a> Academica,
2, lib. i., ca. vii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_334" id="Footnote_334"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_334"><span class="label">334</span></a> Academica,
1, lib. ii., ca. xxxviii.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_335" id="Footnote_335"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_335"><span class="label">335</span></a> De
Officiis, lib. i., ca. xliv.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_336" id="Footnote_336"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_336"><span class="label">336</span></a> Tusc.
Disputationes, lib. i., ca. xxx.</p>
</div>

<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_337" id="Footnote_337"></a><a href=
"#FNanchor_337"><span class="label">337</span></a> De
Finibus, lib. v., ca. xxiii.</p>
</div>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">
337</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX.</h2>

<h4>A</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Abeken, German, biographer of Cicero, ii., <a href=
"#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li>"Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit," i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>.</li>

<li>Academica, The, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>; ii., <a
href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li>

<li>Actio Prima, contra Verrem, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>.</li>

<li>Actio Secunda, contra Verrem, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>.</li>

<li>Aculeo, Cicero's uncle, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>.</li>

<li>Adjournments, on account of games in the trial of Verres, i.,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>.</li>

<li>Advocate, duty in Rome, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_165">165</a>; his duties, ii., <a href=
"#Page_319">319</a>.</li>

<li>&AElig;dile, Cicero as, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_162">162</a>.</li>

<li>"&AElig;stimatum," tax on corn in Sicily, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>.</li>

<li>Agrarian law, two speeches, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>; two supplementary speeches, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>.</li>

<li>&#913;&#8054;&#948;&#941;&#959;&#956;&#945;&#953; &#932;&#961;&#8182;&#945;&#962;, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>.</li>

<li>Allobroges, their ambassadors, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_230">230</a>;

<ul>
<li>alluded to by Horace, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_231">231</a>;</li>

<li>rewarded, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_233">233</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>&AElig;milius, the Consul, bribed by C&aelig;sar, ii., <a href=
"#Page_116">116</a>.</li>

<li>Amanus, Cicero's campaign at the mountain range, ii., <a href=
"#Page_90">90</a>.</li>

<li>Amicitia, De, ii., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>; L&aelig;lius
tells its praises, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li>

<li>Amnesty, granted after C&aelig;sar's death, ii., <a href=
"#Page_181">181</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's opinion respecting it, <a href=
"#Page_214">214</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Anatomical researches, ii., <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li>

<li>Antiochus of Comagene, Cicero pleads against, ii., <a href=
"#Page_48">48</a>.</li>

<li>Antiphon, an actor, criticism on, ii., <a href=
"#Page_48">48</a>.</li>

<li>Antonius Caius, Cicero's colleague in the Consulship, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_185">185</a>;

<ul>
<li>not trusted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_186">186</a>;</li>

<li>was worth nothing, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_229">229</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero expects money from, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_251">251</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Antonius Marcus, the orator, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li>Antony, abuse of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;

<ul>
<li>silenced by Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_204">204</a>;</li>

<li>Cassius had desired his death, ii., <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li>

<li>forges C&aelig;sar's writing, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li>

<li>writes to Cicero, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero desires to make him leave Italy, <a href=
"#Page_190">190</a>;</li>

<li>desires Cicero to assist in the Senate, <a href=
"#Page_191">191</a>;</li>

<li>desires that Cicero's house shall be attacked, <a href=
"#Page_192">192</a>;</li>

<li>determines to answer the first Philippic, <a href=
"#Page_195">195</a>;</li>

<li>left no friend to speak for him, <a href=
"#Page_196">196</a>;</li>

<li>his character by Paterculus, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li>

<li>the same from Virgil, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>how he sought favor with C&aelig;sar, <a href=
"#Page_201">201</a>;</li>

<li>how he quarrelled with Dolabella, <a href=
"#Page_202">202</a>;</li>

<li>.his letter to Hirtius, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li>

<li>.wages war against four Consuls, <a href=
"#Page_224">224</a>;</li>

<li>one of the Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Appius Claudius, letter to, ii., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>;

<ul>
<li>runs away from Cicero, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li>

<li>takes away three cohorts, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li>

<li>sends ambassadors to Rome to praise him, <a href=
"#Page_88">88</a>;</li>

<li>his dishonesty, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li>

<li>twice tried, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>Censor, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Apronius, who he was, and his character, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_153">153</a>.</li>

<li>Arabarches, nickname for Pompey, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>.</li>

<li>Aratus, the Ph&aelig;nomena translated, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>;

<ul>
<li>the Prognostics translated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>;
ii., <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Arbuscula, the actress, ii., <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li>

<li>Archias, Cicero's tutor, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's speech, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Ariobarzanes, in debt to Pompey and Brutus, ii., <a href=
"#Page_100">100</a>.</li>

<li>Army, Cicero joins it, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_48">48</a>.</li>

<li>Arpinum, Cicero's birthplace, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>.</li>

<li>Asconius Pedianus, commentator of Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>;

<ul>
<li>declares that Cicero had accused Crassus of joining Catiline,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;</li>

<li>tells the story of Milo's trial, ii., <a href=
"#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Asia, Cicero travels in, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_56">56</a>.</li>

<li>Asians, the character given them by Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>.</li>

<li>"Assectatores," who they were, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>.</li>

<li>Athens, Cicero is afraid to live there, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's description of, ii., <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Atticus, letters, private, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_10">10</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's faith in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>;</li>

<li>general letters, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>;</li>

<li>his character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_182">182</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero informs him as to Clodius, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>;</li>

<li>and of his speech in Pompey's favor, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>;</li>

<li>did not quarrel with Cicero, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero complains of his conduct, and then apologizes, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;</li>

<li>leads money to Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_323">323</a>;</li>

<li><span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">
338</a></span> no letter of his extant, ii., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>;</li>

<li>receives a commission to see Cicero's debts paid, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_188">188</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero's last letter to, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_206">206</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Augurs, College of, ii., <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>

<li>Augustine has produced a fragment of the De Republica, ii., <a
href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li>

<li>Augustus, devoid of scruple, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>;

<ul>
<li>born in the Consulship of Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Aulus Gellius, tells a story of Cicero's house, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_249">249</a>.</li>

<li>Aurelia, Via, Catiline had left the city by that route, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>.</li>

<li>Autronius, selected Consul, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>B.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Bacon, compared to Cicero, ii., <a href=
"#Page_100">100</a>.</li>

<li>Balbus, messenger from C&aelig;sar to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>;

<ul>
<li>his citizenship defended, ii., <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li>

<li>his descendant Emperor, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Battle of the eagle and the serpent, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li>

<li>Beesley, Mr., as to Catiline, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_205">205</a>.</li>

<li>Bibulus as Consul, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>.</li>

<li>Birria stabs Clodius, ii., <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>

<li>Boasting, habit of the Romans, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>.</li>

<li>Boissier, Gaston, his book on Cicero, ii., <a href=
"#Page_34">34</a>.</li>

<li>Bona Dea, her mysteries violated, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>.</li>

<li>Bovilla, at, Milo meets Clodius, ii., <a href=
"#Page_62">62</a>.</li>

<li>Brennus, when at Rome, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>.</li>

<li>Brougham, Lord, as to "Memnon," a tale, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li>

