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diff --git a/28496.txt b/28496.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6b02de5 --- /dev/null +++ b/28496.txt @@ -0,0 +1,51093 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Introduction to the Science of Sociology, by +Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Introduction to the Science of Sociology + +Author: Robert E. Park + Ernest W. Burgess + +Release Date: April 4, 2009 [EBook #28496] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INTRODUCTION TO SOCIOLOGY *** + + + + +Produced by Curtis Weyant, Josephine Paolucci and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net. +(This file was produced from images generously made +available by Case Western Reserve University Preservation +Department Digital Library.) + + + + + + + +INTRODUCTION TO THE SCIENCE OF SOCIOLOGY + +THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS +CHICAGO, ILLINOIS + +THE BAKER & TAYLOR COMPANY +NEW YORK + +THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS +LONDON + +THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA +TOKYO, OSAKA, KYOTO, FUKUOKA, SENDAI + +THE MISSION BOOK COMPANY +SHANGHAI + + + + +INTRODUCTION TO THE SCIENCE OF SOCIOLOGY + +_By_ + +ROBERT E. PARK AND ERNEST W. BURGESS + +THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS +CHICAGO, ILLINOIS + +COPYRIGHT 1921 BY +THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO + +All rights Reserved + +Published September 1921 + +Transcriber's Note: Minor typos have been corrected. Footnotes have been +moved to the end of the chapters. Italicized letters, such as (_a_), +have been changed to unitalicized (a) for easier reading. + + + + +PREFACE + + +The materials upon which this book is based have been collected from a +wide range of sources and represent the observation and reflection of +men who have seen life from very different points of view. This was +necessary in order to bring into the perspective of a single volume the +whole wide range of social organization and human life which is the +subject-matter of a science of society. + +At the same time an effort has been made to bring this material within +the limits of a very definite series of sociological conceptions which +suggest, at any rate, where they do not clearly exhibit, the fundamental +relations of the parts to one another and to the concepts and contents +of the volume as a whole. + +The _Introduction to the Science of Sociology_ is not conceived as a +mere collection of materials, however, but as a systematic treatise. On +the other hand, the excerpts which make up the body of the book are not +to be regarded as mere illustrations. In the context in which they +appear, and with the headings which indicate their place in the volume, +they should enable the student to formulate for himself the principles +involved. An experience of some years, during which this book has been +in preparation, has demonstrated the value to the teacher of a body of +materials that are interesting in themselves and that appeal to the +experience of the student. If students are invited to take an active +part in the task of interpretation of the text, if they are encouraged +to use the references in order to extend their knowledge of the +subject-matter and to check and supplement classroom discussion by their +personal observation, their whole attitude becomes active rather than +passive. Students gain in this way a sense of dealing at first hand with +a subject-matter that is alive and with a science that is in the making. +Under these conditions sociology becomes a common enterprise in which +all members of the class participate; to which, by their observation and +investigation, they can and should make contributions. + +The first thing that students in sociology need to learn is to observe +and record their own observations; to read, and then to select and +record the materials which are the fruits of their readings; to +organize and use, in short, their own experience. The whole organization +of this volume may be taken as an illustration of a method, at once +tentative and experimental, for the collection, classification, and +interpretation of materials, and should be used by students from the +very outset in all their reading and study. + +Social questions have been endlessly discussed, and it is important that +they should be. What the student needs to learn, however, is how to get +facts rather than formulate opinions. The most important facts that +sociologists have to deal with are opinions (attitudes and sentiments), +but until students learn to deal with opinions as the biologists deal +with organisms, that is, to dissect them--reduce them to their component +elements, describe them, and define the situation (environment) to which +they are a response--we must not expect very great progress in +sociological science. + +It will be noticed that every single chapter, except the first, falls +naturally into four parts; (1) the introduction, (2) the materials, (3) +investigations and problems, and (4) bibliography. The first two parts +of each chapter are intended to raise questions rather than to answer +them. The last two, on the other hand, should outline or suggest +problems for further study. The bibliographies have been selected mainly +to exhibit the recognized points of view with regard to the questions +raised, and to suggest the practical problems that grow out of, and are +related to, the subject of the chapter as a whole. + +The bibliographies, which accompany the chapters, it needs to be said, +are intended to be representative rather than authoritative or complete. +An attempt has been made to bring together literature that would exhibit +the range, the divergence, the distinctive character of the writings and +points of view upon a single topic. The results are naturally subject to +criticism and revision. + +A word should be said in regard to chapter i. It seemed necessary and +important, in view of the general vagueness and uncertainty in regard to +the place of sociology among the sciences and its relation to the other +social sciences, particularly to history, to state somewhere, clearly +and definitely, what, from the point of view of this volume, sociology +is. This resulted finally in the imposition of a rather formidable essay +upon what is in other respects, we trust, a relatively concrete and +intelligible book. Under these circumstances we suggest that, unless the +reader is specially interested in the matter, he begin with the chapter +on "Human Nature," and read the first chapter last. + +The editors desire to express their indebtedness to Dr. W. I. Thomas for +the point of view and the scheme of organization of materials which have +been largely adopted in this book.[1] They are also under obligations to +their colleagues, Professor Albion W. Small, Professor Ellsworth Faris, +and Professor Leon C. Marshall, for constant stimulus, encouragement, +and assistance. They wish to acknowledge the co-operation and the +courtesy of their publishers, all the more appreciated because of the +difficult technical task involved in the preparation of this volume. In +preparing copy for publication and in reading proof, invaluable service +was rendered by Miss Roberta Burgess. + +Finally the editors are bound to express their indebtedness to the +writers and publishers who have granted their permission to use the +materials from which this volume has been put together. Without the use +of these materials it would not have been possible to exhibit the many +and varied types of observation and reflection which have contributed to +present-day knowledge of social life. In order to give this volume a +systematic character it has been necessary to tear these excerpts from +their contexts and to put them, sometimes, into strange categories. In +doing this it will no doubt have happened that some false impressions +have been created. This was perhaps inevitable and to be expected. On +the other hand these brief excerpts offered here will serve, it is +hoped, as an introduction to the works from which they have been taken, +and, together with the bibliographies which accompany them, will serve +further to direct and stimulate the reading and research of students. +The co-operation of the following publishers, organizations and +journals, in giving, by special arrangement, permission to use +selections from copyright material, was therefore distinctly appreciated +by the editors: + +D. Appleton & Co.; G. Bell & Sons; J. F. Bergmann; Columbia University +Press; George H. Doran Co.; Duncker und Humblot; Duffield & Co.; +Encyclopedia Americana Corporation; M. Giard et Cie; Ginn & Co.; +Harcourt, Brace & Co.; Paul B. Hoeber; Houghton Mifflin Co.; Henry Holt +& Co.; B. W. Huebsch; P. S. King & Son; T. W. Laurie, Ltd.; Longmans, +Green & Co.; John W. Luce & Co.; The Macmillan Co.; A. C. McClurg & Co.; +Methuen & Co.; John Murray; Martinus Nijhoff; Open Court Publishing Co.; +Oxford University Press; G. P. Putnam's Sons; Ruetten und Loening; +Charles Scribner's Sons; Frederick A. Stokes & Co.; W. Thacker & Co.; +University of Chicago Press; University Tutorial Press, Ltd.; +Wagnerische Univ. Buchhandlung; Walter Scott Publishing Co.; Williams & +Norgate; Yale University Press; American Association for International +Conciliation; American Economic Association; American Sociological +Society; Carnegie Institution of Washington; _American Journal of +Psychology_; _American Journal of Sociology_; _Cornhill Magazine_; +_International Journal of Ethics_; _Journal of Abnormal Psychology_; +_Journal of Delinquency_; _Nature_; _Pedagogical Seminary_; _Popular +Science Monthly_; _Religious Education_; _Scientific Monthly_; +_Sociological Review_; _World's Work_; _Yale Review_. + +CHICAGO +June 18, 1921 + + + + +TABLE OF CONTENTS + + +CHAPTER I. SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES + PAGE +I. Sociology and "Scientific" History 1 + +II. Historical and Sociological Facts 6 + +III. Human Nature and Law 12 + +IV. History, Natural History, and Sociology 16 + +V. The Social Organism: Humanity or Leviathan? 24 + +VI. Social Control and Schools of Thought 27 + +VII. Social Control and the Collective Mind 36 + +VIII. Sociology and Social Research 43 + + _Representative Works in Systematic Sociology and Methods of + Sociological Research_ 57 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 60 + _Questions for Discussion_ 60 + + +CHAPTER II. HUMAN NATURE + +I. Introduction + 1. Human Interest in Human Nature 64 + 2. Definition of Human Nature 65 + 3. Classification of the Materials 68 + +II. Materials + + A. The Original Nature of Man + 1. Original Nature Defined. _Edward L. Thorndike_ 73 + 2. Inventory of Original Tendencies. _Edward L. Thorndike_ 75 + 3. Man Not Born Human. _Robert E. Park_ 76 + 4. The Natural Man. _Milicent W. Shinn_ 82 + 5. Sex Differences. _Albert Moll_ 85 + 6. Racial Differences. _C. S. Myers_ 89 + 7. Individual Differences. _Edward L. Thorndike_ 92 + + B. Human Nature and Social Life + 1. Human Nature and Its Remaking. _W. E. Hocking_ 95 + 2. Human Nature, Folkways, and the Mores. _William G. Sumner_ 97 + 3. Habit and Custom, the Individual and the General Will. + _Ferdinand Toennies_ 100 + 4. The Law, Conscience, and the General Will. _Viscount Haldane_ 102 + + C. Personality and the Social Self + 1. The Organism as Personality. _Th. Ribot_ 108 + 2. Personality as a Complex. _Morton Prince_ 110 + 3. The Self as the Individual's Conception of His Role. + _Alfred Binet_ 113 + 4. The Natural Person versus the Social and Conventional Self. + _L. G. Winston_ 117 + 5. The Divided Self and Moral Consciousness. _William James_ 119 + 6. Personality of Individuals and of Peoples. _W. v. Bechterew_ 123 + + D. Biological and Social Heredity + 1. Nature and Nurture. _J. Arthur Thomson_ 126 + 2. Inheritance of Original Nature. _C. B. Davenport_ 128 + 3. Inheritance of Acquired Nature: Tradition. _Albert G. Keller_ 134 + 4. Temperament, Tradition, and Nationality. _Robert E. Park_ 135 + +III. Investigations and Problems + + 1. Conceptions of Human Nature Implicit in Religious and + Political Doctrines 139 + 2. Literature and the Science of Human Nature 141 + 3. Research in the Field of Original Nature 143 + 4. The Investigation of Human Personality 143 + 5. The Measurement of Individual Differences 145 + + _Selected Bibliography_ 147 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 154 + _Questions for Discussion_ 155 + + +CHAPTER III. SOCIETY AND THE GROUP + +I. Introduction + 1. Society, the Community, and the Group 159 + 2. Classification of the Materials 162 + +II. Materials + + A. Society and Symbiosis + 1. Definition of Society. _Alfred Espinas_ 165 + 2. Symbiosis (literally "living together"). _William M. Wheeler_ 167 + 3. The Taming and the Domestication of Animals. + _P. Chalmers Mitchell_ 170 + + B. Plant Communities and Animal Societies + 1. Plant Communities. _Eugenius Warming_ 173 + 2. Ant Society. _William E. Wheeler_ 180 + + C. Human Society + 1. Social Life. _John Dewey_ 182 + 2. Behavior and Conduct. _Robert E. Park_ 185 + 3. Instinct and Character. _L. T. Hobhouse_ 190 + 4. Collective Representation and Intellectual Life. + _Emile Durkheim_ 193 + + D. The Social Group + 1. Definition of the Group. _Albion W. Small_ 196 + 2. The Unity of the Social Group. _Robert E. Park_ 198 + 3. Types of Social Groups. _S. Sighele_ 200 + 4. _Esprit de Corps_, Morale, and Collective Representations + of Social Groups. _William E. Hocking_ 205 + +III. Investigations and Problems + 1. The Scientific Study of Societies 210 + 2. Surveys of Communities 211 + 3. The Group as a Unit of Investigation 212 + 4. The Study of the Family 213 + + _Selected Bibliography_ 217 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 223 + _Questions for Discussion_ 224 + + +CHAPTER IV. ISOLATION + +I. Introduction + 1. Geological and Biological Conceptions of Isolation 226 + 2. Isolation and Segregation 228 + 3. Classification of the Materials 230 + +II. Materials + + A. Isolation and Personal Individuality + 1. Society and Solitude. _Francis Bacon_ 233 + 2. Society in Solitude. _Jean Jacques Rousseau_ 234 + 3. Prayer as a Form of Isolation. _George Albert Coe_. 235 + 4. Isolation, Originality, and Erudition. _T. Sharper Knowlson_ 237 + + B. Isolation and Retardation + 1. Feral Men. _Maurice H. Small_ 239 + 2. From Solitude to Society. _Helen Keller_ 243 + 3. Mental Effects of Solitude. _W. H. Hudson_ 245 + 4. Isolation and the Rural Mind. _C. J. Galpin_ 247 + 5. The Subtler Effects of Isolation. _W. I. Thomas_. 249 + + C. Isolation and Segregation + 1. Segregation as a Process. _Robert E. Park_ 252 + 2. Isolation as a Result of Segregation. + _L. W. Crafts and E. A. Doll_ 254 + + D. Isolation and National Individuality + 1. Historical Races as Products of Isolation. _N. S. Shaler_ 257 + 2. Geographical Isolation and Maritime Contact. _George Grote_ 260 + 3. Isolation as an Explanation of National Differences. + _William Z. Ripley_ 264 + 4. Natural versus Vicinal Location in National Development. + _Ellen C. Semple_ 268 + +III. Investigations and Problems + 1. Isolation in Anthropogeography and Biology 269 + 2. Isolation and Social Groups 270 + 3. Isolation and Personality 271 + + _Bibliography: Materials for the Study of Isolation_ 273 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 277 + _Questions for Discussion_ 278 + + +CHAPTER V. SOCIAL CONTACTS + +I. Introduction + 1. Preliminary Notions of Social Contact 280 + 2. The Sociological Concept of Contact 281 + 3. Classification of the Materials 282 + +II. Materials + + A. Physical Contact and Social Contact + 1. The Frontiers of Social Contact. _Albion W. Small_ 288 + 2. The Land and the People. _Ellen C. Semple_ 289 + 3. Touch and Social Contact. _Ernest Crawley_ 291 + + B. Social Contact in Relation to Solidarity and to Mobility + 1. The In-Group and the Out-Group. _W. G. Sumner_. 293 + 2. Sympathetic Contacts versus Categoric Contacts. _N. S. Shaler_ 294 + 3. Historical Continuity and Civilization. _Friedrich Ratzel_ 298 + 4. Mobility and the Movement of Peoples. _Ellen C. Semple_ 301 + + C. Primary and Secondary Contacts + 1. Village Life in America (from _the Diary of a Young Girl_). + _Caroline C. Richards_ 305 + 2. Secondary Contacts and City Life. _Robert E. Park_. 311 + 3. Publicity as a Form of Secondary Contact. _Robert E. Park_ 315 + 4. From Sentimental to Rational Attitudes. _Werner Sombart_ 317 + 5. The Sociological Significance of the "Stranger." _Georg Simmel_ 322 + +III. Investigations and Problems + 1. Physical Contacts 327 + 2. Touch and the Primary Contacts of Intimacy 329 + 3. Primary Contacts of Acquaintanceship 330 + 4. Secondary Contacts 331 + + _Bibliography: Materials for the Study of Social Contacts_ 332 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 336 + _Questions for Discussion_ 336 + + +CHAPTER VI. SOCIAL INTERACTION + +I. Introduction + 1. The Concept of Interaction 339 + 2. Classification of the Materials 341 + +II. Materials + + A. Society as Interaction + 1. The Mechanistic Interpretation of Society. _Ludwig Gumplowicz_ 346 + 2. Social Interaction as the Definition of the Group in Time + and Space. _Georg Simmel_ 348 + + B. The Natural Forms of Communication + 1. Sociology of the Senses: Visual Interaction. _Georg Simmel_ 356 + 2. The Expression of the Emotions. _Charles Darwin_ 361 + 3. Blushing. _Charles Darwin_ 365 + 4. Laughing. _L. Dugas_ 370 + + C. Language and the Communication of Ideas + 1. Intercommunication in the Lower Animals. _C. Lloyd Morgan_ 375 + 2. The Concept as the Medium of Human Communication. + _F. Max Mueller_ 379 + 3. Writing as a Form of Communication. _Charles H. Judd_ 381 + 4. The Extension of Communication by Human Invention. + _Carl Buecher_ 385 + + D. Imitation + 1. Definition of Imitation. _Charles H. Judd_ 390 + 2. Attention, Interest, and Imitation. _G. F. Stout_ 391 + 3. The Three Levels of Sympathy. _Th. Ribot_ 394 + 4. Rational Sympathy. _Adam Smith_ 397 + 5. Art, Imitation, and Appreciation. _Yrjoe Hirn_ 401 + + E. Suggestion + 1. A Sociological Definition of Suggestion. _W. v. Bechterew_ 408 + 2. The Subtler Forms of Suggestion. _Albert Moll_ 412 + 3. Social Suggestion and Mass or "Corporate" Action. + _W. v. Bechterew_ 415 + +III. Investigations and Problems + 1. The Process of Interaction 420 + 2. Communication 421 + 3. Imitation 423 + 4. Suggestion 424 + + _Selected Bibliography_ 425 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 431 + _Questions for Discussion_ 431 + + +CHAPTER VII. SOCIAL FORCES + +I. Introduction + 1. Sources of the Notion of Social Forces 435 + 2. History of the Concept of Social Forces 436 + 3. Classification of the Materials 437 + +II. Materials + + A. Trends, Tendencies, and Public Opinion + 1. Social Forces in American History. _A. M. Simons_ 443 + 2. Social Tendencies as Social Forces. _Richard T. Ely_ 444 + 3. Public Opinion and Legislation in England. _A. V. Dicey_ 445 + + B. Interests, Sentiments, and Attitudes + 1. Social Forces and Interaction. _Albion W. Small_ 451 + 2. Interests. _Albion W. Small_ 454 + 3. Social Pressures. _Arthur F. Bentley_ 458 + 4. Idea-Forces. _Alfred Fouillee_ 461 + 5. Sentiments. _William McDougall_ 464 + 6. Social Attitudes. _Robert E. Park_ 467 + + C. The Four Wishes: A Classification of Social Forces + 1. The Wish, the Social Atom. _Edwin B. Holt_ 478 + 2. The Freudian Wish. _John B. Watson_ 482 + 3. The Person and His Wishes. _W. I. Thomas_ 488 + +III. Investigations and Problems + 1. Popular Notions of Social Forces 491 + 2. Social Forces and History 493 + 3. Interests, Sentiments, and Attitudes as Social Forces 494 + 4. Wishes and Social Forces 497 + + _Selected Bibliography_ 498 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 501 + _Questions for Discussion_ 502 + + +CHAPTER VIII. COMPETITION + +I. Introduction + 1. Popular Conceptions of Competition 505 + 2. Competition a Process of Interaction 507 + 3. Classification of the Materials 511 + +II. Materials + + A. The Struggle for Existence + 1. Different Forms of the Struggle for Existence. + _J. Arthur Thomson_ 513 + 2. Competition and Natural Selection. _Charles Darwin_ 515 + 3. Competition, Specialization, and Organization. _Charles Darwin_ 519 + 4. Man: An Adaptive Mechanism. _George W. Crile_ 522 + + B. Competition and Segregation + 1. Plant Migration, Competition, and Segregation. _F. E. Clements_ 526 + 2. Migration and Segregation. _Carl Buecher_ 529 + 3. Demographic Segregation and Social Selection. + _William Z. Ripley_ 534 + 4. Inter-racial Competition and Race Suicide. _Francis A. Walker_ 539 + + C. Economic Competition + 1. Changing Forms of Economic Competition. _John B. Clark_ 544 + 2. Competition and the Natural Harmony of Individual Interests. + _Adam Smith_ 550 + 3. Competition and Freedom. _Frederic Bastiat_ 551 + 4. Money and Freedom. _Georg Simmel_ 552 + +III. Investigations and Problems + 1. Biological Competition 553 + 2. Economic Competition 554 + 3. Competition and Human Ecology 558 + 4. Competition and the "Inner Enemies": the Defectives, the + Dependents, and the Delinquents 559 + + _Selected Bibliography_ 562 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 562 + _Questions for Discussion_ 563 + + +CHAPTER IX. CONFLICT + +I. Introduction + 1. The Concept of Conflict 574 + 2. Classification of the Materials 576 + +II. Materials + + A. Conflict as Conscious Competition + 1. The Natural History of Conflict. _W. I. Thomas_ 579 + 2. Conflict as a Type of Social Interaction. _Georg Simmel_ 582 + 3. Types of Conflict Situations. _Georg Simmel_ 586 + + B. War, Instincts, and Ideals + 1. War and Human Nature. _William A. White_ 594 + 2. War as a Form of Relaxation. _G. T. W. Patrick_ 598 + 3. The Fighting Animal and the Great Society. + _Henry Rutgers Marshall_ 600 + + C. Rivalry, Cultural Conflicts, and Social Organization + + 1. Animal Rivalry. _William H. Hudson_ 604 + 2. The Rivalry of Social Groups. _George E. Vincent_ 605 + 3. Cultural Conflicts and the Organization of Sects. + _Franklin H. Giddings_ 610 + + D. Racial Conflicts + 1. Social Contacts and Race Conflict. _Robert E. Park_ 616 + 2. Conflict and Race Consciousness. _Robert E. Park_ 623 + 3. Conflict and Accommodation. _Alfred H. Stone_ 631 + +III. Investigations and Problems + 1. The Psychology and Sociology of Conflict, Conscious + Competition, and Rivalry 638 + 2. Types of Conflict 639 + 3. The Literature of War 641 + 4. Race Conflict 642 + 5. Conflict Groups 643 + + _Selected Bibliography_ 645 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 660 + _Questions for Discussion_ 661 + + +CHAPTER X. ACCOMMODATION + +I. Introduction + 1. Adaptation and Accommodation 663 + 2. Classification of the Materials 666 + +II. Materials + + A. Forms of Accommodation + 1. Acclimatization. _Daniel G. Brinton_ 671 + 2. Slavery Defined. _H. J. Nieboer_ 674 + 3. Excerpts from the Journal of a West India Slave Owner. + _Matthew G. Lewis_ 677 + 4. The Origin of Caste in India. _John C. Nesfield_ 681 + 5. Caste and the Sentiments of Caste Reflected in Popular Speech. + _Herbert Risley_ 684 + + B. Subordination and Superordination + 1. The Psychology of Subordination and Superordination. + _Hugo Muensterberg_ 688 + 2. Social Attitudes in Subordination: Memories of an Old Servant. + _An Old Servant_ 692 + 3. The Reciprocal Character of Subordination and Superordination. + _Georg Simmel_ 695 + 4. Three Types of Subordination and Superordination. + _Georg Simmel_ 697 + + C. Conflict and Accommodation + 1. War and Peace as Types of Conflict and Accommodation. + _Georg Simmel_ 703 + 2. Compromise and Accommodation. _Georg Simmel_ 706 + + D. Competition, Status, and Social Solidarity + 1. Personal Competition, Social Selection, and Status. + _Charles H. Cooley_ 708 + 2. Personal Competition and the Evolution of Individual Types. + _Robert E. Park_ 712 + 3. Division of Labor and Social Solidarity. _Emile Durkheim_ 714 + +III. Investigations and Problems + 1. Forms of Accommodation 718 + 2. Subordination and Superordination 721 + 3. Accommodation Groups 721 + 4. Social Organization 723 + + _Selected Bibliography_ 725 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 732 + _Questions for Discussion_ 732 + + +CHAPTER XI. ASSIMILATION + +I. Introduction + 1. Popular Conceptions of Assimilation 734 + 2. The Sociology of Assimilation 735 + 3. Classification of the Materials 737 + +II. Materials + + A. Biological Aspects of Assimilation + 1. Assimilation and Amalgamation. _Sarah E. Simons_ 740 + 2. The Instinctive Basis of Assimilation. _W. Trotter_ 742 + + B. The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures + 1. The Analysis of Blended Cultures. _W. H. R. Rivers_ 746 + 2. The Extension of Roman Culture in Gaul. _John H. Cornyn_ 751 + 3. The Competition of the Cultural Languages. _E. H. Babbitt_ 754 + 4. The Assimilation of Races. _Robert E. Park_ 756 + + C. Americanization as a Problem in Assimilation + 1. Americanization as Assimilation 762 + 2. Language as a Means and a Product of Participation 763 + 3. Assimilation and the Mediation of Individual Differences 766 + +III. Investigations and Problems + 1. Assimilation and Amalgamation 769 + 2. The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures 771 + 3. Immigration and Americanization 772 + + _Selected Bibliography_ 775 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 783 + _Questions for Discussion_ 783 + + +CHAPTER XII. SOCIAL CONTROL + +I. Introduction + 1. Social Control Defined 785 + 2. Classification of the Materials 787 + +II. Materials + + A. Elementary Forms of Social Control + 1. Control in the Crowd and the Public. _Lieut. J. S. Smith_ 800 + 2. Ceremonial Control. _Herbert Spencer_ 805 + 3. Prestige. _Lewis Leopold_ 807 + 4. Prestige and Status in South East Africa. _Maurice S. Evans_ 811 + 5. Taboo. _W. Robertson Smith_ 812 + + B. Public Opinion + 1. The Myth. _Georges Sorel_ 816 + 2. The Growth of a Legend. _Fernand van Langenhove_ 819 + 3. Ritual, Myth, and Dogma. _W. Robertson Smith_ 822 + 4. The Nature of Public Opinion. _A. Lawrence Lowell_ 826 + 5. Public Opinion and the Mores. _Robert E. Park_ 829 + 6. News and Social Control. _Walter Lippmann_ 834 + 7. The Psychology of Propaganda. _Raymond Dodge_ 837 + + C. Institutions + 1. Institutions and the Mores. _W. G. Sumner_ 841 + 2. Common Law and Statute Law. _Frederic J. Stimson_ 843 + 3. Religion and Social Control. _Charles A. Ellwood_ 846 + +III. Investigations and Problems + 1. Social Control and Human Nature 848 + 2. Elementary Forms of Social Control 849 + 3. Public Opinion and Social Control 850 + 4. Legal Institutions and Law 851 + + _Selected Bibliography_ 854 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 862 + _Questions for Discussion_ 862 + + +CHAPTER XIII. COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR + +I. Introduction + 1. Collective Behavior Defined 865 + 2. Social Unrest and Collective Behavior 866 + 3. The Crowd and the Public 867 + 4. Crowds and Sects 870 + 5. Sects and Institutions 872 + 6. Classification of the Materials 874 + +II. Materials + A. Social Contagion + 1. An Incident in a Lancashire Cotton Mill 878 + 2. The Dancing Mania of the Middle Ages. _J. F. C. Hecker_ 879 + + B. The Crowd + 1. The "Animal" Crowd 881 + a) The Flock. _Mary Austin_ 881 + b) The Herd. _W. H. Hudson_ 883 + c) The Pack. _Ernest Thompson Seton_ 886 + 2. The Psychological Crowd. _Gustave Le Bon_ 887 + 3. The Crowd Defined. _Robert E. Park_ 893 + + C. Types of Mass Movements + 1. Crowd Excitements and Mass Movements: The Klondike Rush. + _T. C. Down_ 895 + 2. Mass Movements and the Mores: The Woman's Crusade. + _Annie Wittenmyer_ 898 + 3. Mass Movements and Revolution + a) The French Revolution. _Gustave Le Bon_ 905 + b) Bolshevism. _John Spargo_ 909 + 4. Mass Movements and Institutions: Methodism. + _William E. H. Lecky_ 915 + +III. Investigations and Problems + 1. Social Unrest 924 + 2. Psychic Epidemics 926 + 3. Mass Movements 927 + 4. Revivals, Religious and Linguistic 929 + 5. Fashion, Reform, and Revolution 933 + + _Selected Bibliography_ 934 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 951 + _Questions for Discussion_ 951 + + +CHAPTER XIV. PROGRESS + +I. Introduction + 1. Popular Conceptions of Progress 953 + 2. The Problem of Progress 956 + 3. History of the Concept of Progress 958 + 4. Classification of the Materials 962 + +II. Materials + + A. The Concept of Progress + 1. The Earliest Conception of Progress. _F. S. Marvin_ 965 + 2. Progress and Organization. _Herbert Spencer_ 966 + 3. The Stages of Progress. _Auguste Comte_ 968 + 4. Progress and the Historical Process. _Leonard T. Hobhouse_ 969 + + B. Progress and Science + 1. Progress and Happiness. _Lester F. Ward_ 973 + 2. Progress and Prevision. _John Dewey_ 975 + 3. Progress and the Limits of Scientific Prevision. + _Arthur J. Balfour_ 977 + 4. Eugenics as a Science of Progress. _Francis Galton_ 979 + + C. Progress and Human Nature + 1. The Nature of Man. _George Santayana_ 983 + 2. Progress and the Mores. _W. G. Sumner_ 983 + 3. War and Progress. _James Bryce_ 984 + 4. Progress and the Cosmic Urge + a) The _Elan Vitale. Henri Bergson_ 989 + b) The _Dunkler Drang. Arthur Schopenhauer_ 994 + +III. Investigations and Problems + 1. Progress and Social Research 1000 + 2. Indices of Progress 1002 + + _Selected Bibliography_ 1004 + _Topics for Written Themes_ 1010 + _Questions for Discussion_ 1010 + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] See _Source Book for Social Origins_. Ethnological materials, +psychological standpoint, classified and annotated bibliographies for +the interpretation of savage society (Chicago, 1909). + + + + +CHAPTER I + +SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES[2] + + +I. SOCIOLOGY AND "SCIENTIFIC" HISTORY + +Sociology first gained recognition as an independent science with the +publication, between 1830 and 1842, of Auguste Comte's _Cours de +philosophie positive_. Comte did not, to be sure, create sociology. He +did give it a name, a program, and a place among the sciences. + +Comte's program for the new science proposed an extension to politics +and to history of the positive methods of the natural sciences. Its +practical aim was to establish government on the secure foundation of an +exact science and give to the predictions of history something of the +precision of mathematical formulae. + + We have to contemplate social phenomena as susceptible of + prevision, like all other classes, within the limits of + exactness compatible with their higher complexity. + Comprehending the three characteristics of political science + which we have been examining, prevision of social phenomena + supposes, first, that we have abandoned the region of + metaphysical idealities, to assume the ground of observed + realities by a systematic subordination of imagination to + observation; secondly, that political conceptions have ceased + to be absolute, and have become relative to the variable state + of civilization, so that theories, following the natural course + of facts, may admit of our foreseeing them; and, thirdly, that + permanent political action is limited by determinate laws, + since, if social events were always exposed to disturbance by + the accidental intervention of the legislator, human or divine, + no scientific prevision of them would be possible. Thus, we may + concentrate the conditions of the spirit of positive social + philosophy on this one great attribute of scientific + prevision.[3] + +Comte proposed, in short, to make government a technical science and +politics a profession. He looked forward to a time when legislation, +based on a scientific study of human nature, would assume the character +of natural law. The earlier and more elementary sciences, particularly +physics and chemistry, had given man control over external nature; the +last science, sociology, was to give man control over himself. + + Men were long in learning that Man's power of modifying + phenomena can result only from his knowledge of their natural + laws; and in the infancy of each science, they believed + themselves able to exert an unbounded influence over the + phenomena of that science.... Social phenomena are, of course, + from their extreme complexity, the last to be freed from this + pretension: but it is therefore only the more necessary to + remember that the pretension existed with regard to all the + rest, in their earliest stage, and to anticipate therefore that + social science will, in its turn, be emancipated from the + delusion.... It [the existing social science] represents the + social action of Man to be indefinite and arbitrary, as was + once thought in regard to biological, chemical, physical, and + even astronomical phenomena, in the earlier stages of their + respective sciences.... The human race finds itself delivered + over, without logical protection, to the ill-regulated + experimentation of the various political schools, each one of + which strives to set up, for all future time, its own immutable + type of government. We have seen what are the chaotic results + of such a strife; and we shall find that there is no chance of + order and agreement but in subjecting social phenomena, like + all others, to invariable natural laws, which shall, as a + whole, prescribe for each period, with entire certainty, the + limits and character of political action: in other words, + introducing into the study of social phenomena the same + positive spirit which has regenerated every other branch of + human speculation.[4] + +In the present anarchy of political opinion and parties, changes in the +existing social order inevitably assume, he urged, the character, at the +best, of a mere groping empiricism; at the worst, of a social convulsion +like that of the French Revolution. Under the direction of a positive, +in place of a speculative or, as Comte would have said, metaphysical +science of society, progress must assume the character of an orderly +march. + +It was to be expected, with the extension of exact methods of +investigation to other fields of knowledge, that the study of man and of +society would become, or seek to become, scientific in the sense in +which that word is used in the natural sciences. It is interesting, in +this connection, that Comte's first name for sociology was _social +physics_. It was not until he had reached the fourth volume of his +_Positive Philosophy_ that the word sociological is used for the first +time. + +Comte, if he was foremost, was not first in the search for a positive +science of society, which would give man that control over men that he +had over external nature. Montesquieu, in his _The Spirit of Laws_, +first published in 1747, had distinguished in the organization of +society, between form, "the particular structure," and the forces, "the +human passions which set it in motion." In his preface to this first +epoch-making essay in what Freeman calls "comparative politics," +Montesquieu suggests that the uniformities, which he discovered beneath +the wide variety of positive law, were contributions not merely to a +science of law, but to a science of mankind. + + I have first of all considered mankind; and the result of my + thoughts has been, that amidst such an infinite diversity of + laws and manners, they are not solely conducted by the caprice + of fancy.[5] + +Hume, likewise, put politics among the natural sciences.[6] Condorcet +wanted to make history positive.[7] But there were, in the period +between 1815 and 1840 in France, conditions which made the need of a new +science of politics peculiarly urgent. The Revolution had failed and the +political philosophy, which had directed and justified it, was bankrupt. +France, between 1789 and 1815, had adopted, tried, and rejected no less +than ten different constitutions. But during this period, as Saint-Simon +noted, society, and the human beings who compose society, had not +changed. It was evident that government was not, in any such sense as +the philosophers had assumed, a mere artefact and legislative +construction. Civilization, as Saint-Simon conceived it, was a part of +nature. Social change was part of the whole cosmic process. He proposed, +therefore, to make politics a science as positive as physics. The +subject-matter of political science, as he conceived it, was not so +much political forms as social conditions. History had been literature. +It was destined to become a science.[8] + +Comte called himself Saint-Simon's pupil. It is perhaps more correct to +say Saint-Simon formulated the problem for which Comte, in his _Positive +Philosophy_, sought a solution. It was Comte's notion that with the +arrival of sociology the distinction which had so long existed, and +still exists, between philosophy, in which men define their wishes, and +natural science, in which they describe the existing order of nature, +would disappear. In that case ideals would be defined in terms of +reality, and the tragic difference between what men want and what is +possible would be effaced. Comte's error was to mistake a theory of +progress for progress itself. It is certainly true that as men learn +what is, they will adjust their ideals to what is possible. But +knowledge grows slowly. + +Man's knowledge of mankind has increased greatly since 1842. Sociology, +"the positive science of humanity," has moved steadily forward in the +direction that Comte's program indicated, but it has not yet replaced +history. Historians are still looking for methods of investigation which +will make history "scientific." + + No one who has watched the course of history during the last + generation can have felt doubt of its tendency. Those of us who + read Buckle's first volume when it appeared in 1857, and almost + immediately afterwards, in 1859, read the _Origin of Species_ + and felt the violent impulse which Darwin gave to the study of + natural laws, never doubted that historians would follow until + they had exhausted every possible hypothesis to create a + science of history. Year after year passed, and little progress + has been made. Perhaps the mass of students are more skeptical + now than they were thirty years ago of the possibility that + such a science can be created. Yet almost every successful + historian has been busy with it, adding here a new analysis, a + new generalization there; a clear and definite connection where + before the rupture of idea was absolute; and, above all, + extending the field of study until it shall include all races, + all countries, and all times. Like other branches of science, + history is now encumbered and hampered by its own mass, but its + tendency is always the same, and cannot be other than what it + is. That the effort to make history a science may fail is + possible, and perhaps probable; but that it should cease, + unless for reasons that would cause all science to cease, is + not within the range of experience. Historians will not, and + even if they would they can not, abandon the attempt. Science + itself would admit its own failure if it admitted that man, the + most important of all its subjects, could not be brought within + its range.[9] + +Since Comte gave the new science of humanity a name and a point of view, +the area of historical investigation has vastly widened and a number of +new social sciences have come into existence--ethnology, archaeology, +folklore, the comparative studies of cultural materials, i.e., language, +mythology, religion, and law, and in connection with and closely related +with these, folk-psychology, social psychology, and the psychology of +crowds, which latter is, perhaps, the forerunner of a wider and more +elaborate political psychology. The historians have been very much +concerned with these new bodies of materials and with the new points of +view which they have introduced into the study of man and of society. +Under the influences of these sciences, history itself, as James Harvey +Robinson has pointed out, has had a history. But with the innovations +which the new history has introduced or attempted to introduce, it does +not appear that there have been any fundamental changes in method or +ideology in the science itself. + + Fifty years have elapsed since Buckle's book appeared, and I + know of no historian who would venture to maintain that we had + made any considerable advance toward the goal he set for + himself. A systematic prosecution of the various branches of + social science, especially political economy, sociology, + anthropology, and psychology, is succeeding in explaining many + things; but history must always remain, from the standpoint of + the astronomer, physicist, or chemist, a highly inexact and + fragmentary body of knowledge.... History can no doubt be + pursued in a strictly scientific spirit, but the data we + possess in regard to the past of mankind are not of a nature to + lend themselves to organization into an exact science, + although, as we shall see, they may yield truths of vital + importance.[10] + +History has not become, as Comte believed it must, an exact science, and +sociology has not taken its place in the social sciences. It is +important, however, for understanding the mutations which have taken +place in sociology since Comte to remember that it had its origin in an +effort to make history exact. This, with, to be sure, considerable +modifications, is still, as we shall see, an ambition of the science. + + +II. HISTORICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL FACTS + +Sociology, as Comte conceived it, was not, as it has been characterized, +"a highly important point of view," but a fundamental science, i.e., a +method of investigation and "a body of discoveries about mankind."[11] +In the hierarchy of the sciences, sociology, the last in time, was first +in importance. The order was as follows: mathematics, astronomy, +physics, chemistry, biology including psychology, sociology. This order +represented a progression from the more elementary to the more complex. +It was because history and politics were concerned with the most complex +of natural phenomena that they were the last to achieve what Comte +called the positive character. They did this in sociology. + +Many attempts have been made before and since Comte to find a +satisfactory classification of the sciences. The order and relation of +the sciences is still, in fact, one of the cardinal problems of +philosophy. In recent years the notion has gained recognition that the +difference between history and the natural sciences is not one of +degree, but of kind; not of subject-matter merely, but of method. This +difference in method is, however, fundamental. It is a difference not +merely in the interpretation but in the _logical character_ of facts. + +Every historical fact, it is pointed out, is concerned with a unique +event. History never repeats itself. If nothing else, the mere +circumstance that every event has a _date_ and _location_ would give +historical facts an individuality that facts of the abstract sciences do +not possess. Because historical facts always are located and dated, and +cannot therefore be repeated, they are not subject to experiment and +verification. On the other hand, a fact not subject to verification is +not a fact for natural science. History, as distinguished from natural +history, deals with individuals, i.e., individual events, persons, +institutions. Natural science is concerned, not with individuals, but +with classes, types, species. All the assertions that are valid for +natural science concern classes. An illustration will make this +distinction clear. + +Sometime in October, 1838, Charles Darwin happened to pick up and read +Malthus' book on _Population_. The facts of "the struggle for +existence," so strikingly presented in that now celebrated volume, +suggested an explanation of a problem which had long interested and +puzzled him, namely, the origin of species. + +This is a statement of a historical fact, and the point is that it is +not subject to empirical verification. It cannot be stated, in other +words, in the form of a hypothesis, which further observation of other +men of the same type will either verify or discredit. + +On the other hand, in his _Descent of Man_, Darwin, discussing the role +of sexual selection in evolution of the species, makes this observation: +"Naturalists are much divided with respect to the object of the singing +of birds. Few more careful observers ever lived than Montagu, and he +maintained that the 'males of songbirds and of many others do not in +general search for the female, but, on the contrary, their business in +spring is to perch on some conspicuous spot, breathing out their full +and amorous notes, which, by instinct, the female knows and repairs to +the spot to choose her mate.'" + +This is a typical statement of a fact of natural history. It is not, +however, the rather vague generality of the statement that makes it +scientific. It is its representative character, the character which +makes it possible of verification by further observation which makes it +a scientific fact. + +It is from facts of this kind, collected, compared, and classified, +irrespective of time or place, that the more general conclusions are +drawn, upon which Darwin based his theory of the "descent of man." This +theory, as Darwin conceived it, was not an _interpretation_ of the facts +but an _explanation_. + +The relation between history and sociology, as well as the manner in +which the more abstract social sciences have risen out of the more +concrete, may be illustrated by a comparison between history and +geography. Geography as a science is concerned with the visible world, +the earth, its location in space, the distribution of the land masses, +and of the plants, animals, and peoples upon its surface. The order, at +least the fundamental order, which it seeks and finds among the objects +it investigates is _spatial_. As soon as the geographer begins to +compare and classify the plants, the animals, and the peoples with +which he comes in contact, geography passes over into the special +sciences, i.e., botany, zoology, and anthropology. + +History, on the other hand, is concerned with a world of events. Not +everything that happened, to be sure, is history, but every event that +ever was or ever will be significant is history. + +Geography attempts to reproduce for us the visible world as it exists in +space; history, on the contrary, seeks to re-create for us in the +present the significance of the past. As soon as historians seek to take +events out of their historical setting, that is to say, out of their +time and space relations, in order to compare them and classify them; as +soon as historians begin to emphasize the typical and representative +rather than the unique character of events, history ceases to be history +and becomes sociology. + +The differences here indicated between history and sociology are based +upon a more fundamental distinction between the historical and the +natural sciences first clearly defined by Windelband, the historian of +philosophy, in an address to the faculty of the University of Strassburg +in 1894. + + The distinction between natural science and history begins at + the point where we seek to convert facts into knowledge. Here + again we observe that the one (natural science) seeks to + formulate laws, the other (history) to portray events. In the + one case thought proceeds from the description of particulars + to the general relations. In the other case it clings to a + genial depiction of the individual object or event. For the + natural scientist the object of investigation which cannot be + repeated never has, as such, scientific value. It serves his + purpose only so far as it may be regarded as a type or as a + special instance of a class from which the type may be deduced. + The natural scientist considers the single case only so far as + he can see in it the features which serve to throw light upon a + general law. For the historian the problem is to revive and + call up into the present, in all its particularity, an event in + the past. His aim is to do for an actual event precisely what + the artist seeks to do for the object of his imagination. It is + just here that we discern the kinship between history and art, + between the historian and the writer of literature. It is for + this reason that natural science emphasized the abstract; the + historian, on the other hand, is interested mainly in the + concrete. + + The fact that natural science emphasizes the abstract and + history the concrete will become clearer if we compare the + results of the researches of the two sciences. However finespun + the conceptions may be which the historical critic uses in + working over his materials, the final goal of such study is + always to create out of the mass of events a vivid portrait of + the past. And what history offers us is pictures of men and of + human life, with all the wealth of their individuality, + reproduced in all their characteristic vivacity. Thus do the + peoples and languages of the past, their forms and beliefs, + their struggles for power and freedom, speak to us through the + mouth of history. + + How different it is with the world which the natural sciences + have created for us! However concrete the materials with which + they started, the goal of these sciences is theories, + eventually mathematical formulations of laws of change. + Treating the individual, sensuous, changing objects as mere + unsubstantial appearances (phenomena), scientific investigation + becomes a search for the universal laws which rule the timeless + changes of events. Out of this colorful world of the senses, + science creates a system of abstract concepts, in which the + true nature of things is conceived to exist--a world of + colorless and soundless atoms, despoiled of all their earthly + sensuous qualities. Such is the triumph of thought over + perception. Indifferent to change, science casts her anchor in + the eternal and unchangeable. Not the change as such but the + unchanging form of change is what she seeks. + + This raises the question: What is the more valuable for the + purposes of knowledge in general, a knowledge of law or a + knowledge of events? As far as that is concerned, both + scientific procedures may be equally justified. The knowledge + of the universal laws has everywhere a practical value in so + far as they make possible man's purposeful intervention in the + natural processes. That is quite as true of the movements of + the inner as of the outer world. In the latter case knowledge + of nature's laws has made it possible to create those tools + through which the control of mankind over external nature is + steadily being extended. + + Not less for the purposes of the common life are we dependent + upon the results of historical knowledge. Man is, to change the + ancient form of the expression, the animal who has a history. + His cultural life rests on the transmission from generation to + generation of a constantly increasing body of historical + memories. Whoever proposes to take an active part in this + cultural process must have an understanding of history. + Wherever the thread is once broken--as history itself + proves--it must be painfully gathered up and knitted again into + the historical fabric. + + It is, to be sure, true that it is an economy for human + understanding to be able to reduce to a formula or a general + concept the common characteristics of individuals. But the more + man seeks to reduce facts to concepts and laws, the more he is + obliged to sacrifice and neglect the individual. Men have, to + be sure, sought, in characteristic modern fashion, "to make of + history a natural science." This was the case with the + so-called philosophy of history of positivism. What has been + the net result of the laws of history which it has given us? A + few trivial generalities which justify themselves only by the + most careful consideration of their numerous exceptions. + + On the other hand it is certain that all interest and values of + life are concerned with what is unique in men and events. + Consider how quickly our appreciation is deadened as some + object is multiplied or is regarded as one case in a thousand. + "She is not the first" is one of the cruel passages in _Faust_. + It is in the individuality and the uniqueness of an object that + all our sense of value has its roots. It is upon this fact that + Spinoza's doctrine of the conquest of the passions by knowledge + rests, since for him knowledge is the submergence of the + individual in the universal, the "once for all" into the + eternal. + + The fact that all our livelier appreciations rest upon the + unique character of the object is illustrated above all in our + relations to persons. Is it not an unendurable thought, that a + loved object, an adored person, should have existed at some + other time in just the form in which it now exists for us? Is + it not horrible and unthinkable that one of us, with just this + same individuality should actually have existed in a second + edition? + + What is true of the individual man is quite as true of the + whole historical process: it has value only when it is unique. + This is the principle which the Christian doctrine successfully + maintained, as over against Hellenism in the Patristic + philosophy. The middle point of their conception of the world + was the fall and the salvation of mankind as a unique event. + That was the first and great perception of the inalienable + metaphysical right of the historian to preserve for the memory + of mankind, in all their uniqueness and individuality, the + actual events of life.