<li>Brundisium, Cicero lands at on his return from exile, ii., <a
href="#Page_129">129</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's misery at, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Brutus, proposes to make a speech in behalf of Milo, ii., <a
href="#Page_66">66</a>;

<ul>
<li>his usury, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li>

<li>the story of his debt in Cilicia, <a href=
"#Page_97">97</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero's opinion, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li>

<li>letters from, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li>

<li>how he should be judged for the murder of C&aelig;sar; <a href=
"#Page_174">174</a>;</li>

<li>his character, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>

<li>no aptitude for ruling, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>Cicero meets him at Velia, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>

<li>his manners to Cicero, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li>

<li>praised, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li>

<li>correspondence with, doubted, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li>

<li>an honest patriot, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li>

<li>will not assist Cicero, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero's respect for, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Brutus, The, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;

<ul>
<li>Brutus, or De Claris Oratoribus, <a href=
"#Page_265">265</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Brutus, Decimus, letters from, ii., <a href=
"#Page_140">140</a>;

<ul>
<li>preparing to fight, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li>

<li>deficient as a general, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li>

<li>is slain, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Buthrotum, Atticus, writes to Cicero respecting, ii., <a href=
"#Page_185">185</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>C.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>C&aelig;cilia Metella, her tomb, ii., <a href=
"#Page_160">160</a>.</li>

<li>C&aelig;cilius, put up to plead against Verres, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>;

<ul>
<li>ridiculed as to his insufficiency, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>C&aelig;cina, Cicero's speech for, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li>C&aelig;lius, one of the young bloods of Rome, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_36">36</a>;

<ul>
<li>his character, ii., <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li>

<li>one of Clodia's lovers, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>defended by Cicero, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li>

<li>harangues the people for Milo, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li>

<li>scolded for the folly of his letters, <a href=
"#Page_84">84</a>;</li>

<li>asks for panthers, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li>

<li>style of his letters, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li>

<li>attached to Cicero, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li>

<li>letters from, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>C&aelig;lius, C., left in charge of Cilicia, ii., <a href=
"#Page_106">106</a>.</li>

<li>C&aelig;parius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>.</li>

<li>C&aelig;rellia, her name mentioned, ii., <a href=
"#Page_186">186</a>.</li>

<li>C&aelig;sar, devoid of scruple, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>;

<ul>
<li>his debts, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_103">103</a>;</li>

<li>his cruelty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_104">104</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero's treatment of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>;</li>

<li>passing the Rubicon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>;</li>

<li>did he join the conspiracy of Catiline, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>;</li>

<li>in debt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>;</li>

<li>his prospects, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>no ground for accusing him as second conspiracy, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>;</li>

<li>his opinion of Cicero, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>attempt to murder as he left the Senate, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>present at the first Catiline oration, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>;</li>

<li>speech as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>;</li>

<li>his career commenced, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>;</li>

<li>did not think of overthrowing the Republic, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_242">242</a>;</li>

<li>had not thought of ruling Rome, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_260">260</a>;</li>

<li>money nothing to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_266">266</a>;</li>

<li>his general character, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>his first Consulship, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>;</li>

<li>illegality of his actions, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_283">283</a>;</li>

<li>has the two Gauls allotted to him, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_284">284</a>;</li>

<li>endeavors to screen Cicero, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>;</li>

<li>naturally a conspirator, ii., <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>

<li>defence of his Proconsular power, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a
href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li>

<li>his doings in Gaul, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero's conduct in reference to, <a href=
"#Page_32">32</a>;</li>

<li>why Cicero flattered him, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li>

<li>intends to rule the Empire, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li>

<li>crosses into Britain, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li>

<li>money due to him by Cicero, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li>

<li>returns the two legions, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li>

<li>sits down at the Rubicon, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li>

<li>tramples on all the laws, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero excuses his letter to, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li>

<li>his clemency to Romans, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li>

<li>absence of revenge, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>does not allow Cicero to sell his property, <a href=
"#Page_138">138</a>;</li>

<li>is magnificent, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li>

<li>sits as judge, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li>

<li>returns to Spain, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li>

<li>returns from Spain, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li>

<li>is likened to Romulus, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li>

<li>his five triumphs, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>is flattered by Cicero, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li>

<li>sups with Cicero, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li>

<li>his death, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li>

<li>his assassination esteemed a glorious deed, <a href=
"#Page_175">175</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero present, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li>

<li>an altar put up to, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li>

<li>his laws to be sanctioned, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Calenus, talks of peace, ii., <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;

<ul>
<li>attacked by Cicero, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Caninius, Consul for a few hours, ii., <a href=
"#Page_272">272</a>.</li>

<li>Capitol, description of, ii., <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;

<ul>
<li>Brutus returns to, <i>ibid.</i></li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Cappadocian slaves, ii., <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li>Cassius, Cicero says that he would not obey the Senate, ii., <a
href="#Page_219">219</a>;

<ul>
<li>will not assist Cicero, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Castor, the temple of, in the trial of Verres, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_143">143</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_339"
id="Page_339">339</a></span></li>

<li>Castor, accuses his grandfather, Deiotarus, ii., <a href=
"#Page_164">164</a>.</li>

<li>Catiline, one of Sulla's murderers, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero opposed to for Consulship, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero does not defend him, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>;</li>

<li>the Catiline speeches described by Cicero, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>;</li>

<li>a popular hero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_205">205</a>;</li>

<li>a step between the Gracchi and C&aelig;sar, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_207">207</a>;</li>

<li>Mr. Beesley's opinion as to his high birth, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_211">211</a>;</li>

<li>and courage, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>his real character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_212">212</a>;</li>

<li>not elected Consul, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;</li>

<li>second conspiracy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;</li>

<li>accused by Lepidus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>;</li>

<li>he leaves the city, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>;</li>

<li>third speech against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_230">230</a>;</li>

<li>fourth speech against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>;</li>

<li>he dies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Cato, accuses Murena, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>;

<ul>
<li>his stoicism laughed at, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>speech as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>;</li>

<li>opposed Clodius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_256">256</a>;</li>

<li>keeping gladiators, ii., <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li>

<li>opposes Cicero's request for a "supplication," <a href=
"#Page_105">105</a>;</li>

<li>his death, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero praises him, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li>

<li>a glutton with books, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</li>

<li>his suicide defended, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Cato the elder, praise of, ii., <a href=
"#Page_307">307</a>.</li>

<li>Catullus, his epigram on C&aelig;sar and Mamurra, ii., <a href=
"#Page_169">169</a>.</li>

<li>Caudine Forks, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>.</li>

<li>"Cedant arma tog&aelig;," an impotent scream, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>.</li>

<li>Cethegus, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>.</li>

<li>Chesterfield, Lord, his advice to his son, ii., <a href=
"#Page_318">318</a>.</li>

<li>Christian, Cicero almost one, ii., <a href=
"#Page_325">325</a>.</li>

<li>Christina, Queen, on Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>.</li>

<li>Chrysogonus, creature of Sulla's, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>.</li>

<li>Churches, rules complied with for the sake of example, ii., <a
href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>

<li>Cicero, young Marcus, wishes to serve under C&aelig;sar, ii.,
<a href="#Page_156">156</a>;

<ul>
<li>money allowed for living at Athens, <a href=
"#Page_157">157</a>;</li>

<li>does not do well, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Cilicia, governed for a year, ii., <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's mode of government, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li>

<li>why undertaken, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>Cicero's government had cost no man a shilling, <a href=
"#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>"Cincia Lex De Muneribus," i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>.</li>

<li>Cispius, defended, ii., <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li>

<li>"Civis Romanus," his privileges, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_158">158</a>.</li>

<li>Claterna, taken by Hirtius, ii., <a href=
"#Page_214">214</a>.</li>

<li>Claudian family, desecrated by Clodius, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>.</li>

<li>Clodia, her character, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>.</li>

<li>Clodius, Cicero's language to, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_186">186</a>;

<ul>
<li>accuses Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>;</li>

<li>intrudes on the mysteries of the Bona Dea, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>;</li>

<li>acquitted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>;</li>

<li>quarrels with Cicero, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>Cicero's speech against, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>;</li>

<li>his Tribunate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_272">272</a>;</li>

<li>favored by C&aelig;sar and Pompey, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>is made a Plebeian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>;</li>

<li>prepares to attack Cicero, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_311">311</a>;</li>

<li>had put up a statue of a Greek prostitute as a figure of
liberty, ii., <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li>

<li>slaughtered, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li>

<li>his mode of travelling about, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Cluentius Aulus, speech on his behalf, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>;

<ul>
<li>work in defending immense, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Cluvius, leaves Cicero a property, ii., <a href=
"#Page_182">182</a>.</li>

<li>"Cohors," Cicero, in anger, so calls his suite, ii., <a href=
"#Page_107">107</a>.</li>

<li>College of priests, oration spoken before, ii., <a href=
"#Page_20">20</a>.</li>

<li>Commentarium of C&aelig;lius, ii., <a href=
"#Page_105">105</a>.</li>

<li>Conduct, Cicero's, as governor, ii., <a href=
"#Page_22">22</a>.</li>

<li>Conservative, Cicero was one, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_308">308</a>.</li>

<li>Consolation, Cicero complains that nothing is of use, ii., <a
href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>

<li>Consular speeches, twelve, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>.</li>

<li>Consulatu de suo, Cicero quotes his own poem, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li>Consulatus de Petitione, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>.</li>

<li>Consuls and other officers reconformed by Sulla, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>;

<ul>
<li>the manner in which they were selected, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_184">184</a>;</li>

<li>their duties, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>;</li>

<li>never two bad Consuls together, ii., <a href=
"#Page_14">14</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero asks them to praise him, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>

<li>are they to be sent out of Italy? <a href=
"#Page_218">218</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Cornelius, a Knight employed to kill Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_223">223</a>.</li>

<li>Cornelius Caius, speech on his behalf, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li>Cornelius Nepos, on Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>,

<ul>
<li>his sayings as to Cicero's letters, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Cotta, Lucius Aurelius, elected Consul, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>.</li>

<li>Cotta, the orator, Cicero knew him in his youth, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li>Courage, as to the nature of, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_299">299</a>;

<ul>
<li>shown in the Philippics, ii., <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Cowardice, Cicero accused of, ii., <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;

<ul>
<li>the charge repelled, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Crassus, noted for usury, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>;

<ul>
<li>did he join Catiline? <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>;</li>

<li>like M. Pourier, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_217">217</a>;</li>

<li>present at first Catiline oration, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>;</li>

<li>belauds Cicero in the Senate, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>;</li>

<li>one of the Triumvirate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>;</li>

<li>says a man cannot be rich unless he can keep an army in his
pay, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>;</li>

<li>destroyed in Parthia, ii., <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Crassus, Lucius, the orator, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>;

<ul>
<li>his death, ii., <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Curio the elder, Cicero's lampoon, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_328">328</a>.</li>

<li>Curio and Claudius, speech against, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>.</li>

<li>Curio bribed by C&aelig;sar, ii., <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;
intimate with Antony, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li>

<li>Curius, betrays Catiline's conspiracy, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>.</li>

<li><i>Cybea</i>, the ship built for Verres by the Mamertines, i.,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>D.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Dates, as to those to be used, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li>Death, endured bravely by Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>.</li>

<li><span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">
340</a></span> Decemviri, to be appointed under the law of Rullus,
i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>.</li>

<li>"Decumanum," tithe on corn in Sicily, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>.</li>

<li>"Deductores," who they were, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li>Deiotarus, Cicero pleads for, ii., <a href=
"#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li>Democrat, Cicero wrongly called, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>.</li>

<li>De Quincey, his opinion of Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_20">20</a>;

<ul>
<li>his anger against Middleton, ii., <a href=
"#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Deserter, in politics Cicero defended from the accusation, i.,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>.</li>

<li>Despotism, personal, ill effects of, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>.</li>

<li>Dio persecuted in the trial of Verres, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_145">145</a>.</li>

<li>Dio Cassius, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_18">18</a>;

<ul>
<li>as to Cicero's oath, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Diodotus, Cicero studies with, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>.</li>

<li>Dionysius, the Greek tutor, ii., <a href=
"#Page_121">121</a>.</li>

<li>Dishonesty, the charge repelled as to Cicero, ii., <a href=
"#Page_245">245</a>.</li>

<li>Diversos, Ad, letters to, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>.</li>

<li>"Divmatio, in Quintum C&aelig;cilium," i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>.</li>

<li>Divinatione, De, ii., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href=
"#Page_297">297</a>.</li>

<li>Divorces, common with Romans, ii., <a href=
"#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li>Doctrine, Cicero does not live according to his own, ii., <a
href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li>

<li>Dolabella, Cicero's pupil in oratory, ii., <a href=
"#Page_155">155</a>;

<ul>
<li>his cruelty, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Dorotheus, an enemy of Sthenius, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_147">147</a>;

<ul>
<li>trial of Verres, <i>ibid.</i></li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Drusus, his gardens to be bought, ii., <a href=
"#Page_161">161</a>.</li>

<li>Du Bos, Simon, ii., <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>

<li>Duty to the state, ii., <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li>

<li>Dyriachiam, Cicero's protection of, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_101">101</a>;

<ul>
<li>sojourned there during his exile, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>

<h4>E</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Education, expense of, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li>Egypt, Cicero asked by C&aelig;sar to go there, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>.</li>

<li>Eleusinian mysteries, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_59">59</a>.</li>

<li>Elizabeth, Queen, glory of her reign, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>.</li>

<li>"Emptum," tax on corn, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>.</li>

<li>Encyclop&aelig;dia Britannica, character of Cicero, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>.</li>

<li>Ephesus, how Cicero was received there, ii., <a href=
"#Page_85">85</a>.</li>

<li>Epicureans, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>.</li>

<li>Epicurus, dying, ii., <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's peculiar dislike to, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Epistles, number written by and to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>;

<ul>
<li>the first we have, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>;</li>

<li>do not deal with history, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_167">167</a>;</li>

<li>their truth, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>Tiro had collected, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>; ii., <a
href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>

<li>his last official and military, <a href=
"#Page_231">231</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Eques, or knight, Cicero one, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>.</li>

<li>Equites, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_128">128</a>;