[12] + +Like every other species of animal, man has a natural history. +Anthropology is the science of man considered as one of the animal +species, _Homo sapiens_. History and sociology, on the other hand, are +concerned with man as a person, as a "political animal," participating +with his fellows in a common fund of social traditions and cultural +ideals. Freeman, the English historian, said that history was "past +politics" and politics "present history." Freeman uses the word +politics in the large and liberal sense in which it was first used by +Aristotle. In that broad sense of the word, the political process, by +which men are controlled and states governed, and the cultural process, +by which man has been domesticated and human nature formed, are not, as +we ordinarily assume, different, but identical, procedures. + +All this suggests the intimate relations which exist between history, +politics, and sociology. The important thing, however, is not the +identities but the distinctions. For, however much the various +disciplines may, in practice, overlap, it is necessary for the sake of +clear thinking to have their limits defined. As far as sociology and +history are concerned the differences may be summed up in a word. Both +history and sociology are concerned with the life of man as man. +History, however, seeks to reproduce and interpret concrete events as +they actually occurred in time and space. Sociology, on the other hand, +seeks to arrive at natural laws and generalizations in regard to human +nature and society, irrespective of time and of place. + +In other words, history seeks to find out what actually happened and how +it all came about. Sociology, on the other hand, seeks to explain, on +the basis of a study of other instances, the nature of the process +involved. + +By nature we mean just that aspect and character of things in regard to +which it is possible to make general statements and formulate laws. If +we say, in explanation of the peculiar behavior of some individual, that +it is natural or that it is after all "simply human nature," we are +simply saying that this behavior is what we have learned to expect of +this individual or of human beings in general. It is, in other words, a +law. + +Natural law, as the term is used here, is any statement which describes +the behavior of a class of objects or the character of a class of acts. +For example, the classic illustration of the so-called "universal +proposition" familiar to students of formal logic, "all men are mortal," +is an assertion in regard to a class of objects we call men. This is, of +course, simply a more formal way of saying that "men die." Such general +statements and "laws" get meaning only when they are applied to +particular cases, or, to speak again in the terms of formal logic, when +they find a place in a syllogism, thus: "Men are mortal. This is a +man." But such syllogisms may always be stated in the form of a +hypothesis. If this is a man, he is mortal. If a is b, a is also +c. This statement, "Human nature is a product of social contact," is a +general assertion familiar to students of sociology. This law or, more +correctly, hypothesis, applied to an individual case explains the +so-called feral man. Wild men, in the proper sense of the word, are not +the so-called savages, but the men who have never been domesticated, of +which an individual example is now and then discovered. + +To state a law in the form of a hypothesis serves to emphasize the fact +that laws--what we have called natural laws at any rate--are subject to +verification and restatement. Under the circumstances the exceptional +instance, which compels a restatement of the hypothesis, is more +important for the purposes of science than other instances which merely +confirm it. + +Any science which operates with hypotheses and seeks to state facts in +such a way that they can be compared and verified by further observation +and experiment is, so far as method is concerned, a natural science. + + +III. HUMAN NATURE AND LAW + +One thing that makes the conception of natural history and natural law +important to the student of sociology is that in the field of the social +sciences the distinction between natural and moral law has from the +first been confused. Comte and the social philosophers in France after +the Revolution set out with the deliberate purpose of superseding +legislative enactments by laws of human nature, laws which were to be +positive and "scientific." As a matter of fact, sociology, in becoming +positive, so far from effacing, has rather emphasized the distinctions +that Comte sought to abolish. Natural law may be distinguished from all +other forms of law by the fact that it aims at nothing more than a +description of the behavior of certain types or classes of objects. A +description of the way in which a class, i.e., men, plants, animals, or +physical objects, may be expected under ordinary circumstances to +behave, tells us what we may in a general way expect of any individual +member of that class. If natural science seeks to predict, it is able to +do so simply because it operates with concepts or class names instead, +as is the case with history, with concrete facts and, to use a logical +phrase, "existential propositions." + + That the chief end of science is descriptive formulation has + probably been clear to keen analytic minds since the time of + Galileo, especially to the great discoverers in astronomy, + mechanics, and dynamics. But as a definitely stated conception, + corrective of misunderstandings, the view of science as + essentially descriptive began to make itself felt about the + beginning of the last quarter of the nineteenth century, and + may be associated with the names of Kirchhoff and Mach. It was + in 1876 that Kirchhoff defined the task of mechanics as that of + "describing completely and in the simplest manner the motions + which take place in nature." Widening this a little, we may say + that the aim of science is to describe natural phenomena and + occurrences as exactly as possible, as simply as possible, as + completely as possible, as consistently as possible, and always + in terms which are communicable and verifiable. This is a very + different role from that of solving the riddles of the + universe, and it is well expressed in what Newton said in + regard to the law of gravitation: "So far I have accounted for + the phenomena presented to us by the heavens and the sea by + means of the force of gravity, but I have as yet assigned no + cause to this gravity.... I have not been able to deduce from + phenomena the _raison d'etre_ of the properties of gravity and + I have not set up hypotheses." (Newton, _Philosophiae naturalis + principia Mathematica_, 1687.) + + "We must confess," said Prof. J. H. Poynting (1900, p. 616), + "that physical laws have greatly fallen off in dignity. No long + time ago they were quite commonly described as the Fixed Laws + of Nature, and were supposed sufficient in themselves to govern + the universe. Now we can only assign to them the humble rank of + mere descriptions, often erroneous, of similarities which we + believe we have observed.... A law of nature explains nothing, + it has no governing power, it is but a descriptive formula + which the careless have sometimes personified." It used to be + said that "the laws of Nature are the thoughts of God"; now we + say that they are the investigator's formulae summing up + regularities of recurrence.[13] + +If natural law aims at prediction it tells us what we can do. Moral +laws, on the other hand, tell us, not what we can, but what we ought to +do. The civil or municipal law, finally, tells us not what we can, nor +what we ought, but what we must do. It is very evident that these three +types of law may be very intimately related. We do not know what we +ought to do until we know what we can do; and we certainly should +consider what men can do before we pass laws prescribing what they must +do. There is, moreover, no likelihood that these distinctions will ever +be completely abolished. As long as the words "can," "ought," and "must" +continue to have any meaning for us the distinctions that they represent +will persist in science as well as in common sense. + +The immense prestige which the methods of the natural sciences have +gained, particularly in their application to the phenomena of the +physical universe, has undoubtedly led scientific men to overestimate +the importance of mere conceptual and abstract knowledge. It has led +them to assume that history also must eventually become "scientific" in +the sense of the natural sciences. In the meantime the vast collections +of historical facts which the industry of historical students has +accumulated are regarded, sometimes even by historians themselves, as a +sort of raw material, the value of which can only be realized after it +has been worked over into some sort of historical generalization which +has the general character of scientific and ultimately, mathematical +formula. + +"History," says Karl Pearson, "can never become science, can never be +anything but a catalogue of facts rehearsed in a more or less pleasing +language until these facts are seen to fall into sequences which can be +briefly resumed in scientific formulae."[14] And Henry Adams, in a +letter to the American Historical Association already referred to, +confesses that history has thus far been a fruitless quest for "the +secret which would transform these odds and ends of philosophy into one +self-evident, harmonious, and complete system." + + You may be sure that four out of five serious students of + history who are living today have, in the course of their work, + felt that they stood on the brink of a great generalization + that would reduce all history under a law as clear as the laws + which govern the material world. As the great writers of our + time have touched one by one the separate fragments of admitted + law by which society betrays its character as a subject for + science, not one of them can have failed to feel an instant's + hope that he might find the secret which would transform these + odds and ends of philosophy into one self-evident, harmonious, + and complete system. He has seemed to have it, as the Spanish + say, in his inkstand. Scores of times he must have dropped his + pen to think how one short step, one sudden inspiration, would + show all human knowledge; how, in these thickset forests of + history, one corner turned, one faint trail struck, would + bring him on the highroad of science. Every professor who has + tried to teach the doubtful facts which we now call history + must have felt that sooner or later he or another would put + order in the chaos and bring light into darkness. Not so much + genius or favor was needed as patience and good luck. The law + was certainly there, and as certainly was in places actually + visible, to be touched and handled, as though it were a law of + chemistry or physics. No teacher with a spark of imagination or + with an idea of scientific method can have helped dreaming of + the immortality that would be achieved by the man who should + successfully apply Darwin's method to the facts of human + history.[15] + +The truth is, however, that the concrete facts, in which history and +geography have sought to preserve the visible, tangible, and, generally +speaking, the experiential aspects of human life and the visible +universe, have a value irrespective of any generalization or ideal +constructions which may be inferred from or built up out of them. Just +as none of the investigations or generalizations of individual +psychology are ever likely to take the place of biography and +autobiography, so none of the conceptions of an abstract sociology, no +scientific descriptions of the social and cultural processes, and no +laws of progress are likely, in the near future at any rate, to +supersede the more concrete facts of history in which are preserved +those records of those unique and never fully comprehended aspects of +life which we call _events_. + +It has been the dream of philosophers that theoretical and abstract +science could and some day perhaps would succeed in putting into +formulae and into general terms all that was significant in the concrete +facts of life. It has been the tragic mistake of the so-called +intellectuals, who have gained their knowledge from textbooks rather +than from observation and research, to assume that science had already +realized its dream. But there is no indication that science has begun to +exhaust the sources or significance of concrete experience. The infinite +variety of external nature and the inexhaustible wealth of personal +experience have thus far defied, and no doubt will continue to defy, the +industry of scientific classification, while, on the other hand, the +discoveries of science are constantly making accessible to us new and +larger areas of experience. + +What has been said simply serves to emphasize the instrumental character +of the abstract sciences. History and geography, all of the concrete +sciences, can and do measurably enlarge our experience of life. Their +very purpose is to arouse new interests and create new sympathies; to +give mankind, in short, an environment so vast and varied as will call +out and activate all his instincts and capacities. + +The more abstract sciences, just to the extent that they are abstract +and exact, like mathematics and logic, are merely methods and tools for +converting experience into knowledge and applying the knowledge so +gained to practical uses. + + +IV. HISTORY, NATURAL HISTORY, AND SOCIOLOGY + +Although it is possible to draw clear distinctions in theory between the +purpose and methods of history and sociology, in practice the two forms +of knowledge pass over into one another by almost imperceptible +gradations. + +The sociological point of view makes its appearance in historical +investigation as soon as the historian turns from the study of "periods" +to the study of institutions. The history of institutions, that is to +say, the family, the church, economic institutions, political +institutions, etc., leads inevitably to comparison, classification, the +formation of class names or concepts, and eventually to the formulation +of law. In the process, history becomes natural history, and natural +history passes over into natural science. In short, history becomes +sociology. + +Westermarck's _History of Human Marriage_ is one of the earliest +attempts to write the natural history of a social institution. It is +based upon a comparison and classification of marriage customs of widely +scattered peoples, living under varied physical and social conditions. +What one gets from a survey of this kind is not so much history as a +study of human behavior. The history of marriage, as of any other +institution, is, in other words, not so much an account of what certain +individuals or groups of individuals did at certain times and certain +places, as it is a description of the responses of a few fundamental +human instincts to a variety of social situations. Westermarck calls +this kind of history sociology.[16] + + It is in the firm conviction that the history of human + civilization should be made an object of as scientific a + treatment as the history of organic nature that I write this + book. Like the phenomena of physical and psychical life those + of social life should be classified into certain groups and + each group investigated with regard to its origin and + development. Only when treated in this way can history lay + claim to the rank and honour of a science in the highest sense + of the term, as forming an important part of Sociology, the + youngest of the principal branches of learning. + + Descriptive historiography has no higher object than that of + offering materials to this science.[17] + +Westermarck refers to the facts which he has collected in his history of +marriage as phenomena. For the explanation of these phenomena, however, +he looks to the more abstract sciences. + + The causes on which social phenomena are dependent fall within + the domain of different sciences--Biology, Psychology, or + Sociology. The reader will find that I put particular stress + upon the psychological causes, which have often been deplorably + overlooked, or only imperfectly touched upon. And more + especially do I believe that the mere instincts have played a + very important part in the origin of social institutions and + rules.[18] + +Westermarck derived most of his materials for the study of marriage from +ethnological materials. Ethnologists, students of folklore (German +_Voelkerkunde_), and archaeology are less certain than the historians of +institutions whether their investigations are historical or +sociological. + +Jane Harrison, although she disclaims the title of sociologist, bases +her conception of the origin of Greek religion on a sociological theory, +the theory namely that "among primitive peoples religion reflects +collective feeling and collective thinking." Dionysius, the god of the +Greek mysteries, is according to her interpretation a product of the +group consciousness. + + The mystery-god arises out of those instincts, emotions, + desires which attend and express life; but these emotions, + desires, instincts, in so far as they are religious, are at the + outset rather of a group than of individual consciousness.... + It is a necessary and most important corollary to this + doctrine, that the form taken by the divinity reflects the + social structure of the group to which the divinity belongs. + Dionysius is the Son of his Mother because he issues from a + matrilinear group.[19] + +This whole study is, in fact, merely an application of Durkheim's +conception of "collective representations." + +Robert H. Lowie, in his recent volume, _Primitive Society_, refers to +"ethnologists and other historians," but at the same time asks: "What +kind of an historian shall the ethnologist be?" + +He answers the question by saying that, "If there are laws of social +evolution, he [the ethnologist] must assuredly discover them," but at +any rate, and first of all, "his duty is to ascertain the course +civilization has _actually_ followed.... To strive for the ideals of +another branch of knowledge may be positively pernicious, for it can +easily lead to that factitious simplification which means +falsification." + +In other words, ethnology, like history, seeks to tell what actually +happened. It is bound to avoid abstraction, "over-simplification," and +formulae, and these are the ideals of another kind of scientific +procedure. As a matter of fact, however, ethnology, even when it has +attempted nothing more than a description of the existing cultures of +primitive peoples, their present distribution and the order of their +succession, has not freed itself wholly from the influence of abstract +considerations. Theoretical problems inevitably arise for the solution +of which it is necessary to go to psychology and sociology. One of the +questions that has arisen in the study, particularly the comparative +study, of cultures is: how far any existing cultural trait is borrowed +and how far it is to be regarded as of independent origin. + + In the historical reconstruction of culture the phenomena of + distribution play, indeed, an extraordinary part. If a trait + occurs everywhere, it might veritably be the product of some + universally operative social law. If it is found in a + restricted number of cases, it may still have evolved through + some such instrumentality acting under specific conditions that + would then remain to be determined by analysis of the cultures + in which the feature is embedded.... Finally, the sharers of a + cultural trait may be of distinct lineage but through contact + and borrowing have come to hold in common a portion of their + cultures.... + + Since, as a matter of fact, cultural resemblances abound + between peoples of diverse stock, their interpretation commonly + narrows to a choice between two alternatives. Either they are + due to like causes, whether these can be determined or not; or + they are the result of borrowing. A predilection for one or the + other explanation has lain at the bottom of much ethnological + discussion in the past; and at present influential schools both + in England and in continental Europe clamorously insist that + all cultural parallels are due to diffusion from a single + center. It is inevitable to envisage this moot-problem at the + start, since uncompromising championship of either alternative + has far-reaching practical consequences. For if every parallel + is due to borrowing, then sociological laws, which can be + inferred only from independently developing likenesses, are + barred. Then the history of religion or social life or + technology consists exclusively in a statement of the place of + origin of beliefs, customs and implements, and a recital of + their travels to different parts of the globe. On the other + hand, if borrowing covers only part of the observed parallels, + an explanation from like causes becomes at least the ideal goal + in an investigation of the remainder.[20] + +An illustration will exhibit the manner in which problems originally +historical become psychological and sociological. Tyler in his _Early +History of Mankind_ has pointed out that the bellows used by the negro +blacksmiths of continental Africa are of a quite different type from +those used by natives of Madagascar. The bellows used by the Madagascar +blacksmiths, on the other hand, are exactly like those in use by the +Malays of Sumatra and in other parts of the Malay Archipelago. This +indication that the natives of Madagascar are of Malay origin is in +accordance with other anthropological and ethnological data in regard to +these peoples, which prove the fact, now well established, that they are +not of African origin. + +Similarly Boas' study of the Raven cycle of American Indian mythology +indicated that these stories originated in the northern part of British +Columbia and traveled southward along the coast. One of the evidences +of the direction of this progress is the gradual diminution of +complexity in the stories as they traveled into regions farther removed +from the point of origin. + +All this, in so far as it seeks to determine the point of origin, +direction, speed, and character of changes that take place in cultural +materials in the process of diffusion, is clearly history and ethnology. + +Other questions, however, force themselves inevitably upon the attention +of the inquiring student. Why is it that certain cultural materials are +more widely and more rapidly diffused than others? Under what conditions +does this diffusion take place and why does it take place at all? +Finally, what is the ultimate source of customs, beliefs, languages, +religious practices, and all the varied technical devices which compose +the cultures of different peoples? What are the circumstances and what +are the processes by which cultural traits are independently created? +Under what conditions do cultural fusions take place and what is the +nature of this process? + +These are all fundamentally problems of human nature, and as human +nature itself is now regarded as a product of social intercourse, they +are problems of sociology. + +The cultural processes by which languages, myth, and religion have come +into existence among primitive peoples have given rise in Germany to a +special science. Folk-psychology (_Voelkerpsychologie_) had its origin in +an attempt to answer in psychological terms the problems to which a +comparative study of cultural materials has given rise. + + From two different directions ideas of folk-psychology have + found their way into modern science. First of all there was a + demand from the different social sciences + [_Geisteswissenschaften_] for a psychological explanation of + the phenomena of social life and history, so far as they were + products of social [_geistiger_] interaction. In the second + place, psychology itself required, in order to escape the + uncertainties and ambiguities of pure introspection, a body of + objective materials. + + Among the social sciences the need for psychological + interpretation first manifested itself in the studies of + language and mythology. Both of these had already found outside + the circle of the philological studies independent fields of + investigation. As soon as they assumed the character of + comparative sciences it was inevitable that they should be + driven to recognize that in addition to the historical + conditions, which everywhere determines the concrete form of + these phenomena, there had been certain fundamental psychical + forces at work in the development of language and myth.[21] + +The aim of folk-psychology has been, on the whole, to explain the +genesis and development of certain cultural forms, i.e., language, myth, +and religion. The whole matter may, however, be regarded from a quite +different point of view. Gabriel Tarde, for example, has sought to +explain, not the genesis, but the transmission and diffusion of these +same cultural forms. For Tarde, communication (transmission of cultural +forms and traits) is the one central and significant fact of social +life. "Social" is just what can be transmitted by imitation. Social +groups are merely the centers from which new ideas and inventions are +transmitted. Imitation is the social process. + + There is not a word that you say, which is not the + reproduction, now unconscious, but formerly conscious and + voluntary, of verbal articulations reaching back to the most + distant past, with some special accent due to your immediate + surroundings. There is not a religious rite that you fulfil, + such as praying, kissing the icon, or making the sign of the + cross, which does not reproduce certain traditional gestures + and expressions, established through imitation of your + ancestors. There is not a military or civil requirement that + you obey, nor an act that you perform in your business, which + has not been taught you, and which you have not copied from + some living model. There is not a stroke of the brush that you + make, if you are a painter, nor a verse that you write, if you + are a poet, which does not conform to the customs or the + prosody of your school, and even your very originality itself + is made up of accumulated commonplaces, and aspires to become + commonplace in its turn. + + Thus, the unvarying characteristic of every social fact + whatsoever is that it is imitative. And this characteristic + belongs exclusively to social facts.[22] + +Tarde's theory of transmission by imitation may be regarded, in some +sense, as complementary, if not supplementary, to Wundt's theory of +origins, since he puts the emphasis on the fact of transmission rather +than upon genesis. In a paper, "Tendencies in Comparative Philology," +read at the Congress of Arts and Sciences at the St. Louis Exposition in +1904, Professor Hanns Oertel, of Yale University, refers to Tarde's +theory of imitation as an alternative explanation to that offered by +Wundt for "the striking uniformity of sound changes" which students of +language have discovered in the course of their investigation of +phonetic changes in widely different forms of speech. + + It seems hard to maintain that the change in a syntactical + construction or in the meaning of a word owes its universality + to a simultaneous and independent primary change in all the + members of a speech-community. By adopting the theory of + imitative spread, all linguistic changes may be viewed as one + homogeneous whole. In the second place, the latter view seems + to bring linguistic changes into line with the other social + changes, such as modifications in institutions, beliefs, and + customs. For is it not an essential characteristic of a social + group that its members are not co-operative in the sense that + each member actively participates in the production of every + single element which goes to make up either language, or + belief, or customs? Distinguishing thus between _primary_ and + _secondary_ changes and between the _origin_ of a change and + its _spread_, it behooves us to examine carefully into the + causes which make the members of a social unit, either + consciously or unconsciously, willing to accept the innovation. + What is it that determines acceptance or rejection of a + particular change? What limits one change to a small area, + while it extends the area of another? Before a final decision + can be reached in favor of the second theory of imitative + spread it will be necessary to follow out in minute detail the + mechanism of this process in a number of concrete instances; in + other words to fill out the picture of which Tarde (_Les lois + de l'imitation_) sketched the bare outlines. If his assumptions + prove true, then we should have here a uniformity resting upon + other causes than the physical uniformity that appears in the + objects with which the natural sciences deal. It would enable + us to establish a second group of uniform phenomena which is + psycho-physical in its character and rests upon the basis of + social suggestion. The uniformities in speech, belief, and + institutions would belong to this second group.[23] + +What is true of the comparative study of languages is true in every +other field in which a comparative study of cultural materials has been +made. As soon as these materials are studied from the point of view of +their similarities rather than from the point of view of their +historical connections, problems arise which can only be explained by +the more abstract sciences of psychology or sociology. Freeman begins +his lectures on _Comparative Politics_ with the statement that "the +comparative method of study has been the greatest intellectual +achievement of our time. It has carried light and order into whole +branches of human knowledge which before were shrouded in darkness and +confusion. It has brought a line of argument which reaches moral +certainty into a region which before was given over to random +guess-work. Into matters which are for the most part incapable of +strictly external proof it has brought a form of strictly internal proof +which is more convincing, more unerring." + +Wherever the historian supplements _external_ by _internal_ proof, he is +in a way to substitute a sociological explanation for historical +interpretation. It is the very essence of the sociological method to be +comparative. When, therefore, Freeman uses, in speaking of comparative +politics, the following language he is speaking in sociological rather +than historical terms: + + For the purposes then of the study of Comparative Politics, a + political constitution is a specimen to be studied, classified, + and labelled, as a building or an animal is studied, + classified, and labelled by those to whom buildings or animals + are objects of study. We have to note the likenesses, striking + and unexpected as those likenesses often are, between the + political constitutions of remote times and places; and we + have, as far as we can, to classify our specimens according to + the probable causes of those likenesses.[24] + +Historically sociology has had its origin in history. It owes its +existence as a science to the attempt to apply exact methods to the +explanation of historical facts. In the attempt to achieve this, +however, it has become something quite different from history. It has +become like psychology with which it is most intimately related, a +natural and relatively abstract science, and auxiliary to the study of +history, but not a substitute for it. The whole matter may be summed up +in this general statement: history interprets, natural science explains. +It is upon the interpretation of the facts of experience that we +formulate our creeds and found our faiths. Our explanations of +phenomena, on the other hand, are the basis for technique and practical +devices for controlling nature and human nature, man and the physical +world. + + +V. THE SOCIAL ORGANISM: HUMANITY OR LEVIATHAN? + +After Comte the first great name in the history of sociology is Spencer. +It is evident in comparing the writings of these two men that, in +crossing the English Channel, sociology has suffered a sea change. In +spite of certain similarities in their points of view there are profound +and interesting differences. These differences exhibit themselves in the +different ways in which they use the term "social organism." + +Comte calls society a "collective organism" and insists, as Spencer +does, upon the difference between an organism like a family, which is +made up of independent individuals, and an organism like a plant or an +animal, which is a physiological unit in which the different organs are +neither free nor conscious. But Spencer, if he points out the +differences between the social and the biological organisms, is +interested in the analogy. Comte, on the other hand, while he recognizes +the analogy, feels it important to emphasize the distinctions. + +Society for Comte is not, as Levy-Bruhl puts it, "a polyp." It has not +even the characteristics of an animal colony in which the individuals +are physically bound together, though physiologically independent. On +the contrary, "this 'immense organism' is especially distinguished from +other beings in that it is made up of separable elements of which each +one can feel its own co-operation, can will it, or even withhold it, so +long as it remains a direct one."[25] + +On the other hand, Comte, although he characterized the social +_consensus_ and solidarity as "collective," nevertheless thought of the +relations existing between human beings in society--in the family, for +example, which he regards as the unit and model of all social +relations--as closer and more intimate than those which exist between +the organs of a plant or an animal. The individual, as Comte expressed +it, is an abstraction. Man exists as man only by participation in the +life of humanity, and "although the individual elements of society +appear to be more separable than those of a living being, the social +_consensus_ is still closer than the vital."[26] + +Thus the individual man was, in spite of his freedom and independence, +in a very real sense "an organ of the Great Being" and the great being +was humanity. Under the title of humanity Comte included not merely all +living human beings, i.e., the human race, but he included all that body +of tradition, knowledge, custom, cultural ideas and ideals, which make +up the social inheritance of the race, an inheritance into which each of +us is born, to which we contribute, and which we inevitably hand on +through the processes of education and tradition to succeeding +generations. This is what Comte meant by the social organism. + +If Comte thought of the social organism, the great being, somewhat +mystically as itself an individual and a person, Herbert Spencer, on the +other hand, thought of it realistically as a great animal, a leviathan, +as Hobbes called it, and a very low-order leviathan at that.[27] + +Spencer's manner of looking at the social organism may be illustrated in +what he says about growth in "social aggregates." + + When we say that growth is common to social aggregates and + organic aggregates, we do not thus entirely exclude community + with inorganic aggregates. Some of these, as crystals, grow in + a visible manner; and all of them on the hypothesis of + evolution, have arisen by integration at some time or other. + Nevertheless, compared with things we call inanimate, living + bodies and societies so conspicuously exhibit augmentation of + mass, that we may fairly regard this as characterizing them + both. Many organisms grow throughout their lives; and the rest + grow throughout considerable parts of their lives. Social + growth usually continues either up to times when the societies + divide, or up to times when they are overwhelmed. + + Here, then, is the first trait by which societies ally + themselves with the organic world and substantially distinguish + themselves from the inorganic world.[28] + +In this same way, comparing the characteristic general features of +"social" and "living bodies," noting likeness and differences, +particularly with reference to complexity of structure, differentiation +of function, division of labor, etc., Spencer gives a perfectly +naturalistic account of the characteristic identities and differences +between societies and animals, between sociological and biological +organizations. It is in respect to the division of labor that the +analogy between societies and animals goes farthest and is most +significant. + + This division of labour, first dwelt upon by political + economists as a social phenomenon, and thereupon recognized by + biologists as a phenomenon of living bodies, which they called + the "physiological division of labour," is that which in the + society, as in the animal, makes it a living whole. Scarcely + can I emphasize enough the truth that in respect of this + fundamental trait, a social organism and an individual organism + are entirely alike.[29] + +The "social aggregate," although it is "discrete" instead of +"concrete"--that is to say, composed of spatially separated units--is +nevertheless, because of the mutual dependence of these units upon one +another as exhibited in the division of labor, to be regarded as a +living whole. It is "a living whole" in much the same way that the plant +and animal communities, of which the ecologists are now writing so +interestingly, are a living whole; not because of any intrinsic +relations between the individuals who compose them, but because each +individual member of the community, finds in the community as a whole, a +suitable milieu, an environment adapted to his needs and one to which he +is able to adapt himself. + +Of such a society as this it may indeed be said, that it "exists for the +benefit of its members, not its members for the benefit of society. It +has ever to be remembered that great as may be the efforts made for the +prosperity of the body politic, yet the claims of the body politic are +nothing in themselves, and become something only in so far as they +embody the claims of its component individuals."[30] + +In other words, the social organism, as Spencer sees it, exists not for +itself but for the benefit of the separate organs of which it is +composed, whereas, in the case of biological organism the situation is +reversed. There the parts manifestly exist for the whole and not the +whole for the parts. + +Spencer explains this paradoxical conclusion by the reflection that in +social organisms sentience is not localized as it is in biological +organisms. This is, in fact, the cardinal difference between the two. +There is no _social sensorium_. + + In the one (the individual), consciousness is concentrated in a + small part of the aggregate. In the other (society), it is + diffused throughout the aggregate: all the units possess the + capacities for happiness and misery, if not in equal degrees, + still in degrees that approximate. As then, there is no social + sensorium, the welfare of the aggregate, considered apart from + that of the units, is not an end to be sought. The society + exists for the benefit of its members; not its members for the + benefit of the society.[31] + +The point is that society, _as distinct from the individuals_ who +compose it, has no apparatus for feeling pain or pleasure. There are no +_social_ sensations. Perceptions and mental imagery are individual and +not social phenomena. Society lives, so to speak, only in its separate +organs or members, and each of these organs has its own brain and organ +of control which gives it, among other things, the power of independent +locomotion. This is what is meant when society is described as a +collectivity. + + +VI. SOCIAL CONTROL AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT + +The fundamental problem which Spencer's paradox raises is that of social +control. How does a mere collection of individuals succeed in acting in +a corporate and consistent way? How in the case of specific types of +social group, for example an animal herd, a boys' gang, or a political +party, does the group control its individual members; the whole dominate +the parts? What are the specific _sociological_ differences between +plant and animal communities and human society? What kind of differences +are _sociological differences_, and what do we mean in general by the +expression "sociological" anyway? + +Since Spencer's essay on the social organism was published in 1860,[32] +this problem and these questions, in one form or another, have largely +absorbed the theoretical interest of students of society. The attempts +to answer them may be said to have created the existing schools into +which sociologists are divided. + +A certain school of writers, among them Paul Lilienfeld, Auguste +Schaeffle, and Rene Worms, have sought to maintain, to extend, or modify +the biological analogy first advanced by Spencer. In doing so they have +succeeded sometimes in restating the problem but have not solved it. +Rene Worms has been particularly ingenious in discovering identities and +carrying out the parallelism between the social and the biological +organizations. As a result he has reached the conclusion that, as +between a social and a biological organism, there is no difference of +kind but only one of degree. Spencer, who could not find a "social +sensorium," said that society was conscious only in the individuals who +composed it. Worms, on the other hand, declares that we must assume the +existence of a social consciousness, even without a sensorium, because +we see everywhere the evidence of its existence. + + Force manifests itself by its effects. If there are certain + phenomena that we can only make intelligible, provided we + regard them as the products of collective social consciousness, + then we are bound to assume the existence of such a + consciousness. There are many illustrations ... the attitude + for example, of a crowd in the presence of a crime. Here the + sentiment of indignation is unanimous. A murderer, if taken in + the act, will get summary justice from the ordinary crowd. That + method of rendering justice, "lynch law," is deplorable, but it + illustrates the intensity of the sentiment which, at the + moment, takes possession of the social consciousness. + + Thus, always in the presence of great and common danger the + collective consciousness of society is awakened; for example + France of the Valois after the Treaty of Troyes, or modern + France before the invasion of 1791 and before the German + invasion in 1870; or Germany, herself, after the victories of + Napoleon I. This sentiment of national unity, born of + resistance to the stranger, goes so far that a large proportion + of the members of society do not hesitate to give their lives + for the safety and glory of the state, at such a moment the + individual comprehends that he is only a small part of a large + whole and that he belongs to the collectivity of which he is a + member. The proof that he is entirely penetrated by the social + consciousness is the fact that in order to maintain its + existence he is willing to sacrifice his own.