<ul>
<li>their duties as tax-gatherers, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_280">280</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Equity, Cicero accused of trifling with, ii., <a href=
"#Page_100">100</a>.</li>

<li>Erasmus, his opinion of Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>.</li>

<li>Erucius, accuses Sextus Roscius, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_87">87</a>.</li>

<li>Eryx, Mount, temple of Venus, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_145">145</a>.</li>

<li>Exile, Cicero's, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>, <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;

<ul>
<li>sentence against Cicero, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>;</li>

<li>attempt to bring him back, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>;</li>

<li>did not write during, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_330">330</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>

<h4>F.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Famine, in Rome, ii., <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>

<li>Fato, De, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>

<li>Finibus, De, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>, ii., <a href=
"#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li>

<li>Fish-ponders, who they were, ii., <a href=
"#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li>Flaccus, speech on behalf of, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li>Flavius, his goodness to Cicero when exiled, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_323">323</a>.</li>

<li>Florus, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>;

<ul>
<li>as to Catiline, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Fonteius, Cicero's speech for, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_163">163</a>;

<ul>
<li>purchase of a house, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Formi&aelig;, Cicero killed at, ii., <a href=
"#Page_243">243</a>.</li>

<li>Formanum, purchases for the villa, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>.</li>

<li>Forsyth, Mr., i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>, <a href=
"#Page_9">9</a>;

<ul>
<li>passage quoted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_20">20</a>;</li>

<li>defends the English bar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;</li>

<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>;</li>

<li>as to the story of Brutus, ii., <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li>

<li>quoted as to the Philippics, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Fortitude, Roman, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>.</li>

<li>Froude, Mr., accuses Cicero of a desire for C&aelig;sar's
death, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>, <a href=
"#Page_10">10</a>;

<ul>
<li>his sketch of C&aelig;sar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>;</li>

<li>hard things said of Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>;</li>

<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>;</li>

<li>gives his reason for Cicero's going to Cilicia, ii., <a href=
"#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Frumentama, De Re, third speech on the Actio Secunda in Verrem,
i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>.</li>

<li>Fulvia betrays Catiline's conspiracy, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>.</li>

<li>Fulvia, widow of Clodius, exposes the body of Clodius, ii., <a
href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>G.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Gabinius, A., abuse of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;

<ul>
<li>proposes law in favor of Pompey, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>;</li>

<li>Consul when Cicero was banished, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>;</li>

<li>takes his shrubs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>;</li>

<li>whether he shall be punished, ii., <a href=
"#Page_9">9</a>;</li>

<li>comes back to Rome and is defended by Cicero, <a href=
"#Page_47">47</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Gabinius, P., one of Catiline's, conspirators, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>.</li>

<li>Gain, the source of mean or noble, ii., <a href=
"#Page_318">318</a>.</li>

<li>Gallus, Caninius, defended by Cicero, ii., <a href=
"#Page_46">46</a>.</li>

<li>Gavius, Cicero's treatment of, ii., <a href=
"#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li>Gavius, P., a Roman citizen, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_158">158</a>.</li>

<li>Geography, Cicero thinks of writing about, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>.</li>

<li>Get&aelig;, shall he bring them down on Rome, ii., <a href=
"#Page_123">123</a>.</li>

<li><span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">
341</a></span> Glabrio, Pr&aelig;tor at the trial of Verres, i.,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a></li>

<li>Gloria, De, translated, ii., <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li>

<li>Godhead, Cicero's belief in, ii., <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's ideas of, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href=
"#Page_326">326</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Gracchi, the two, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>;

<ul>
<li>latest disciple of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>;</li>

<li>what they attempted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Gr&aelig;vius, arranged Cicero's letters, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_168">168</a></li>

<li>Greece, Cicero travels in, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_56">56</a></li>

<li>Gueroult, M., his enthusiasm for Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>H.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Heaven, Cicero's idea of, ii., <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li>

<li>Hierosolymarius, nickname of Pompey, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_289">289</a></li>

<li>Heius, Marcus, his story in the trial of Verres, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_155">155</a></li>

<li>Helvia, Cicero's mother's story respecting, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>.</li>

<li>Heraclius, the story of, on the trial of Verres, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_145">145</a></li>

<li>Herennius, killed Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li>

<li>Hirtius, on Cicero's side, ii., <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;

<ul>
<li>killed, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Historians, what they would say of Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_301">301</a></li>

<li>Homer's verses of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li>

<li>Honest man, how he ought to live, ii., <a href=
"#Page_319">319</a></li>

<li>"Honestum," what it means, ii., <a href=
"#Page_315">315</a></li>

<li>Horace, his boasting, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;

<ul>
<li>his treatment of women, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Hortensius, on the trial of Verres, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href=
"#Page_161">161</a>;

<ul>
<li>comes to see Cicero as he leaves Rome, ii., <a href=
"#Page_82">82</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>House, purchased on the Palatine Hill, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_250">250</a>;

<ul>
<li>the spot consecrated by Clodius, ii., <a href=
"#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Human race, Cicero's love for, ii., <a href=
"#Page_290">290</a></li>

<li>Hyps&aelig;us, candidate for the Consulship, ii., <a href=
"#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>I.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>"Imperator," Cicero is named, ii., <a href=
"#Page_91">91</a>.</li>

<li>Income, Cicero's amount of, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>

<li>Insincerity of Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;

<ul>
<li>almost necessary, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>Cicero's defended, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Invective, bitterness of Cicero's, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_32">32</a>.</li>

<li>Inventione, De, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>;

<ul>
<li>four books remaining, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a
href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>

<h4>J.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>"Jews," gold of their temple saved, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_296">296</a></li>

<li>Jonson, Ben, his desciption of Catiline, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li>

<li>Journey into Greece, Cicero intends a, ii., <a href=
"#Page_184">184</a>.</li>

<li>Judges, how they sat with a Pr&aelig;tor, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_93">93</a>.</li>

<li>Julia, C&aelig;sar's wife, dies, ii., <a href=
"#Page_57">57</a></li>

<li>Jupiter Stator, Cicero's first speech against Catiline in the
temple of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_224">224</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero returns thanks for, in the temple, ii., <a href=
"#Page_12">12</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Jurisdictione Siciliens, De, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>.</li>

<li>Juvenal, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>;

<ul>
<li>as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>

<h4>K.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Killing Roman citizens, Cicero to be charged with; i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li>Kings, odious to Cicero as to all Romans, ii., <a href=
"#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>L.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Labienus, an optimate, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_293">293</a>.</li>

<li>La Harpe, his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., <a href=
"#Page_151">151</a>.</li>

<li>L&aelig;lius in the dialogue De Republica, ii., <a href=
"#Page_307">307</a>.</li>

<li>Lanuvium, Milo returning from, ii., <a href=
"#Page_62">62</a>.</li>

<li>Laodicea, Cicero is governor, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>.</li>

<li>Lawyers, Cicero ridicules them, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_194">194</a>.</li>

<li>Legacies, a source of income, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_103">103</a>.</li>

<li>Legions, the, are C&aelig;sarian, ii., <a href=
"#Page_229">229</a>.</li>

<li>Legibus, De, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;
<ul><li>
taken from
Plato, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.
</li></ul></li>

<li>Legation offered to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>.</li>