[33] + +There is no question that the facts of crowd excitement, of class, +caste, race, and national consciousness, do show the way in which the +individual members of a group are, or seem to be, dominated, at certain +moments and under certain circumstances, by the group as a whole. Worms +gives to this fact, and the phenomena which accompany it, the title +"collective consciousness." This gives the problem a name, to be sure, +but not a solution. What the purpose of sociology requires is a +description and an explanation. Under what conditions, precisely, does +this phenomenon of collective consciousness arise? What are the +mechanisms--physical, physiological, and social--by which the group +imposes its control, or what seems to be control, upon the individual +members of the group? + +This question had arisen and been answered by political philosophers, in +terms of political philosophy, long before sociology attempted to give +an objective account of the matter. Two classic phrases, Aristotle's +"Man is a political animal" and Hobbes's "War of each against all," +_omnes bellum omnium_, measure the range and divergence of the schools +upon this topic. + +According to Hobbes, the existing moral and political order--that is to +say the organization of control--is in any community a mere artefact, a +control resting on consent, supported by a prudent calculation of +consequences, and enforced by an external power. Aristotle, on the other +hand, taught that man was made for life in society just as the bee is +made for life in the hive. The relations between the sexes, as well as +those between mother and child, are manifestly predetermined in the +physiological organization of the individual man and woman. Furthermore, +man is, by his instincts and his inherited dispositions, predestined to +a social existence beyond the intimate family circle. Society must be +conceived, therefore, as a part of nature, like a beaver's dam or the +nests of birds. + +As a matter of fact, man and society present themselves in a double +aspect. They are at the same time products of nature and of human +artifice. Just as a stone hammer in the hand of a savage may be regarded +as an artificial extension of the natural man, so tools, machinery, +technical and administrative devices, including the formal organization +of government and the informal "political machine," may be regarded as +more or less artificial extensions of the natural social group. + +So far as this is true, the conflict between Hobbes and Aristotle is not +absolute. Society is a product both of nature and of design, of instinct +and of reason. If, in its formal aspect, society is therefore an +artefact, it is one which connects up with and has its roots in nature +and in human nature. + +This does not explain social control but simplifies the problem of +corporate action. It makes clear, at any rate, that as members of +society, men act as they do elsewhere from motives they do not fully +comprehend, in order to fulfil aims of which they are but dimly or not +at all conscious. Men are activated, in short, not merely by interests, +in which they are conscious of the end they seek, but also by instincts +and sentiments, the source and meaning of which they do not clearly +comprehend. Men work for wages, but they will die to preserve their +status in society, or commit murder to resent an insult. When men act +thus instinctively, or under the influence of the mores, they are +usually quite unconscious of the sources of the impulses that animate +them or of the ends which are realized through their acts. Under the +influence of the mores men act typically, and so representatively, not +as individuals but as members of a group. + +The simplest type of social group in which we may observe "social +control" is in a herd or a flock. The behavior of a herd of cattle is, +to be sure, not so uniform nor so simple a matter as it seems to the +casual observer, but it may be very properly taken as an illustration of +the sort of follow-the-leader uniformity that is more or less +characteristic of all social groups. We call the disposition to live in +the herd and to move in masses, gregariousness, and this gregariousness +is ordinarily regarded as an instinct and undoubtedly is pretty largely +determined in the original nature of gregarious animals. + +There is a school of thought which seeks in the so-called gregarious +instincts an explanation of all that is characteristically social in the +behavior of human beings. + + The cardinal quality of the herd is homogeneity. It is clear + that the great advantage of the social habit is to enable large + numbers to act as one, whereby in the case of the hunting + gregarious animal strength in pursuit and attack is at once + increased to beyond that of the creatures preyed upon, and in + protective socialism the sensitiveness of the new unit to + alarms is greatly in excess of that of the individual member of + the flock. + + To secure these advantages of homogeneity, it is evident that + the members of the herd must possess sensitiveness to the + behaviour of their fellows. The individual isolated will be of + no meaning, the individual as a part of the herd will be + capable of transmitting the most potent impulses. Each member + of the flock tending to follow its neighbour and in turn to be + followed, each is in some sense capable of leadership; but no + lead will be followed that departs widely from normal + behaviour. A lead will be followed only from its resemblance to + the normal. If the leader go so far ahead as definitely to + cease to be in the herd, he will necessarily be ignored. + + The original in conduct, that is to say, resistiveness to the + voice of the herd, will be suppressed by natural selection; the + wolf which does not follow the impulses of the herd will be + starved; the sheep which does not respond to the flock will be + eaten. + + Again, not only will the individual be responsive to impulses + coming from the herd, but he will treat the herd as his normal + environment. The impulse to be in and always to remain with the + herd will have the strongest instinctive weight. Anything which + tends to separate him from his fellows, as soon as it becomes + perceptible as such, will be strongly resisted.[34] + +According to sociologists of this school, public opinion, conscience, +and authority in the state rest upon the natural disposition of the +animal in the herd to conform to "the decrees of the herd." + + Conscience, then, and the feelings of guilt and of duty are the + peculiar possessions of the gregarious animal. A dog and a cat + caught in the commission of an offence will both recognize that + punishment is coming; but the dog, moreover, knows that he has + done _wrong_, and he will come to be punished, unwillingly it + is true, and as if dragged along by some power outside him, + while the cat's sole impulse is to escape. The rational + recognition of the sequence of act and punishment is equally + clear to the gregarious and to the solitary animal, but it is + the former only who understands that he has committed a + _crime_, who has, in fact, the _sense of sin_.[35] + +The concepts upon which this explanation of society rests is +_homogeneity_. If animals or human beings act under all circumstances in +the same way, they will act or seem to act, as if they had a common +purpose. If everybody follows the crowd, if everyone wears the same +clothes, utters the same trite remarks, rallies to the same battles +cries and is everywhere dominated, even in his most characteristically +individual behavior, by an instinctive and passionate desire to conform +to an external model and to the wishes of the herd, then we have an +explanation of everything characteristic of society--except the +variants, the nonconformists, the idealists, and the rebels. The herd +instinct may be an explanation of conformity but it does not explain +variation. Variation is an important fact in society as it is in nature +generally. + +Homogeneity and like-mindedness are, as explanations of the social +behavior of men and animals, very closely related concepts. In "like +response to like stimulus," we may discern the beginning of "concerted +action" and this, it is urged, is the fundamental social fact. This is +the "like-mindedness" theory of society which has been given wide +popularity in the United States through the writings of Professor +Franklin Henry Giddings. He describes it as a "developed form of the +instinct theory, dating back to Aristotle's aphorism that man is a +political animal." + + Any given stimulus may happen to be felt by more than one + organism, at the same or at different times. Two or more + organisms may respond to the same given stimulus simultaneously + or at different times. They may respond to the same given + stimulus in like or in unlike ways; in the same or in different + degrees; with like or with unlike promptitude; with equal or + with unequal persistence. I have attempted to show that in like + response to the same given stimulus we have the beginning, the + absolute origin, of all concerted activity--the inception of + every conceivable form of co-operation; while in unlike + response, and in unequal response, we have the beginning of all + those processes of individuation, of differentiation, of + competition, which in their endlessly varied relations to + combination, to co-operation, bring about the infinite + complexity of organized social life.[36] + +Closely related, logically if not historically, to Giddings' conception +of "like-mindedness" is Gabriel Tarde's conception of "imitation." If +for Giddings "like response to like stimulus" is the fundamental social +fact, for Tarde "imitation" is the process through which alone society +exists. Society, said Tarde, exists in imitation. As a matter of fact, +Tarde's doctrine may be regarded as a corollary to Giddings'. Imitation +is the process by which that like-mindedness, by which Giddings explains +corporate action, is effected. Men are not born like-minded, they are +made so by imitation. + + This minute inter-agreement of minds and wills, which forms the + basis of the social life, even in troublous times--this + presence of so many common ideas, ends, and means, in the minds + and wills of all members of the same society at any given + moment--is not due, I maintain, to organic heredity, which + insures the birth of men quite similar to one another, nor to + mere identity of geographical environment, which offers very + similar resources to talents that are nearly equal; it is + rather the effect of that suggestion-imitation process which, + starting from one primitive creature possessed of a single idea + or act, passed this copy on to one of its neighbors, then to + another, and so on. Organic needs and spiritual tendencies + exist in us only as potentialities which are realizable under + the most diverse forms, in spite of their primitive similarity; + and, among all these possible realizations, the indications + furnished by some first initiator who is imitated determine + which one is actually chosen.[37] + +In contrast with these schools, which interpret action in terms of the +herd and the flock--i.e., men act together because they act alike--is +the theory of Emile Durkheim who insists that the social group has real +corporate existence and that, in human societies at least, men act +together not because they have like purposes but a _common purpose_. +This common purpose imposes itself upon the individual members of a +society at the same time as an ideal, a wish and an obligation. +Conscience, the sense of obligation which members of a group feel only +when there is conflict between the wishes of the individual and the will +of the group, is a manifestation, _in_ the individual consciousness, of +the collective mind and the group will. The mere fact that in a panic or +a stampede, human beings will sometimes, like the Gadarene swine, rush +down a steep place into the sea, is a very positive indication of +like-mindedness but not an evidence of a common purpose. The difference +between an animal herd and a human crowd is that the crowd, what Le Bon +calls the "organized crowd," the crowd "in being" to use a nautical +term, is dominated by an impulse to achieve a purpose that is common to +every member of the group. Men in a state of panic, on the other hand, +although equally under the influence of the mass excitement, act not +corporately but individually, each individual wildly seeking to save his +own skin. Men in a state of panic have like purposes but no common +purpose. If the "organized crowd," "the psychological crowd," is a +society "in being," the panic and the stampede is a society "in +dissolution." + +Durkheim does not use these illustrations nor does he express himself in +these terms. The conception of the "organized" or "psychological" crowd +is not his, but Le Bon's. The fact is that Durkheim does not think of a +society as a mere sum of particulars. Neither does he think of the +sentiments nor the opinions which dominate the social group as private +and subjective. When individuals come together _under certain +circumstances_, the opinions and sentiments which they held as +individuals are modified and changed under the influence of the new +contacts. Out of the fermentation which association breeds, a new +something (_autre chose_) is produced, an opinion and sentiment, in +other words, that is not the sum of, and not like, the sentiments and +opinions of the individuals from which it is derived. This new sentiment +and opinion is public, and social, and the evidence of this is the fact +that it imposes itself upon the individuals concerned as something more +or less external to them. They feel it either as an inspiration, a sense +of personal release and expansion, or as an obligation, a pressure and +an inhibition. The characteristic social phenomenon is just this control +by the group as a whole of the individuals that compose it. This fact of +control, then, is the fundamental social fact. + + Now society also gives the sensation of a perpetual dependence. + Since it has a nature which is peculiar to itself and different + from our individual nature, it pursues ends which are likewise + special to it; but, as it cannot attain them except through our + intermediacy; it imperiously demands our aid. It requires that, + forgetful of our own interests, we make ourselves its + servitors, and it submits us to every sort of inconvenience, + privation, and sacrifice, without which social life would be + impossible. It is because of this that at every instant we are + obliged to submit ourselves to rules of conduct and of thought + which we have neither made nor desired, and which are sometimes + even contrary to our most fundamental inclinations and + instincts. + + Even if society were unable to maintain these concessions and + sacrifices from us except by a material constraint, it might + awaken in us only the idea of a physical force to which we must + give way of necessity, instead of that of a moral power such as + religions adore. But as a matter of fact, the empire which it + holds over consciences is due much less to the physical + supremacy of which it has the privilege than to the moral + authority with which it is invested. If we yield to its orders, + it is not merely because it is strong enough to triumph over + our resistance; it is primarily because it is the object of a + venerable respect. + + Now the ways of action to which society is strongly enough + attached to impose them upon its members, are, by that very + fact, marked with a distinctive sign provocative of respect. + Since they are elaborated in common, the vigour with which they + have been thought of by each particular mind is retained in all + the other minds, and reciprocally. The representations which + express them within each of us have an intensity which no + purely private states of consciousness could ever attain; for + they have the strength of the innumerable individual + representations which have served to form each of them. It is + society who speaks through the mouths of those who affirm them + in our presence; it is society whom we hear in hearing them; + and the voice of all has an accent which that of one alone + could never have. The very violence with which society reacts, + by way of blame or material suppression, against every + attempted dissidence, contributes to strengthening its empire + by manifesting the common conviction through this burst of + ardour. In a word, when something is the object of such a state + of opinion, the representation which each individual has of it + gains a power of action from its origins and the conditions in + which it was born, which even those feel who do not submit + themselves to it. It tends to repel the representations which + contradict it, and it keeps them at a distance; on the other + hand it commands those acts which will realize it, and it does + so, not by a material coercion or by the perspective of + something of this sort, but by the simple radiation of the + mental energy which it contains.[38] + +But the same social forces, which are found organized in public opinion, +in religious symbols, in social convention, in fashion, and in +science--for "if a people did not have faith in science all the +scientific demonstrations in the world would be without any influence +whatsoever over their minds"--are constantly re-creating the old order, +making new heroes, overthrowing old gods, creating new myths, and +imposing new ideals. And this is the nature of the cultural process of +which sociology is a description and an explanation. + + +VII. SOCIAL CONTROL AND THE COLLECTIVE MIND + +Durkheim is sometimes referred to, in comparison with other contemporary +sociologists, as a realist. This is a reference to the controversy of +the medieval philosophers in regard to the nature of concepts. Those who +thought a concept a mere class-name applied to a group of objects +because of some common characteristics were called nominalists. Those +who thought the concept was _real_, and not the name of a mere +collection of individuals, were realists. In this sense Tarde and +Giddings and all those writers who think of society as a collection of +actually or potentially _like-minded_ persons would be nominalists, +while other writers like Simmel, Ratzenhofer, and Small, who think of +society in terms of interaction and social process may be called +realists. They are realist, at any rate, in so far as they think of the +members of a society as bound together in a system of mutual influences +which has sufficient character to be described as a process. + +Naturally this process cannot be conceived of in terms of space or +physical proximity alone. Social contacts and social forces are of a +subtler sort but not less real than physical. We know, for example, that +vocations are largely determined by personal competition; that the +solidarity of what Sumner calls the "in" or "we" group is largely +determined by its conflict with the "out" or "other" groups. We know, +also, that the status and social position of any individual inside any +social group is determined by his relation to all other members of that +group and eventually of all other groups. These are illustrations of +what is meant concretely by social interaction and social process and it +is considerations of this kind which seem to justify certain writers in +thinking of individual persons as "parts" and of society as a "whole" in +some other sense than that in which a dust heap is a whole of which the +individual particles are parts. + + Society not only continues to exist _by_ transmission, _by_ + communication, but it may fairly be said to exist _in_ + transmission, _in_ communication. There is more than a verbal + tie between the words common, community, and communication.[39] + +Communication, if not identical with, is at least a form of, what has +been referred to here as social interaction. But communication as Dewey +has defined the term, is something more and different than what Tarde +calls "inter-stimulation." Communication is a process by which we +"transmit" an experience from an individual to another but it is also a +process by which these same individuals get a common experience. + + Try the experiment of communicating, with fullness and + accuracy, some experience to another, especially if it be + somewhat complicated, and you will find your own attitude + toward your experience changing; otherwise you resort to + expletives and ejaculations. Except in dealing with + commonplaces and catch phrases one has to assimilate, + imaginatively, something of another's experience in order to + tell him intelligently of one's own experience. All + communication is like art.[40] + +Not only does communication involve the creation, out of experiences +that are individual and private, of an experience that is common and +public but such a common experience becomes the basis for a common and +public existence in which every individual, to greater or less extent, +participates and is himself a part. Furthermore, as a part of this +common life, there grows up a body of custom, convention, tradition, +ceremonial, language, social ritual, public opinion, in short all that +Sumner includes under the term "mores" and all that ethnologists include +under the term "culture." + +The thing that characterizes Durkheim and his followers is their +insistence upon the fact that all cultural materials, and expressions, +including language, science, religion, public opinion, and law, since +they are the products of social intercourse and social interaction, are +bound to have an objective, public, and social character such as no +product of an individual mind either has or can have. Durkheim speaks of +these mental products, individual and social, as representations. The +characteristic product of the individual mind is the percept, or, as +Durkheim describes it, the "individual representation." The percept is, +and remains, a private and an individual matter. No one can reproduce, +or communicate to another, subjective impressions or the mental imagery +in the concrete form in which they come to the individual himself. My +neighbor may be able to read my "thoughts" and understand the motives +that impel me to action better than I understand myself, but he cannot +reproduce the images, with just the fringes of sense and feeling with +which they come to my mind. + +The characteristic product of a group of individuals, in their efforts +to communicate is, on the other hand, something objective and +understood, that is, a gesture, a sign, a symbol, a word, or a concept +in which an experience or purpose that was private becomes public. This +gesture, sign, symbol, concept, or representation in which a common +object is not merely indicated, but in a sense created, Durkheim calls a +"collective representation." + +Dewey's description of what takes place in communication may be taken as +a description of the process by which these collective representations +come into existence. "To formulate an experience," as Dewey says, +"requires getting outside of it, seeing it as another would see it, +considering what points of contact it has with the life of another so +that it may be gotten into such form that he can appreciate its +meaning." The result of such a conscious effort to communicate an +experience is to transform it. The experience, after it has been +communicated, is not the same for either party to the communication. To +publish or to give publicity to an event is to make of that event +something other than it was before publication. Furthermore, the event +as published is still something different from the event as reflected in +the minds of the individuals to whom the publication is addressed. + +It will be evident upon reflection that public opinion is not the +opinion of all, nor even of a majority of the persons who compose a +public. As a matter of fact, what we ordinarily mean by public opinion +is never the opinion of anyone in particular. It is composite opinion, +representing a general tendency of the public as a whole. On the other +hand, we recognize that public opinion exists, even when we do not know +of any individual person, among those who compose the public, whose +private and personal opinion exactly coincides with that of the public +of which he or she is a part. + +Nevertheless, the private and personal opinion of an individual who +participates in making public opinion is influenced by the opinions of +those around him, and by public opinion. In this sense every opinion is +public opinion. + +Public opinion, in respect to the manner in which it is formed and the +manner in which it exists--that is to say relatively independent of the +individuals who co-operate to form it--has the characteristics of +collective representation in general. Collective representations are +objective, in just the sense that public opinion is objective, and they +impose themselves upon the individual as public opinion does, as +relatively but not wholly external forces--stabilizing, standardizing, +conventionalizing, as well as stimulating, extending, and generalizing +individual representations, percepts. + + The collective representations are exterior to the individual + consciousness because they are not derived from the individuals + taken in isolation but from their convergence and union + (concours).... Doubtless, in the elaboration of the common + result, each (individual) bears his due share; but the private + sentiments do not become social except by combining under the + action of the forces _sui generis_ which association develops. + As a result of these combinations, and of the mutual + alterations which result therefrom, they (the private + sentiments) become something else (_autre chose_). A chemical + synthesis results, which concentrates, unifies, the elements + synthetized, and by that very process transforms them.... The + resultant derived therefrom extends then beyond (_deborde_) the + individual mind as the whole is greater than the part. To know + really what it is, one must take the aggregate in its totality. + It is this that thinks, that feels, that wills, although it may + not be able to will, feel, or act save by the intermediation of + individual consciousnesses.[41] + +This, then, after nearly a century of criticism, is what remains of +Comte's conception of the social organism. If society is, as the +realists insist, anything more than a collection of like-minded +individuals, it is so because of the existence (1) of a social process +and (2) of a body of tradition and opinion--the products of this +process--which has a relatively objective character and imposes itself +upon the individual as a form of control, social control. This process +and its product are the social consciousness. The social consciousness, +in its double aspect as process and product, is the social organism. The +controversy between the realists and the nominalists reduces itself +apparently to this question of the objectivity of social tradition and +of public opinion. For the present we may let it rest there. + +Meanwhile the conceptions of the social consciousness and the social +mind have been adopted by writers on social topics who are not at all +concerned with their philosophical implications or legitimacy. We are +just now seeing the first manifestations of two new types of sociology +which call themselves, the one rural and the other urban sociology. +Writers belonging to these two schools are making studies of what they +call the "rural" and the "urban" minds. In using these terms they are +not always quite certain whether the mind of which they are thinking is +a collective mind, in Durkheim's realistic sense of the word, or whether +it is the mind of the typical inhabitant of a rural or an urban +community, an instance of "like-mindedness," in the sense of Giddings +and the nominalists. + +A similar usage of the word "mind," "the American mind," for example, is +common in describing characteristic differences in the attitudes of +different nations and their "nationals." + + The origin of the phrase, "the American mind," was political. + Shortly after the middle of the eighteenth century, there began + to be a distinctly American way of regarding the debatable + question of British Imperial control. During the period of the + Stamp Act agitation our colonial-bred politicians and statesmen + made the discovery that there was a mode of thinking and + feeling which was native--or had by that time become a second + nature--to all the colonists. Jefferson, for example, employs + those resonant and useful words "the American mind" to indicate + that throughout the American colonies an essential unity of + opinion had been developed as regards the chief political + question of the day.[42] + +Here again, it is not quite clear, whether the American mind is a name +for a characteristic uniformity in the minds of individual Americans; +whether the phrase refers rather to an "essential unity of opinion," or +whether, finally, it is intended to cover both the uniformity and the +unity characteristic of American opinion. + +Students of labor problems and of the so-called class struggle, on the +other hand, use the term "psychology" in much the same way that the +students of rural and urban sociology use the term "mind." They speak of +the "psychology" of the laboring class, the "psychology" of the +capitalistic class, in cases where psychology seems to refer +indifferently either to the social attitudes of the members of a class, +or to attitude and morale of the class as a whole. + +The terms "class-conscious" and "class-consciousness," "national" and +"racial" consciousness are now familiar terms to students although +they seem to have been used, first of all, by the so-called +"intelligentsia", who have been the leaders in the various types of mass +movement to which these terms apply. "Consciousness," in the sense in +which it is here used, has a similar, though somewhat different, +connotation than the word "mind" when applied to a group. It is a name +not merely for the attitudes characteristic of certain races or classes, +but for these attitudes when they are in the focus of attention of the +group, in the "fore-consciousness" to use a Freudian term. In this sense +"conscious" suggests not merely the submergence of the individual and +the consequent solidarity of the group, but it signifies a mental +mobilization and preparedness of the individual and of the group for +collective or corporate action. To be class-conscious is to be prepared +to act in the sense of that class. + +There is implicit in this rather ambiguous popular usage of the terms +"social mind" and "social consciousness" a recognition of the dual +aspect of society and of social groups. Society may be regarded at the +same time from an individualistic and a collectivistic point of view. +Looking at it from the point of view of the individual, we regard as +social just that character of the individual which has been imparted to, +and impressed upon, him as a result of his participation in the life of +the group. Social psychology, from Baldwin's first studies of the +development of personality in the child to Ellwood's studies of the +society in its "psychological aspects" has been mainly concerned with +the investigation of the effects upon the individual of his contacts +with other individuals.[43] + +On the other hand, we have had, in the description of the crowd and the +public by Le Bon, Tarde, Sighele, and their successors, the beginnings +of a study of collective behavior and "corporate action." In these two +points of view we seem to have again the contrast and the opposition, +already referred to, between the nominalistic and realistic conceptions +of society. Nominalism represented by social psychology emphasizes, or +seems to emphasize, the independence of the individual. Realism, +represented by collective psychology, emphasizes the control of the +group over the individual, of the whole over the part. + +While it is true that society has this double aspect, the individual and +the collective, it is the assumption of this volume that the touchstone +of society, the thing that distinguishes a mere collection of +individuals from a society is not like-mindedness, but corporate action. +We may apply the term social to any group of individuals which is +capable of consistent action, that is to say, action, consciously or +unconsciously, directed to a common end. This existence of a common end +is perhaps all that can be legitimately included in the conception +"organic" as applied to society. + +From this point of view social control is the central fact and the +central problem of society. Just as psychology may be regarded as an +account of the manner in which the individual organism, as a whole, +exercises control over its parts or rather of the manner in which the +parts co-operate together to carry on the corporate existence of the +whole, so sociology, speaking strictly, is a point of view and a method +for investigating the processes by which individuals are inducted into +and induced to co-operate in some sort of permanent corporate existence +which we call society. + +To put this emphasis on corporate action is not to overlook the fact +that through this corporate action the individual member of society is +largely formed, not to say created. It recognized, however, that if +corporate action tends to make of the individual an instrument, as well +as an organic part, of the social group, it does not do this by making +him "like" merely; it may do so by making him "different." The division +of labor, in making possible an ever larger and wider co-operation among +men, has indirectly multiplied individual diversities. What +like-mindedness must eventually mean, if it is to mean anything, is the +existence of so much of a consensus among the individuals of a group as +will permit the group to act. This, then, is what is meant here by +society, the social organism and the social group. + +Sociology, so far as it can be regarded as a fundamental science and not +mere congeries of social-welfare programs and practices, may be +described as the science of collective behavior. With this definition it +is possible to indicate in a general and schematic way its relation to +the other social sciences. + +Historically, sociology has had its origin in history. History has been +and is the great mother science of all the social sciences. Of history +it may be said nothing human is foreign to it. Anthropology, ethnology, +folklore, and archaeology have grown up largely, if not wholly, to +complete the task which history began and answer the questions which +historical investigation first raised. In history and the sciences +associated with it, i.e., ethnology, folklore, and archaeology, we have +the concrete records of that human nature and experience which sociology +has sought to explain. In the same sense that history is the concrete, +sociology is the abstract, science of human experience and human nature. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1] + +On the other hand, the technical (applied) social sciences, that is, +politics, education, social service, and economics--so far as economics +may be regarded as the science of business--are related to sociology in +a different way. They are, to a greater or lesser extent, applications +of principles which it is the business of sociology and of psychology to +deal with explicitly. In so far as this is true, sociology may be +regarded as fundamental to the other social sciences. + + +VIII. SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL RESEARCH + +Among the schools which, since Comte and Spencer, have divided +sociological thinking between them the realists have, on the whole, +maintained the tradition of Comte; the nominalists, on the other hand, +have preserved the style and manner, if not the substance, of Spencer's +thought. Later writers, however, realist as well as nominalist, have +directed their attention less to society than to societies, i.e., social +groups; they have been less interested in social progress than in +social process; more concerned with social problems than with social +philosophy. + +This change marks the transformation of sociology from a philosophy of +history to a science of society. The steps in this transition are +periods in the history of the science, that is: + +1. The period of Comte and Spencer; sociology, conceived in the grand +style, is a philosophy of history, a "science" of progress (evolution). + +2. The period of the "schools"; sociological thought, dispersed among +the various schools, is absorbed in an effort to define its point of +view and to describe the kinds of facts that sociology must look for to +answer the questions that sociology asks. + +3. The period of investigation and research, the period into which +sociology is just now entering. + +Sociological research is at present (1921) in about the situation in +which psychology was before the introduction of laboratory methods, in +which medicine was before Pasteur and the germ theory of disease. A +great deal of social information has been collected merely for the +purpose of determining what to do in a given case. Facts have not been +collected to check social theories. Social problems have been defined in +terms of common sense, and facts have been collected, for the most part, +to support this or that doctrine, not to test it. In very few instances +have investigations been made, disinterestedly, to determine the +validity of a hypothesis. + +Charles Booth's studies of poverty in London, which extended over +eighteen years and were finally embodied in seventeen volumes, is an +example of such a disinterested investigation. It is an attempt to put +to the test of fact the popular conception of the relation between wages +and welfare. He says: + + My object has been to attempt to show the numerical relation + which poverty, misery, and depravity bear to regular earnings + and comparative comfort, and to describe the general conditions + under which each class lives. + + If the facts thus stated are of use in helping social reformers + to find remedies for the evils which exist, or do anything to + prevent the adoption of false remedies, my purpose is answered. + It was not my intention to bring forward any suggestions of my + own, and if I have ventured here and there, and especially in + the concluding chapters, to go beyond my programme, it has been + with much hesitation. + + With regard to the disadvantages under which the poor labour, + and the evils of poverty, there is a great sense of + helplessness: the wage earners are helpless to regulate their + work and cannot obtain a fair equivalent for the labour they + are willing to give; the manufacturer or dealer can only work + within the limits of competition; the rich are helpless to + relieve want without stimulating its sources. To relieve this + helplessness a better stating of the problems involved is the + first step.... In this direction must be sought the utility of + my attempt to analyze the population of a part of London.[44] + +This vast study did, indeed, throw great light, not only upon poverty in +London, but upon human nature in general. On the other hand, it raised +more questions than it settled and, if it demonstrated anything, it was +the necessity, as Booth suggests, for a restatement of the problem. + +Sociology seems now, however, in a way to become, in some fashion or +other, an experimental science. It will become so as soon as it can +state existing problems in such a way that the results in one case will +demonstrate what can and should be done in another. Experiments are +going on in every field of social life, in industry, in politics, and in +religion. In all these fields men are guided by some implicit or +explicit theory of the situation, but this theory is not often stated in +the form of a hypothesis and subjected to a test of the negative +instances. We have, if it is permitted to make a distinction between +them, investigation rather than research. + +What, then, in the sense in which the expression is here used, is social +research? A classification of problems will be a sort of first aid in +the search for an answer. + +1. _Classification of social problems._--Every society and every social +group, _capable of consistent action_, may be regarded as an +organization of the wishes of its members. This means that society rests +on, and embodies, the appetites and natural desires of the individual +man; but it implies, also, that wishes, in becoming _organized_, are +necessarily disciplined and controlled in the interest of the group as a +whole. + +Every such society or social group, even the most ephemeral, will +ordinarily have (a) some relatively formal method of defining its aim +and formulating its policies, making them explicit, and (b) some +machinery, functionary, or other arrangement for realizing its aim and +carrying its policies into effect. Even in the family there is +government, and this involves something that corresponds to legislation, +adjudication, and administration. + +Social groups, however, maintain their organizations, agencies, and all +formal methods of behavior on a basis and in a setting of instinct, of +habit, and of tradition which we call human nature. Every social group +has, or tends to have, its own culture, what Sumner calls "folkways," +and this culture, imposing its patterns upon the natural man, gives him +that particular individuality which characterizes the members of groups. +Not races merely but nationalities and classes have marks, manners, and +patterns of life by which we infallibly recognize and classify them. + +Social problems may be conveniently classified with reference to these +three aspects of group life, that is to say, problems of (a) +organization and administration, (b) policy and polity (legislation), +and (c) human nature (culture). + +a) Administrative problems are mainly practical and technical. Most +problems of government, of business and social welfare, are technical. +The investigations, i.e., social surveys, made in different parts of the +country by the Bureau of Municipal Research of New York City, are +studies of local administration made primarily for the purpose of +improving the efficiency of an existing administrative machine and its +personnel rather than of changing the policy or purpose of the +administration itself. + +b) Problems of policy, in the sense in which that term is used here, +are political and legislative. Most social investigations in recent +years have been made in the interest of some legislative program or for +the purpose of creating a more intelligent public opinion in regard to +certain local problems. The social surveys conducted by the Sage +Foundation, as distinguished from those carried out by the New York +Bureau of Municipal Research, have been concerned with problems of +policy, i.e., with changing the character and policy of social +institutions rather than improving their efficiency. This distinction +between administration and policy is not always clear, but it is always +important. Attempts at reform usually begin with an effort to correct +administrative abuses, but eventually it turns out that reforms must go +deeper and change the character of the institutions themselves. + +c) Problems of human nature are naturally fundamental to all other +social problems. Human nature, as we have begun to conceive it in recent +years, is largely a product of social intercourse; it is, therefore, +quite as much as society itself, a subject for sociological +investigation. Until recent years, what we are now calling the human +factor has been notoriously neglected in most social experiments. We +have been seeking to reform human nature while at the same time we +refused to reckon with it. It has been assumed that we could bring about +social changes by merely formulating our wishes, that is, by "arousing" +public opinion and formulating legislation. This is the "democratic" +method of effecting reforms. The older "autocratic" method merely +decreed social changes upon the authority of the monarch or the ruling +class. What reconciled men to it was that, like Christian Science, it +frequently worked. + + The oldest but most persistent form of social technique is that + of "ordering-and-forbidding"--that is, meeting a crisis by an + arbitrary act of will decreeing the disappearance of the + undesirable or the appearance of the desirable phenomena, and + the using arbitrary physical action to enforce the decree. This + method corresponds exactly to the magical phase of natural + technique. In both, the essential means of bringing a + determined effect is more or less consciously thought to reside + in the act of will itself by which the effect is decreed as + desirable and of which the action is merely an indispensable + vehicle or instrument; in both, the process by which the cause + (act of will and physical action) is supposed to bring its + effect to realization remains out of reach of investigation; in + both, finally, if the result is not attained, some new act of + will with new material accessories is introduced, instead of + trying to find and remove the perturbing causes. A good + instance of this in the social field is the typical legislative + procedure of today.[45] + +2. _Types of social group._--The varied interests, fields of +investigation, and practical programs which find at present a place +within the limits of the sociological discipline are united in having +one common object of reference, namely, _the concept of the social +group_. All social problems turn out finally to be problems of group +life, although each group and each type of group has its own +distinctive problems. Illustrations may be gathered from the most +widely separated fields to emphasize the truth of this assertion.[46] + +Religious conversion may be interpreted from one point of view as a +change from one social group to another. To use the language of +religious sentiment, the convert "comes out of a life of sin and enters +into a life of grace." To be sure, this change involves profound +disturbances of the personality, but permanence of the change in the +individual is assured by the breaking up of the old and the +establishment of new associations. So the process by which the immigrant +makes the transition from the old country to the new involves profound +changes in thought and habit. In his case the change is likely to take +place slowly, but it is not less radical on that account. + +The following paragraph from a recent social survey illustrates, from a +quite different point of view, the manner in which the group is involved +in changes in community life. + + In short, the greatest problem for the next few years in + Stillwater is the development of a _community consciousness_. + We must stop thinking in terms of city of Stillwater, and + country outside of Stillwater, and think in terms of + _Stillwater Community_. We must stop thinking in terms of small + groups and think in terms of the entire community, no matter + whether it is industry, health, education, recreation or + religion. Anything which is good will benefit the entire + community. Any weakness will be harmful to all. Community + co-operation in all lines indicated in this report will make + this, indeed, the Queen of the St. Croix.[47] + +In this case the solution of the community problem was the creation of +"community consciousness." In the case of the professional criminal the +character of the problem is determined, if we accept the description of +a writer in the _Atlantic Monthly_, by the existence among professional +criminals of a primary group consciousness: + + The professional criminal is peculiar in the sense that he + lives a very intense emotional life. He is isolated in the + community. He is in it, but not of it. His social life--for all + men are social--is narrow; but just because it is narrow, it is + extremely tense. He lives a life of warfare and has the + psychology of the warrior. He is at war with the whole + community. Except his very few friends in crime he trusts no + one and fears everyone. Suspicion, fear, hatred, danger, + desperation and passion are present in a more tense form in his + life than in that of the average individual. He is restless, + ill-humored, easily roused and suspicious. He lives on the + brink of a deep precipice. This helps to explain his passionate + hatred, his brutality, his fear, and gives poignant + significance to the adage that dead men tell no tales. He holds + on to his few friends with a strength and passion rare among + people who live a more normal existence. His friends stand + between him and discovery. They are his hold upon life, his + basis of security. + + Loyalty to one's group is the basic law in the underworld. + Disloyalty is treason and punishable by death; for disloyalty + may mean the destruction of one's friends; it may mean the + hurling of the criminal over the precipice on which his whole + life is built. + + To the community the criminal is aggressive. To the criminal + his life is one of defense primarily. The greater part of his + energy, of his hopes, and of his successes, centres around + escapes, around successful flight, around proper covering-up of + his tracks, and around having good, loyal, and trustworthy + friends to participate in his activities, who will tell no + tales and keep the rest of the community outside. The criminal + is thus, from his own point of view--and I am speaking of + professional criminals--living a life of defensive warfare with + the community; and the odds are heavy against him. He therefore + builds up a defensive psychology against it--a psychology of + boldness, bravado, and self-justification. The good + criminal--which means the successful one, he who has most + successfully carried through a series of depradations against + the enemy, the common enemy, the public--is a hero. He is + recognized as such, toasted and feasted, trusted and obeyed. + But always by a little group. They live in a world of their + own, a life of their own, with ideals, habits, outlook, + beliefs, and associations which are peculiarly fitted to + maintain the morale of the group. Loyalty, fearlessness, + generosity, willingness to sacrifice one's self, perseverance + in the face of prosecution, hatred of the common enemy--these + are the elements that maintain the morale, but all of them are + pointed against the community as a whole.[48] + +The manner in which the principle of the primary group was applied at +Sing Sing in dealing with the criminal within the prison walls is a +still more interesting illustration of the fact that social problems are +group problems.