<li>Lentulus, letters to, ii., <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;

<ul>
<li>explaining his conduct, <a href="#Page_51">51.</a></li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Lentulus, Publius Cornelius, one of Catiline's conspirators,
i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>; killed, <a href=
"#Page_238">238</a>; Cicero broke the law in regard to, <a href=
"#Page_313">313</a>.</li>

<li>Lepidus, his character, ii., <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;

<ul>
<li>recommended peace, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li>

<li>one of the Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Leucopetia, Cicero landed at, ii., <a href=
"#Page_189">189</a>.</li>

<li>Lex Porcia forbidden death of Roman, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>.</li>

<li>Liberty, Roman idea of, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_26">26</a>.</li>

<li>"Librarii.," short-hand writers, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>.</li>

<li>Ligarius, Cicero speaks for, ii., <a href=
"#Page_152">152</a>.</li>

<li>Lilyb&aelig;um, Cicero Qu&aelig;stor at, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_114">114</a>.</li>

<li>Literature, Cicero's reason for devoting himself to, ii., <a
href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>

<li>Livy, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>;

<ul>
<li>his evidence as to Catiline's conspiracy, <a href=
"#Page_217">217</a>;</li>

<li>his political tendencies, ii., <a href=
"#Page_306">306</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Long, Mr., his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., <a href=
"#Page_151">151</a>.</li>

<li>Lucan, as to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>;

<ul>
<li>would have extolled him had he killed himself, <a href=
"#Page_303">303</a></li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Lucceius, Cicero applies to him for praise, ii., <a href=
"#Page_24">24</a>.</li>

<li>Lucretius, the period at which he wrote, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>.</li>

<li>Lucullus, absent in the East seven years, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>.</li>

<li>Lucullus, The, ii., <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>M.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Macaulay, Mr., his verdict as to Cicero's character, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_8">8</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name=
"Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span></li>

<li>Mai, Cardinal, his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., <a href=
"#Page_151">151</a>.</li>

<li>Mallius, lieutenant of Catiline, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>;

<ul>
<li>declared a public enemy, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Mamertines, people of Messina, favorites of Verres, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li>Manilia Pro Lege, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_177">177</a>,
Appendix D.</li>

<li>Manilius, his law in favor of Pompey, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_177">177</a>.</li>

<li>Marcellus, had conquered Syracuse, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li>Marcellus, M. C., is Consul, ii., <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;

<ul>
<li>flogs a citizen of Novocomum, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>his enmity to C&aelig;sar, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero speaks for him, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li>

<li>is murdered, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Marcellus Cuus, Cicero congratulates him on his Consulship,
ii., <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>

<li>Marius, born at Arpinum, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>;

<ul>
<li>origin of his quarrel with Sulla, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Marius, a poem by Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>.</li>

<li>Martia, Legio, character of, ii., <a href=
"#Page_207">207</a>.</li>

<li>Martial, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>.</li>

<li>Mendaciuncula, Cicero's use of, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>.</li>

<li>Merivale, Dean, as to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>;

<ul>
<li>History of Rome, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>;</li>

<li>as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_210">210</a>;</li>

<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Metellus, Quintus on the side of Verres, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>;</li>

<li>
<ul>
<li>the history of the family, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_248">248</a>;</li>

<li>Celer, his complaint against Cicero, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>;</li>

<li>Nepos, forbids Cicero to speak on vacating the Consulship, <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_240">240</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Middleton, his biography a by word for eulogy, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>;

<ul>
<li>quoted as to Clodius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_274">274</a>;</li>

<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;</li>

<li>censures Cicero for going into, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;</li>

<li>nature of his biography, ii., <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Milo, gives public games, ii., <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero wishes him to be Consul, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li>

<li>his trial, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li>

<li>accused of bringing a dagger into the Senate, <a href=
"#Page_64">64</a>;</li>

<li>demands protection, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li>

<li>condemned, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li>

<li>his mode of travelling, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Milone, Pro, Cicero's oration, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_53">53</a>;

<ul>
<li>specially admired, ii., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_60">60</a>;</li>

<li>not heard, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Mithridates, Sulla sent against, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>;

<ul>
<li>Pompey has command against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Molo, Cicero studies with, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>,
<a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>

<li>Mommsen, his history, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>;

<ul>
<li>opinion of Rome, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>;</li>

<li>as to C&aelig;sar and Crassus, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;</li>

<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li>

<li>description of Rome during Cicero's exile, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_328">328</a>;</li>

<li>deals hardly with Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li>

<li>as to Cicero owing money to C&aelig;sar, <a href=
"#Page_82">82</a>;</li>

<li>his interpretation of C&aelig;sar's names, <a href=
"#Page_172">172</a>;</li>

<li>tells us nothing of C&aelig;sar's death, <a href=
"#Page_178">178</a>;</li>

<li>his verdict as to Rome, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Money, restored to Cicero for rebuilding his house, ii., <a
href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>

<li>Montesquieu, as to Roman religion, ii., <a href=
"#Page_20">20</a>.</li>

<li>Morabin, as to Cicero's exile, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;

<ul>
<li>doubts Cicero's presence at C&aelig;sar's death, ii., <a href=
"#Page_177">177</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Moral Essays, ii., <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>

<li>Mourning, Cicero assumes prior to his exile, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_316">316</a>.</li>

<li>Munda, final battle of, ii., <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li>Murena, Cicero defended, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>;

<ul>
<li>accused of bribery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_192">192</a>;</li>

<li>and of dancing, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>;</li>

<li>a soldier, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_195">195</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Musical charm of Cicero's language, ii., <a href=
"#Page_28">28</a>.</li>

<li>Mutina, ambassadors sent to Antony before, ii., <a href=
"#Page_209">209</a>;

<ul>
<li>the battle, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li>

<li>badly managed, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>

<h4>N.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Names, Roman, as to forms to be used, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_38">38</a>;

<ul>
<li>usual with Romans to have three, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Nasica, his joke, ii., <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li>

<li>Natura Deorum, De, ii., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href=
"#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li>"Nomenclatio," the meaning, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_113">113</a>.</li>

<li>Nonis Juliis, ii., <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>

<li>"Novus ante me nemo," i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_202">202</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>O.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Octavius, comes to Rome, ii., <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;

<ul>
<li>meets Cicero, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>quarrels with Antony, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li>

<li>feared by Cicero, <a href="#Page_205">205</a> ;</li>

<li>would he be Consul, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li>

<li>marches into Rome, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>his enmity to Cicero, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li>

<li>his insolence, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li>

<li>is reconciled to Antony, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>the meeting in the island at Bologna, <a href=
"#Page_238">238</a>;</li>

<li>his conduct, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>letter to him, supposed from Cicero,
but a forgery, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Officiis, De, ii., <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href=
"#Page_252">252</a>;

<ul>
<li>perfect treatise on morals, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>"O fortunatam natam," i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>.</li>

<li>"Old Mortality," torture as there described, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_88">88</a>.</li>

<li>Oppianicus, his life, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>.</li>

<li>Oppius Publius, his trial, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>.</li>

<li>Optimates, Pompey their leader, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_175">175</a>.</li>

<li>Optimo Genere Oratorum, De, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>,
<a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li>

<li>Orations, how Cicero treated his own, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_167">167</a>.</li>