[49] + +Assuming, then, that every social group may be presumed to have its own +(a) administrative, (b) legislative, and (c) human-nature +problems, these problems may be still further classified with reference +to the type of social group. Most social groups fall naturally into one +or the other of the following classes: + +a) The family. + +b) Language (racial) groups. + +c) Local and territorial communities: (i) neighborhoods, (ii) rural +communities, (iii) urban communities. + +d) Conflict groups: (i) nationalities, (ii) parties, (iii) sects, (iv) +labor organizations, (v) gangs, etc. + +e) Accommodation groups: (i) classes, (ii) castes, (iii) vocational, +(iv) denominational groups. + +The foregoing classification is not quite adequate nor wholly logical. +The first three classes are more closely related to one another than +they are to the last two, i.e., the so-called "accommodation" and +"conflict" groups. The distinction is far-reaching, but its general +character is indicated by the fact that the family, language, and local +groups are, or were originally, what are known as primary groups, that +is, groups organized on intimate, face-to-face relations. The conflict +and accommodation groups represent divisions which may, to be sure, have +arisen within the primary group, but which have usually arisen +historically by the imposition of one primary group upon another. + + Every state in history was or is a _state of classes_, a polity + of superior and inferior social groups, based upon distinctions + either of rank or of property. This phenomenon must, then, be + called the "State."[50] + +It is the existence at any rate of conflict and accommodation within the +limits of a larger group which distinguishes it from groups based on +primary relations, and gives it eventually the character described as +"secondary." + +When a language group becomes militant and self-conscious, it assumes +the character of a nationality. It is perhaps true, also, that the +family which is large enough and independent enough to be +self-conscious, by that fact assumes the character of a clan. Important +in this connection is the fact that a group in becoming group-conscious +changes its character. External conflict has invariably reacted +powerfully upon the internal organization of social groups. + +Group self-consciousness seems to be a common characteristic of conflict +and accommodation groups and distinguishes them from the more elementary +forms of society represented by the family and the local community. + +3. _Organization and structure of social groups._--Having a general +scheme for the classification of social groups, it is in order to +discover methods of analysis that are applicable to the study of all +types of groups, from the family to the sect. Such a scheme of analysis +should reveal not only the organization and structure of typical groups, +but it should indicate the relation of this organization and structure +to those social problems that are actual and generally recognized. The +sort of facts which are now generally recognized as important in the +study, not merely of society, but the problems of society are: + +a) Statistics: numbers, local distribution, mobility, incidence of +births, deaths, disease, and crime. + +b) Institutions: local distribution, classification (i.e., (i) +industrial, (ii) religious, (iii) political, (iv) educational, (v) +welfare and mutual aid), communal organization. + +c) Heritages: the customs and traditions transmitted by the group, +particularly in relation to religion, recreation and leisure time, and +social control (politics). + +d) Organization of public opinion: parties, sects, cliques, and the +press. + +4. _Social process and social progress._--Social process is the name for +all changes which can be regarded as changes in the life of the group. A +group may be said to have a life when it has a history. Among social +processes we may distinguish (a) the historical, (b) the cultural, +(c) the political, and (d) the economic. + +a) We describe as historical the processes by which the fund of social +tradition, which is the heritage of every permanent social group, is +accumulated and transmitted from one generation to another. + +History plays the role in the group of memory in the individual. Without +history social groups would, no doubt, rise and decline, but they would +neither grow old nor make progress. + +Immigrants, crossing the ocean, leave behind them much of their local +traditions. The result is that they lose, particularly in the second +generation, that control which the family and group tradition formerly +exercised over them; but they are, for that very reason, all the more +open to the influence of the traditions and customs of their adopted +country. + +b) If it is the function of the historical process to accumulate and +conserve the common fund of social experience, it is the function of the +cultural process to shape and define the social forms and the social +patterns which each preceding generation imposes upon its successors. + + The individual living in society has to fit into a pre-existing + social world, to take part in the hedonistic, economic, + political, religious, moral, aesthetic, intellectual activities + of the group. For these activities the group has objective + _systems_, more or less complex sets of schemes, organized + either by traditional association or with a conscious regard to + the greatest possible efficiency of the result, but with only a + secondary, or even with no interest in the particular desires, + abilities and experiences of the individuals who have to + perform these activities. + + There is no pre-existing harmony whatever between the + individual and the social factors of personal evolution, and + the fundamental tendencies of the individual are always in some + disaccordance with the fundamental tendencies of social + control. Personal evolution is always a struggle between the + individual and society--a struggle for self-expression on the + part of the individual, for his subjection on the part of + society--and it is in the total course of this struggle that + the personality--not as a static "essence" but as a dynamic, + continually evolving set of activities--manifests and + constructs itself.[51] + +c) In general, standards of behavior that are in the mores are not the +subject of discussion, except so far as discussion is necessary to +determine whether this or that act falls under one or the other of the +accepted social sanctions. The political as distinguished from the +cultural process is concerned with just those matters in regard to which +there is division and difference. Politics is concerned with issues. + +The Negro, particularly in the southern states, is a constant theme of +popular discussion. Every time a Negro finds himself in a new situation, +or one in which the white population is unaccustomed to see him, the +thing provokes comment in both races. On the other hand, when a +southerner asks the question: "Would you want your daughter to marry a +Negro?" it is time for discussion to cease. Any questions of relations +between the races can always be immediately disposed of as soon as it is +seen to come, directly or indirectly, under the intolerable formula. +Political questions are matters of compromise and expediency. +Miscegenation, on the other hand, is contrary to the mores. As such the +rule against it is absolute. + +The political process, by which a society or social group formulates its +wishes and enforces them, goes on within the limits of the mores and is +carried on by public discussion, legislation, and the adjudication of +the courts. + +d) The economic process, so far as it can be distinguished from the +production and distribution of goods, is the process by which prices are +made and an exchange of values is effected. Most values, i.e., my +present social status, my hopes of the future, and memory of the past, +are personal and not values that can be exchanged. The economic process +is concerned with values that can be treated as commodities. + +All these processes may, and do, arise within most but not every society +or social group. Commerce presupposes the freedom of the individual to +pursue his own profit, and commerce can take place only to the extent +and degree that this freedom is permitted. Freedom of commerce is, +however, limited on the one hand by the mores and on the other by formal +law, so that the economic process takes place ordinarily within +limitations that are defined by the cultural and the political +processes. It is only where there is neither a cultural nor a political +order that commerce is absolutely free. + +The areas of (1) the cultural, (2) the political, (3) the economic +processes and their relations to one another may be represented by +concentric circles. + +In this representation the area of widest cultural influences is +coterminous with the area of commerce, because commerce in its widest +extension is invariably carried on under some restraints of custom and +customary law. Otherwise it is not commerce at all, but something +predacious outside the law. But if the area of the economic process is +almost invariably coterminous with the widest areas of cultural +influence, it does not extend to the smaller social groups. As a rule +trade does not invade the family. Family interests are always personal +even when they are carried on under the forms of commerce. Primitive +society, within the limits of the village, is usually communistic. All +values are personal, and the relations of individuals to one another, +economic or otherwise, are preordained by custom and law. + +The impersonal values, values for exchange, seem to be in any given +society or social group in inverse relation to the personal values. + +The attempt to describe in this large way the historical, cultural, +political, and economic processes, is justified in so far as it enables +us to recognize that the aspects of social life, which are the +subject-matter of the special social sciences, i.e., history, political +science, and economics, are involved in specific forms of change that +can be viewed abstractly, formulated, compared, and related. The attempt +to view them in their interrelations is at the same time an effort to +distinguish and to see them as parts of one whole. + +[Illustration: FIG. 2 + +a = area of most extended cultural influences and of commerce; b = +area of formal political control; c = area of purely personal +relationships, communism.] + +In contrast with the types of social change referred to there are other +changes which are unilateral and progressive; changes which are +described popularly as "movements," mass movements. These are changes +which eventuate in new social organizations and institutions. + +All more marked forms of social change are associated with certain +social manifestations that we call social unrest. Social unrest issues, +under ordinary conditions, as an incident of new social contacts, and is +an indication of a more lively tempo in the process of communication and +interaction. + +All social changes are preceded by a certain degree of social and +individual disorganization. This will be followed ordinarily under +normal conditions by a movement of reorganization. All progress implies +a certain amount of disorganization. In studying social changes, +therefore, that, if not progressive, are at least unilateral, we are +interested in: + +(1) Disorganization: accelerated mobility, unrest, disease, and crime as +manifestations and measures of social disorganization. + +(2) Social movements (reorganization) include: (a) crowd movements +(i.e., mobs, strikes, etc.); (b) cultural revivals, religious and +linguistic; (c) fashion (changes in dress, convention, and social +ritual); (d) reform (changes in social policy and administration); +(e) revolutions (changes in institutions and the mores). + +5. _The individual and the person._--The person is an individual who has +status. We come into the world as individuals. We acquire status, and +become persons. Status means position in society. The individual +inevitably has some status in every social group of which he is a +member. In a given group the status of every member is determined by his +relation to every other member of that group. Every smaller group, +likewise, has a status in some larger group of which it is a part and +this is determined by its relation to all the other members of the +larger group. + +The individual's self-consciousness--his conception of his role in +society, his "self," in short--while not identical with his personality +is an essential element in it. The individual's conception of himself, +however, is based on his status in the social group or groups of which +he is a member. The individual whose conception of himself does not +conform to his status is an isolated individual. The completely isolated +individual, whose conception of himself is in no sense an adequate +reflection of his status, is probably insane. + +It follows from what is said that an individual may have many "selves" +according to the groups to which he belongs and the extent to which each +of these groups is isolated from the others. It is true, also, that the +individual is influenced in differing degrees and in a specific manner, +by the different types of group of which he is a member. This indicates +the manner in which the personality of the individual may be studied +sociologically. + +Every individual comes into the world in possession of certain +characteristic and relatively fixed behavior patterns which we call +instincts. This is his racial inheritance which he shares with all +members of the species. He comes into the world, also, endowed with +certain undefined capacities for learning other forms of behavior, +capacities which vary greatly in different individuals. These individual +differences and the instincts are what is called original nature.[52] + +Sociology is interested in "original nature" in so far as it supplies +the raw materials out of which individual personalities and the social +order are created. Both society and the persons who compose society are +the products of social processes working in and through the materials +which each new generation of men contributes to it. + +Charles Cooley, who was the first to make the important distinction +between primary and secondary groups, has pointed out that the intimate, +face-to-face associations of primary groups, i.e., the family, the +neighborhood, and the village community, are fundamental in forming the +social nature and ideals of the individual.[53] + +There is, however, an area of life in which the associations are more +intimate than those of the primary group as that group is ordinarily +conceived. Such are the relations between mother and child, particularly +in the period of infancy, and the relations between men and women under +the influence of the sexual instinct. These are the associations in +which the most lasting affections and the most violent antipathies are +formed. We may describe it as the area of touch relationships. + +Finally, there is the area of secondary contacts, in which relationships +are relatively impersonal, formal, and conventional. It is in this +region of social life that the individual gains, at the same time, a +personal freedom and an opportunity for distinction that is denied him +in the primary group. + +As a matter of fact, many, if not most, of our present social problems +have their source and origin in the transition of great masses of the +population--the immigrants, for example--out of a society based on +primary group relationships into the looser, freer, and less controlled +existence of life in great cities. + + The "moral unrest" so deeply penetrating all western societies, + the growing vagueness and indecision of personalities, the + almost complete disappearance of the "strong and steady + character" of old times, in short, the rapid and general + increase of Bohemianism and Bolshevism in all societies, is an + effect of the fact that not only the early primary group + controlling all interests of its members on the general social + basis, not only the occupational group of the mediaeval type + controlling most of the interests of its members on a + professional basis, but even the special modern group dividing + with many others the task of organizing permanently the + attitudes of each of its members, is more and more losing + ground. The pace of social evolution has become so rapid that + special groups are ceasing to be permanent and stable enough to + organize and maintain organized complexes of attitudes of their + members which correspond to their common pursuits. In other + words, society is gradually losing all its old machinery for + the determination and stabilization of individual + characters.[54] + +Every social group tends to create, from the individuals that compose +it, its own type of character, and the characters thus formed become +component parts of the social structure in which they are incorporated. +All the problems of social life are thus problems of the individual; and +all problems of the individual are at the same time problems of the +group. This point of view is already recognized in preventive medicine, +and to some extent in psychiatry. It is not yet adequately recognized in +the technique of social case work. + +Further advance in the application of social principles to social +practice awaits a more thoroughgoing study of the problems, systematic +social research, and an experimental social science. + + +REPRESENTATIVE WORKS IN SYSTEMATIC SOCIOLOGY AND METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL +RESEARCH + + +I. THE SCIENCE OF PROGRESS + +(1) Comte, Auguste. _Cours de philosophie positive_, 5th ed. 6 vols. +Paris, 1892. + +(2) ----. _Positive Philosophy._ Translated by Harriet Martineau, 3d ed. +London, 1893. + +(3) Spencer, Herbert. _Principles of Sociology._ 3d ed. 3 vols. New +York, 1906. + +(4) Schaeffle, Albert. _Bau und Leben des socialen Koerpers._ 2d ed., 2 +vols. Tuebingen, 1896. + +(5) Lilienfeld, Paul von. _Gedanken ueber die Socialwissenschaft der +Zukunft._ 5 vols. Mitau, 1873-81. + +(6) Ward, Lester F. _Dynamic Sociology._ 2 vols. New York, 1883. + +(7) De Greef, Guillaume. _Introduction a la sociologie._ 3 vols. Paris, +1886. + +(8) Worms, Rene. _Organisme et societe._ Paris, 1896. + + +II. THE SCHOOLS + +A. _Realists_ + +(1) Ratzenhofer, Gustav. _Die sociologische Erkenntnis._ Leipzig, 1898. + +(2) Small, Albion W. _General Sociology._ Chicago, 1905. + +(3) Durkheim, Emile. _De la Division du travail social._ Paris, 1893. + +(4) Simmel, Georg. _Soziologie._ Untersuchungen ueber die Formen der +Vergesellschaftung. Leipzig, 1908. + +(5) Cooley, Charles Horton. _Social Organization._ A study of the larger +mind. New York, 1909. + +(6) Ellwood, Charles A. _Sociology and Its Psychological Aspects._ New +York and London, 1912. + + +B. _Nominalists_ + +(1) Tarde, Gabriel. _Les Lois de l'imitation._ Paris, 1895. + +(2) Giddings, Franklin H. _The Principles of Sociology._ New York, 1896. + +(3) Ross, Edward Alsworth. _The Principles of Sociology._ New York, +1920. + + +C. _Collective Behavior_ + +(1) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Crowd._ A study of the popular mind. New York, +1903. + +(2) Sighele, Scipio. _Psychologie des sectes._ Paris, 1898. + +(3) Tarde, Gabriel. _L'Opinion et la foule._ Paris, 1901. + +(4) McDougall, William. _The Group Mind._ Cambridge, 1920. + +(5) Vincent, George E. _The Social Mind and Education._ New York, 1897. + + +III. METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION + + +A. _Critical Observation on Methods of Research_ + +(1) Small, Albion W. _The Meaning of Social Science._ Chicago, 1910. + +(2) Durkheim, Emile. _Les Regles de la methode sociologique._ Paris, +1904. + +(3) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and +America._ "Methodological Note," I, 1-86. 5 vols. Boston, 1918-20. + + +B. _Studies of Communities_ + +(1) Booth, Charles. _Labour and Life of the People: London._ 2 vols. +London, 1891. + +(2) ----. _Life and Labour of the People in London._ 9 vols. London, +1892-97. 8 additional vols. London, 1902. + +(3) _The Pittsburgh Survey._ Edited by Paul U. Kellogg. 6 vols. Russell +Sage Foundation. New York, 1909-14. + +(4) _The Springfield Survey._ Edited by Shelby M. Harrison. 3 vols. +Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1918-20. + +(5) _Americanization Studies of the Carnegie Corporation of New York._ +Edited by Allen T. Burns. 10 vols. New York, 1920-21. + +(6) Chapin, F. Stuart. _Field Work and Social Research._ New York, 1920. + + +C. _Studies of the Individual_ + +(1) Healy, William. _The Individual Delinquent._ Boston, 1915. + +(2) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and +America._ "Life Record of an Immigrant," Vol. III. Boston, 1919. + +(3) Richmond, Mary. _Social Diagnosis._ Russell Sage Foundation. New +York, 1917. + + +IV. PERIODICALS + +(1) _American Journal of Sociology._ Chicago, University of Chicago +Press, 1896-. + +(2) _American Sociological Society, Papers and Proceedings._ Chicago, +University of Chicago Press, 1907-. + +(3) _Annales de l'institut international de sociologie._ Paris, M. Giard +et Cie., 1895. + +(4) _L'Annee sociologique._ Paris, F. Alcan, 1898-1912. + +(5) _The Indian Journal of Sociology._ Baroda, India, The College, +1920-. + +(6) _Koelner Vierteljahrshefte fuer Sozialwissenschaften._ Leipzig and +Muenchen, Duncker und Humblot, 1921-. + +(7) _Rivista italiana di sociologia._ Roma, Fratelli Bocca, 1897-. + +(8) _Revue del'institut de sociologie._ Bruxelles, l'Institut de +Sociologie, 1920-. [Successor to _Bulletin del'institut de sociologie +Solvay_. Bruxelles, 1910-14.] + +(9) _Revue internationale de sociologie._ Paris, M. Giard et Cie., +1893-. + +(10) _The Sociological Review._ Manchester, Sherratt and Hughes, 1908-. +[Preceded by Sociological Papers, Sociological Society, London, 1905-7.] + +(11) _Schmollers Jahrbuch fuer Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und +Volkswirtschaft im deutschen Reiche._ Leipzig, Duncker und Humblot, +1877-. + +(12) _Zeitschrift fuer Sozialwissenschaft._ Berlin, G. Reimer, 1898-. + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. Comte's Conception of Humanity + +2. Herbert Spencer on the Social Organism + +3. The Social Process as Defined by Small + +4. Imitation and Like-mindedness as Fundamental Social Facts + +5. Social Control as a Sociological Problem + +6. Group Consciousness and the Group Mind + +7. Investigation and Research as Illustrated by the Pittsburgh Survey +and the Carnegie Americanization Studies + +8. The Concept of the Group in Sociology + +9. The Person, Personality, and Status + +10. Sociology in Its Relation to Economics and to Politics + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. What do you understand was Comte's purpose in demanding for sociology +a place among the sciences? + +2. Are social phenomena susceptible to scientific prevision? Compare +with physical phenomena. + +3. What is Comte's order of the sciences? What is your explanation for +the late appearance of sociology in the series? + +4. What do you understand by the term "positive" when applied to the +social sciences? + +5. Can sociology become positive without becoming experimental? + +6. "Natural science emphasizes the abstract, the historian is interested +in the concrete." Discuss. + +7. How do you distinguish between the historical method and the method +of natural science in dealing with the following phenomena: (a) +electricity, (b) plants, (c) cattle, (d) cities? + +8. Distinguish between history, natural history, and natural science. + +9. Is Westermarck's _Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas_ history, +natural history, or sociology? Why? + +10. "History is past politics, politics is present history." Do you +agree? Elaborate your position. + +11. What is the value of history to the person? + +12. Classify the following formulas of behavior under either (a) +natural law (social law in the scientific sense), and (b) moral law +(customary sanction, ethical principles), (c) civil law: "birds of a +feather flock together"; "thou shalt not kill"; an ordinance against +speeding; "honesty is the best policy"; monogamy; imitation tends to +spread in geometric ratio; "women first"; the Golden Rule; "walk in the +trodden paths"; the federal child-labor statute. + +13. Give an illustration of a sociological hypothesis. + +14. Of the following statements of fact, which are historical and which +sociological? + +Auguste Comte suffered from myopia. + +"Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains." + +"Science works not at all for nationality or its spirit. It makes +entirely for cosmopolitanism." + +15. How would you verify each of the foregoing statements? Distinguish +between the sociological and historical methods of verification. + +16. Is the use of the comparative method that of history or that of +natural science? + +17. "The social organism: humanity or Leviathan?" What is your reaction +to this alternative? Why? + +18. What was the difference in the conception of the social organism +held by Comte and that held by Spencer? + +19. "How does a mere collection of individuals succeed in acting in a +corporate and consistent way?" What was the answer to this question +given by Hobbes, Aristotle, Worms? + +20. "Man and society are at the same time products of nature and of +human artifice." Explain. + +21. What are the values and limitations of the following explanations of +the control of the group over the behavior of its members: (a) +homogeneity, (b) like-mindedness, (c) imitation, (d) common +purpose? + +22. What bearing have the facts of a panic or a stampede upon the +theories of like-mindedness, imitation, and common purpose as +explanations of group behavior? + +23. "The characteristic social phenomenon is just this control by the +group as a whole of the individuals which compose it. This fact of +control is the fundamental social fact." Give an illustration of the +control of the group over its members. + +24. What is the difference between group mind and group consciousness as +indicated in current usage in the phrases "urban mind," "rural mind," +"public mind," "race consciousness," "national consciousness," "class +consciousness"? + +25. What do you understand by "a group in being"? Compare with the +nautical expression "a fleet in being." Is "a fleet in being" a social +organism? Has it a "social mind" and "social consciousness" in the sense +that we speak of "race consciousness", for example, or "group +consciousness"? + +26. In what sense is public opinion objective? Analyze a selected case +where the opinion of the group as a whole is different from the opinion +of its members as individuals. + +27. For what reason was the fact of "social control" interpreted in +terms of "the collective mind"? + +28. Which is the social reality (a) that society is a collection of +like-minded persons, or (b) that society is a process and a product of +interaction? What is the bearing upon this point of the quotation from +Dewey: "Society may fairly be said to exist in transmission"? + +29. What three steps were taken in the transformation of sociology from +a philosophy of history to a science of society? + +30. What value do you perceive in a classification of social problems? + +31. Classify the following studies under (a) administrative problems +or (b) problems of policy or (c) problems of human nature: a survey +to determine the feasibility of health insurance to meet the problem of +sickness; an investigation of the police force; a study of attitudes +toward war; a survey of the contacts of racial groups; an investigation +for the purpose of improving the technique of workers in a social +agency; a study of the experiments in self-government among prisoners in +penal institutions. + +32. Is the description of great cities as "social laboratories" metaphor +or fact? + +33. What do you understand by the statement: Sociology will become an +experimental science as soon as it can state its problems in such a way +that the results in one instance show what can be done in another? + +34. What would be the effect upon political life if sociology were able +to predict with some precision the effects of political action, for +example, the effect of prohibition? + +35. Would you favor turning over the government to control of experts as +soon as sociology became a positive science? Explain. + +36. How far may the politician who makes a profession of controlling +elections be regarded as a practicing sociologist? + +37. What is the distinction between sociology as an art and as a +science? + +38. Distinguish between research and investigation as the terms are used +in the text. + +39. What illustrations in American society occur to you of the (a) +autocratic and (b) democratic methods of social change? + +40. "All social problems turn out finally to be problems of group life." +Are there any exceptions? + +41. Select twelve groups at random and enter under the heads in the +classification of social groups. What groups are difficult to classify? + +42. Study the organization and structure of one of the foregoing groups +in terms of (a) statistical facts about it; (b) its institutional +aspect; (c) its heritages; and (d) its collective opinion. + +43. "All progress implies a certain amount of disorganization." Explain. + +44. What do you understand to be the differences between the various +social processes: (a) historical, (b) cultural, (c) economic, +(d) political? + +45. What is the significance of the relative diameters of the areas of +the cultural, political, and economic processes? + +46. "The person is an individual who has status." Does an animal have +status? + +47. "In a given group the status of every member is determined by his +relation to every other member of that group." Give an illustration. + +48. Why are the problems of the person, problems of the group as well? + +49. What does the organization of the bibliography and the sequence of +the volumes referred to suggest in regard to the development of +sociological science? + +50. How far does it seem to you that the emphasis upon process rather +than progress accounts for the changes which have taken place in the +sociological theory and point of view? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[2] From Robert E. Park, "Sociology and the Social Sciences," _American +Journal of Sociology_, XXVI (1920-21), 401-24; XXVII (1921-22), 1-21; +169-83. + +[3] Harriet Martineau, _The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Comte_, +freely translated and condensed (London, 1893), II, 61. + +[4] Harriet Martineau, _op. cit._, II, 59-61. + +[5] Montesquieu, Baron M. de Secondat, _The Spirit of Laws_, translated +by Thomas Nugent (Cincinnati, 1873), I, xxxi. + +[6] David Hume, _Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding_, Part II, sec. +7. + +[7] Condorcet, _Esquisse d'un tableau historique des progres de l'esprit +humain_ (1795), 292. See Paul Barth, _Die Philosophie der Geschichte als +Sociologie_ (Leipzig, 1897), Part I, pp. 21-23. + +[8] _Oeuvres de Saint-Simon et d'Enfantin_ (Paris, 1865-78), XVII, 228. +Paul Barth, _op. cit._, Part I, p. 23. + +[9] Henry Adams, _The Degradation of the Democratic Dogma_ (New York, +1919), p. 126. + +[10] James Harvey Robinson, _The New History, Essays Illustrating the +Modern Historical Outlook_ (New York, 1912), pp. 54-55. + +[11] James Harvey Robinson, _op. cit._, p. 83. + +[12] Wilhelm Windelband, _Geschichte und Naturwissenschaft, Rede zum +Antritt des Rectorats der Kaiser-Wilhelms Universitaet Strassburg_ +(Strassburg, 1900). The logical principle outlined by Windelband has +been further elaborated by Heinrich Rickert in _Die Grenzen der +naturwissenschaftlichen Begriffsbildung, eine logische Einleitung in die +historischen Wissenschaften_ (Tuebingen u. Leipzig, 1902). See also +Georg Simmel, _Die Probleme der Geschichtsphilosophie, eine +erkenntnistheoretische Studie_ (2d ed., Leipzig, 1915). + +[13] J. Arthur Thomson, _The System of Animate Nature_ (New York, 1920), +pp. 8-9. See also Karl Pearson, _The Grammar of Science_ (2d ed.; +London, 1900), chap. iii, "The Scientific Law." + +[14] Karl Pearson, _op. cit._, p. 359. + +[15] Henry Adams, _op. cit._, p. 127. + +[16] Professor Robertson Smith (_Nature_, XLIV, 270), criticizing +Westermarck's _History of Human Marriage_, complains that the author has +confused history with natural history. "The history of an institution," +he writes, "which is controlled by public opinion and regulated by law +is not natural history. The true history of marriage begins where the +natural history of pairing ends.... To treat these topics (polyandry, +kinship through the female only, infanticide, exogamy) as essentially a +part of the natural history of pairing involves a tacit assumption that +the laws of society are at bottom mere formulated instincts, and this +assumption really underlies all our author's theories. His fundamental +position compels him, if he will be consistent with himself, to hold +that every institution connected with marriage that has universal +validity, or forms an integral part of the main line of development, is +rooted in instinct, and that institutions which are not based on +instinct are necessarily exceptional and unimportant for scientific +history." + +[17] Edward Westermarck, _The History of Human Marriage_ (London, 1901), +p. 1. + +[18] _Ibid._, p. 5. + +[19] Jane Ellen Harrison, _Themis_, _A Study of the Social Origins of +Greek Religion_ (Cambridge, 1912), p. ix. + +[20] Robert H. Lowie, _Primitive Society_ (New York, 1920), pp. 7-8. + +[21] Wilhelm Wundt, _Voelkerpsychologie, eine Untersuchung der +Entwicklungsgesetze von Sprache, Mythus und Sitte_. Erster Band, _Die +Sprache_, Erster Theil (Leipzig, 1900), p. 13. The name folk-psychology +was first used by Lazarus and Steinthal, _Zeitschrift fuer +Voelkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft_, I, 1860. Wundt's +folk-psychology is a continuation of the tradition of these earlier +writers. + +[22] G. Tarde, _Social Laws, An Outline of Sociology_, translated from +the French by Howard C. Warren (New York, 1899), pp. 40-41. + +[23] Hanns Oertel, "Some Present Problems and Tendencies in Comparative +Philology," _Congress of Arts and Science, Universal Exposition, St. +Louis, 1904_ (Boston, 1906), III, 59. + +[24] Edward A. Freeman, _Comparative Politics_ (London, 1873), p. 23. + +[25] L. Levy-Bruhl, _The Philosophy of Auguste Comte_, authorized +translation; an Introduction by Frederic Harrison (New York, 1903), p. +337. + +[26] _Ibid._, p. 234. + +[27] Hobbes's statement is as follows: "For by art is created that great +_Leviathan_ called a _Commonwealth_, or _State_, in Latin _Civitas_, +which is but an artificial man; though of greater stature and strength +than the natural, for whose protection and defence it was intended; and +in which the _sovereignty_ is an artificial _soul_, as giving life and +motion to the whole body; the _magistrates_, and other _officers_ of +judicature, artificial _joints_; _reward_ and _punishment_, by which +fastened to the seat of the sovereignty every joint and member is moved +to perform his duty, are the _nerves_, that do the same in the body +natural." Spencer criticizes this conception of Hobbes as representing +society as a "factitious" and artificial rather than a "natural" +product. Herbert Spencer, _The Principles of Sociology_ (London, 1893), +I, 437, 579-80. See also chap. iii, "Social Growth," pp. 453-58. + +[28] Herbert Spencer, _op. cit._, I, 437. + +[29] _Ibid._, p. 440. + +[30] _Ibid._, p. 450. + +[31] _Ibid._, pp. 449-50. + +[32] _Westminster Review_, January, 1860. + +[33] Rene Worms, _Organisme et Societe_, "Bibliotheque Sociologique +Internationale" (Paris, 1896), pp. 210-13. + +[34] W. Trotter, _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War_ (New York, +1916), pp. 29-30. + +[35] _Ibid._, pp. 40-41. + +[36] Franklin Henry Giddings, _The Concepts and Methods of Sociology_, +Congress of Arts and Science, Universal Exposition (St. Louis, 1904), +pp. 789-90. + +[37] G. Tarde, _op. cit._, pp. 38-39. + +[38] Emile Durkheim, _Elementary Forms of Religious Life_ (New York, +1915), pp. 206-8. + +[39] John Dewey, _Democracy and Education_ (New York, 1916), p. 5. + +[40] _Ibid._, pp. 6-7. + +[41] Emile Durkheim, "Representations individuelles et representations +collectives," _Revue metaphysique_, VI (1898), 295. Quoted and +translated by Charles Elmer Gehlke, "Emile Durkheim's Contributions to +Sociological Theory," _Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law_, +LXIII, 29-30. + +[42] Bliss Perry, _The American Mind_ (Boston, 1912), p. 47. + +[43] James Mark Baldwin, _Mental Development in the Child and the Race_ +(New York and London, 1895); Charles A. Ellwood, _Sociology in Its +Psychological Aspects_ (New York and London, 1912). + +[44] _Labour and Life of the People_ (London, 1889), I, pp. 6-7. + +[45] Thomas and Znaniecki, _The Polish Peasant in Europe and America_ +(Boston, 1918), I, 3. + +[46] Walter B. Bodenhafer, "The Comparative Role of the Group Concept in +Ward's Dynamic Sociology and Contemporary American Sociology," _American +Journal of Sociology_, XXVI (1920-21), 273-314; 425-74; 588-600; 716-43. + +[47] _Stillwater, the Queen of the St. Croix_, a report of a social +survey, published by The Community Service of Stillwater, Minnesota, +1920, p. 71. + +[48] Frank Tannenbaum, "Prison Democracy," _Atlantic Monthly_, October, +1920, pp. 438-39. (Psychology of the criminal group.) + +[49] _Ibid._, pp. 443-46. + +[50] Franz Oppenheimer, _The State_ (Indianapolis, 1914), p. 5. + +[51] Thomas and Znaniecki, _op. cit._, III, 34-36. + +[52] Original nature in its relation to social welfare and human +progress has been made the subject-matter of a special science, +eugenics. For a criticism of the claims of eugenics as a social science +see Leonard T. Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political Theory_ +(Columbia University Press, 1917). + +[53] Charles H. Cooley, _Social Organization_, p. 28. + +[54] Thomas and Znaniecki, _op. cit._, III, 63-64. + + + + +CHAPTER II + +HUMAN NATURE + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. Human Interest in Human Nature + +The human interest in human nature is proverbial. It is an original +tendency of man to be attentive to the behavior of other human beings. +Experience heightens this interest because of the dependence of the +individual upon other persons, not only for physical existence, but for +social life. + +The literature of every people is to a large extent but the +crystallization of this persistent interest. Old saws and proverbs of +every people transmit from generation to generation shrewd +generalizations upon human behavior. In joke and in epigram, in +caricature and in burlesque, in farce and in comedy, men of all races +and times have enjoyed with keen relish the humor of the contrast +between the conventional and the natural motives in behavior. In Greek +mythology, individual traits of human nature are abstracted, idealized, +and personified into gods. The heroes of Norse sagas and Teutonic +legends are the gigantic symbols of primary emotions and sentiments. +Historical characters live in the social memory not alone because they +are identified with political, religious, or national movements but also +because they have come to typify human relationships. The loyalty of +Damon and Pythias, the grief of Rachel weeping for her children, the +cynical cruelty of the egocentric Nero, the perfidy of Benedict Arnold, +the comprehending sympathy of Abraham Lincoln, are proverbial, and as +such have become part of the common language of all the peoples who +participate in our occidental culture. + +Poetry, drama, and the plastic arts are interesting and significant only +so far as they reveal in new and ever changing circumstances the +unchanging characteristics of a fundamental human nature. Illustrations +of this naive and unreflecting interest in the study of mankind are +familiar enough in the experience and observation of any of us. +Intellectual interest in, and the scientific observation of, human +traits and human behavior have their origin in this natural interest and +unreflective observation by man of his fellows. History, ethnology, +folklore, all the comparative studies of single cultural traits, i.e., +of language, of religion, and of law, are but the more systematic +pursuit of this universal interest of mankind in man. + + +2. Definition of Human Nature + +The natural history of the expression "human nature" is interesting. +Usage has given it various shades of meaning. In defining the term more +precisely there is a tendency either unwarrantedly to narrow or unduly +to extend and overemphasize some one or another of the different senses +of the term. A survey of these varied uses reveals the common and +fundamental meaning of the phrase. + +The use which common sense makes of the term human nature is +significant. It is used in varied contexts with the most divergent +implications but always by way of explanation of behavior that is +characteristically human. The phrase is sometimes employed with cynical +deprecation as, "Oh, that's human nature." Or as often, perhaps, as an +expression of approbation, "He's so human." + +The weight of evidence as expressed in popular sayings is distinctly in +depreciation of man's nature. + + It's human natur', p'raps,--if so, + Oh, isn't human natur' low, + +are two lines from Gilbert's musical comedy "Babette's Love." "To err is +human, to forgive divine" reminds us of a familiar contrast. "Human +nature is like a bad clock; it might go right now and then, or be made +to strike the hour, but its inward frame is to go wrong," is a simile +that emphasizes the popular notion that man's behavior tends to the +perverse. An English divine settles the question with the statement, +"Human nature is a rogue and a scoundrel, or why would it perpetually +stand in need of laws and religion?" + +Even those who see good in the natural man admit his native tendency to +err. Sir Thomas Browne asserts that "human nature knows naturally what +is good but naturally pursues what is evil." The Earl of Clarendon gives +the equivocal explanation that "if we did not take great pains to +corrupt our nature, our nature would never corrupt us." Addison, from +the detached position of an observer and critic of manners and men, +concludes that "as man is a creature made up of different extremes, he +has something in him very great and very mean." + +The most commonly recognized distinction between man and the lower +animals lies in his possession of reason. Yet familiar sayings tend to +exclude the intellectual from the human attributes. Lord Bacon shrewdly +remarks that "there is in human nature, generally, more of the fool than +of the wise." The phrase "he is a child of nature" means that behavior +in social relations is impulsive, simple, and direct rather than +reflective, sophisticated, or consistent. Wordsworth depicts this human +type in his poem "She Was a Phantom of Delight": + + A creature not too bright or good + For human nature's daily food; + For transient sorrows, simple wiles, + Praise, blame, love, kisses, tears and smiles. + +The inconsistency between the rational professions and the impulsive +behavior of men is a matter of common observation. "That's not the +logic, reason, or philosophy of it, but it's the human nature of it." It +is now generally recognized that the older English conception of the +"economic man" and the "rational man," motivated by enlightened +self-interest, was far removed from the "natural man" impelled by +impulse, prejudice, and sentiment, in short, by human nature. Popular +criticism has been frequently directed against the reformer in politics, +the efficiency expert in industry, the formalist in religion and morals +on the ground that they overlook or neglect the so-called "human factor" +in the situation. Sir Arthur Helps says: + + No doubt hard work is a great police-agent; if everybody were + worked from morning till night, and then carefully locked up, + the register of crimes might be greatly diminished. But what + would become of human nature? Where would be the room for + growth in such a system of things? It is through sorrow and + mirth, plenty and need, a variety of passions, circumstances, + and temptations, even through sin and misery, that men's + natures are developed. + +Certain sayings already quoted imply that the nature of man is a fact to +be reckoned with in controlling his behavior. "There are limits to human +nature" which cannot lightly be overstepped. "Human nature," according +to Periander, "is hard to overcome." Yet we also recognize with Swift +that "it is the talent of human nature to run from one extreme to +another." Finally, nothing is more trite and familiar than the statement +that "human nature is the same all over the world." This fundamental +likeness of human nature, despite artificial and superficial cultural +differences, has found a classic expression in Kipling's line: "The +Colonel's Lady an' Judy O'Grady are sisters under their skins!" + +Human nature, then, as distinct from the formal wishes of the individual +and the conventional order of society, is an aspect of human life that +must be reckoned with. Common sense has long recognized this, but until +recently no systematic attempt has been made to _isolate_, describe, and +explain the distinctively human factors in the life either of the +individual or of society. + +Of all that has been written on this subject the most adequate statement +is that of Cooley. He has worked out with unusual penetration and +peculiar insight an interpretation of human nature as a product of group +life. + + By human nature we may understand those sentiments and impulses + that are human in being superior to those of lower animals, and + also in the sense that they belong to mankind at large, and not + to any particular race or time. It means, particularly, + sympathy and the innumerable sentiments into which sympathy + enters, such as love, resentment, ambition, vanity, + hero-worship, and the feeling of social right and wrong. + + Human nature in this sense is justly regarded as a + comparatively permanent element in society. Always and + everywhere men seek honor and dread ridicule, defer to public + opinion, cherish their goods and their children, and admire + courage, generosity, and success. It is always safe to assume + that people are and have been human. + + Human nature is not something existing separately in the + individual, but a _group nature or primary phase of society_, a + relatively simple and general condition of the social mind. It + is something more, on the one hand, than the mere instinct that + is born in us--though that enters into it--and something less, + on the other, than the more elaborate development of ideas and + sentiments that makes up institutions. It is the nature which + is developed and expressed in those simple, face-to-face groups + that are somewhat alike in all societies; groups of the family, + the playground, and the neighborhood. In the essential + similarity of these is to be found the basis, in experience, + for similar ideas and sentiments in the human mind. In these, + everywhere, human nature comes into existence. Man does not + have it at birth; he cannot acquire it except through + fellowship, and it decays in isolation.[55] + + +3. Classification of the Materials + +With the tacit acceptance by biologists, psychologists, and sociologists +of human behavior as a natural phenomenon, materials upon human nature +have rapidly accumulated. The wealth and variety of these materials are +all the greater because of the diversity of the points of view from +which workers in this field have attacked the problem. The value of the +results of these investigations is enhanced when they are brought +together, classified, and compared. + +The materials fall naturally into two divisions: (a) "The Original +Nature of Man" and (b) "Human Nature and Social Life." This division +is based upon a distinction between traits that are inborn and +characters socially acquired; a distinction found necessary by students +in this field. Selections under the third heading, "Personality and the +Social Self" indicate the manner in which the individual develops under +the social influences, from the raw material of "instinct" into the +social product "the person." Materials in the fourth division, +"Biological and Social Inheritance," contrast the method of the +transmission of original tendencies through the germ plasm with the +communication of the social heritage through education. + +a) _The original nature of man._--No one has stated more clearly than +Thorndike that human nature is a product of two factors, (a) +tendencies to response rooted in original nature and (b) the +accumulated effects of the stimuli of the external and social +environment. At birth man is a bundle of random tendencies to respond. +Through experience, and by means of the mechanisms of habit and +character, control is secured over instinctive reactions. In other +words, the original nature of man is, as Comte said, an abstraction. It +exists only in the psychic vacuum of antenatal life, or perhaps only in +the potentiality of the germ plasm. The fact of observation is that the +structure of the response is irrevocably changed in the process of +reaction to the stimulus. The _Biography of a Baby_ gives a concrete +picture of the development of the plastic infant in the environment of +the social group. + +The three papers on differences between sexes, races, and individuals +serve as an introduction into the problem of differentiating the aspects +of behavior which are in _original nature_ from those that are +_acquired_ through social experience. Are the apparent differences +between men and women, white and colored, John and James, those which +arise from differences in the germ plasm or from differences in +education and in cultural contacts? The selections must not be taken as +giving the final word upon the subject. At best they represent merely +the conclusions reached by three investigators. Attempts to arrive at +positive differences in favor either of original nature or of education +are frequently made in the interest of preconceived opinion. The +problem, as far as science is concerned, is to discover what limitations +original nature places upon response to social copies, and the ways in +which the inborn potentialities find expression or repression in +differing types of social environment. + +b) _Human nature and social life._--Original nature is represented in +human responses in so far as they are determined by the _innate +structure of the individual organism_. The materials assembled under +this head treat of inborn reactions as influenced, modified, and +reconstructed by the _structure of the social organization_. + +The actual reorganization of human nature takes place in response to the +folkways and mores, the traditions and conventions, of the group. So +potentially fitted for social life is the natural man, however, so +manifold are the expressions that the plastic original tendencies may +take, that instinct is replaced by habit, precedent, personal taboo, and +good form. This remade structure of human nature, this objective mind, +as Hegel called it, is fixed and transmitted in the folkways and mores, +social ritual, i.e., _Sittlichkeit_, to use the German word, and +convention. + +c) _Personality and the social self._--The selections upon +"Personality and the Social Self" bring together and compare the +different definitions of the term. These definitions fall under three +heads: + +(1) _The organism as personality:_ This is a biological statement, +satisfactory as a definition only as preparatory to further analysis. + +(2) _Personality as a complex:_ Personality defined in terms of the +unity of mental life is a conception that has grown up in the recent +"individual psychology," so called. Personality includes, in this case, +not only the memories of the individual and his stream of +consciousness, but also the characteristic organization of mental +complexes and trends which may be thought of as a supercomplex. The +phenomena of double and multiple personalities occur when this unity +becomes disorganized. Disorganization in releasing groups of complexes +from control may even permit the formation of independent organizations. +Morton Prince's book _The Dissociation of a Personality_ is a classic +case study of multiple personality. The selections upon "The Natural +Person versus the Social and Conventional Person" and "The Divided Self +and the Moral Consciousness" indicate the more usual and less extreme +conflicts of opposing sentiments and interests within the organization +of personality. + +(3) _Personality as the role of the individual in the group:_ The word +personality is derived from the Latin _persona_, a mask used by actors. +The etymology of the term suggests that its meaning is to be found in +the role of the individual in the social group. By usage, personality +carries the implication of the social expression of behavior. +Personality may then be defined as the sum and organization of those +traits which determine the role of the individual in the group. The +following is a classification of the characteristics of the person which +affect his social status and efficiency: + + (a) physical traits, as physique, physiognomy, etc.; + (b) temperament; + (c) character; + (d) social expression, as by facial expression, gesture, manner, + speech, writing, etc.; + (e) prestige, as by birth, past success, status, etc.; + (f) the individual's conception of his role. + +The significance of these traits consists in the way in which they enter +into the role of the individual in his social milieu. Chief among these +may be considered the individual's conception of the part which he plays +among his fellows. Cooley's discriminating description of "the +looking-glass self" offers a picture of the process by which the person +conceives himself in terms of the attitudes of others toward him. + + The reflected or looking-glass self seems to have three + principal elements: the imagination of our appearance to the + other person; the imagination of his judgment of that + appearance; and some sort of self-feeling, such as pride or + mortification. The comparison with a looking-glass self hardly + suggests the second element, the imagined judgment, which is + quite essential. The thing that moves us to pride or shame is + not the mere mechanical reflection of ourselves, but an imputed + sentiment, the imagined effect of this reflection upon + another's mind. This is evident from the fact that the + character and weight of that other, in whose mind we see + ourselves, makes all the difference with our feeling.[56] + +Veblen has made a subtle analysis of the way in which conduct is +controlled by the individual's conception of his social role in his +analysis of "invidious comparison" and "conspicuous expenditure."[57] + +d) _Biological and social inheritance._--The distinction between +biological and social inheritance is sharply made by the noted +biologist, J. Arthur Thomson, in the selection entitled "Nature and +Nurture." The so-called "acquired characters" or modifications of +original nature through experience, he points out, are transmitted not +through the germ plasm but through communication. + +Thorndike's "Inventory of Original Tendencies" offers a detailed +classification of the traits transmitted biologically. Since there +exists no corresponding specific analysis of acquired traits, the +following brief inventory of types of social heritages is offered. + + TYPES OF SOCIAL HERITAGES + + (a) means of communication, as language, gesture, etc.; + (b) social attitudes, habits, wishes, etc.; + (c) character; + (d) social patterns, as folkways, mores, conventions, ideals, + etc.; + (e) technique; + (f) culture (as distinguished from technique, formal organization, + and machinery); + (g) social organization (primary group life, institutions, sects, + secondary groups, etc.). + +On the basis of the work of Mendel, biologists have made marked progress +in determining the inheritance of specific traits of original nature. +The selection from a foremost American student of heredity and eugenics, +C. B. Davenport, entitled "Inheritance of Original Nature" indicates the +precision and accuracy with which the prediction of the inheritance of +individual innate traits is made. + +The mechanism of the transmission of social heritages, while more open +to observation than biological inheritance, has not been subjected to as +intensive study. The transmission of the social heritage takes place by +communication, as Keller points out, through the medium of the various +senses. The various types of the social heritages are transmitted in two +ways: (a) by tradition, as from generation to generation, and (b) by +acculturation, as from group to group. + +In the communication of the social heritages, either by tradition or by +acculturation, two aspects of the process may be distinguished: (a) +Because of temperament, interest, and run of attention of the members of +the group, the heritage, whether a word, an act of skill, or a social +attitude, may be selected, appropriated, and incorporated into its +culture. This is communication by _imitation_. (b) On the other hand, +the heritage may be imposed upon the members of the group through +authority and routine, by tabu and repression. This is communication by +_inculcation_. In any concrete situation the transmission of a social +heritage may combine varying elements of both processes. Education, as +the etymology of the term suggests, denotes culture of original +tendencies; yet the routine of a school system is frequently organized +about formal discipline rather than around interest, aptitude, and +attention. + +Historically, the scientific interest in the question of biological and +social inheritance has concerned itself with the rather sterile problem +of the weight to be attached on the one hand to physical heredity and on +the other to social heritage. The selection, "Temperament, Tradition, +and Nationality" suggests that a more important inquiry is to determine +how the behavior patterns and the culture of a racial group or a social +class are determined by the interaction of original nature and the +social tradition. According to this conception, racial temperament is an +active selective agency, determining interest and the direction of +attention. The group heritages on the other hand represent a detached +external social environment, a complex of stimuli, effective only in so +far as they call forth responses. The culture of a group is the sum +total and organization of the social heritages which have acquired a +social meaning because of racial temperament and of the historical life +of the group. + + +II. MATERIALS + + +A. THE ORIGINAL NATURE OF MAN + + +1. Original Nature Defined[58] + +A man's nature and the changes that take place in it may be described in +terms of the responses--of thought, feeling, action, and attitude--which +he makes, and of the bonds by which these are connected with the +situations which life offers. Any fact of intellect, character, or skill +means a tendency to respond in a certain way to a certain +situation--involves a _situation_ or state of affairs influencing the +man, a _response_ or state of affairs in the man, and a _connection_ or +bond whereby the latter is the result of the former. + +Any man possesses at the very start of his life--that is, at the moment +when the ovum and spermatozoon which are to produce him have +united--numerous well-defined tendencies to future behavior. Between the +situations which he will meet and the responses which he will make to +them, pre-formed bonds exist. It is already determined by the +constitution of these two germs that under certain circumstances he will +see and hear and feel and act in certain ways. His intellect and morals, +as well as his bodily organs and movements, are in part the consequence +of the nature of the embryo in the first moment of its life. What a man +is and does throughout life is a result of whatever constitution he has +at the start and of the forces that act upon it before and after birth. +I shall use the term "original nature" for the former and "environment" +for the latter. His original nature is thus a name for the nature of the +combined germ-cells from which he springs, and his environment is a name +for the rest of the universe, so far as it may, directly or indirectly, +influence him. + +Three terms, reflexes, instincts, and inborn capacities, divide the work +of naming these unlearned tendencies. When the tendency concerns a very +definite and uniform response to a very simple sensory situation, and +when the connection between the situation and the response is very hard +to modify and is also very strong so that it is almost inevitable, the +connection or response to which it leads is called a reflex. Thus the +knee-jerk is a very definite and uniform response to the simple +sense-stimulus of sudden hard pressure against a certain spot. + +When the response is more indefinite, the situation more complex, and +the connection more modifiable, instinct becomes the customary term. +Thus one's misery at being scorned is too indefinite a response to too +complex a situation and is too easily modifiable to be called a reflex. +When the tendency is to an extremely indefinite response or set of +responses to a very complex situation, as when the connection's final +degree of strength is commonly due to very large contributions from +training, it has seemed more appropriate to replace reflex and instinct +by some term like capacity, or tendency, or potentiality. Thus an +original tendency to respond to the circumstances of school education by +achievement in learning the arts and sciences is called the capacity for +scholarship. + +There is, of course, no gap between reflexes and instincts, or between +instincts and the still less easily describable original tendencies. The +fact is that original tendencies range with respect to the nature of the +responses from such as are single, simple, definite, uniform within the +individual and only slightly variable amongst individuals, to responses +that are highly compound, complex, vague, and variable within one +individual's life and amongst individuals. + +A typical reflex, or instinct, or capacity, as a whole, includes the +ability to be sensitive to a certain situation, the ability to make a +certain response, and the existence of a bond or connection whereby that +response is made to that situation. For instance, the young chick is +sensitive to the absence of other members of his species, is able to +peep, and is so organized that the absence of other members of the +species makes him peep. But the tendency to be sensitive to a certain +situation may exist without the existence of a connection therewith of +any further exclusive response, and the tendency to make a certain +response may exist without the existence of a connection limiting that +response exclusively to any single situation. The three-year-old child +is by inborn nature markedly sensitive to the presence and acts of other +human beings, but the exact nature of his response varies. The original +tendency to cry is very strong, but there is no one situation to which +it is exclusively bound. Original nature seems to decide that the +individual will respond somehow to certain situations more often than it +decides just what he will do, and to decide that he will make certain +responses more often than it decides just when he will make them. So, +for convenience in thinking about man's unlearned equipment, this +appearance of _multiple response_ to one same situation and _multiple +causation_ of one same response may be taken roughly as the fact. + + +2. Inventory of Original Tendencies[59] + +I. _Sensory capacities_ + +II. _Original attentiveness_ + +III. _Gross bodily control_ + +IV. _Food getting and habitation_ + A. Food getting + 1. Eating. 2. Reaching, grasping, putting into the mouth. + 3. Acquisition and possession. 4. Hunting (a) a small + escaping object, (b) a small or moderate-sized object not of + offensive mien, moving away from or past him. 5. Possible + specialized tendencies. 6. Collecting and hoarding. + 7. Avoidance and repulsion. 8. Rivalry and co-operation + B. Habitation + 1. Responses to confinement. 2. Migration and domesticity + +V. _Fear, fighting, and anger_ + A. Fear + 1. Unpleasant expectation and dread. 2. Anxiety and + worry. 3. Dislike and avoidance. 4. Shock. 5. Flight, + paralysis, etc. + B. Fighting + 1. Escape from restraint. 2. Overcoming a moving obstacle. + 3. Counter-attack. 4. Irrational response to pain. + 5. Combat in rivalry. 6. Resentment of presence of other + males in courtship. 7. Angry behavior at persistent + thwarting. + C. Anger + +VI. _Responses to the behavior of other human beings_ + A. Motherly behavior + B. Filial behavior + C. Responses to presence, approval, and scorn of men + 1. Gregariousness. 2. Attention to human beings. 3. Attention-getting. + 4. Responses to approval and scorn. + 5. Responses by approval and scorn + D. Mastering and submissive behavior + 1. Display. 2. Shyness. 3. Self-conscious behavior + E. Other social instincts + 1. Sex behavior. 2. Secretiveness. 3. Rivalry. 4. Co-operation. + 5. Suggestibility and opposition. 6. Envious + and jealous behavior. 7. Greed. 8. Ownership. 9. Kindliness. + 10. Teasing, tormenting, and bullying + F. Imitation + 1. General imitativeness. 2. Imitation of particular forms + of behavior + +VII. _Original satisfiers and annoyers_ + +VIII. _Minor bodily movements and cerebral connections_ + A. Vocalization + B. Visual exploration + C. Manipulation + D. Other possible specializations + 1. Constructiveness. 2. Cleanliness. 3. Adornment and art + E. Curiosity and mental control + 1. Curiosity. 2. The instinct of multiform mental activity. + 3. The instinct of multiform physical activity. + 4. The instinct of workmanship and the desire for excellence + F. Play + +IX. _The emotions and their expression_ + +X. _Consciousness, learning, and remembering_ + + +3. Man Not Born Human[60] + +Man is not born human. It is only slowly and laboriously, in fruitful +contact, co-operation, and conflict with his fellows, that he attains +the distinctive qualities of human nature. In the course of his prenatal +life he has already passed roughly through, or, as the biologists say, +"recapitulated," the whole history of his animal ancestors. He brings +with him at birth a multitude of instincts and tendencies, many of which +persist during life and many of which are only what G. Stanley Hall +calls "vestigial traces" of his brute ancestry, as is shown by the fact +that they are no longer useful and soon disappear. + + These non-volitional movements of earliest infancy and of later + childhood (such as licking things, clicking with the tongue, + grinding the teeth, biting the nails, shrugging corrugations, + pulling buttons, or twisting garments, strings, etc., twirling + pencils, etc.) are relics of past forms of utilities now + essentially obsolete. Ancient modes of locomotion, prehension, + balancing, defense, attack, sensuality, etc., are all + rehearsed, some quite fully and some only by the faintest + mimetic suggestion, flitting spasmodic tensions, gestures, or + facial expressions. + +Human nature may therefore be regarded on the whole as a superstructure +founded on instincts, dispositions, and tendencies, inherited from a +long line of human and animal ancestors. It consists mainly in a higher +organization of forces, a more subtle distillation of potencies latent +in what Thorndike calls "the original nature of man." + + The original nature of man is roughly what is common to all men + minus all adaptations to tools, houses, clothes, furniture, + words, beliefs, religions, laws, science, the arts, and to + whatever in other men's behavior is due to adaptations to them. + From human nature as we find it, take away, first, all that is + in the European but not in the Chinaman, all that is in the + Fiji Islander but not in the Esquimaux, all that is local or + temporary. Then take away also the effects of all products of + human art. What is left of human intellect and character is + largely original--not wholly, for all those elements of + knowledge which we call ideas and judgments must be subtracted + from his responses. Man originally possesses only capacities + which, after a given amount of education, will produce ideas + and judgments. + +Such, in general, is the nature of human beings before that nature has +been modified by experience and formed by the education and the +discipline of contact and intercourse with their fellows. + +Several writers, among them William James, have attempted to make a +rough inventory of the special instinctive tendencies with which human +beings are equipped at birth. First of all there are the simpler +reflexes such as "crying, sneezing, snoring, coughing, sighing, +sobbing, gagging, vomiting, hiccuping, starting, moving the limb in +response to its being tickled, touched or blown upon, spreading the toes +in response to its being touched, tickled, or stroked on the sole of the +foot, extending and raising the arms at any sudden sensory stimulus, or +the quick pulsation of the eyelid." + +Then there are the more complex original tendencies such as sucking, +chewing, sitting up, and gurgling. Among the more general unlearned +responses of children are fear, anger, pugnacity, envy, jealousy, +curiosity, constructiveness, love of festivities, ceremonies and +ordeals, sociability and shyness, secretiveness, etc. Thorndike, who +quotes this list at length, has sought to give definiteness to its +descriptions by clearly defining and distinguishing the character of the +situation to which the behavior cited is a response. For example, to the +situation, "strange man or animal, to solitude, black things, dark +places, holes and corners, a human corpse," the native and unlearned +response is fear. The original response of man to being alone is an +experience of discomfort, to perceiving a crowd, "a tendency to join +them and do what they are doing and an unwillingness to leave off and go +home." It is part of man's original nature when he is in love to conceal +his love affairs, and so forth. + +It is evident from this list that what is meant by original nature is +not confined to the behavior which manifests itself at birth, but +includes man's spontaneous and unlearned responses to situations as they +arise in the experience of the individual. + +The widespread interest in the study of children has inspired in recent +years a considerable literature bearing upon the original and inherited +tendencies of human nature. The difficulty of distinguishing between +what is original and what is acquired among the forms of behavior +reported upon, and the further difficulty of obtaining accurate +descriptions of the situations to which the behavior described was a +response, has made much of this literature of doubtful value for +scientific purposes. These studies have, nevertheless, contributed to a +radical change in our conceptions of human nature. They have shown that +the distinction between the mind of man and that of the lower animals is +not so wide nor so profound as was once supposed. They have emphasized +the fact that human nature rests on animal nature, and the transition +from one to the other, in spite of the contrast in their separate +achievements, has been made by imperceptible gradations. In the same +way they have revealed, beneath differences in culture and individual +achievement, the outlines of a pervasive and relatively unchanging human +nature in which all races and individuals have a common share. + +The study of human nature begins with description, but it goes on from +that point to explanation. If the descriptions which we have thus far +had of human nature are imperfect and lacking in precision, it is +equally true that the explanations thus far invented have, on the whole, +been inadequate. One reason for this has been the difficulty of the +task. The mechanisms which control human behavior are, as might be +expected, tremendously complicated, and the problem of analyzing them +into their elementary forms and reducing their varied manifestations to +precise and lucid formulas is both intricate and perplexing. + +The foundation for the explanation of human nature has been laid, +however, by the studies of behavior in animals and the comparative study +of the physiology of the nervous system. Progress has been made, on the +one hand, by seeking for the precise psycho-chemical process involved in +the nervous reactions, and on the other, by reducing all higher mental +processes to elementary forms represented by the tropisms and reflex +actions. + +In this, science has made a considerable advance upon common sense in +its interpretations of human behavior, but has introduced no new +principle; it has simply made its statements more detailed and exact. +For example, common sense has observed that "the burnt child shuns the +fire," that "the moth seeks the flame." These are both statements of +truths of undoubted generality. In order to give them the validity of +scientific truth, however, we need to know what there is in the nature +of the processes involved that makes it inevitable that the child should +shun the fire and the moth should seek the flame. It is not sufficient +to say that the action in one case is instinctive and in the other +intelligent, unless we are able to give precise and definite meanings to +those terms; unless, in short, we are able to point out the precise +mechanisms through which these reactions are carried out. The following +illustration from Loeb's volume on the comparative physiology of the +brain will illustrate the distinction between the common sense and the +more precise scientific explanation of the behavior in man and the lower +animals. + + It is a well-known fact that if an ant be removed from a nest + and afterward put back it will not be attacked, while almost + invariably an ant belonging to another nest will be attacked. + It has been customary to use the words memory, enmity, + friendship, in describing this fact. Now Bethe made the + following experiment: an ant was placed in the liquids (blood + and lymph) squeezed out from the bodies of nest companions and + was then put back into its nest; it was not attacked. It was + then put in the juice taken from the inmates of a "hostile" + nest and was at once attacked and killed. Bethe was able to + prove by special experiments that these reactions of ants are + not learned by experience, but are inherited. The "knowing" of + "friend and foe" among ants is thus reduced to different + reactions, depending upon the nature of the chemical stimulus + and in no way depending upon memory. + +Here, again, there is no essential difference between the common sense +and the scientific explanation of the behavior of the ant except so far +as the scientific explanation is more accurate, defining the precise +mechanisms by which the recognition of "friend and foe" is effected, and +the limitations to which it is subject. + +Another result of the study of the comparative behavior of man and the +lower animals has been to convince students that there is no fundamental +difference between what was formerly called intelligent and instinctive +behavior; that they may rather be reduced, as has been said, to the +elementary form of reaction represented by the simple reflex in animals +and the tropism in plants. Thus Loeb says: + + A prominent psychologist has maintained that reflexes are to be + considered as the mechanical effects of acts of volition of + past generations. The ganglion-cell seems the only place where + such mechanical effects could be stored up. It has therefore + been considered the most essential element of the reflex + mechanism, the nerve-fibers being regarded, and probably + correctly, merely as conductors. + + Both the authors who emphasize the purposefulness of the reflex + act, and those who see in it only a physical process, have + invariably looked upon the ganglion-cell as the principal + bearer of the structures for the complex co-ordinated movements + in reflex action. + + I should have been as little inclined as any other physiologist + to doubt the correctness of this conception had not the + establishment of the identity of the reactions of animals and + plants to light proved the untenability of this view and at the + same time offered a different conception of reflexes. The + flight of the moth into the flame is a typical reflex process. + The light stimulates the peripheral sense organs, the stimulus + passes to the central nervous system, and from there to the + muscles of the wings, and the moth is caused to fly into the + flame. This reflex process agrees in every point with the + heliotropic effects of light on plant organs. Since plants + possess no nerves, this identity of animal with plant + heliotropism can offer but one inference--these heliotropic + effects must depend upon conditions which are common to both + animals and plants. + +On the other hand, Watson, in his _Introduction to Comparative +Psychology_, defines the reflex as "a unit of analysis of instinct," and +this means that instinctive actions in man and in animals may be +regarded as combinations of simple reflex actions, that is to say of +"fairly definite and generally predictable but unlearned responses of +lower and higher organisms to stimuli." Many of these reflex responses +are not fixed, as they were formerly supposed to be, but "highly +unstable and indefinite." This fact makes possible the formation of +habits, by combination and fixation of these inherited responses. + +These views in the radical form in which they are expressed by Loeb and +Watson have naturally enough been the subject of considerable +controversy, both on scientific and sentimental grounds. They seem to +reduce human behavior to a system of chemical and physical reactions, +and rob life of all its spiritual values. On the other hand, it must be +remembered that human beings, like other forms of nature, have this +mechanical aspect and it is precisely the business of natural science to +discover and lay them bare. It is only thus that we are able to gain +control over ourselves and of others. It is a matter of common +experience that we do form habits and that education and social control +are largely dependent upon our ability to establish habits in ourselves +and in others. Habit is, in fact, a characteristic example of just what +is meant by "mechanism," in the sense in which it is here used. It is +through the fixation of habit that we gain that control over our +"original nature," which lifts us above the brutes and gives human +nature its distinctive character as human. Character is nothing more +than the sum and co-ordination of those mechanisms which we call habit +and which are formed on the basis of the inherited and instinctive +tendencies and dispositions which we share in so large a measure with +the lower animals. + + +4. The Natural Man[61] + +"Its first act is a cry, not of wrath, as Kant said, nor a shout of joy, +as Schwartz thought, but a snuffling, and then a long, thin, tearless +a-a, with the timbre of a Scotch bagpipe, purely automatic, but of +discomfort. With this monotonous and dismal cry, with its red, +shriveled, parboiled skin (for the child commonly loses weight the first +few days), squinting, cross-eyed, pot-bellied, and bow-legged, it is not +strange that, if the mother has not followed Froebel's exhortations and +come to love her child before birth, there is a brief interval +occasionally dangerous to the child before the maternal instinct is +fully aroused." + +The most curious of all the monkey traits shown by the new-born baby is +the one investigated by Dr. Louis Robinson. It was suggested by _The +Luck of Roaring Camp_. The question was raised in conversation whether a +limp and molluscous baby, unable so much as to hold up its head on its +helpless little neck, could do anything so positive as to "rastle with" +Kentuck's finger; and the more knowing persons present insisted that a +young baby does, as a matter of fact, have a good firm hand-clasp. It +occurred to Dr. Robinson that if this was true it was a beautiful +Darwinian point, for clinging and swinging by the arms would naturally +have been a specialty with our ancestors if they ever lived a +monkey-like life in the trees. The baby that could cling best to its +mother as she used hands, feet, and tail to flee in the best time over +the trees, or to get at the more inaccessible fruits and eggs in time of +scarcity, would be the baby that lived to bequeath his traits to his +descendants; so that to this day our housed and cradled human babies +would keep in their clinging powers a reminiscence of our wild treetop +days. + +There is another class of movements, often confused with the +reflex--that is, instinctive movements. Real grasping (as distinguished +from reflex grasping), biting, standing, walking, are examples of this +class. They are race movements, the habits of the species to which the +animal belongs, and every normal member of the species is bound to come +to them; yet they are not so fixed in the bodily mechanism as the reflex +movements. + +The one instinct the human baby always brings into the world already +developed is half a mere reflex act--that of sucking. It is started as a +reflex would be, by the touch of some object--pencil, finger, or nipple, +it may be--between the lips; but it does not act like a reflex after +that. It continues and ceases without reference to this external +stimulus, and a little later often begins without it, or fails to begin +when the stimulus is given. If it has originally a reflex character, +that character fades out and leaves it a pure instinct. + +My little niece evidently felt a difference between light and darkness +from the first hour, for she stopped crying when her face was exposed to +gentle light. Two or three report also a turning of the head toward the +light within the first week. The nurse, who was intelligent and exact, +thought she saw this in the case of my niece. I did not, but I saw +instead a constant turning of the eyes toward a person coming near +her--that is, toward a large dark mass that interrupted the light. No +other sign of vision appeared in the little one during the first +fortnight. The eyes were directed to nothing, fixed on nothing. They did +not wink if one made a pass at them. There was no change of focus for +near or distant seeing. + +The baby showed no sign of hearing anything until the third day, when +she started violently at the sound of tearing paper, some eight feet +from her. After that, occasional harsh or sudden sounds--oftener the +rustling of paper than anything else--could make her start or cry. It is +well established by the careful tests of several physiologists that +babies are deaf for a period lasting from several hours to several days +after birth. + +Taste and smell were senses that the baby gave no sign of owning till +much later. The satisfaction of hunger was quite enough to account for +the contentment she showed in nursing; and when she was not hungry she +would suck the most tasteless object as cheerfully as any other. + +Our baby showed from the first that she was aware when she was touched. +She stopped crying when she was cuddled or patted. She showed comfort in +the bath, which may have been in part due to freedom from the contact of +clothes, and to liking for the soft touches of the water. She responded +with sucking motions to the first touch of the nipple on her lips. + +Our baby showed temperament--luckily of the easy-going and cheerful +kind--from her first day, though we could hardly see this except by +looking backward. On the twenty-fifth day, toward evening, when the baby +was lying on her grandmother's knee by the fire, in a condition of high +well-being and content, gazing at her grandmother's face with an +expression of attention, I came and sat down close by, leaning over the +baby, so that my face must have come within the indirect range of her +vision. At that she turned her eyes to my face and gazed at it with the +same appearance of attention, and even of some effort, shown by the +slight tension of brows and lips, then turned her eyes back to her +grandmother's face, and again to mine, and so several times. The last +time she seemed to catch sight of my shoulder, on which a high light +struck from the lamp, and not only moved her eyes but threw her head far +back to see it better, and gazed for some time with a new expression on +her face--"a sort of dim and rudimentary eagerness," says my note. She +no longer stared, but really looked. + +The baby's increased interest in seeing centered especially on the faces +about her, at which she gazed with rapt interest. Even during the period +of mere staring, faces had oftenest held her eyes, probably because they +were oftener brought within the range of her clearest seeing than other +light surfaces. The large, light, moving patch of the human face (as +Preyer has pointed out) coming and going in the field of vision, and +oftener chancing to hover at the point of clearest seeing than any other +object, embellished with a play of high lights on cheeks, teeth, and +eyes, is calculated to excite the highest degree of attention a baby is +capable of at a month old. So from the very first--before the baby has +yet really seen his mother--her face and that of his other nearest +friends become the most active agents in his development and the most +interesting things in his experience. + +Our baby was at this time in a way aware of the difference between +companionship and solitude. In the latter days of the first month she +would lie contentedly in the room with people near by, but would fret if +left alone. But by the end of the month she was apt to fret when she was +laid down on a chair or lounge, and to become content only when taken +into the lap. This was not yet distinct memory and desire, but it showed +that associations of pleasure had been formed with the lap, and that +she felt a vague discomfort in the absence of these. + +Nature has provided an educational appliance almost ideally adapted to +the child's sense condition, in the mother's face, hovering close above +him, smiling, laughing, nodding, with all manner of delightful changes +in the high lights; in the thousand little meaningless caressing sounds, +the singing, talking, calling, that proceed from it; the patting, +cuddling, lifting, and all the ministrations that the baby feels while +gazing at it, and associates with it, till finally they group together +and round out into the idea of his mother as a whole. + +Our baby's mother rather resented the idea of being to her baby only a +collection of detached phenomena, instead of a mamma; but the more you +think of it, the more flattering it is to be thus, as it were, dissolved +into your elements and incorporated item by item into the very +foundations of your baby's mental life. Herein is hinted much of the +philosophy of personality; and Professor Baldwin has written a solid +book, mainly to show from the development of babies and little children +that all other people are part of each of us, and each of us is part of +all other people, and so there is really no separate personality, but we +are all one spirit, if we did but know it. + + +5. Sex Differences[62] + +As children become physically differentiated in respect of sex, so also +does a mental differentiation ensue. Differences are observed in the +matter of occupation, of games, of movements, and numerous other +details. Since man is to play the active part in life, boys rejoice +especially in rough outdoor games. Girls, on the other hand, prefer such +games as correspond to their future occupations. Hence their inclination +to mother smaller children, and to play with dolls. Watch how a little +girl takes care of her doll, washes it, dresses and undresses it. When +only six or seven years of age she is often an excellent nurse. Her need +to occupy herself in such activities is often so great that she pretends +that her doll is ill. + +In all kinds of ways, we see the little girl occupying herself in the +activities and inclinations of her future existence. She practices house +work; she has a little kitchen, in which she cooks for herself and her +doll. She is fond of needlework. The care of her own person, and more +especially its adornment, is not forgotten. I remember seeing a girl of +three who kept on interrupting her elders' conversation by crying out, +"New clothes!" and would not keep quiet until these latter had been duly +admired. The love of self-adornment is almost peculiar to female +children; boys, on the other hand, prefer rough outdoor games, in which +their muscles are actively employed, robber-games, soldier-games, and +the like. And whereas, in early childhood, both sexes are fond of very +noisy games, the fondness for these disappears earlier in girls than in +boys. + +Differences between the sexes have been established also by means of +experimental psychology, based upon the examination of a very large +number of instances. Berthold Hartmann has studied the childish circle +of thought, by means of a series of experiments. Schoolboys to the +number of 660 and schoolgirls to the number of 652, at ages between five +and three-fourths and six and three-fourths years, were subjected to +examination. It was very remarkable to see how, in respect to certain +ideas, such as those of the triangle, cube, and circle, the girls +greatly excelled the boys; whereas in respect of animals, minerals, and +social ideas, the boys were better informed than the girls. +Characteristic of the differences between the sexes, according to +Meumann, from whom I take these details and some of those that follow, +is the fact that the idea of "marriage" was known to only 70 boys as +compared to 227 girls; whilst the idea of "infant baptism" was known to +180 boys as compared to 220 girls. The idea of "pleasure" was also much +better understood by girls than by boys. Examination of the memory has +also established the existence of differences between the sexes in +childhood. In boys the memory for objects appears to be at first the +best developed; to this succeeds the memory for words with a visual +content; in the case of girls, the reverse of this was observed. In +respect of numerous details, however, the authorities conflict. Very +striking is the fact, one upon which a very large number of +investigators are agreed, that girls have a superior knowledge of +colors. + +There are additional psychological data relating to the differences +between the sexes in childhood. I may recall Stern's investigations +concerning the psychology of evidence, which showed that girls were much +more inaccurate than boys. + +It has been widely assumed that these psychical differences between the +sexes result from education, and are not inborn. Others, however, assume +that the psychical characteristics by which the sexes are differentiated +result solely from individual differences in education. Stern believes +that in the case of one differential character, at least, he can prove +that for many centuries there has been no difference between the sexes +in the matter of education; this character is the capacity for drawing. +Kerschensteiner has studied the development of this gift, and considers +that his results have established beyond dispute that girls are greatly +inferior in this respect to boys of like age. Stern points out that +there can be no question here of cultivation leading to a sexual +differentiation of faculty, since there is no attempt at a general and +systematic teaching of draughtsmanship to the members of one sex to the +exclusion of members of the other. + +I believe that we are justified in asserting that at the present time +the sexual differentiation manifested in respect of quite a number of +psychical qualities is the result of direct inheritance. It would be +quite wrong to assume that all these differences arise in each +individual in consequence of education. It does, indeed, appear to me to +be true that inherited tendencies may be increased or diminished by +individual education; and further, that when the inherited tendency is +not a very powerful one, it may in this way even be suppressed. + +We must not forget the frequent intimate association between structure +and function. Rough outdoor games and wrestling thus correspond to the +physical constitution of the boy. So, also, it is by no means improbable +that the little girl, whose pelvis and hips have already begun to +indicate by their development their adaption for the supreme functions +of the sexually mature woman, should experience obscurely a certain +impulsion toward her predestined maternal occupation, and that her +inclinations and amusements should in this way be determined. Many, +indeed, and above all the extreme advocates of women's rights, prefer to +maintain that such sexually differentiated inclinations result solely +from differences in individual education: if the boy has no enduring +taste for dolls and cooking, this is because his mother and others have +told him, perhaps with mockery, that such amusements are unsuited to a +boy; whilst in a similar way the girl is dissuaded from the rough +sports of boyhood. Such an assumption is the expression of that general +psychological and educational tendency, which ascribes to the activity +of the will an overwhelmingly powerful influence upon the development of +the organs subserving the intellect, and secondarily also upon that of +the other organs of the body. We cannot dispute the fact that in such a +way the activity of the will may, within certain limits, be effective, +especially in cases in which the inherited tendency thus counteracted is +comparatively weak; but only within certain limits. Thus we can +understand how it is that in some cases, by means of education, a child +is impressed with characteristics normally foreign to its sex; qualities +and tendencies are thus developed which ordinarily appear only in a +child of the opposite sex. But even though we must admit that the +activity of the individual may operate in this way, none the less we are +compelled to assume that certain tendencies are inborn. The failure of +innumerable attempts to counteract such inborn tendencies by means of +education throws a strong light upon the limitations of the activity of +the individual will; and the same must be said of a large number of +other experiences. + +Criminological experiences appear also to confirm the notion of an +inherited sexual differentiation, in children as well as in adults. +According to various statistics, embracing not only the period of +childhood, but including as well the period of youth, we learn that +girls constitute one-fifth only of the total number of youthful +criminals. A number of different explanations have been offered to +account for this disproportion. Thus, for instance, attention has been +drawn to the fact that a girl's physical weakness renders her incapable +of attempting violent assaults upon the person, and this would suffice +to explain why it is that girls so rarely commit such crimes. In the +case of offenses for which bodily strength is less requisite, such as +fraud, theft, etc., the number of youthful female offenders is +proportionately larger, although here also they are less numerous than +males of corresponding age charged with the like offenses. It has been +asserted that in the law courts girls find more sympathy than boys, and +that for this reason the former receive milder sentences than the +latter; hence it results that in appearance merely the criminality of +girls is less than that of boys. Others, again, refer the differences in +respect of criminality between the youthful members of the two sexes to +the influences of education and general environment. Morrison, however, +maintains that all these influences combined are yet insufficient to +account for the great disproportion between the sexes, and insists that +there exists in youth as well as in adult life a specific sexual +differentiation, based, for the most part, upon biological differences +of a mental and physical character. + +Such a marked differentiation as there is between the adult man and the +adult woman certainly does not exist in childhood. Similarly in respect +of many other qualities, alike bodily and mental, in respect of many +inclinations and numerous activities, we find that in childhood sexual +differentiation is less marked than it is in adult life. None the less, +a number of sexual differences can be shown to exist even in childhood; +and as regards many other differences, though they are not yet apparent, +we are nevertheless compelled to assume that they already exist +potentially in the organs of the child. + + +6. Racial Differences[63] + +The results of the Cambridge expedition to the Torres Straits have shown +that in acuteness of vision, hearing, smell, etc., these peoples are not +noticeably different from our own. We conclude that the remarkable tales +adduced to the contrary by various travelers are to be explained, not by +the acuteness of sensation, but by the acuteness of interpretation of +primitive peoples. Take the savage into the streets of a busy city and +see what a number of sights and sounds he will neglect because of their +meaninglessness to him. Take the sailor whose powers of discerning a +ship on the horizon appear to the landsman so extraordinary, and set him +to detect micro-organisms in the field of a microscope. Is it then +surprising that primitive man should be able to draw inferences which to +the stranger appear marvelous, from the merest specks in the far +distance or from the faintest sounds, odors, or tracks in the jungle? +Such behavior serves only to attest the extraordinary powers of +observation in primitive man with respect to things which are of use and +hence of interest to him. The same powers are shown in the vast number +of words he will coin to denote the same object, say a certain tree at +different stages of its growth. + +We concluded, then, that no fundamental difference in powers of sensory +acuity, nor, indeed, in sensory