<li>Oratiuncula, twelve consular speeches so called, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>.</li>

<li>Orator, The, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;

<ul>
<li>graced by the name of Brutus, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Oratore, De, Cicero's dialogues, ii., <a href=
"#Page_38">38</a>;

<ul>
<li>sent to Lentulus, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href=
"#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href=
"#Page_270">270</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Oratori&aelig; Partitiones, ii., <a href="#Page_145">145</a>,
<a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li>

<li>Oratory, Cicero's three modes of speaking, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>;

<ul>
<li>his charms, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_137">137</a>;</li>

<li>purposes of, ii., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_274">274</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Ornament, Greek taste for, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li>Otho's law, speech concerning, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>P.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Pagan, Cicero one, ii., <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li>

<li>Palinodia, or recantation, by Cicero, ii., <a href=
"#Page_23">23</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_343" id=
"Page_343">343</a></span></li>

<li>Palatine Hill, Cicero's house destroyed, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>.</li>

<li>Pansa, the Consul on Cicero's side, ii., <a href=
"#Page_209">209</a>;

<ul>
<li>slain, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Paradoxes, the six, ii., <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>

<li>Partitiones, Oratori&aelig;, ii., <a href=
"#Page_251">251</a>.</li>

<li>Peel, Sir Robert, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_303">303</a>.</li>

<li>Perfection, required in an orator, ii., <a href=
"#Page_257">257</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero fails in describing it, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a
href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Perfect orator, not desirable, ii., <a href=
"#Page_275">275</a>.</li>

<li>Philippics, origin of the name, ii., <a href=
"#Page_192">192</a>;

<ul>
<li>the first, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li>

<li>the second not intended to be spoken or published, <a href=
"#Page_198">198</a>;</li>

<li>commences with satire against Antony, <a href=
"#Page_199">199</a>;</li>

<li>the third and fourth, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li>

<li>the fifth, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li>

<li>the sixth, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li>

<li>the seventh, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li>

<li>the eighth, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li>

<li>the ninth, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>the tenth, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>the eleventh, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li>

<li>the twelfth, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li>

<li>the thirteenth, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li>

<li>the fourteenth, <i>ibid.</i></li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Philo, the academician, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero studies with, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Philodamus, and his daughter in the trial of Verres, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_142">142</a>.</li>

<li>Philology, discussed with C&aelig;sar, ii., <a href=
"#Page_170">170</a>.</li>

<li>Philosophy, Cicero's nature of, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href=
"#Page_59">59</a>;

<ul>
<li>rumor that Cicero will devote himself to it, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero did not believe in it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_194">194</a>;</li>

<li>devotes himself to it, ii., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_163">163</a>;</li>

<li>the nature of Cicero's treatises, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>;</li>

<li>the nature of his feeling, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>;</li>

<li>Greek laughed at by Cicero, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>not real with him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_280">280</a>;</li>

<li>apologizes for, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_319">319</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Philotomus, freedman of Terentia, ii., <a href=
"#Page_105">105</a>.</li>

<li>Ph&aelig;nomena, The, by Aratus, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li>

<li>Pindenissum, Cicero besieges, ii., <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;

<ul>
<li>his letter to Cato respecting, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Pirates, picked up by officers of Verres, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_160">160</a>;

<ul>
<li>commission given to Pompey against, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>;</li>

<li>their power, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Piso, abuse of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;

<ul>
<li>Consul when Cicero was banished, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero appeals to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_320">320</a>;</li>

<li>robs Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_324">324</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero's speech against, ii., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>;</li>

<li>of high family, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>becomes Censor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>;</li>

<li>speaks for Antony in the Senate, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_220">220</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Piso, Calpurnius, Cicero defended, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>.</li>

<li>Plancius, very kind to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero pleads for, ii., <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Plancus, Lucius, letters from, ii., <a href=
"#Page_140">140</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero writes to him, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li>

<li>may have been true, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href=
"#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Plancus, Munatius, Cicero's joy at his condemnation, ii., <a
href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li>Pliny, the elder, as to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_204">204</a>.</li>

<li>Plato, Cicero describes himself as a lover of, ii., <a href=
"#Page_288">288</a>.</li>

<li>Plutarch, is to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>;

<ul>
<li>accuses him of running from Sulla's wrath, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Poetry, Cicero as a poet, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>.</li>

<li>P&oelig;tus, gave some books to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's correspondence with, ii., <a href=
"#Page_172">172</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero took his books, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Political opinions, Cicero's, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;

<ul>
<li>definition made by Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Pollio, may have been true, ii., <a href="#Page_228">228</a>,
<a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>

<li>Pompeia, C&aelig;sar's wife divorced, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>.</li>

<li>Pompeius, Strabo, father of Pompey the Great, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>.</li>

<li>Pompey, the rising man, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>;

<ul>
<li>devoid of scruple, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>;</li>

<li>appointed to put down the pirates, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>;</li>

<li>his character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_173">173</a>;</li>

<li>how regarded by C&aelig;sar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>;</li>

<li>his intercourse with C&aelig;sar, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_243">243</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero's letters to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_244">244</a>;</li>

<li>chosen by him as his leader, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>;</li>

<li>called home to act against Catiline, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>;</li>

<li>returns from the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>;</li>

<li>his jealousy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_259">259</a>;</li>

<li>Mommsen's opinion, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>one of the Triumvirate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>;</li>

<li>his marriage with Julia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>;</li>

<li>his ingratitude to Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>;</li>

<li>his nick-names, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>;</li>

<li>promises to help Cicero against Clodius, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_294">294</a>;</li>

<li>the story of Cicero kneeling to him, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero forgives him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>;</li>

<li>offended by Cicero's praise of himself, ii., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>;</li>

<li>commissioned to feed Rome, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero to be his lieutenant, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>his games, Cicero's description of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_45">45</a>;</li>

<li>sole Consul, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_59">59</a>;</li>

<li>Dictator, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>;</li>

<li>would be unwilling to bring back Clodius, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_73">73</a>;</li>

<li>claims money from Ariobarzanes, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_101">101</a>;</li>

<li>begins to attack C&aelig;sar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>;</li>

<li>borrowed Cicero's money, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero clings to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>;</li>

<li>was murdered at the mouth of the Nile, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Pomponia, her treatment of her husband Quintius, ii., <a href=
"#Page_79">79</a>.</li>

<li>Pontius Glaucus, a poem, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>.</li>

<li>Popilius L&aelig;nas, killed Cicero, ii., <a href=
"#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li>

<li>Populace of Rome, condition of, ii., <a href=
"#Page_11">11</a>.</li>

<li>Pr&aelig;tor, Cicero elected, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li>

<li>Pr&aelig;tura Urbana, De, first speech in the second action In
Verrem, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>.</li>

<li>Proconsul, his desire for provincial robbery, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>

<li>Property, redistribution of, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>.</li>

<li>Provinces, the struggle for, ii., <a href=
"#Page_206">206</a>.</li>

<li>Pseudo Asconius, commentaries on the Verrine orations, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li>Publicani, their duties, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_280">280</a>.</li>

<li>Publilia, married to Cicero, ii., <a href=
"#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li>Publius Quintius, speech on his behalf, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>.</li>