discrimination, exists between primitive +and civilized communities. Further, there is no proof of any difference +in memory between them, save, perhaps, in a greater tendency for +primitive folk to use and to excel in mere mechanical learning, in +preference to rational learning. But this surely is also the +characteristic of the European peasant. He will never commit things to +memory by thinking of their meaning, if he can learn them by rote. + +In temperament we meet with just the same variations in primitive as in +civilized communities. In every primitive society is to be found the +flighty, the staid, the energetic, the indolent, the cheerful, the +morose, the even-, the hot-tempered, the unthinking, the philosophical +individual. At the same time, the average differences between different +primitive peoples are as striking as those between the average German +and the average Italian. + +It is a common but manifest error to suppose that primitive man is +distinguished from the civilized peasant in that he is freer and that +his conduct is less under control. On the contrary, the savage is +probably far more hidebound than we are by social regulations. His life +is one round of adherence to the demands of custom. For instance, he may +be compelled even to hand over his own children at their birth to +others; he may be prohibited from speaking to certain of his relatives; +his choice of a wife may be very strictly limited by traditional laws; +at every turn there are ceremonies to be performed and presents to be +made by him so that misfortune may be safely averted. As to the control +which primitive folk exercise over their conduct, this varies enormously +among different peoples; but if desired, I could bring many instances of +self-control before you which would put to shame the members even of our +most civilized communities. + +Now since in all these various mental characters no appreciable +difference exists between primitive and advanced communities, the +question arises, what is the most important difference between them? I +shall be told, in the capacity for logical and abstract thought. But by +how much logical and abstract thought is the European peasant superior +to his primitive brother? Study our country folklore, study the actual +practices in regard to healing and religion which prevail in every +European peasant community today, and what essential differences are +discoverable? Of course, it will be urged that these practices are +continued unthinkingly, that they are merely vestiges of a period when +once they were believed and were full of meaning. But this, I am +convinced, is far from being generally true, and it also certainly +applies to many of the ceremonies and customs of primitive peoples. + +It will be said that although the European peasant may not in the main +think more logically and abstractly, he has, nevertheless, the +potentiality for such thought, should only the conditions for its +manifestations--education and the like--ever be given. From such as he +have been produced the geniuses of Europe--the long line of artists and +inventors who have risen from the lowest ranks. + +I will consider this objection later. At present it is sufficient for my +purpose to have secured the admission that the peasants of Europe do not +as a whole use their mental powers in a much more logical or abstract +manner than do primitive people. I maintain that such superiority as +they have is due to differences (1) of environment and (2) of +variability. + +We must remember that the European peasant grows up in a (more or less) +civilized environment; he learns a (more or less) well-developed and +written language, which serves as an easier instrument and a stronger +inducement for abstract thought; he is born into a (more or less) +advanced religion. All these advantages and the advantage of a more +complex education the European peasant owes to his superiors in ability +and civilization. Rob the peasant of these opportunities, plunge him +into the social environment of present primitive man, and what +difference in thinking power will be left between them? + +The answer to this question brings me to the second point of difference +which I have mentioned--the difference in variability. I have already +alluded to the divergencies in temperament to be found among the members +of every primitive community. But well marked as are these and other +individual differences, I suspect that they are less prominent among +primitive than among more advanced peoples. This difference in +variability, if really existent, is probably the outcome of more +frequent racial admixture and more complex social environment in +civilized communities. In another sense, the variability of the savage +is indicated by the comparative data afforded by certain psychological +investigations. A civilized community may not differ much from a +primitive one in the mean or average of a given character, but the +extreme deviations which it shows from that mean will be more numerous +and more pronounced. This kind of variability has probably another +source. The members of a primitive community behave toward the applied +test in the simplest manner, by the use of a mental process which we +will call A, whereas those of a more advanced civilization employ other +mental processes, in addition to A, say B, C, D, or E, each individual +using them in different degrees for the performance of one and the same +test. Finally, there is in all likelihood a third kind of variability, +whose origin is ultimately environmental, which is manifested by +extremes of nervous instability. Probably the exceptionally defective +and the exceptional genius are more common among civilized than among +primitive peoples. + +Similar features undoubtedly meet us in the study of sexual differences. +The average results of various tests of mental ability applied to men +and women are not, on the whole, very different for the two sexes, but +the men always show considerably greater individual variation than the +women. And here, at all events, the relation between the frequency of +mental deficiency and genius in the two sexes is unquestionable. Our +asylums contain a considerably greater number of males than of females, +as a compensation for which genius is decidedly less frequent in females +than in males. + + +7. Individual Differences[64] + +The life of a man is a double series--a series of effects produced in +him by the rest of the world, and a series of effects produced in that +world by him. A man's make-up or nature equals his tendencies to be +influenced in certain ways by the world and to react in certain ways to +it. + +If we could thus adequately describe each of a million human beings--if, +for each one, we could prophesy just what the response would be to every +possible situation of life--the million men would be found to differ +widely. Probably no two out of the million would be so alike in mental +nature as to be indistinguishable by one who knew their entire natures. +Each has an individuality which marks him off from other men. We may +study a human being in respect to his common humanity, or in respect to +his individuality. In other words, we may study the features of +intellect and character which are common to all men, to man as a +species; or we may study the differences in intellect and character +which distinguish individual men. + +Individuals are commonly considered as differing in respect to such +traits either quantitatively or qualitatively, either in degree or in +kind. A quantitative difference exists when the individuals have +different amounts of the same trait. Thus, "John is more attentive to +his teacher than James is"; "Mary loves dolls less than Lucy does"; "A +had greater devotion to his country than B had"; are reports of +quantitative differences, of differences in the amount of what is +assumed to be the same kind of thing. A qualitative difference exists +when some quality or trait possessed by one individual is lacking in the +other. Thus, "Tom knows German, Dick does not"; "A is artistic, B is +scientific"; "C is a man of thought, D is a man of action"; are reports +of the fact that Tom has some positive amount or degree of the trait +"knowledge of German" while Dick has none of it; that A has some +positive amount of ability and interest in art while B has zero; whereas +B has a positive amount of ability in science, of which A has none; and +so on. + +A qualitative difference in intellect or character is thus really a +quantitative difference wherein one term is zero, or a compound of two +or more quantitative differences. All intelligible differences are +ultimately quantitative. The difference between any two individuals, if +describable at all, is described by comparing the amounts which A +possesses of various traits with the amounts which B possesses of the +same traits. In intellect and character, differences of kind between one +individual and another turn out to be definable, if defined at all, as +compound differences of degree. + +If we could list all the traits, each representing some one +characteristic of human nature, and measure the amount of each of them +possessed by a man, we could represent his nature--read his +character--in a great equation. John Smith would equal so many units of +this, plus so many units of that, and so on. Such a mental inventory +would express his individuality conceivably in its entirety and with +great exactitude. No such list has been made for any man, much less have +the exact amounts of each trait possessed by him been measured. But in +certain of the traits, many individuals have been measured; and certain +individuals have been measured, each in a large number of traits. + +It is useless to recount the traits in which men have been found to +differ. For there is no trait in which they do not differ. Of course, if +the scale by which individuals are measured is very coarsely divided, +their differences may be hidden. If, for example, ability to learn is +measured on a scale with only two divisions, (1) "ability to learn less +than the average kitten can" and (2) "ability to learn more than the +average kitten can," all men may be put in class two, just as if their +heights were measured on a scale of one yard, two yards, or three yards, +nearly all men would alike be called two yards high. But whenever the +scale of measurement is made fine enough, differences at once appear. +Their existence is indubitable to any impartial observer. The early +psychologists neglected or failed to see them precisely because the +early psychology was partial. It believed in a typical or pattern mind, +after the manner of which all minds were created, and from whom they +differed only by rare accidents. It studied "the mind," and neglected +individual minds. It studied "the will" of "man," neglecting the +interests, impulses, and habits of actual men. + +The differences exist at birth and commonly increase with progress +toward maturity. Individuality is already clearly manifest in children +of school age. The same situation evokes widely differing responses; the +same task is done at differing speeds and with different degrees of +success; the same treatment produces differing results. There can be +little doubt that of a thousand ten-year-olds taken at random, some will +be four times as energetic, industrious, quick, courageous, or honest as +others, or will possess four times as much refinement, knowledge of +arithmetic, power of self-control, sympathy, or the like. It has been +found that among children of the same age and, in essential respects, of +the same home training and school advantages, some do in the same time +six times as much, or do the same amount with only one-tenth as many +errors. + + +B. HUMAN NATURE AND SOCIAL LIFE + + +1. Human Nature and Its Remaking[65] + +Human beings as we find them are artificial products; and for better or +for worse they must always be such. Nature has made us: social action +and our own efforts must continually remake us. Any attempt to reject +art for "nature" can only result in an artificial naturalness which is +far less genuine and less pleasing than the natural work of art. + +Further, as self-consciousness varies, the amount or degree of this +remaking activity will vary. Among the extremely few respects in which +human history shows unquestionable growth we must include the degree and +range of self-consciousness. The gradual development of psychology as a +science and the persistent advance of the subjective or introspective +element in literature and in all fine art are tokens of this change. And +as a further indication and result, the art of human reshaping has taken +definite character, has left its incidental beginnings far behind, has +become an institution, a group of institutions. + +Wherever a language exists, as a magazine of established meanings, there +will be found a repertoire of epithets of praise and blame, at once +results and implements of this social process. The simple existence of +such a vocabulary acts as a persistent force; but the effect of current +ideals is redoubled when a coherent agency, such as public religion, +assumes protection of the most searching social maxims and lends to them +the weight of all time, all space, all wonder, and all fear. For many +centuries religion held within itself the ripening self-knowledge and +self-discipline of the human mind. Now, beside this original agency we +have its offshoots, politics, education, legislation, the penal art. And +the philosophical sciences, including psychology and ethics, are the +especial servants of these arts. + +As to structure, human nature is undoubtedly the most plastic part of +the living world, the most adaptable, the most educable. Of all animals, +it is man in whom heredity counts for least, and conscious building +forces for most. Consider that his infancy is longest, his instincts +least fixed, his brain most unfinished at birth, his powers of +habit-making and habit-changing most marked, his susceptibility to +social impressions keenest; and it becomes clear that in every way +nature, as a prescriptive power, has provided in him for her own +displacement. His major instincts and passions first appear on the +scene, not as controlling forces, but as elements of _play_, in a +prolonged life of play. Other creatures nature could largely finish: the +human creature must finish himself. + +And as to history, it cannot be said that the results of man's attempts +at self-modeling appear to belie the liberty thus promised in his +constitution. If he has retired his natural integument in favor of a +device called clothing, capable of expressing endless nuances, not alone +of status and wealth, but of temper and taste as well--conservatism or +venturesomeness, solemnity, gaiety, profusion, color, dignity, +carelessness or whim, he has not failed to fashion his inner self into +equally various modes of character and custom. That is a hazardous +refutation of socialism which consists in pointing out that its success +would require a change in human nature. Under the spell of particular +ideas monastic communities have flourished, in comparison with whose +demands upon human nature the change required by socialism--so far as it +calls for purer altruism and not pure economic folly--is trivial. To any +one who asserts as a dogma that "human nature never changes," it is fair +to reply, "It is human nature to change itself." + +When one reflects to what extent racial and national traits are manners +of the mind, fixed by social rather than by physical heredity, while the +bodily characters themselves may be due in no small measure to sexual +choices at first experimental, then imitative, then habitual, one is not +disposed to think lightly of the human capacity for self-modification. +But it is still possible to be skeptical as to the depth and permanence +of any changes which are genuinely voluntary. There are few maxims of +conduct, and few laws so contrary to nature that they could not be put +into momentary effect by individuals or by communities. Plato's Republic +has never been fairly tried; but fragments of this and other Utopias +have been common enough in history. No one presumes to limit what men +can _attempt_; one only inquires what the silent forces are which +determine what can _last_. + +What, to be explicit, is the possible future of measures dealing with +divorce, with war, with political corruption, with prostitution, with +superstition? Enthusiastic idealism is too precious an energy to be +wasted if we can spare it false efforts by recognizing those permanent +ingredients of our being indicated by the words pugnacity, greed, sex, +fear. Machiavelli was not inclined to make little of what an unhampered +ruler could do with his subjects; yet he saw in such passions as these a +fixed limit to the power of the Prince. "It makes him hated above all +things to be rapacious, and to be violator of the property and women of +his subjects, from both of which he must abstain." And if Machiavelli's +despotism meets its master in the undercurrents of human instinct, +governments of less determined stripe, whether of states or of persons, +would hardly do well to treat these ultimate data with less respect. + + +2. Human Nature, Folkways, and the Mores[66] + +It is generally taken for granted that men inherited some guiding +instincts from their beast ancestry, and it may be true, although it has +never been proved. If there were such inheritances, they controlled and +aided the first efforts to satisfy needs. Analogy makes it easy to +assume that the ways of beasts had produced channels of habit and +predisposition along which dexterities and other psycho-physical +activities would run easily. Experiments with new born animals show that +in the absence of any experience of the relation of means to ends, +efforts to satisfy needs are clumsy and blundering. The method is that +of trial and failure, which produces repeated pain, loss, and +disappointments. Nevertheless, it is the method of rude experiment and +selection. The earliest efforts of men were of this kind. Need was the +impelling force. Pleasure and pain, on the one side and the other, were +the rude constraints which defined the line on which efforts must +proceed. The ability to distinguish between pleasure and pain is the +only psychical power which is to be assumed. Thus ways of doing things +were selected which were expedient. They answered the purpose better +than other ways, or with less toil and pain. Along the course on which +efforts were compelled to go, habit, routine, and skill were developed. +The struggle to maintain existence was carried on, not individually, but +in groups. Each profited by the other's experience; hence there was +concurrence toward that which proved to be most expedient. + +All at last adopted the same way for the same purpose; hence the ways +turned into customs and became mass phenomena. Instincts were developed +in connection with them. In this way folkways arise. The young learn +them by tradition, imitation, and authority. The folkways, at a time, +provide for all the needs of life then and there. They are uniform, +universal in the group, imperative, and invariable. + +The operation by which folkways are produced consists in the frequent +repetition of petty acts, often by great numbers acting in concert or, +at least, acting in the same way when face to face with the same need. +The immediate motive is interest. It produces habit in the individual +and custom in the group. It is, therefore, in the highest degree +original and primitive. Out of the unconscious experiment which every +repetition of the ways includes, there issues pleasure or pain, and +then, so far as the men are capable of reflection, convictions that the +ways are conducive to social welfare. When this conviction as to the +relation to welfare is added to the folkways, they are converted into +mores, and, by virtue of the philosophical and ethical element added to +them, they win utility and importance and become the source of the +science and the art of living. + +It is of the first importance to notice that, from the first acts by +which men try to satisfy needs, each act stands by itself, and looks no +further than immediate satisfaction. From recurrent needs arise habits +for the individual and customs for the group, but these results are +consequences which were never conscious and never foreseen or intended. +They are not noticed until they have long existed, and it is still +longer before they are appreciated. Another long time must pass, and a +higher stage of mental development must be reached, before they can be +used as a basis from which to deduce rules for meeting, in the future, +problems whose pressure can be foreseen. The folkways, therefore, are +not creations of human purpose and wit. They are like products of +natural forces which men unconsciously set in operation, or they are +like the instinctive ways of animals, which are developed out of +experience, which reach a final form of maximum adaptation to an +interest, which are handed down by tradition and admit of no exception +or variation, yet change to meet new conditions, still within the same +limited methods, and without rational reflection or purpose. From this +it results that all the life of human beings, in all ages and stages of +culture, is primarily controlled by a vast mass of folkways handed down +from the earliest existence of the race, having the nature of the ways +of other animals, only the topmost layers of which are subject to change +and control, and have been somewhat modified by human philosophy, +ethics, and religion, or by other acts of intelligent reflection. We are +told of savages that "it is difficult to exhaust the customs and small +ceremonial usages of a savage people. Custom regulates the whole of a +man's actions--his bathing, washing, cutting his hair, eating, drinking, +and fasting. From his cradle to his grave he is the slave of ancient +usage. In his life there is nothing free, nothing original, nothing +spontaneous, no progress toward a higher and better life, and no attempt +to improve his condition, mentally, morally, or spiritually." All men +act in this way, with only a little wider margin of voluntary variation. + +The folkways are, therefore: (1) subject to a strain of improvement +toward better adaptation of means to ends, as long as the adaptation is +so imperfect that pain is produced. They are also (2) subject to a +strain of consistency with each other, because they all answer their +several purposes with less friction and antagonism when they co-operate +and support each other. The forms of industry, the forms of the family, +the notions of property, the constructions of rights, and the types of +religion show the strain of consistency with each other through the +whole history of civilization. The two great cultural divisions of the +human race are the oriental and occidental. Each is consistent +throughout; each has its own philosophy and spirit; they are separated +from top to bottom by different mores, different standpoints, different +ways, and different notions of what societal arrangements are +advantageous. In their contrast they keep before our minds the possible +range of divergence in the solution of the great problems of human life, +and in the views of earthly existence by which life-policy may be +controlled. If two planets were joined in one, their inhabitants could +not differ more widely as to what things are best worth seeking, or what +ways are most expedient for well-living. + +Custom is the product of concurrent action through time. We find it +existent and in control at the extreme reach of our investigations. +Whence does it begin, and how does it come to be? How can it give +guidance "at the outset"? All mass actions seem to begin because the +mass wants to act together. The less they know what it is right and +best to do, the more open they are to suggestion from an incident in +nature, or from a chance act of one, or from the current doctrines of +ghost fear. A concurrent drift begins which is subject to later +correction. That being so, it is evident that instinctive action, under +the guidance of traditional folkways, is an operation of the first +importance in all societal matters. Since the custom never can be +antecedent to all action, what we should desire most is to see it arise +out of the first actions, but, inasmuch as that is impossible, the +course of the action after it is started is our field of study. The +origin of primitive customs is always lost in mystery, because when the +action begins the men are never conscious of historical action or of the +historical importance of what they are doing. When they become conscious +of the historical importance of their acts, the origin is already far +behind. + + +3. Habit and Custom, the Individual and the General Will[67] + +The term _Sitte_ (mores) is a synonym of habit and of usage, of +convention and tradition, but also of fashion, propriety, practise, and +the like. Those words which characterize the habitual are usually +regarded as having essentially unequivocal meanings. The truth is that +language, careless of the more fundamental distinctions, confuses widely +different connotations. For example, I find that custom--to return to +this most common expression--has a threefold significance, namely: + +1. _The meaning of a simple objective matter of fact._--In this sense we +speak of the man with the habit of early rising, or of walking at a +particular time, or of taking an afternoon nap. By this we mean merely +that he is accustomed to do so, he does it regularly, it is a part of +his manner of life. It is easily understood how this meaning passes over +into the next: + +2. _The meaning of a rule, of a norm which the man sets up for +himself._--For example, we say he has made this or that a custom, and in +a like meaning, he has made it a rule, or even a law; and we mean that +this habit works like a law or a precept. By it a person governs himself +and regards habit as an imperative command, a structure of subjective +kind, that, however, has objective form and recognition. The precept +will be formulated, the original will be copied. A rule may be presented +as enjoined, insisted upon, imposed as a command which brings up the +third meaning of habit: + +3. _An expression for a thing willed, or a will._--This third meaning, +which is generally given the least consideration, is the most +significant. If, in truth, habit is the will of man, then this alone can +be his real will. In this sense the proverb is significant that habit is +called a second nature, and that man is a creature of habit. Habit is, +in fact, a psychic disposition, which drives and urges to a specific +act, and this is the will in its most outstanding form, as decision, or +as "fixed" purpose. + +Imperceptibly, the habitual passes over into the instinctive and the +impulsive. What we are accustomed to do, that we do "automatically." +Likewise we automatically make gestures, movements of welcome and +aversion which we have never learned but which we do "naturally." They +have their springs of action in the instinct of self-preservation and in +the feelings connected with it. But what we are accustomed to do, we +must first have learned and practiced. It is just that practice, the +frequent repetition, that brings about the performance of the act "of +itself," like a reflex, rapidly and easily. The rope dancer is able to +walk the rope, because he is accustomed to it. Habit and practice are +also the reasons not only why a man can perform something but also why +he performs it with relatively less effort and attention. Habit is the +basis not only for our knowing something but also for our actually doing +it. Habit operates as a kind of stimulus, and, as may be said, as +necessity. The "power of habit" has often been described and often +condemned. + +As a rule, opinions (mental attitudes) are dependent upon habit, by +which they are conditioned and circumscribed. Yet, of course, opinions +can also detach themselves from habit, and rise above it, and this is +done successfully when they become general opinions, principles, +convictions. As such they gain strength which may even break down and +overcome habit. Faith, taken in the conventional religious sense of +assurance of things hoped for, is a primitive form of will. While in +general habit and opinion on the whole agree, there is nevertheless in +their relations the seeds of conflict and struggle. Thought continually +tends to become the dominating element of the mind, and man thereby +becomes the more human. + +The same meaning that the will, in the usual individual sense, has for +individual man, the social will has for any community or society, +whether there be a mere loose relationship, or a formal union and +permanent association. And what is this meaning? I have pointed this out +in my discussion of habit, and present here the more general statement: +The social will is the general volition which serves for the government +and regulation of individual wills. Every general volition can be +conceived as corresponding to a "thou shalt," and in so far as an +individual or an association of individuals directs this "thou shalt" to +itself, we recognize the autonomy and freedom of this individual or of +this association. The necessary consequence of this is that the +individual against all opposing inclinations and opinions, the +association against opposing individuals, wherever their opposition +manifests itself, attempt, at least, to carry through their will so that +they work as a constraint and exert pressure. And this is essentially +independent of the means which are used to that end. These pressures +extend, at least in the social sense, from measures of persuasion, which +appeal to a sense of honor and of shame, to actual coercion and +punishment which may take the form of physical compulsion. _Sitte_ +develops into the most unbending, overpowering force. + + +4. The Law, Conscience, and the General Will[68] + +In the English language we have no name for it (_Sittlichkeit_), and +this is unfortunate, for the lack of a distinctive name has occasioned +confusion both of thought and of expression. _Sittlichkeit_ is the +system of habitual or customary conduct, ethical rather than legal, +which embraces all those obligations of the citizen which it is "bad +form" or "not the thing" to disregard. Indeed, regard for these +obligations is frequently enjoined merely by the social penalty of being +"cut" or looked on askance. And yet the system is so generally accepted +and is held in so high regard, that no one can venture to disregard it +without in some way suffering at the hands of his neighbors for so +doing. If a man maltreats his wife and children, or habitually jostles +his fellow-citizens in the street, or does things flagrantly selfish or +in bad taste, he is pretty sure to find himself in a minority and the +worse off in the end. But not only does it not pay to do these things, +but the decent man does not wish to do them. A feeling analogous to what +arises from the dictates of his more private and individual conscience +restrains him. He finds himself so restrained in the ordinary affairs of +daily life. But he is guided in his conduct by no mere inward feeling, +as in the case of conscience. Conscience and, for that matter, law, +overlap parts of the sphere of social obligation about which I am +speaking. A rule of conduct may, indeed, appear in more than one sphere, +and may consequently have a twofold sanction. But the guide to which the +citizen mostly looks is just the standard recognized by the community, a +community made up mainly of those fellow-citizens whose good opinion he +respects and desires to have. He has everywhere round him an +object-lesson in the conduct of decent people toward each other and +toward the community to which they belong. Without such conduct and the +restraints which it imposes there could be no tolerable social life, and +real freedom from interference would not be enjoyed. It is the +instinctive sense of what to do and what not to do in daily life and +behavior that is the source of liberty and ease. And it is this +instinctive sense of obligation that is the chief foundation of society. +Its reality takes objective shape and displays itself in family life and +in our other civic and social institutions. It is not limited to any one +form, and it is capable of manifesting itself in new forms and of +developing and changing old forms. Indeed, the civic community is more +than a political fabric. It includes all the social institutions in and +by which the individual life is influenced--such as are the family, the +school, the church, the legislature, and the executive. None of these +can subsist in isolation from the rest; together they and other +institutions of the kind form a single organic whole, the whole which is +known as the nation. The spirit and habit of life which this organic +entirety inspires and compels are what, for my present purpose, I mean +by _Sittlichkeit_. + +_Sitte_ is the German for custom, and _Sittlichkeit_ implies custom and +a habit of mind and action. It also implies a little more. Fichte +defines it in words which are worth quoting, and which I will put into +English: + + What, to begin with, does _Sitte_ signify, and in what sense do + we use the word? It means for us, and means in every accurate + reference we make of it, those principles of conduct which + regulate people in their relations to each other, and which + have become matter of habit and second nature at the stage of + culture reached, and of which, therefore, we are not explicitly + conscious. Principles, we call them, because we do not refer to + the sort of conduct that is casual or is determined on casual + grounds, but to the hidden and uniform ground of action which + we assume to be present in the man whose action is not + deflected and from which we can pretty certainly predict what + he will do. Principles, we say, which have become a second + nature and of which we are not explicitly conscious. We thus + exclude all impulses and motives based on free individual + choice, the inward aspect of _Sittlichkeit_, that is to say, + morality, and also the outward side, or law, alike. For what a + man has first to reflect over and then freely to resolve is not + for him a habit in conduct; and in so far as habit in conduct + is associated with a particular age, it is regarded as the + unconscious instrument of the Time Spirit. + +The system of ethical habit in a community is of a dominating character, +for the decision and influence of the whole community is embodied in +that social habit. Because such conduct is systematic and covers the +whole of the field of society, the individual will is closely related by +it to the will and the spirit of the community. And out of this relation +arises the power of adequately controlling the conduct of the +individual. If this power fails or becomes weak, the community +degenerates and may fall to pieces. Different nations excel in their +_Sittlichkeit_ in different fashions. The spirit of the community and +its ideals may vary greatly. There may be a low level of _Sittlichkeit_; +and we have the spectacle of nations which have even degenerated in this +respect. It may possibly conflict with law and morality, as in the case +of the duel. But when its level is high in a nation we admire the +system, for we see it not only guiding a people and binding them +together for national effort, but affording the greatest freedom of +thought and action for those who in daily life habitually act in harmony +with the General Will. + +Thus we have in the case of a community, be it the city or be it the +state, an illustration of a sanction which is sufficient to compel +observance of a rule without any question of the application of force. +This kind of sanction may be of a highly compelling quality, and it +often extends so far as to make the individual prefer the good of the +community to his own. The development of many of our social +institutions, of our hospitals, of our universities, and of other +establishments of the kind, shows the extent to which it reaches and is +powerful. But it has yet higher forms in which it approaches very nearly +to the level of the obligation of conscience, although it is distinct +from that form of obligation. I will try to make clear what I mean by +illustrations. A man may be impelled to action of a high order by his +sense of unity with the society to which he belongs, action of which, +from the civic standpoint, all approve. What he does in such a case is +natural to him, and is done without thought of reward or punishment; but +it has reference to standards of conduct set up by society and accepted +just because society has set them up. There is a poem by the late Sir +Alfred Lyall which exemplifies the high level that may be reached in +such conduct. The poem is called _Theology in Extremis_, and it +describes the feelings of an Englishman who had been taken prisoner by +Mahometan rebels in the Indian Mutiny. He is face to face with a cruel +death. They offer him his life if he will repeat something from the +Koran. If he complies, no one is likely ever to hear of it, and he will +be free to return to England and to the woman he loves. Moreover, and +here is the real point, he is not a believer in Christianity, so that it +is no question of denying his Savior. What ought he to do? Deliverance +is easy, and the relief and advantage would be unspeakably great. But he +does not really hesitate, and every shadow of doubt disappears when he +hears his fellow-prisoner, a half-caste, pattering eagerly the words +demanded. + +I will take another example, this time from the literature of ancient +Greece. In one of the shortest but not least impressive of his +_Dialogues_, the "Crito," Plato tells us of the character of Socrates, +not as a philosopher, but as a good citizen. He has been unjustly +condemned by the Athenians as an enemy to the good of the state. Crito +comes to him in prison to persuade him to escape. He urges on him many +arguments, his duty to his children included. But Socrates refuses. He +chooses to follow, not what anyone in the crowd might do, but the +example which the ideal citizen should set. It would be a breach of his +duty to fly from the judgment duly passed in the Athens to which he +belongs, even though he thinks the decree should have been different. +For it is the decree of the established justice of his city state. He +will not "play truant." He hears the words, "Listen, Socrates, to us who +have brought you up"; and in reply he refuses to go away, in these +final sentences: "This is the voice which I seem to hear murmuring in my +ears, like the sound of the flute in the ears of the mystic; that voice, +I say, is murmuring in my ears, and prevents me from hearing any other. +And I know that anything more which you may say will be vain." + +Why do men of this stamp act so, it may be when leading the battle line, +it may be at critical moments of quite other kinds? It is, I think, +because they are more than mere individuals. Individual they are, but +completely real, even as individual, only in their relation to organic +and social wholes in which they are members, such as the family, the +city, the state. There is in every truly organized community a Common +Will which is willed by those who compose that community, and who in so +willing are more than isolated men and women. It is not, indeed, as +unrelated atoms that they have lived. They have grown, from the +receptive days of childhood up to maturity, in an atmosphere of example +and general custom, and their lives have widened out from one little +world to other and higher worlds, so that, through occupying successive +stations in life, they more and more come to make their own the life of +the social whole in which they move and have their being. They cannot +mark off or define their own individualities without reference to the +individualities of others. And so they unconsciously find themselves as +in truth pulse-beats of the whole system, and themselves the whole +system. It is real in them and they in it. They are real only because +they are social. The notion that the individual is the highest form of +reality, and that the relationship of individuals is one of mere +contract, the notion of Hobbes and of Bentham and of Austin, turns out +to be quite inadequate. Even of an everyday contract, that of marriage, +it has been well said that it is a contract to pass out of the sphere of +contract, and that it is possible only because the contracting parties +are already beyond and above that sphere. As a modern writer, F. H. +Bradley of Oxford, to whose investigations in these regions we owe much, +has finely said: "The moral organism is not a mere animal organism. In +the latter the member is not aware of itself as such, while in the +former it knows itself, and therefore knows the whole in itself. The +narrow external function of the man is not the whole man. He has a life +which we cannot see with our eyes, and there is no duty so mean that it +is not the realization of this, and knowable as such. What counts is +not the visible outer work so much as the spirit in which it is done. +The breadth of my life is not measured by the multitude of my pursuits, +nor the space I take up amongst other men; but by the fulness of the +whole life which I know as mine. It is true that less now depends on +each of us as this or that man; it is not true that our individuality is +therefore lessened; that therefore we have less in us." + +There is, according to this view, a General Will with which the will of +the good citizen is in accord. He feels that he would despise himself +were his private will not in harmony with it. The notion of the reality +of such a will is no new one. It is as old as the Greeks, for whom the +moral order and the city state were closely related; and we find it in +modern books in which we do not look for it. Jean Jacques Rousseau is +probably best known to the world by the famous words in which he begins +the first chapter of the _Social Contract_: "Man is born free, and +everywhere he is in chains. Those who think themselves to be the masters +of others cease not to be greater slaves than the people they govern." +He goes on in the next paragraph to tell us that if he were only to +consider force and the effects of it, he would say that if a nation was +constrained to obey and did obey, it did well, but that whenever it +could throw off its yoke and did throw it off, it acted better. His +words, written in 1762, became a text for the pioneers of the French +Revolution. But they would have done well to read further into the book. +As Rousseau goes on, we find a different conception. He passes from +considering the fiction of a social contract to a discussion of the +power over the individual of the General Will, by virtue of which a +people becomes a people. This General Will, the _Volonte Generale_, he +distinguishes from the Volonte de Tous, which is a mere numerical sum of +individual wills. These particular wills do not rise above themselves. +The General Will, on the other hand, represents what is greater than the +individual volition of those who compose the society of which it is the +will. On occasions, this higher will is more apparent than at other +times. But it may, if there is social slackness, be difficult to +distinguish from a mere aggregate of voices, from the will of a mob. +What is interesting is that Rousseau, so often associated with doctrine +of quite another kind, should finally recognize the bond of a General +Will as what really holds the community together. For him, as for those +who have had a yet clearer grasp of the principle, in willing the +General Will we not only realize our true selves but we may rise above +our ordinary habit of mind. We may reach heights which we could not +reach, or which at all events most of us could not reach, in isolation. +There are few observers who have not been impressed with the wonderful +unity and concentration of purpose which an entire nation may +display--above all, in a period of crisis. We see it in time of war, +when a nation is fighting for its life or for a great cause. We have +marvelled at the illustrations with which history abounds of the General +Will rising to heights of which but few of the individual citizens in +whom it is embodied have ever before been conscious even in their +dreams. + +By leadership a common ideal can be made to penetrate the soul of a +people and to take complete possession of it. The ideal may be very +high, or it may be of so ordinary a kind that we are not conscious of it +without the effort of reflection. But when it is there it influences and +guides daily conduct. Such idealism passes beyond the sphere of law, +which provides only what is necessary for mutual protection and liberty +of just action. It falls short, on the other hand, in quality of the +dictates of what Kant called the Categorical Imperative that rules the +private and individual conscience, but that alone, an Imperative which +therefore gives insufficient guidance for ordinary and daily social +life. Yet the ideal of which I speak is not the less binding; and it is +recognized as so binding that the conduct of all good men conforms to +it. + + +C. PERSONALITY AND THE SOCIAL SELF + + +1. The Organism as Personality[69] + +The organism and the brain, as its highest representation, constitute +the real personality, containing in itself all that we have been, and +the possibility of all that we shall be. The complete individual +character is inscribed there with all its active and passive aptitudes, +sympathies, and antipathies; its genius, talents, or stupidity; its +virtues, vices, torpor, or activity. Of all these, what emerges and +actually reaches consciousness is only a small item compared with what +remains buried below, albeit still active. Conscious personality is +always but a feeble portion of physical personality. + +The unity of the ego, consequently, is not that of the one-entity of +spiritualists which is dispersed into multiple phenomena, but the +co-ordination of a certain number of incessantly renascent states, +having for their support the vague sense of our bodies. This unity does +not pass from above to below, but from below to above; the unity of the +ego is not an initial, but a terminal point. + +Does there really exist a perfect unity? Evidently not in the strict, +mathematical sense. In a relative sense it is met with, rarely and +incidentally. In a clever marksman in the act of taking aim, or in a +skilled surgeon performing a difficult operation all is found to +converge, both physically and mentally. Still, let us take note of the +result: in these conditions the awareness of real personality +disappears; the conscious individual is reduced to an idea; whence it +would follow that perfect unity of consciousness and the awareness of +personality exclude each other. By a different course we again reach the +same conclusion; the ego is a co-ordination. It oscillates between two +extreme points at which it ceases to exist: viz., perfect unity and +absolute inco-ordination. All the intermediate degrees are met with, in +fact, and without any line of demarcation between the healthy and the +morbid; the one encroaches upon the other. + +Even in the normal state the co-ordination is often sufficiently loose +to allow several series to coexist separately. We can walk or perform +manual work with a vague and intermittent consciousness of the +movements, at the same time singing, musing; but if the activity of +thought increases, the singing will cease. With many people it is a kind +of substitute for intellectual activity, an intermediate state between +thinking and not-thinking. + +The unity of the ego, in a psychological sense, is, therefore, the +cohesion, during a given time, of a certain number of clear states of +consciousness, accompanied by others less clear, and by a multitude of +physiological states which, without being accompanied by consciousness +like the others, yet operate as much as, and even more than, the former. +Unity, in fact, means co-ordination. The conclusion to be drawn from the +above remarks is namely this, that the consensus of consciousness being +subordinate to the consensus of the organism, the problem of the unity +of the ego is, in its ultimate form, a biological problem. To biology +pertains the task of explaining, if it can, the genesis of organisms and +the solidarity of their component parts. Psychological interpretation +can only follow in its wake. + + +2. Personality as a Complex[70] + +Ideas, after being experienced in consciousness, become dormant +(conserved as physiological dispositions) and may or may not afterward +be reawakened in consciousness as memories. Many such ideas, under +conditions with some of which we are all familiar, tend to form part of +our voluntary or involuntary memories and many do not. But when such is +the case, the memories do not ordinarily include the whole of a given +mental experience, but only excerpts or abstracts of it. Hence one +reason for the fallibility of human memory and consequent testimony. + +Now under special conditions, the ideas making up an experience at any +given moment tend to become organized into a system or complex, so that +when we later think of the experience or recall any of the ideas +belonging to it, the complex as a whole is revived. This is one of the +principles underlying the mechanism of memory. Thus it happens that +memory may, to a large extent, be made up of complexes. These complexes +may be very loosely organized in that the elementary ideas are weakly +bound together, in which case, when we try to recall the original +experience, only a part of it is recalled. Or a complex may be very +strongly organized, owing to the conditions under which it is formed, +and then a large part of the experience can be recalled. In this case, +any idea associated with some element in the complex may, by the law of +association, revive the whole original complex. If, for instance, we +have gone through a railroad accident involving exciting incidents, loss +of life, etc., the words "railroad," "accident," "death," or a sudden +crashing sound, or the sight of blood, or even riding in a railroad +train may recall the experience from beginning to end, or at least the +prominent features in it, i.e., so much as was organized. The memory of +the greater part of this experience is well organized, while the earlier +events and those succeeding the accident may have passed out of all +possibility of voluntary recall. + +To take an instance commonplace enough but which happens to have just +come within my observation: A fireman was injured severely by being +thrown from a hose wagon rushing to a fire against a telegraph pole with +which the wagon collided. He narrowly escaped death. Although three +years have passed he still cannot ride on a wagon to a fire without the +memory of the whole accident rising in his mind. When he does so he +again lives through the accident, including the thoughts just previous +to the actual collision when, realizing his situation, he was overcome +with terror, and he again manifests all the organic physical expressions +of fear, viz.: perspiration, tremor, and muscular weakness. Here is a +well-organized and fairly limited complex. + +Among the loosely organized complexes in many individuals, and possibly +in all of us, there are certain dispositions toward views of life which +represent natural inclinations, desires, and modes of activity which, +for one reason or another, we tend to suppress or are unable to give +full play to. Many individuals, for example, are compelled by the +exactions of their duties and responsibilities to lead serious lives, to +devote themselves to pursuits which demand all their energies and +thought and which, therefore, do not permit of indulgence in the lighter +enjoyments of life, and yet there may be a natural inclination to +partake of the pleasures which innately appeal to all mankind and which +many pursue. The longing for these recurs from time to time. The mind +dwells on them, the imagination is excited and weaves a fabric of +pictures, thoughts, and emotions which thus become associated into a +complex. There may be a rebellion and "kicking against the pricks" and +thereby a liberation of the emotional force that impresses a stronger +organization on the whole process. The recurrence of such a complex is +one form of what we call a "mood," which has a distinctly emotional tone +of its own. The revival of this feeling tone tends to revive the +associated ideas and vice versa. Such a feeling-idea complex is often +spoken of as "a side to one's character," to which a person may from +time to time give play. Or the converse of this may hold, and a person +who devotes his life to the lighter enjoyments may have aspirations and +longings for more serious pursuits, and in this respect the imagination +may similarly build up a complex which may express itself in a mood. +Thus a person is often said to have "many sides to his character," and +exhibits certain alternations of personality which may be regarded as +normal prototypes of those which occur as abnormal states. + +Most of what has been said about the formation of complexes is a +statement of commonplace facts, and I would not repeat it here were it +not that, in certain abnormal conditions, disposition, subject, and +other complexes, though loosely organized, often play an important part. +This is not the place to enter into an explanation of dissociated +personality, but in such conditions we sometimes find that disposition +complexes, for instance, come to the surface and displace or substitute +themselves for the other complexes which make up a personality. A +complex which is only a mood or a "side of the character" of a normal +individual may, in conditions of dissociation, become the main, perhaps +sole, complex and chief characteristic of the new personality. In Miss +Beauchamp, for instance, the personality known as BI was made up almost +entirely of the religious and ethical ideas which formed one side of the +original self. In the personality known as Sally we had for the most +part the complex which represented the enjoyment of youthful pleasures +and sports, the freedom from conventionalities and artificial restraints +generally imposed by duties and responsibilities. In BIV the complex +represented the ambitions and activities of practical life. In Miss +Beauchamp as a whole, normal, without disintegration, it was easy to +recognize all three dispositions as "sides of her character," though +each was kept ordinarily within proper bounds by the correcting +influence of the others. It was only necessary to put her in an +environment which encouraged one or the other side, to associate her +with people who strongly suggested one or the other of her own +characteristics, whether religious, social, pleasure loving, or +intellectual, to see the characteristics of BI, Sally, or BIV stand out +in relief as the predominant personality. Then we had the alternating +play of these different sides of her character. + +In fact, the total of our complexes, which, regarded as a whole and in +view of their reaction to the environment, their behavior under the +various conditions of social life, their aptitudes, feeling-tones, +"habits," and faculties, we term character and personality, are in large +part predetermined by the mental experiences of the past and the +vestiges of memory which have been left as residual from these +experiences. We are the offspring of our past. + +The great mass of our ideas involve associations of the origin of which +we are unaware because the memories of the original experience have +become split and a large portion thus has become forgotten even if ever +fully appreciated. We all have our prejudices, our likes and dislikes, +our tastes and aversions; it would tax our ingenuity to give a +sufficient psychological account of their origin. They were born long +ago in educational, social, personal, and other experiences, the details +of which we have this many a year forgotten. It is the residua of these +experiences that have persisted and become associated into complexes +which are retained as traits of our personality. + + +3. The Self as the Individual's Conception of His Role[71] + +Suggestion may have its end and aim in the creation of a new +personality. The experimenter then chooses the sort of personality he +wishes to induce and obliges the subject to realize it. Experiments of +this kind succeeding in a great many somnambulists, and usually +producing very curious results, have long been known and have been +repeated, one might say, almost to satiety within the last few years. + +When we are awake and in full possession of all our faculties we can +imagine sensations different from those which we ordinarily experience. +For example, when I am sitting quietly at my table engaged in writing +this book, I can conceive the sensations that a soldier, a woman, an +artist, or an Englishman would experience in such and such a situation. +But, however fantastic the conceptions may be that we form, we do not +cease to be conscious withal of our own personal existence. Imagination +has taken flight fairly in space, but the memory of ourselves always +remains behind. Each of us knows that he is himself and not another, +that he did this yesterday, that he has just written a letter, that he +must write another such letter tomorrow, that he was out of Paris for a +week, etc. It is this memory of passed facts--a memory always present to +the mind--that constitutes the consciousness of our normal personality. + +It is entirely different in the case of the two women, A---- and B----, +that M. Richet studied. + + Put to sleep and subjected to certain influences, A---- and + B---- forget their identity; their age, their clothing, their + sex, their social position, their nationality, the place and + the time of their life--all this has entirely disappeared. + Only a single idea remains--a single consciousness--it is the + consciousness of the idea and of the new being that dawns upon + their imagination. + + They have lost the idea of their late existence. They live, + talk, and think exactly like the type that is suggested to + them. With what tremendous intensity of life these types are + realized, only those who have been present at these experiments + can know. Description can only give a weak and imperfect idea + of it. + + Instead of imagining a character simply, they realize it, + objectify it. It is not like a hallucination, of which one + witnesses the images unfolding before him, as a spectator + would. He is rather like an actor who is seized with passion, + imagines that the drama he plays is a reality, not a fiction, + and that he has been transformed, body and soul, into the + personality that he sets himself to play. + + In order to have this transformation of personality work it is + sufficient to pronounce a word with some authority. I say to + A----, "You are an old woman," she considers herself changed + into an old woman, and her countenance, her bearing, her + feelings, become those of an old woman. I say to B----, "You + are a little girl," and she immediately assumes the language, + games, and tastes of a little girl. + + Although the account of these scenes is quite dull and + colorless compared with the sight of the astonishing and sudden + transformations themselves, I shall attempt, nevertheless, to + describe some of them. I quote some of M----'s + _objectivations_: + + _As a peasant._--She rubs her eyes and stretches herself. "What + time is it? Four o'clock in the morning!" She walks as if she + were dragging sabots. "Now, then, I must get up. Let us go to + the stable. Come up, red one! come up, get about!" She seems to + be milking a cow. "Let me alone, Gros-Jean, let me alone, I + tell you. When I am through my work. You know well enough that + I have not finished my work. Oh! yes, yes, later." + + _As an actress._--Her face took a smiling aspect instead of the + dull and listless manner which she had just had. "You see my + skirt? Well, my manager makes me wear it so long. These + managers are too tiresome. As for me, the shorter the skirt the + better I like it. There is always too much of it. A simple fig + leaf! Mon Dieu, that is enough! You agree with me, don't you, + my dear, that it is not necessary to have more than a fig leaf? + Look then at this great dowdy Lucie--where are her legs, eh?" + + _As a priest._--She imagines that she is the Archbishop of + Paris. Her face becomes very grave. Her voice is mildly sweet + and drawling, which forms a great contrast with the harsh, + blunt tone she had as a general. (Aside.) "But I must + accomplish my charge." She leans her head on her hand and + reflects. (Aloud.) "Ah! it is you, Monsieur Grand Vicar; what + is your business with me? I do not wish to be disturbed. Yes, + today is the first of January, and I must go to the cathedral. + This throng of people is very respectful, don't you think so, + monsieur? There is a great deal of religion in the people, + whatever one does. Ah! a child! let him come to me to be + blessed. There, my child." She holds out to him her imaginary + bishop's ring to kiss. During this whole scene she is making + gestures of benediction with her right hand on all sides. "Now + I have a duty to perform. I must go and pay my respects to the + president of the Republic. Ah! Mr. President, I come to offer + you my allegiance. It is the wish of the church that you may + have many years of life. She knows that she has nothing to + fear, notwithstanding cruel attacks, while such an honorable + man is at the head of the Republic." She is silent and seems to + listen attentively. (Aside.) "Yes, fair promises. Now let us + pray!" She kneels down. + + _As a religious sister._--She immediately kneels down and + begins to say her prayers, making a great many signs of the + cross; then she arises. "Now to the hospital. There is a + wounded man in this ward. Well, my friend, you are a little + better this morning, aren't you? Now, then, let me take off + your bandage." She gestures as if she were unrolling a bandage. + "I shall do it very gently; doesn't that relieve you? There! my + poor friend, be as courageous before pain as you were before + the enemy." + + I might cite other objectivations from A----'s case, in the + character of old woman, little girl, young man, gay woman, etc. + But the examples given seem sufficient to give some idea of the + entire transformation of the personality into this or that + imaginary type. It is not a simple dream, it is a _living + dream_. + + The complete transformation of feelings is not the least + curious phenomenon of these objectivations. A---- is timid, but + she becomes very daring when she thinks herself a bold person. + B---- is silent, she becomes talkative when she represents a + talkative person. The disposition is thus completely changed. + Old tastes disappear and give place to the new tastes that the + new character represented is supposed to have. + +In a more recent paper, prepared with the co-operation of M. Ferrari and +M. Hericourt, M. Richet has added a curious detail to the preceding +experiments. He has shown that the subject on whom a change of +personality is imposed not only adapts his speech, gestures, and +attitudes to the new personality, but that even his handwriting is +modified and brought into relation with the new ideas that absorb his +consciousness. This modification of handwriting is an especially +interesting discovery, since handwriting, according to current theories, +is nothing more than a sort of imitation. I cite some examples borrowed +from these authors. + +It is suggested in succession to a young student that he is a sly and +crafty peasant, then a miser, and finally a very old man. While the +subject's features and behavior generally are modified and brought into +harmony with the idea of the personality suggested, we may observe also +that his handwriting undergoes similar modifications which are not less +marked. It has a special character peculiar to each of the new states of +personality. In short, the graphic movements change like the gestures +generally. + +In a note on the handwriting of hysterical patients, I have shown that +under the influence of suggested emotions, or under the influence of +sensorial stimulations, the handwriting of a hysterical patient may be +modified. It gets larger, for example, in cases of dynamogenic +excitation. + +The characteristic of the suggestion that we have just studied is that +it does not bear exclusively on perception or movement--that is to say, +on a limited psychic element; but there are comprehensive suggestions. +They impose a topic on the subject that he is obliged to develop with +all the resources of his intellect and imagination, and if the +observations be carefully examined, it will also be seen that in these +suggestions the faculties of perception are affected and perverted by +the same standard as that of ideation. Thus the subject, under the +influence of his assumed personality, ceases to perceive the external +world as it exists. He has hallucinations in connection with his new +psychological personality. When a bishop, he thinks he is in Notre Dame, +and sees a host of the faithful. When a general, he thinks he is +surrounded by troops, etc. Things that harmonize with the suggestion are +conjured up. This systematic development of states of consciousness +belongs to all kinds of suggestions, but is perhaps nowhere else so +marked as in these transformations of personality. + +On the other hand, everything that is inconsistent with the suggestion +gets inhibited and leaves the subject's consciousness. As has been said, +alterations of personality imply phenomena of amnesia. In order that the +subject may assume the fictitious personality he must begin by +forgetting his true personality. The infinite number of memories that +represent his past experience and constitute the basis of his normal ego +are for the time being effaced, because these memories are inconsistent +with the ideal of the suggestion. + + +4. The Natural Person versus the Social and Conventional Self[72] + +Somewhat after the order of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde I seem to possess +two distinct personalities, being both at the same time but presenting +no such striking contrast as the Jekyll-Hyde combination. They are about +equally virtuous. Their main difference seems to be one of age, one +being a decade or so in advance of the other. + +At times they work harmoniously together and again at cross-purposes. I +do not seem to have developed equally. Part of me sits humbly at the +feet of the other part of me and receives advice and instruction. Part +of me feels constrained to confess to the other part of me when it has +done wrong and meekly receives rebuke. Part of me tries to shock the +other part of me and to force the more dignified part to misbehave and +giggle and do things not considered correct in polite society. + +My younger part delights to tease the older, to doubt her motives, to +interrupt her meditations. It wants to play, while my older self is more +seriously inclined. My younger self is only twelve years old. This is my +real self. To my own mind I am still a little girl with short dresses +and a bunch of curls. For some reason my idea of self has never advanced +beyond this point. The long dress and the hair piled high will never +seem natural. Sometimes I enjoy this duality and again I do not. +Sometimes the two parts mingle delightfully together, again they wrangle +atrociously, while I (there seems to be a third part of me) sit off and +watch the outcome. + +The older part gets tired before the younger. The younger, still fresh +and in a good humor, undertakes to furnish amusement for the older. I +have often thrown myself on the bed wearied and exhausted and been made +to shake with laughter at the capers of the younger part of me. They are +capers indeed. On these occasions she will carry on conversations with +friends--real friends--fairly bristling with witticisms, and although +taking both parts herself, the parry and thrust is delightful. + +Sometimes, however, the younger part of me seems to get up all awry. She +will carry on quarrels--heated quarrels--from morning to night, taking +both sides herself, with persons whom I (the combination) dearly love, +and against whom I have no grievance whatever. These are a great +distress to my older self. + +On other days she seems to take the greatest delight in torturing me +with imaginary horrors. She cuts my throat, pulls my eyes out of their +sockets, removes tumors, and amputates limbs until I wonder that there +is anything left of me. She does it all without administering +anaesthetics and seems to enjoy my horror and disgust. + +Again, some little jingle or tune will take her fancy and she will +repeat it to herself until I am almost driven to madness. Sometimes it +is only a word, but it seems to have a fascination for her and she rolls +it as a sweet morsel under her tongue until sleep puts an end to it. + +Again, if I (the combination) fall ill, one part of me, I have never +discovered which, invariably hints that I am not ill at all but merely +pretending. So much so that it has become with me a recognized symptom +of incipient illness. + +Moreover, the younger and older are never on the same side of any +question. One leans to wisdom, the other to fun. I am a house divided +against itself. The younger longs to dance, to go to the theater and to +play cards, all of which the older disapproves. The younger mocks the +older, calls her a hypocrite and the like until the older well-nigh +believes it herself and almost yields to her pleadings. The older +listens sedately to the sermon, while the younger plans her Easter suit +or makes fun of the preacher. + +The older declares she will never marry, while the younger scouts the +idea of being an old maid. But even if she could gain the consent of the +older, it were but little better, they differ so as to their ideals. + +In society the difference is more marked. I seem to be a combination +chaperone and protegee. The older appears at ease, the younger shy and +awkward--she has never made her debut. If one addresses a remark to her +she is thrown into utter confusion until the older rushes to the rescue. +My sympathy is with the younger, however, for even to this day I, the +combination, can scarce resist the temptation to say nothing when there +is nothing to say. + +There is something tragic to me in this Siamese-twins arrangement of two +so uncongenial. I am at one and the same time pupil and teacher, +offender and judge, performer and critic, chaperone and protegee, a +prim, precise, old maid and a rollicking schoolgirl, a tomboy and a +prude, a saint and sinner. What can result from such a combination? That +we get on tolerably is a wonder. Some days, however, we get on admirably +together, part of me paying compliments to the other part of me--whole +days being given to this--until each of us has such a good opinion of +herself and the other that we feel on equal terms and are at our +happiest. + +But how dreadful are the days when we turn against each other! There are +not words enough to express the contempt which we feel for ourselves. We +seem to set each other in the corner and the combination as a whole is +utterly miserable. + +I can but wonder and enjoy and wait to see what Myself and I will make +of Me. + + +5. The Divided Self and Moral Consciousness[73] + +Two ways of looking at life are characteristic respectively of what we +call the healthy-minded, who need to be born only once, and of the sick +souls, who must be twice-born in order to be happy. The result is two +different conceptions of the universe of our experience. In the religion +of the once-born the world is a sort of rectilineal or one-storied +affair, whose accounts are kept in one denomination, whose parts have +just the values which naturally they appear to have, and of which a +simple algebraic sum of pluses and minuses will give the total worth. +Happiness and religious peace consist in living on the plus side of the +account. In the religion of the twice-born, on the other hand, the world +is a double-storied mystery. Peace cannot be reached by the simple +addition of pluses and elimination of minuses from life. Natural good is +not simply insufficient in amount and transient; there lurks a falsity +in its very being. Cancelled as it all is by death, if not by earlier +enemies, it gives no final balance, and can never be the thing intended +for our lasting worship. It keeps us from our real good, rather; and +renunciation and despair of it are our first step in the direction of +the truth. There are two lives, the natural and the spiritual, and we +must lose the one before we can participate in the other. + +In their extreme forms, of pure naturalism and pure salvationism, the +two types are violently contrasted; though here, as in most other +current classifications, the radical extremes are somewhat ideal +abstractions, and the concrete human beings whom we oftenest meet are +intermediate varieties and mixtures. Practically, however, you all +recognize the difference: you understand, for example, the disdain of +the Methodist convert for the mere sky-blue healthy-minded moralist; and +you likewise enter into the aversion of the latter to what seems to him +the diseased subjectivism of the Methodist, dying to live, as he calls +it, and making of paradox and the inversion of natural appearances the +essence of God's truth. + +The psychological basis of the twice-born character seems to be a +certain discordancy or heterogeneity in the native temperament of the +subject, an incompletely unified moral and intellectual constitution. + +"Homo duplex, homo duplex!" writes Alphonse Daudet. "The first time that +I perceived that I was two was at the death of my brother Henri, when my +father cried out so dramatically, 'He is dead, he is dead!' While my +first self wept, my second self thought, 'How truly given was that cry, +how fine it would be at the theater.' I was then fourteen years old. +This horrible duality has often given me matter for reflection. Oh, this +terrible second me, always seated whilst the other is on foot, acting, +living, suffering, bestirring itself. This second me that I have never +been able to intoxicate, to make shed tears, or put to sleep. And how it +sees into things, and how it mocks!" + +Some persons are born with an inner constitution which is harmonious and +well balanced from the outset. Their impulses are consistent with one +another, their will follows without trouble the guidance of their +intellect, their passions are not excessive, and their lives are little +haunted by regrets. Others are oppositely constituted; and are so in +degrees which may vary from something so slight as to result in a merely +odd or whimsical inconsistency, to a discordancy of which the +consequences may be inconvenient in the extreme. Of the more innocent +kinds of heterogeneity I find a good example in Mrs. Annie Besant's +autobiography. + + I have ever been the queerest mixture of weakness and strength, + and have paid heavily for the weakness. As a child I used to + suffer tortures of shyness, and if my shoe-lace was untied + would feel shamefacedly that every eye was fixed on the unlucky + string; as a girl I would shrink away from strangers and think + myself unwanted and unliked, so that I was full of eager + gratitude to anyone who noticed me kindly; as the young + mistress of a house I was afraid of my servants, and would let + careless work pass rather than bear the pain of reproving the + ill-doer; when I have been lecturing and debating with no lack + of spirit on the platform, I have preferred to go without what + I wanted at the hotel rather than to ring and make the waiter + fetch it. Combative on the platform in defense of any cause I + cared for, I shrink from quarrel or disapproval in the house, + and am a coward at heart in private while a good fighter in + public. How often have I passed unhappy quarters of an hour + screwing up my courage to find fault with some subordinate whom + my duty compelled me to reprove, and how often have I jeered at + myself for a fraud as the doughty platform combatant, when + shrinking from blaming some lad or lass for doing their work + badly. An unkind look or word has availed to make me shrink + myself as a snail into its shell, while, on the platform, + opposition makes me speak my best. + +This amount of inconsistency will only count as amiable weakness; but a +stronger degree of heterogeneity may make havoc of the subject's life. +There are persons whose existence is little more than a series of +zigzags, as now one tendency and now another gets the upper hand. Their +spirit wars with their flesh, they wish for incompatibles, wayward +impulses interrupt their most deliberate plans, and their lives are one +long drama of repentance and of effort to repair misdemeanors and +mistakes. + +Whatever the cause of heterogeneous personality may be, we find the +extreme examples of it in the psychopathic temperament. All writers +about that temperament make the inner heterogeneity prominent in their +descriptions. Frequently, indeed, it is only this trait that leads us to +ascribe that temperament to a man at all. A _degenere superieur_ is +simply a man of sensibility in many directions, who finds more +difficulty than is common in keeping his spiritual house in order and +running his furrow straight, because his feelings and impulses are too +keen and too discrepant mutually. In the haunting and insistent ideas, +in the irrational impulses, the morbid scruples, dreads, and inhibitions +which beset the psychopathic temperament when it is thoroughly +pronounced, we have exquisite examples of heterogeneous personality. +Bunyan had an obsession of the words, "Sell Christ for this, sell him +for that, sell him, sell him!" which would run through his mind a +hundred times together, until one day out of breath with retorting, "I +will not, I will not," he impulsively said, "Let him go if he will," and +this loss of the battle kept him in despair for over a year. The lives +of the saints are full of such blasphemous obsessions, ascribed +invariably to the direct agency of Satan. + +St. Augustine's case is a classic example of discordant personality. You +all remember his half-pagan, half-Christian bringing up at Carthage, his +emigration to Rome and Milan, his adoption of Manicheism and subsequent +skepticism, and his restless search for truth and purity of life; and +finally how, distracted by the struggle between the two souls in his +breast, and ashamed of his own weakness of will when so many others whom +he knew and knew of had thrown off the shackles of sensuality and +dedicated themselves to chastity and the higher life, he heard a voice +in the garden say, "Sume, lege" (take and read), and opening the Bible +at random, saw the text, "not in chambering and wantonness," etc., which +seemed directly sent to his address, and laid the inner storm to rest +forever. Augustine's psychological genius has given an account of the +trouble of having a divided self which has never been surpassed. + + The new will which I began to have was not yet strong enough to + overcome that other will, strengthened by long indulgence. So + these two wills, one old, one new, one carnal, the other + spiritual, contended with each other and disturbed my soul. I + understood by my own experience what I had read, "Flesh lusteth + against spirit, and spirit against flesh." It was myself indeed + in both the wills, yet more myself in that which I approved in + myself than in that which I disapproved in myself. Yet it was + through myself that habit had obtained so fierce a mastery over + me, because I had willingly come whither I willed not. Still + bound to earth, I refused, O God, to fight on thy side, as much + afraid to be freed from all bonds as I ought to have feared + being trammeled by them. + + Thus the thoughts by which I meditated upon thee were like the + efforts of one who would awake, but being overpowered with + sleepiness is soon asleep again. Often does a man when heavy + sleepiness is on his limbs defer to shake it off, and though + not approving it, encourage it; even so I was sure it was + better to surrender to thy love than to yield to my own lusts, + yet, though the former course convinced me, the latter pleased + and held me bound. There was naught in me to answer thy call, + "Awake, thou sleeper," but only drawling, drowsy words, + "Presently; yes, presently; wait a little while." But the + "presently" had no "present," and the "little while" grew long. + For I was afraid thou wouldst hear me too soon, and heal me at + once of my disease of lust, which I wished to satiate rather + than to see extinguished. With what lashes of words did I not + scourge my own soul. Yet it shrank back; it refused, though it + had no excuse to offer. I said within myself: "Come, let it be + done now," and as I said it, I was on the point of the resolve. + I all but did it, yet I did not do it. And I made another + effort, and almost succeeded, yet I did not reach it, and did + not grasp it, hesitating to die to death, and live to life; and + the evil to which I was so wonted held me more than the better + life I had not tried. + +There could be no more perfect description of the divided will, when the +higher wishes lack just that last acuteness, that touch of explosive +intensity, of dynamogenic quality (to use the slang of the +psychologists), that enables them to burst their shell, and make +irruption efficaciously into life and quell the lower tendencies +forever. + + +6. Personality of Individuals and of Peoples[74] + +In my opinion personality is not merely a unifying and directing +principle which controls thought and action, but one which, at the same +time, defines the relation of individuals to their fellows. The concept +of personality includes, in addition to inner unity and co-ordination of +the impulses, a definite attitude directed toward the outer world which +is determined by the manner in which the individual organizes his +external stimulations. + +In this definition the objective aspect of personality is emphasized as +over against the subjective. We should not in psychological matters be +satisfied with subjective definitions. The mental life is not only a sum +of subjective experiences but manifests itself invariably also in a +definite series of objective expressions. These objective expressions +are the contributions which the personality makes to its external social +environment. More than that, only these objective expressions of +personality are accessible to external observation and they alone have +objective value. + +According to Ribot, the real personality is an organism which is +represented at its highest in the brain. The brain embraces all our past +and the possibilities of our future. The individual character with all +its active and passive peculiarities, with all its antipathies, genius, +talents, stupidities, virtues, and vices, its inertia and its energy is +predetermined in the brain. + +Personality, from the objective point of view, is the psychic individual +with all his original characters, an individual in free association with +his social _milieu_. Neither innate mental ability, nor creative energy, +nor what we call will, in and of themselves, constitutes personality. +Nothing less than the totality of psychical manifestations, all these +including idiosyncrasies which distinguish one man from another and +determine his positive individuality, may be said to characterize, from +the objective point of view, the human personality. + +The intellectual horizon of persons on different cultural levels varies, +but no one, for that reason (because of intellectual inferiority), loses +the right to recognition as a person, provided that he maintains, over +against his environment, his integrity as an individual and remains a +self-determining person. It is the loss of this self-determined +individuality alone that renders man completely impersonal. When +individual spontaneity is feebly manifested, we speak of an ill-defined +or a "passive" personality. Personality is, in short, from the objective +point of view, a self-determining individual with a unique nature and a +definite status in the social world around him. + +If now, on the basis of the preceding definition, we seek to define the +significance of personality in social and public life, it appears that +personality is the basis upon which all social institutions, movements, +and conditions, in short all the phenomena of social life, rest. The +people of our time are no more, as in the Golden Age, inarticulate +masses. They are a totality of more or less active personalities +connected by common interests, in part by racial origin, and by a +certain similarity of fundamental psychic traits. A people is a kind of +collective personality possessing particular ethnic and psychological +characteristics, animated by common political aspirations and political +traditions. The progress of peoples, their civilization, and their +culture naturally are determined by the advancement of the personalities +which compose them. Since the emancipation of mankind from a condition +of subjection, the life of peoples and of societies has rested upon the +active participation of each member of society in the common welfare +which represents the aim of all. The personality, considered as a +psychic self-determining individual, asserts itself the more +energetically in the general march of historical events, the farther a +people is removed from the condition of subjection in which the rights +of personality are denied. + +In every field of activity, the more advanced personality "blazes a new +trail." The passive personality, born in subjection, is disposed merely +to imitate and to repeat. The sheer existence of modern states depends +less on the crude physical force and its personified agencies, than on +the moral cohesion of the personalities who constitute the nation. + +Since the beginning of time, it is only the moral values that have +endured. Force can support the state only temporarily. When a nation +disregards the moral forces and seeks its salvation in the rude clash of +arms, it bears within itself the seeds of its own destruction. No army +in the world is strong enough to maintain a state, the moral basis of +which is shaken, for the strength of the army rests upon its morale. + +The importance of personality in the historic life of peoples is +manifest in periods when social conditions accelerate the movement of +social life. Personality, like every other force, reaches its maximum +when it encounters resistance, in conflict and in rivalry--when it +fights--hence its great value in friendly rivalry of nations in industry +and culture, and especially in periods of natural calamities or of +enemies from without. Since the fruits of individual development +contribute to the common fund of social values, it is clear that +societies and peoples which, other things being equal, possess the most +advanced and active personalities contribute most to the enrichment of +civilization. It does not seem necessary to demonstrate that the pacific +competition of nations and their success depends on the development of +the personalities which compose them. A nation weak in the development +of individualities, of social units which compose it, could not defend +itself against the exploitation of nations composed of personalities +with a superior development. + + +D. BIOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL HEREDITY + + +1. Nature and Nurture[75] + +We have seen that the scientific position in regard to the +transmissibility of modifications should be one of active scepticism, +that there seems to be no convincing evidence in support of the +affirmative position, and that there is strong presumption in favor of +the negative. + +A modification is a definite change in the individual body, due to some +change in "nurture." There is no secure evidence that any such +individual gain or loss can be transmitted as such, or in any +representative degree. How does this affect our estimate of the value of +"nurture"? How should the sceptical or negative answer, which we believe +to be the scientific one, affect our practice in regard to education, +physical culture, amelioration of function, improvement of environment, +and so on? Let us give a practical point to what we have already said. + +a) Every inheritance requires an appropriate nurture if it is to +realize itself in development. Nurture supplies the liberating stimuli +necessary for the full expression of the inheritance. A man's character +as well as his physique is a function of "nature" and of "nurture." In +the language of the old parable of the talents, what is given must be +traded with. A boy may be truly enough a chip of the old block, but how +far he shows himself such depends on "nurture." The conditions of +nurture determine whether the expression of the inheritance is to be +full or partial. It need hardly be said that the strength of an +(inherited) individuality may be such that it expresses itself almost in +the face of inappropriate nurture. History abounds in instances. As +Goethe said, "Man is always achieving the impossible." Corot was the son +of a successful milliner and prosperous tradesman, and he was thirty +before he left the draper's shop to study nature. + +b) Although modifications do not seem to be transmitted as such, or in +any representative degree, there is no doubt that they or their +secondary results may in some cases affect the offspring. This is +especially the case in typical mammals, where there is before birth a +prolonged (placental) connection between the mother and the unborn +young. In such cases the offspring is for a time almost part of the +maternal body, and liable to be affected by modifications thereof, e.g., +by good or bad nutritive conditions. In other cases, also, it may be +that deeply saturating parental modifications, such as the results of +alcoholic and other poisoning, affect the germ cells, and thus the +offspring. A disease may saturate the body with toxins and waste +products, and these may provoke prejudicial germinal variations. + +c) Though modifications due to changed "nurture" do not seem to be +transmissible, they may be re-impressed on each generation. Thus +"nurture" becomes not less, but more, important in our eyes. + +"Is my grandfather's environment not my heredity?" asks an American +author quaintly and pathetically. Well, if not, let us secure for +ourselves and for our children those factors in the "grandfather's +environment" that made for progressive evolution, and eschew those that +tended elsewhere. + +Are modifications due to changed nurture not, as such, entailed on +offspring? Perhaps it is just as well, for we are novices at nurturing +even yet! Moreover, the non-transmissibility cuts both ways: if +individual modificational gains are not handed on, neither are the +losses. + +Is the "nature"--the germinal constitution, to wit--all that passes from +generation to generation, the capital sum without the results of +individual usury; then we are freed, at least, from undue pessimism at +the thought of the many harmful functions and environments that +disfigure our civilization. Many detrimental acquired characters are to +be seen all around us, but if they are not transmissible, they need not +last. + +In the development of "character," much depends upon early nurture, +education, and surrounding influences generally, but how the individual +reacts to these must largely depend on his inheritance. Truly the +individual himself makes his own character, but he does so by his +habitual adjustment of his (hereditarily determined) constitution to +surrounding influences. Nurture supplies the stimulus for the expression +of the moral inheritance, and how far the inheritance can express itself +is limited by the nurture-stimuli available just as surely as the result +of nurture is conditioned by the hereditarily determined nature on which +it operates. It may be urged that character, being a product of habitual +modes of feeling, thinking, and acting, cannot be spoken of as +_inherited_, but bodily character is also a product dependent upon vital +experience. It seems to us as idle to deny that some children are "born +good" or "born bad," as it is to deny that some children are born strong +and others weak, some energetic and others "tired" or "old." It may be +difficult to tell how far the apparently hereditary goodness or badness +of disposition is due to the nutritive influences of the mother, both +before and after birth, and we must leave it to the reader's experience +and observation to decide whether we are right or wrong in our opinion +that quite apart from maternal nutritive influence there is a genuine +inheritance of kindly disposition, strong sympathy, good humor, and good +will. The further difficulty that the really organic character may be +half-concealed by nurture-effects, or inhibited by the external heritage +of custom and tradition, seems less serious, for the selfishness of an +acquired altruism is as familiar as honor among thieves. + +It is entirely useless to boggle over the difficulty that we are unable +to conceive how dispositions for good or ill lie implicit within the +protoplasmic unit in which the individual life begins. The fact is +undoubted that the initiatives of moral character are in some degree +transmissible, though from the nature of the case the influences of +education, example, environment, and the like are here more potent than +in regard to structural features. We cannot make a silk purse out of a +sow's ear, though the plasticity of character under nurture is a fact +which gives us all hope. Explain it we cannot, but the transmission of +the raw material of character is a fact, and we must still say with Sir +Thomas Browne: "Bless not thyself that thou wert born in Athens; but, +among thy multiplied acknowledgments, lift up one hand to heaven that +thou wert born of honest parents, that modesty, humility, and veracity +_lay in the same egg_, and came into the world with thee." + + +2. Inheritance of Original Nature[76] + +The principles of heredity (may be recapitulated as follows): + +First of all, we find useful the principle of the unit-character. +According to this principle, characters are, for the most part, +inherited independently of each other, and each trait is inherited as a +unit or may be broken up into characters that are so inherited. + +Next, it must be recognized that characters, as such, are not inherited. +Strictly, my son has not my nose, because I still have it; what was +transmitted was something that determined the shape of his nose, and +that is called in brief a "determiner." So the second principle is that +unit-characters are inherited through determiners in the germ cells. + +And finally, it is recognized that there really is no inheritance from +parent to child, but that parent and child resemble each other because +they are derived from the same germ plasm, they are chips from the same +old block; and the son is the half-brother to his father, by another +mother. + +These three principles are the three corner stones of heredity as we +know it today, the principles of the independent unit-characters each +derived from a determiner in the germ plasm. + +How far are the known facts of heredity in man in accord with these +principles? No doubt all human traits are inherited in accordance with +these principles; but knowledge proceeds slowly in this field. + +As a first illustration I may take the case of human eye color. The iris +is made up of a trestle-work of fibers, in which are suspended particles +that give the blue color. In addition, in many eyes much brown pigment +is formed which may be small in amount and gathered around the pupil or +so extensive as to suffuse the entire iris and make it all brown. It is +seen, then, that the brown iris is formed by something additional to the +blue. And brown iris may be spoken of as a _positive_ character, +depending on a determiner for brown pigment; and blue as a _negative_ +character, depending on the absence of the determiner for brown. + +Now when both parents have brown eyes and come from an ancestry with +brown eyes, it is probable that all of their germ cells contain the +determiner for brown iris pigmentation. So when these germ cells, both +carrying the determiner, unite, all of the progeny will receive the +determiner from both sides of the house; consequently the determiners +are double in their bodies and the resulting iris pigmentation may be +said to be _duplex_. When a character is duplex in an individual, that +means that when the germ cells ripen in the body of that individual +each contains a determiner. So that individual is capable, so far as he +is concerned, of transmitting his trait in undiminished intensity. + +If a parent has pure blue eyes, that is evidence that in neither of the +united germ cells from which he arose was there a determiner for iris +pigmentation; consequently in respect to brown iris pigmentation such a +person may be said to be _nulliplex_. If, now, such a person marry an +individual duplex in eye color, in whom all of the germ cells contain +the determiner, each child will receive the determiner for iris +pigmentation from one side of the house only. This determiner will, of +course, induce pigmentation, but the pigmentation is simplex, being +induced by one determiner only. Consequently, the pigmentation is apt to +be weak. When a person whose pigment determiners have come from one side +of the house forms germ cells, half will have and half will lack the +determiner. If such a person marry a consort all of whose germ cells +contain the determiner for iris pigmentation, all of the children will, +of course, receive the iris pigmentation, but in half it will be duplex +and in the other half it will be simplex. If the two parents both be +simplex, so that, in each, half of the germ cells possess and half lack +the determiner in the union