<li>Punic wars, the, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>.</li>

<li>Puteoli, at, the story he tells of himself, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_120">120</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>Q.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Qu&aelig;stor, Cicero elected, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>;

<ul>
<li>his character in regard to the Proconsul with whom he acted, <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_133">133</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Quintilian, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>,
<a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;

<ul>
<li>as to Cicero's education, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>;</li>

<li>says that Cicero's speeches were arranged by Tiro, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_95">95</a>;</li>

<li><span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">
344</a></span>description of bar oratory, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_96">96</a>;</li>

<li>accuses Cicero of running into iambics, ii., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>;</li>

<li>his opinion of the Pro Milone. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_60">60</a>;</li>

<li>Pro Cluentio, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>;</li>

<li>cases given by him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>;</li>

<li>his description of an orator's voice, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_276">276</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Quintus Cicero (the elder), i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>;

<ul>
<li>service in Gaul, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_62">62</a>;</li>

<li>his character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_169">169</a>;</li>

<li>sent out as Propr&aelig;tor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>;</li>

<li>his brother's letter to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>, <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>;</li>

<li>affecting letter to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>;</li>

<li>speaks ill of his brother to C&aelig;sar, ii., <a href=
"#Page_139">139</a>;</li>

<li>and his son, are killed, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Quintus Cicero (the younger) wishes to go to the Parthian war,
ii., <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;

<ul>
<li>declares his repentance, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li>

<li>had been Antony's "right hand," <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>his fate, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>his hypocrisy and the vanity of Cicero, <a href=
"#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Quintus, their mode of living i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>R.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Rabirius, Cicero defends, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>.</li>

<li>Rabirius Postumus Cicero defends, ii., <a href=
"#Page_53">53</a>.</li>

<li>Raillery, not good at the Roman bar, ii., <a href=
"#Page_262">262</a>.</li>

<li>Reate, Cicero speaks for the inhabitants, ii., <a href=
"#Page_48">48</a>.</li>

<li>Religion, Cicero's, ii., <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li>

<li>Republic, Cicero swears that he has saved it, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's guiding principle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>;</li>

<li>held fast by the idea of preserving it, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_310">310</a>;</li>

<li>as conceived by Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Republica, De, Cicero's treatise, ii., <a href=
"#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;

<ul>
<li>six books, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Republican form of government, popular, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>.</li>

<li>Retail trade, base, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li>Rheticorum, four books addressed to Herennius, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>; ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li>

<li>"Rhetores," their mode of tuition, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_52">52</a>.</li>

<li>Rhythm, Cicero's lessons too fine for our ears, ii., <a href=
"#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li>Roman citizens, their mode of life, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>.</li>

<li>Romans, the, had no religion, ii., <a href=
"#Page_321">321</a>.</li>

<li>Rome, falling into anarchy, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>;

<ul>
<li>how she recovered herself, ii., <a href=
"#Page_204">204</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Roscius, the actor, Cicero pleads on his behalf, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>.</li>

<li>Roscius, Titus Capito, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a
href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>

<li>Roscius, Titus Magnus, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a
href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>

<li>Rosoir, Du M, his testimony as to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>;

<ul>
<li>his accusations against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_178">178</a>;</li>

<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;</li>

<li>his accusations, ii., <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li>

<li>accuses Cicero of cowardice, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Rubicon, the passage of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>;
ii., <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>

<li>Ruined man, Cicero returns from exile as, ii., <a href=
"#Page_16">16</a>.</li>

<li>Rullus, brings in Agrarian laws, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>;

<ul>
<li>his father-in-law had acquired property under Sulla, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>;</li>

<li>ridiculed for being "sordidatus," <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_199">199</a>;</li>

<li>spoken of in the Senate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>

<h4>S.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>"Saga," when worn, ii., <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>

<li>Salaminians agree to be guided by Cicero, ii., <a href=
"#Page_99">99</a>.</li>

<li>Sallust, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_17">17</a>;

<ul>
<li>as to Catiline, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>;</li>

<li>his story not conflicting with Cicero's, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>"Salutatores," who they were, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>.</li>

<li>Sampsiceramus, nickname for Pompey, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>.</li>

<li>Sappho, the statue of, by Silanion, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_157">157</a>.</li>

<li>Sassia, her life, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>.</li>

<li>Saufeius twice acquitted, ii., <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li>

<li>Sc&aelig;vola, Quintus, instructed Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li>Scaptius, the story of, ii., <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href=
"#Page_102">102</a>;

<ul>
<li>agent of Brutus in getting his debts paid, <a href=
"#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Scipio the great, gives the idea of Roman power, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>.</li>

<li>Scipio the younger, in the dialogue De Republica, ii., <a href=
"#Page_307">307</a>;

<ul>
<li>his dream, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li>

<li>translated, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Scipio, Q. Metellus, candidate for the Consulship, ii., <a
href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li>Sempronia, accused by Sallust of dancing too well, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>;

<ul>
<li>Catiline's plot carried on at her house, <a href=
"#Page_230">230</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Sempronia Lex declares that a Roman should not be put to death,
i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>.</li>

<li>Senate, their honors, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>;

<ul>
<li>their disgrace, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_117">117</a>;</li>

<li>pass a vote that they will go into mourning for Cicero, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_319">319</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero's presence demanded in, ii., <a href=
"#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Senate house scene described in a letter to Quintus, ii., <a
href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;

<ul>
<li>is burnt, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li>

<li>archives destroyed, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Senectute, De, ii., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;
<ul>
<li>Cato tells its praises, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li>
</ul></li>
<li>Servilius, compliment paid to, at the trial of Verres, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li>Serving his fellow creatures, Cicero's way of doing, ii., <a
href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li>Sextus, letter to, as to borrowing money, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_249">249</a>;

<ul>
<li>defence of, ii., <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero's gratitude to, <i>ibid.</i>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Sextus Roscius Amerinus, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>.</li>

<li>Shakespeare, his conception correct as to C&aelig;sar's death,
ii., <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li>

<li>Shelley, version of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li>

<li>Short hand writing, the system of, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>.</li>

<li>Sicilians invite Cicero to take their part against Verres, i.,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_118">118</a>;

<ul>
<li>their wishes for his assistance, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_135">135</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Sicily divided into two provinces, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_114">114</a>.</li>

<li>Signis, De, fourth speech at the second action In Verrem, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name=
"Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span></li>

<li>Slaves, tortured to obtain evidence, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_88">88</a>.</li>

<li>Solitude, he had not strength to exercise, ii., <a href=
"#Page_320">320</a>.</li>

<li>Soothsayers, appeal made to them as to Cicero, ii., <a href=
"#Page_26">26</a>.</li>

<li>Soothsaying, ii., <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li>

<li>"Sordidatus," Cicero's dress before going into exile, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li>Speeches made by Cicero on his return from exile, ii., <a href=
"#Page_9">9</a>;

<ul>
<li>question whether they be genuine, <a href=
"#Page_10">10</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>States, Italian, jealousy of, leading to first civil war, i.,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>.</li>

<li>Statilius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li>

<li>Statues, purchase of, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_170">170</a>.</li>

<li>Stenography, the Roman system, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>.</li>

<li>Sthenius, his trial, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>, <a
href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>

<li>Suetonius, accuses C&aelig;sar of joining Catiline, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_217">217</a>;

<ul>
<li>character of C&aelig;sar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Sulla, Cicero served with, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>;

<ul>
<li>declared Dictator, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero on Sulla's side in politics, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>;</li>

<li>goes to the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>;</li>

<li>his massacres, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_68">68</a>;</li>

<li>reorganizes the law, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_69">69</a>;</li>

<li>his resignation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>;</li>

<li>attacked by Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Sulla, P,, elected Consul, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's speech for, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Sulpicius, Publius, the orator, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li>Sulpicius, Servius, laughed at as an orator, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_194">194</a>;

<ul>
<li>one of the ambassadors dies on his journey, ii., <a href=
"#Page_213">213</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Superstitions of old Rome, ii., <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>

<li>"Supplicatio," decreed to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>.

<ul>
<li>nature of, ii., <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li>

<li>granted for Mutina for fifty days, <a href=
"#Page_225">225</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>"Suppliciis," De, fifth speech in the second action "In Verrem,"
i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>.</li>

<li>"Symphoniacos homines," i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_160">160</a>.</li>

<li>Syracuse, robberies of Verres, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>T.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Tablets of wax used by judges, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_93">93</a>.</li>

<li>Tacitus, as to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>;

<ul>
<li>De Oratoribus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Terentia, Cicero's wife, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's affection for, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_324">324</a>;</li>

<li>as to the divorce, ii., <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li>

<li>his style to is changed, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero in a sad condition as to, <a href=
"#Page_138">138</a>;</li>

<li>divorced, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href=
"#Page_154">154</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Teucris, nickname for Antony, Cicero's colleague, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_251">251</a>.</li>

<li>Thapsus, battle of, ii., <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li>

<li>Thessalonica, Cicero's sojourn there during his exile, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>.</li>

<li>Tiro, Cicero's slave and secretary, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero's affectionate letters to, ii., <a href=
"#Page_119">119</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero writes to, respecting Antony, <a href=
"#Page_184">184</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Toga virilis, Cicero assumes it, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_48">48</a>.</li>

<li>Topica, The, prepared for Trebatius, ii., <a href=
"#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;

<ul>
<li>taken from Aristotle, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href=
"#Page_273">273</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Torquatus, elected Consul, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>.</li>

<li>Torquatus, young, attacks Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_253">253</a>.</li>

<li>Translating, Roman feeling in doing it, ii., <a href=
"#Page_252">252</a>.</li>

<li>Travels, gives his own reasons for going to Greece and Asia,
i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>.</li>

<li>Trebatius, confided to C&aelig;sar, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_62">62</a>;

<ul>
<li>recommends him to C&aelig;sar, ii., <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;
<a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Trebonius, massacred by Dolabella, ii., <a href=
"#Page_217">217</a>.</li>

<li>Tribunate, Cicero's defence of, ii., <a href=
"#Page_311">311</a>.</li>

<li>"Triennium fere fuit, urbs sine armis," i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>.</li>

<li>Triumph, Cicero applies for, ii., <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;

<ul>
<li>nature of, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>the cause of trouble to him, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a
href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Triumvirate, the first, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>;

<ul>
<li>not mentioned by Mommsen, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_265">265</a>;</li>

<li>description by Horace, <i>ibid.</i> ;</li>

<li>not so known, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Tubero, accuses Ligarius, ii., <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero refuses to alter his speech, <a href=
"#Page_154">154</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Tullia, Cicero's daughter, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_170">170</a>;

<ul>
<li>betrothed to Caius Piso, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>;</li>

<li>meets Cicero at Brundisium, ii., <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>

<li>she is a widow, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>divorced from Crassipes, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li>

<li>marries Dolabella for her third husband, <a href=
"#Page_111">111</a>;</li>

<li>Cicero had desired that she should marry Tiberius Nero,
<i>ibid.</i>;</li>

<li>calls her the light of his life, <a href=
"#Page_115">115</a>;</li>

<li>dies, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li>

<li>her proposed monument, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Tullius Marcus Decula, defended by Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>.</li>

<li>Tusculan&aelig; Disputationes, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>; ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href=
"#Page_290">290</a>;

<ul>
<li>their five heads, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Tusculum Villa, gives commission for purchase of statues, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_170">170</a>.</li>

<li>Tusculum, Dialogue de Oratore held there, ii., <a href=
"#Page_259">259</a>.</li>

<li>Twenty-six years old when Cicero pleaded his first cause, i.,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>.</li>

<li>Tyranny, in the Senate, Cicero charged with, ii., <a href=
"#Page_72">72</a>.</li>

<li>Tyrrell, Mr., arrangement of Cicero's letters, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_169">169</a>;

<ul>
<li>doubts thrown on a letter to Atticus, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>

<h4>U.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Usury, base, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
</ul>

<h4>V.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Valerius Maximus, as to Catiline, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>.</li>

<li>Valerius, Cicero stays at his villa, ii., <a href=
"#Page_189">189</a>.</li>

<li>Varenus, his trial, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>.</li>

<li>Vargunteius, a knight employed to kill Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_223">223</a>.</li>

<li>Varro, the period at which he wrote, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>.</li>

<li>Vatinius, speech against, ii., <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero defends, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Velleius Paterculus, as to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>;

<ul>
<li>as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Veneti, C&aelig;sar's treatment of, ii., <a href=
"#Page_166">166</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_346" id=
"Page_346">346</a></span></li>

<li>Vercingetorix, conquered at Alesia, ii., <a href=
"#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li>Verres, his trial, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>;

<ul>
<li>Governor for three years, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>;</li>

<li>retires into exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>;</li>

<li>standard-bearer to Hortensius, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_149">149</a>;</li>

<li>fined and sent into exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_161">161</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Vibo to Velia, Cicero's journey in a small boat from, i., <a
href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>.</li>

<li>Vigintiviratus, offered to Cicero, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_12">12</a>;

<ul>
<li>Cicero repudiates, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Vindemiolae, the way Cicero expends them, <a href=
"#Page_177">177</a>.</li>

<li>Virgil, Cicero intended by, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>;

<ul>
<li>his version of the Eagle and the Serpent, <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>;</li>

<li>his boasting, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;</li>

<li>his allusion to Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>;</li>

<li>description of Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>

<li>Volcatius, does not speak for Marcellus, ii., <a href=
"#Page_150">150</a>.</li>

<li>Voltaire, version of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., <a href=
"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>;

<ul>
<li>description of Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_208">208</a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>

<h4>W.</h4>

<ul class="IX">
<li>Wolf, his criticism on the Pro Marcello, ii., <a href=
"#Page_151">151</a>.</li>

<li>Work, the amount of, done by Cicero, ii., <a href=
"#Page_122">122</a>.</li>
</ul>


<h4>THE END.</h4>
<hr />

<div class="box">
<p><a name="note" id="note"></a>
Transcriber's Note:<br /><br />
Latin word "demuntiat" in Footnote 22 has been
corrected as "denuntiat" and Latin words "At"
and "audient" in Footnote 253 have been corrected
as "Ut" and "audiunt" respectively after checking
with reliable sources.
</p></div>








<pre>





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