of germ cells, there are four events that +are equally apt to occur: (1) an egg _with_ the determiner unites with a +sperm _with_ the determiner; (2) an egg _with_ the determiner unites +with a sperm _without_ the determiner; (3) an egg _without_ the +determiner unites with a sperm _with_ the determiner; (4) an egg +_without_ the determiner unites with a sperm _without_ the determiner. +Thus the character is duplex in one case, simplex in two cases, and +nulliplex in one case; that is, one in four will have no brown pigment, +or will be blue eyed. If one parent be simplex, so that the germ cells +are equally with and without the determiner, while the other be +nulliplex, then half of the children will be simplex and half nulliplex +in eye pigment. Finally, if both parents be nulliplex in eye +pigmentation (that is, blue eyed), then none of their germ cells will +have the determiner, and all children will be nulliplex, or blue eyed. +The inheritance of eye color serves as a paradigm of the method of +inheritance of any unit-character. + +Let us now consider some of the physical traits of man that follow the +same law as brown eye color, traits that are clearly positive, and due +to a definite determiner in the germ plasm. + +Hair color is due either to a golden-brown pigment that looks black in +masses, or else to a red pigment. The lighter tints differ from the +darker by the absence of some pigment granules. If neither parent has +the capacity of producing a large quantity of pigment granules in the +hair, the children cannot have that capacity, that is, two flaxen-haired +parents have only flaxen-haired children. But a dark-haired parent may +be either simplex or duplex; and so two such parents _may_ produce +children with light hair; but not more than one out of four. In general, +the hair color of the children tends not to be darker than that of the +darker parent. Skin pigment follows a similar rule. It is really one of +the surprises of modern studies that skin pigment should be found to +follow the ordinary law of heredity; it was commonly thought to blend. +The inheritance of skin color is not dependent on race; two blonds never +have brunette offspring, but brunettes may have blondes. The extreme +case is that of albinos with no pigment in skin, hair, and iris. Two +albinos have only albino children, but albinos may come from two +pigmented parents. + +Similarly, straight-haired parents lack curliness, and two such have +only straight-haired children. Also two tall parents have only tall +children. _Shortness_ is the trait: tallness is a negative character. +Also when both parents lack stoutness (are slender), all children tend +to lack it. + +We may now consider briefly the inheritance of certain pathological or +abnormal states, to see in how far the foregoing principles hold for +them also. Sometimes the abnormal condition is positive, due to a new +trait; but sometimes, on the contrary, the normal condition is the +positive one and the trait is due to a defect. + +Deaf-mutism is due to a defect; but the nature of the defect is +different in different cases. Deaf-mutism is so varied that frequently +two unrelated deaf mutes may have hearing children. But if the deaf-mute +parents are cousins, the chances that the deafness is due to the _same_ +unit defect are increased and all of the children will probably be deaf. + +From the studies of Dr. Goddard and others, it appears that when both +parents are feeble-minded all of the children will be so likewise; this +conclusion has been tested again and again. But if _one_ of the parents +be normal and of normal ancestry, all of the children may be normal; +whereas, if the normal person have defective germ cells, half of his +progeny by a feeble-minded woman will be defective. + +Many criminals, especially those who offend against the person, are +feeble-minded, as is shown by the way they occur in fraternities with +feeble-mindedness, or have feeble-minded parents. The test of the mental +condition of relatives is one that may well be applied by judges in +deciding upon the responsibility of an aggressor. + +Not only the condition of imperfect mental development, but also that of +inability to withstand stress upon the nervous system, may be inherited. +From the studies of Dr. Rosanoff and his collaborators, it appears that +if both parents be subject to manic depressive insanity or to dementia +precox, all children will be neuropathic also; that if one parent be +affected and come from a weak strain, half of the children are liable to +go insane; and that nervous breakdowns of these types never occur if +both parents be of sound stock. + +Finally, a study of families with special abilities reveals a method of +inheritance quite like that of nervous defect. If both parents be color +artists or have a high grade of vocal ability or are litterateurs of +high grade, then all of their children tend to be of high grade also. If +one parent has high ability, while the other has low ability but has +ancestry with high ability, part of the children will have high ability +and part low. It seems like an extraordinary conclusion that high +ability is inherited as though due to the absence of a determiner in the +same way as feeble-mindedness and insanity are inherited. We are +reminded of the poet: "Great wits to madness sure are near allied." +Evidence for the relationship is given by pedigrees of men of genius +that often show the combination of ability and insanity. May it not be +that just that lack of control that permits "flights of the imagination" +is related to the flightiness characteristic of those with mental +weakness or defect? + +These studies of inheritance of mental defect inevitably raise the +question how to eliminate the mentally defective. This is a matter of +great importance because, on the one hand, it is now coming to be +recognized that mental defect is at the bottom of most of our social +problems. Extreme alcoholism is usually a consequence of a mental +make-up in which self-control of the appetite for liquor is lacking. +Pauperism is a consequence of mental defects that make the pauper +incapable of holding his own in the world's competition. Sex immorality +in either sex is commonly due to a certain inability to appreciate +consequences, to visualize the inevitableness of cause and effect, +combined sometimes with a sex-hyperesthesia and lack of self-control. +Criminality in its worst forms is similarly due to a lack of +appreciation of or receptivity to moral ideas. + +If we seek to know what is the origin of these defects, we must admit +that it is very ancient. They are probably derived from our ape-like +ancestors, in which they were _normal_ traits. There occurs in man a +strain that has not yet acquired those traits of inhibition that +characterized the more highly developed civilized persons. The evidence +for this is that, as far back as we go, we still trace back the black +thread of defective heredity. + +We have now to answer the question as to the eugenical application of +the laws of inheritance of defects. First, it may be pointed out that +traits due to the absence of a determiner are characterized by their +usual sparseness in the pedigree, especially when the parents are +normal; by the fact that they frequently appear where cousin marriages +abound, because cousins tend to carry the same defects in their germ +plasm, though normal themselves; by the fact that two affected parents +have exclusively normal children, while two normal parents who belong to +the same strain, or who both belong to strains containing the same +defect, have some (about 25 per cent) defective children. But a +defective married to a pure normal will have no defective offspring. + +The clear eugenical rule is then this: Let abnormals marry normals +without trace of the defect, and let their normal offspring marry in +turn into strong strains; thus the defect may never appear again. +Normals from the defective strain may marry normals of normal ancestry, +but must particularly avoid consanguineous marriages. + +The sociological conclusion is: Prevent the feeble-minded, drunkards, +paupers, sex-offenders, and criminalistic from marrying their like or +cousins or any person belonging to a neuropathic strain. Practically it +might be well to segregate such persons during the reproductive period +for one generation. Then the crop of defectives will be reduced to +practically nothing. + + +3. Inheritance of Acquired Nature: Tradition[77] + +The factor in societal evolution corresponding to heredity in organic +evolution is tradition; and the agency of transmission is the nervous +system by way of its various "senses" rather than the germ-plasm. The +organs of transmission are the eye, ear, tongue, etc., and not those of +sex. The term tradition, like variation and selection, is taken in the +broad sense. Variation in nature causes the offspring to differ from the +parents and from one another; variation in the folkways causes those of +one period (or place) to differ from their predecessors and to some +extent among themselves. It is the vital fact at the bottom of change. +Heredity in nature causes the offspring to resemble or repeat the +present type; tradition in societal evolution causes the mores of one +period to repeat those of the preceding period. Each is a stringent +conservator. Variation means diversity; heredity and tradition mean the +preservation of type. If there were no force of heredity or tradition, +there could be no system or classification of natural or of societal +forms; the creation hypothesis would be the only tenable one, for there +could be no basis for a theory of descent. If there were no variation, +all of nature and all human institutions would show a monotony as of the +desert sand. Heredity and tradition allow respectively of the +accumulation of organic or societal variations through repeated +selection, extending over generations, in this or that direction. In +short, what one can say of the general effects of heredity in the +organic realm he can say of tradition in the field of the folkways. That +the transmission is in the one case by way of the sex organs and the +germ-plasm, and in the other through the action of the vocal cords, the +auditory nerves, etc., would seem to be of small moment in comparison +with the essential identity in the functions discharged. + +Tradition is, in a sense and if such a comparison were profitable, more +conservative than heredity. There is in the content of tradition an +invariability which could not exist if it were a dual composite, as is +the constitution of the germ-plasm. Here we must recall certain +essential qualities of the mores which we have hitherto viewed from +another angle. Tradition always looks to the folkways as constituting +the matter to be transmitted. But the folkways, after the concurrence +in their practice has been established, come to include a judgment that +they conduce to societal and, indeed, individual welfare. This is where +they come to be properly called mores. They become the prosperity-policy +of the group, and the young are reared up under their sway, looking to +the older as the repositories of precedent and convention. But presently +the older die, and in conformity with the ideas of the time, they become +beings of a higher power toward whom the living owe duty, and whose will +they do not wish to cross. The sanction of ghost-fear is thus extended +to the mores, which, as the prosperity-policy of the group, have already +taken on a stereotyped character. They thus become in an even higher +degree "uniform, universal in a group, imperative, invariable. As time +goes on, they become more and more arbitrary, positive, and imperative. +If asked why they act in a certain way in certain cases, primitive +people always answer that it is because they and their ancestors always +have done so." Thus the transmission of the mores comes to be a process +embodying the greatest conservatism and the least likelihood of change. +This situation represents an adaption of society to life-conditions; it +would seem that because of the rapidity of succession of variations +there is need of an intensely conserving force (like ethnocentrism or +religion) to preserve a certain balance and poise in the evolutionary +movement. + +Transmission of the mores takes place through the agency of imitation or +of inculcation; through one or the other according as the initiative is +taken by the receiving or the giving party respectively. Inculcation +includes education in its broadest sense; but since that term implies in +general usage a certain, let us say protective, attitude taken by the +educator (as toward the young), the broader and more colorless +designation is chosen. Acculturation is the process by which one group +or people learns from another, whether the culture or civilization be +gotten by imitation or by inculcation. As there must be contact, +acculturation is sometimes ascribed to "contagion." + + +4. Temperament, Tradition, and Nationality[78] + +The temperament of the Negro, as I conceive it, consists in a few +elementary but distinctive characteristics, determined by physical +organizations and transmitted biologically. These characteristics +manifest themselves in a genial, sunny, and social disposition, in an +interest and attachment to external, physical things rather than to +subjective states and objects of introspection, in a disposition for +expression rather than enterprise and action. + +The changes which have taken place in the manifestations of this +temperament have been actuated by an inherent and natural impulse, +characteristic of all living beings, to persist and maintain itself in a +changed environment. Such changes have occurred as are likely to take +place in any organism in its struggle to live and to use its environment +to further and complete its own existence. + +The result has been that this racial temperament has selected out of the +mass of cultural materials to which it had access, such technical, +mechanical, and intellectual devices as met its needs at a particular +period of its existence. It has clothed and enriched itself with such +new customs, habits, and cultural forms as it was able, or permitted to +use. It has put into these relatively external things, moreover, such +concrete meanings as its changing experience and its unchanging racial +individuality demanded. Everywhere and always it has been interested +rather in expression than in action; interested in life itself rather +than in its reconstruction or reformation. The Negro is, by natural +disposition, neither an intellectual nor an idealist, like the Jew; nor +a brooding introspective, like the East Indian; nor a pioneer and +frontiersman, like the Anglo-Saxon. He is primarily an artist, loving +life for its own sake. His _metier_ is expression rather than action. He +is, so to speak, the lady among the races. + +In reviewing the fortunes of the Negro's temperament as it is manifested +in the external events of the Negro's life in America, our analysis +suggests that this racial character of the Negro has exhibited itself +everywhere in something like the role of the _wish_ in the Freudian +analysis of dream-life. The external cultural forms which he found here, +like the memories of the individual, have furnished the materials in +which the racial wish, i.e., the Negro temperament, has clothed itself. +The inner meaning, the sentiment, the emphasis, the emotional color, +which these forms assumed as the result of their transference from the +white man to the Negro, these have been the Negro's own. They have +represented his temperament--his temperament modified, however, by his +experience and the tradition which he has accumulated in this country. +The temperament is African, but the tradition is American. + +If it is true that the Jew just because of his intellectuality is a +natural-born idealist, internationalist, doctrinaire, and revolutionist, +while the Negro, because of his natural attachment to known familiar +objects, places, and persons, is pre-adapted to conservatism and to +local and personal loyalties--if these things are true, we shall +eventually have to take account of them practically. It is certain that +the Negro has uniformly shown a disposition to loyalty during slavery to +his master and during freedom to the South and the country as a whole. +He has maintained this attitude of loyalty, too, under very discouraging +circumstances. I once heard Kelly Miller, the most philosophical of the +leaders and teachers of his race, say in a public speech that one of the +greatest hardships the Negro suffered in this country was due to the +fact that he was not permitted to be patriotic. + +Of course all these alleged racial characteristics have a positive as +well as a negative significance. Every race, like every individual, has +the vices of its virtues. The question remains still to what extent +so-called racial characteristics are actually racial, i.e., biological, +and to what extent they are the effect of environmental conditions. The +thesis of this paper, to state it again, is: (1) that fundamental +temperamental qualities, which are the basis of interest and attention, +act as selective agencies and as such determine what elements in the +cultural environment each race will select; in what region it will seek +and find its vocation in the larger social organization; (2) that, on +the other hand, technique, science, machinery, tools, habits, +discipline, and all the intellectual and mechanical devices with which +the civilized man lives and works remain relatively external to the +inner core of significant attitudes and values which constitute what we +may call the will of the group. This racial will is, to be sure, largely +social, that is, modified by social experience, but it rests ultimately +upon a complex of inherited characteristics, which are racial. + +The individual man is the bearer of a double inheritance. As a member of +a race, he transmits by interbreeding a biological inheritance. As a +member of society or a social group, on the other hand, he transmits by +communication a social inheritance. The particular complex of +inheritable characters which characterizes the individuals of a racial +group constitutes the racial temperament. The particular group of +habits, accommodations, sentiments, attitudes, and ideals transmitted by +communication and education constitutes a social tradition. Between this +temperament and this tradition there is, as has been generally +recognized, a very intimate relationship. My assumption is that +temperament is the basis of the interests; that as such it determines in +the long run the general run of attention, and this, eventually, +determines the selection in the case of an individual of his vocation, +in the case of the racial group of its culture. That is to say, +temperament determines what things the individual and the group will be +interested in; what elements of the general culture, to which they have +access, they will assimilate; what, to state it pedagogically, they will +learn. + +It will be evident at once that where individuals of the same race and +hence the same temperament are associated, the temperamental interests +will tend to reinforce one another, and the attention of members of the +group will be more completely focused upon the specific objects and +values that correspond to the racial temperament. In this way racial +qualities become the basis for nationalities, a nationalistic group +being merely a cultural and, eventually, a political society founded on +the basis of racial inheritances. + +On the other hand, when racial segregation is broken up and members of a +racial group are dispersed, the opposite effect will take place. This +explains the phenomena which have frequently been the subject of comment +and observation, that the racial characteristics manifest themselves in +an extraordinary way in large homogeneous gatherings. The contrast +between a mass meeting of one race and a similar meeting of another is +particularly striking. Under such circumstances characteristic racial +and temperamental differences appear that would otherwise pass entirely +unnoticed. + +When the physical unity of a group is perpetuated by the succession of +parents and children, the racial temperament, including fundamental +attitudes and values which rest in it, is preserved intact. When, +however, society grows and is perpetuated by immigration and adaptation, +there ensues, as a result of miscegenation, a breaking up of the complex +of the biologically inherited qualities which constitute the temperament +of the race. This again initiates changes in the mores, traditions, and +eventually in the institutions of the community. The changes which +proceed from modification in the racial temperament will, however, +modify but slightly the external forms of the social traditions, but +they will be likely to change profoundly their content and meaning. Of +course other factors, individual competition, the formation of classes, +and especially the increase of communication, all co-operate to +complicate the whole situation and to modify the effects which would be +produced by racial factors working in isolation. + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + + +1. Conceptions of Human Nature Implicit in Religious and Political +Doctrines + +Although the systematic study of it is recent, there has always been a +certain amount of observation and a great deal of assumption in regard +to human nature. The earliest systematic treatises in jurisprudence, +history, theology, and politics necessarily proceeded from certain more +or less naive assumptions in regard to the nature of man. In the +extension of Roman law over subject peoples the distinction was made +between _jus gentium_ and _jus naturae_, i.e., the laws peculiar to a +particular nation as contrasted with customs and laws common to all +nations and derived from the nature of mankind. Macauley writes of the +"principles of human nature" from which it is possible to deduce a +theory of government. Theologians, in devising a logical system of +thought concerning the ways of God to man, proceeded on the basis of +certain notions of human nature. The doctrines of original sin, the +innate depravity of man, the war of the natural man and the spiritual +man had a setting in the dogmas of the fall of man, redemption through +faith, and the probationary character of life on earth. In striking +contrast with the pessimistic attitude of theologians toward human +nature, social revolutionists like Rousseau have condemned social +institutions as inherently vicious and optimistically placed reliance +upon human nature as innately good. + +In all these treatises the assumptions about human nature are either +preconceptions or rationalizations from experience incidental to the +legal, moral, religious, or political system of thought. There is in +these treatises consequently little or no analysis or detailed +description of the traits attributed to men. Certainly, there is no +evidence of an effort to arrive at an understanding of human behavior +from an objective study of its nature. + +Historic assumptions in regard to human nature, no matter how fantastic +or unscientific, have exerted, nevertheless, a far-reaching influence +upon group action. Periods of social revolution are ushered in by +theorists who perceive only the evil in institutions and the good in +human nature. On the other hand, the "guardians of society," distrustful +of the impulses of human nature, place their reliance upon conventions +and upon existing forms of social organization. Communistic societies +have been organized upon certain ideas of human nature and have survived +as long as these beliefs which inspired them controlled the behavior of +members of the group. + +Philosophers from the time of Socrates have invariably sought to justify +their moral and political theories upon a conception, if not a +definition, of the nature of man. Aristotle, in his _Politics_ and +Hobbes in his _Leviathan_, to refer to two classics, offer widely +divergent interpretations of human nature. Aristotle emphasized man's +altruistic traits, Hobbes stressed his egoistic disposition. These +opposite conceptions of human behavior are explicit and in each case +presented with a display of evidence. Yet students soon realize that +neither philosopher, in fashioning his conception, is entirely without +animus or ulterior motive. When these definitions are considered in the +context in which they occur, they seem less an outgrowth of an analysis +of human nature, than formulas devised in the interest of a political +theory. Aristotle was describing the ideal state; Hobbes was interested +in the security of an existing social order. + +Still, the contribution made by social and political philosophers has +been real. Their descriptions of human behavior, if inadequate and +unscientific, at least recognized that an understanding of human nature +was a precondition to social reorganization. The fact that philosophical +conceptions and ideal constructions are themselves social forces and as +such frequently represent vested interests, has been an obstacle to +social as well as physical science. + +Comte's notion that every scientific discipline must pass through a +theological and metaphysical stage before it assumed the character of a +positive science seems to be true as far as sociology is concerned. +Machiavelli shocked the moral sense of his time, if not the moralists of +all time, when he proposed to accept human nature as it is as a basis +for political science. Herbert Spencer insisted upon the futility of +expecting "golden conduct from leaden instincts." To the utopian social +reformers of his day he pointed out a series of welfare measures in +England in which the outcome was the direct opposite of the results +desired. + +This negative criticism of preconceived notions and speculations about +human nature prepared the way for disinterested observation and +comparison. Certain modern tendencies and movements gave an impetus to +the detached study of human behavior. The ethnologists collected +objective descriptions of the behavior of primitive people. In +psychology interest developed in the study of the child and in the +comparative study of human and animal behavior. The psychiatrist, in +dealing with certain types of abnormal behavior like hysteria and +multiple personality, was forced to study human behavior objectively. +All this has prepared the way for a science of human nature and of +society based upon objective and disinterested observation. + + +2. Literature and the Science of Human Nature + +The poets were the first to recognize that "the proper study of mankind +is man" as they were also the first to interpret it objectively. The +description and appreciation of human nature and personality by the poet +and artist preceded systematic and reflective analysis by the +psychologist and the sociologist. In recent years, moreover, there has +been a very conscious effort to make literature, as well as history, +"scientific." Georg Brandes in his _Main Currents in Nineteenth Century +Literature_ set himself the task to "trace first and foremost the +connection between literature and life." Taine's _History of English +Literature_ attempts to delineate British temperament and character as +mirrored in literary masterpieces. + +The novel which emphasizes "_milieu_" and "character," as contrasted +with the novel which emphasizes "action" and "plot," is a literary +device for the analysis of human nature and society. Emile Zola in an +essay _The Experimental Novel_ has presented with characteristic +audacity the case for works of fiction as instruments for the scientific +dissection and explanation of human behavior. + + The novelist is equally an observer and an experimentalist. The + observer in him gives the facts as he has observed them, + suggests the points of departure, displays the solid earth on + which his characters are to tread and the phenomena develop. + Then the experimentalist appears and introduces an experiment, + that is to say, sets his characters going in a certain story so + as to show that the succession of facts will be such as the + requirements of the determinism of the phenomena under + examination call for. The novelist starts out in search of a + truth. I will take as an example the character of the "Baron + Hulot," in _Cousine Bette_, by Balzac. The general fact + observed by Balzac is the ravages that the amorous temperament + of a man makes in his home, in his family, and in society. As + soon as he has chosen his subject he starts from known facts, + then he makes his experiment and exposes Hulot to a series of + trials, placing him among certain surroundings in order to + exhibit how the complicated machinery of his passions works. It + is then evident that there is not only observation there, but + that there is also experiment, as Balzac does not remain + satisfied with photographing the facts collected by him, but + interferes in a direct way to place his characters in certain + conditions, and of these he remains the master. The problem is + to know what such a passion, acting in such surroundings and + under such circumstances, would produce from the point of view + of an individual and of society; and an experimental novel, + _Cousine Bette_, for example, is simply the report of the + experiment that the novelist conducts before the eyes of the + public. In fact, the whole operation consists of taking facts + in nature, then in studying the mechanism of these facts, + acting upon them, by the modification of circumstances and + surroundings, without deviating from the laws of nature. + Finally, you possess knowledge of the man, scientific knowledge + of him, in both his individual and social relations.[79] + +After all that may be said for the experimental novel, however, its +primary aim, like that of history, is appreciation and understanding, +not generalization and abstract formulas. Insight and sympathy, the +mystical sense of human solidarity, expressed in the saying "to +comprehend all is to forgive all," this fiction has to give. And these +are materials which the sociologist cannot neglect. As yet there is no +autobiography or biography of an egocentric personality so convincing as +George Meredith's _The Egoist_. The miser is a social type; but there +are no case studies as sympathetic and discerning as George Eliot's +_Silas Marner_. Nowhere in social science has the technique of case +study developed farther than in criminology; yet Dostoevsky's +delineation of the self-analysis of the murderer in _Crime and +Punishment_ dwarfs all comparison outside of similar studies in +fiction. The function of the so-called psychological or sociological +novel stops, however, with its presentation of the individual incident +or case; it is satisfied by the test of its appeal to the experience of +the reader. The scientific study of human nature proceeds a step +farther; it seeks generalizations. From the case studies of history and +of literature it abstracts the laws and principles of human behavior. + + +3. Research in the Field of Original Nature + +Valuable materials for the study of human nature have been accumulated +in archaeology, ethnology, and folklore. William G. Sumner, in his book +_Folkways_, worked through the ethnological data and made it available +for sociological use. By classification and comparison of the customs of +primitive peoples he showed that cultural differences were based on +variations in folkways and mores in adaptation to the environment, +rather than upon fundamental differences in human nature. + +The interests of research have resulted in a division of labor between +the fields of original and acquired nature in man. The examination of +original tendencies has been quite properly connected with the study of +inheritance. For the history of research in this field, the student is +referred to treatises upon genetics and evolution and to the works of +Lamarck, Darwin, DeVries, Weismann, and Mendel. Recent discoveries in +regard to the mechanism of biological inheritance have led to the +organization of a new applied science, "eugenics." The new science +proposes a social program for the improvement of the racial traits based +upon the investigations of breeding and physical inheritance. Research +in eugenics has been fostered by the Galton Laboratory in England, and +by the Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor in the United +States. Interest has centered in the study of the inheritance of +feeble-mindedness. Studies of feeble-minded families and groups, as _The +Kallikak Family_ by Goddard, _The Jukes_ by Dugdale, and _The Tribe of +Ishmael_ by M'Culloch, have shown how mental defect enters as a factor +into industrial inefficiency, poverty, prostitution, and crime. + + +4. The Investigation of Human Personality + +The trend of research in human nature has been toward the study of +personality. Scientific inquiry into the problems of personality was +stimulated by the observation of abnormal behavior such as hysteria, +loss of memory, etc., where the cause was not organic and, therefore, +presumably psychic. A school of French psychiatrists and psychologists +represented by Charcot, Janet, and Ribot have made signal contributions +to an understanding of the maladies of personality. Investigation in +this field, invaluable for an understanding of the person, has been made +in the study of dual and multiple personality. The work of Freud, Jung, +Adler, and others in psychoanalysis has thrown light upon the role of +mental conflict, repression, and the wishes in the growth of +personality. + +In sociology, personality is studied, not only from the subjective +standpoint of its organization, but even more in its objective aspects +and with reference to the role of the person in the group. One of the +earliest classifications of "kinds of conduct" has been ascribed by +tradition to a disciple of Aristotle, Theophrastus, who styled himself +"a student of human nature." _The Characters of Theophrastus_ is +composed of sketches--humorous and acute, if superficial--of types such +as "the flatterer," "the boor," "the coward," "the garrulous man." They +are as true to modern life as to the age of Alexander. Chief among the +modern imitators of Theophrastus is La Bruyere, who published in 1688 +_Les caracteres, ou les moeurs de ce siecle_, a series of essays on +the manners of his time, illustrated by portraits of his contemporaries. + +Autobiography and biography provide source material for the study both +of the subjective life and of the social role of the person. Three great +autobiographies which have inspired the writing of personal narratives +are themselves representative of the different types: Caesar's +_Commentaries_, with his detached impersonal description of his great +exploits; the _Confessions of St. Augustine_, with his intimate +self-analysis and intense self-reproach, and the less well-known _De +Vita Propria Liber_ by Cardan. This latter is a serious attempt at +scientific self-examination. Recently, attention has been directed to +the accumulation of autobiographical and biographical materials which +are interpreted from the point of view of psychiatry and psychoanalysis. +The study _Der Fall Otto Weininger_ by Dr. Ferdinand Probst is a +representative monograph of this type. The outstanding example of this +method and its use for sociological interpretation is "Life Record of an +Immigrant" contained in the third volume of Thomas and Znaniecki, _The +Polish Peasant_. In connection with the _Recreation Survey_ of the +Cleveland Foundation and the _Americanization Studies of the Carnegie +Corporation_, the life-history has been developed as part of the +technique of investigation. + + +5. The Measurement of Individual Differences + +With the growing sense of the importance of individual differences in +human nature, attempts at their measurement have been essayed. Tests for +physical and mental traits have now reached a stage of accuracy and +precision. The study of temperamental and social characteristics is +still in the preliminary stage. + +The field of the measurement of physical traits is dignified by the name +"anthropometry." In the nineteenth century high hopes were widely held +of the significance of measurements of the cranium and of physiognomy +for an understanding of the mental and moral nature of the person. The +lead into phrenology sponsored by Gall and Spurzheim proved to be a +blind trail. The so-called "scientific school of criminology" founded by +Cesare Lombroso upon the identification of the criminal type by certain +abnormalities of physiognomy and physique was undermined by the +controlled study made by Charles Goring. At the present time the +consensus of expert opinion is that only for a small group may gross +abnormalities of physical development be associated with abnormal mental +and emotional reactions. + +In 1905-11 Binet and Simon devised a series of tests for determining the +mental age of French school children. The purpose of the mental +measurements was to gauge innate mental capacity. Therefore the tests +excluded material which had to do with special social experience. With +their introduction into the United States certain revisions and +modifications, such as the Goddard Revision, the Terman Revision, the +Yerkes-Bridges Point Scale, were made in the interests of +standardization. The application of mental measurements to different +races and social classes raised the question of the extent to which +individual groups varied because of differences in social experience. +While it is not possible absolutely to separate original tendencies from +their expression in experience, it is practicable to devise tests which +will take account of divergent social environments. + +The study of volitional traits and of temperament is still in its +infancy. Many recent attempts at classification of temperaments rest +upon as impressionistic a basis as the popular fourfold division into +sanguine, melancholic, choleric, and phlegmatic. Two of the efforts to +define temperamental differences rest, however, upon first-hand study of +cases. Dr. June E. Downey has devised a series of tests based upon +handwriting material for measuring will traits. In her pamphlet _The +Will Profile_ she presents an analysis of twelve volitional traits: +revision, perseverance, co-ordination of impulses, care for detail, +motor inhibition, resistance, assurance, motor impulsion, speed of +decision, flexibility, freedom from inertia, and speed of movement. From +a study of several hundred cases she defined certain will patterns which +apparently characterize types of individuals. In her experience she has +found the rating of the subject by the will test to have a distinct +value in supplementing the test for mentality. + +Kraepelin, on the basis of his examination of abnormal mental states, +offers a classification of types of psychopathic personalities. He +distinguishes six groups: the excitable, the unstable, the psychopathic +trend, the eccentric, the anti-social, and the contentious. In +psychoanalysis a simpler twofold division is frequently made between the +_introverts_, or the "introspective" and the _extroverts_, or the +"objective" types of individual. + +The study of social types is as yet an unworked field. Literature and +life surround us with increasing specializations in personalities, but +attempts at classification are still in the impressionistic stage. The +division suggested by Thomas into the Philistine, Bohemian, and Creative +types, while suggestive, is obviously too simple for an adequate +description of the rich and complex variety of personalities. + +This survey indicates the present status of attempts to define and +measure differences in original and human nature. A knowledge of +individual differences is important in every field of social control. It +is significant that these tests have been devised to meet problems of +policies and of administration in medicine, in industry, in education, +and in penal and reformatory institutions. Job analysis, personnel +administration, ungraded rooms, classes for exceptional children, +vocational guidance, indicate fields made possible by the development of +tests for measuring individual differences. + + +SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY + +I. ORIGINAL NATURE + + +A. _Racial Inheritance_ + +(1) Thomson, J. Arthur. _Heredity._ London and New York, 1908. + +(2) Washburn, Margaret F. _The Animal Mind._ New York, 1908. + +(3) Morgan, C. Lloyd. _Habit and Instinct._ London and New York, 1896. + +(4) ----. _Instinct and Experience._ New York, 1912. + +(5) Loeb, Jacques. _Comparative Physiology of the Brain and Comparative +Psychology._ New York, 1900. + +(6) ----. _Forced Movements._ Philadelphia and London, 1918. + +(7) Jennings, H. S. _Behavior of the Lower Organisms._ New York, 1906. + +(8) Watson, John. _Behavior: an Introduction to Comparative Psychology._ +New York, 1914. + +(9) Thorndike, E. L. _The Original Nature of Man._ Vol. I of +"Educational Psychology." New York, 1913. + +(10) Paton, Stewart. _Human Behavior._ In relation to the study of +educational, social, and ethical problems. New York, 1921. + +(11) Faris, Ellsworth. "Are Instincts Data or Hypotheses?" _American +Journal of Sociology_, XXVII (Sept., 1921.) + + +B. _Heredity and Eugenics_ + +1. Systematic Treatises: + +(1) Castle, W. E., Coulter, J. M., Davenport, C. B., East, E. M., and +Tower, W. L. _Heredity and Eugenics._ Chicago, 1912. + +(2) Davenport, C. B. _Heredity in Relation to Eugenics._ New York, 1911. + +(3) Goddard, Henry H. _Feeble-mindedness._ New York, 1914. + +2. Inherited Inferiority of Families and Communities: + +(1) Dugdale, Richard L. _The Jukes._ New York, 1877. + +(2) M'Culloch, O. C. _The Tribe of Ishmael._ A study in social +degradation. National Conference of Charities and Correction, 1888, +154-59; 1889, 265; 1890, 435-37. + +(3) Goddard, Henry H. _The Kallikak Family._ New York, 1912. + +(4) Winship, A. E. _Jukes-Edwards._ A study in education and heredity. +Harrisburg, Pa., 1900. + +(5) Estabrook, A. H., and Davenport, C. B. _The Nam Family._ A study in +cacogenics. Cold Spring Harbor, N.Y., 1912. + +(6) Danielson, F. H., and Davenport, C. B. _The Hill Folk._ Report on a +rural community of hereditary defectives. Cold Spring Harbor, N.Y., +1912. + +(7) Kite, Elizabeth S. "The Pineys," _Survey_, XXXI (October 4, 1913), +7-13. 38-40. + +(8) Gesell, A. L. "The Village of a Thousand Souls," _American +Magazine_, LXXVI (October, 1913), 11-13. + +(9) Kostir, Mary S. _The Family of Sam Sixty._ Columbus, 1916. + +(10) Finlayson, Anna W. _The Dack Family._ A study on hereditary lack of +emotional control. Cold Spring Harbor, N. Y., 1916. + + +II. HUMAN NATURE + + +A. _Human Traits_ + +(1) Cooley, Charles H. _Human Nature and the Social Order._ New York, +1902. + +(2) Shaler, N. S. _The Individual._ New York, 1900. + +(3) Hocking, W. E. _Human Nature and Its Remaking._ New Haven, 1918. + +(4) Edman, Irwin. _Human Traits and Their Social Significance._ Boston, +1919. + +(5) Wallas, Graham. _Human Nature in Politics._ London, 1908. + +(6) Lippmann, Walter. _A Preface to Politics._ [A criticism of present +politics from the point of view of human-nature studies.] New York and +London, 1913. + +(7) James, William. _The Varieties of Religious Experience._ A study in +human nature. London and New York, 1902. + +(8) Ellis, Havelock. _Studies in the Psychology of Sex._ 6 vols. +Philadelphia, 1900-1905. + +(9) Thomas, W. I. _Source Book for Social Origins._ Chicago, 1909. +[Contains extensive bibliographies.] + + +B. _The Mores_ + +1. Comparative Studies of Cultural Traits: + +(1) Tylor, E. B. _Primitive Culture._ Researches into the development of +mythology, philosophy, religion, language, art, and custom. 4th ed. 2 +vols. London, 1903. + +(2) Sumner, W. G. _Folkways._ A study of the sociological importance of +usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals. Boston, 1906. + +(3) Westermarck, E. A. _The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas._ +London and New York, 1908. + +(4) Ratzel, F. _History of Mankind._ Translated by A. J. Butler. London +and New York, 1898. + +(5) Vierkandt, A. _Naturvoelker und Kulturvoelker._ Leipzig, 1896. + +(6) Lippert, Julius. _Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit in ihrem +organischem Aufbau._ Stuttgart, 1886-87. + +(7) Frazer, J. G. _The Golden Bough._ A study in magic and religion. 3d +ed., 12 vols. (Volume XII is a bibliography of the preceding volumes.) +London and New York, 1907-15. + +(8) Dewey, John, and Tufts, James H. _Ethics._ New York, 1908. + + +2. Studies of Traits of Individual Peoples: + +(1) Fouillee, A. _Psychologie du peuple francais._ Paris, 1898. + +(2) Rhys, J., and Brynmor-Jones, D. _The Welsh People._ London, 1900. + +(3) Fishberg, M. _The Jews._ A study of race and environment. London and +New York, 1911. + +(4) Strausz, A. _Die Bulgaren._ Ethnographische Studien. Leipzig, 1898. + +(5) Stern, B. _Geschichtete der oeffentlichen Sittlichkeit in Russland._ +Kultur, Aberglaube, Sitten, und Gebraueche. Zwei Baende. Berlin, 1907-8. + +(6) Krauss, F. S. _Sitte und Brauch der Suedslaven._ Wien, 1885. + +(7) Kidd, D. _The Essential Kafir._ London, 1904. + +(8) Spencer, B., and Gillen, F. J. _The Native Tribes of Central +Australia._ London and New York, 1899. + + +C. _Human Nature and Industry_ + +(1) Taylor, F. W. _The Principles of Scientific Management._ New York, +1911. + +(2) Tead, O., and Metcalf, H. C. _Personnel Administration; Its +Principles and Practice._ New York, 1920. + +(3) Tead, O. _Instincts in Industry._ A study of working-class +psychology. Boston, 1918. + +(4) Parker, C. H. _The Casual Laborer and Other Essays._ New York, 1920. + +(5) Marot, Helen. _Creative Impulse in Industry; A Proposition for +Educators._ New York, 1918. + +(6) Williams, Whiting. _What's on the Worker's Mind._ New York, 1920. + +(7) Hollingworth, H. L. _Vocational Psychology; Its Problems and +Methods._ New York, 1916. + + +III. PERSONALITY + + +A. _The Genesis of Personality_ + +(1) Baldwin, J. M. _Mental Development in the Child and the Race: +Methods and Processes._ 3d rev. ed. New York and London, 1906. + +(2) Baldwin, J. M. _Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental +Developments._ Chap ii, "The Social Person," pp. 66-98. 3d ed., rev. and +enl. New York and London, 1902. + +(3) Sully, J. _Studies of Childhood._ rev. ed. New York, 1903. + +(4) King, I. _The Psychology of Child Development._ Chicago, 1903. + +(5) Thorndike, E. L. _Notes on Child Study._ New York, 1903. + +(6) Hall, G. S. _Adolescence._ Its psychology and its relations to +physiology, anthropology, sociology, sex, crime, religion, and +education. 2 vols.. New York, 1904. + +(7) Shinn, Milicent W. _Notes on the Development of a Child._ University +of California Studies. Nos. 1-4. 1893-99. + +(8) Kirkpatrick, E. A. _The Individual in the Making._ Boston and New +York, 1911. + + +B. _Psychology and Sociology of the Person_ + +(1) James, William. _The Principles of Psychology._ Chap, x, +"Consciousness of Self," I, 291-401. New York, 1890. + +(2) Bekhterev, V. M. (Bechterew, W. v.) _Die Persoenlichkeit und die +Bedingungen ihrer Entwicklung und Gesundheit._ "Grenzfragen des Nerven +und Seelenlebens," No. 45. Wiesbaden, 1906. + +(3) Binet, A. _Alterations of Personality._ Translated by H. G. Baldwin. +New York, 1896. + +(4) Ribot, T. A. _Diseases of Personality._ Authorized translation, 2d +rev. ed. Chicago, 1895. + +(5) Adler, A. _The Neurotic Constitution._ New York, 1917. + +(6) Prince, M. _The Dissociation of a Personality._ A biographical study +in abnormal psychology. 2d ed. New York, 1913. + +(7) ----. _The Unconscious._ The fundamentals of human personality, +normal and abnormal. New York, 1914. + +(8) Coblenz, Felix. _Ueber das betende Ich in den Psalmen._ Ein Beitrag +zur Erklaerung des Psalters. Frankfort, 1897. + +(9) Royce, J. _Studies of Good and Evil._ A series of essays upon +problems of philosophy and life. Chap, viii, "Some Observations on the +Anomalies of Self-consciousness," pp. 169-97. A paper read before the +Medico-Psychological Association of Boston, March 21, 1894. New York, +1898. + +(10) Stern, B. _Werden and Wesen der Persoenlichkeit._ Biologische und +historische Untersuchungen ueber menschliche Individualitaet. Wien und +Leipzig, 1913. + +(11) Shand, A. F. _The Foundations of Character._ Being a study of the +tendencies of the emotions and sentiments. London, 1914. + + +C. _Materials for the Study of the Person_ + +(1) Theophrastus. _The Characters of Theophrastus._ Translated from the +Greek by R. C. Jebb. London, 1870. + +(2) La Bruyere, Jean de. _Les caracteres, ou les moeurs de ce siecle._ +Paris, 1916. _The "Characters" of Jean de La Bruyere._ Translated from +the French by Henri Van Laun. London, 1885. + +(3) Augustinus, Aurelius. _The Confessions of St. Augustine._ Translated +from the Latin by E. B. Pusly. London, 1907. + +(4) Wesley, John. _The Journal of the Rev. John Wesley._ New York and +London, 1907. + +(5) Amiel, H. _Journal intime._ Translated by Mrs. Ward. London and New +York, 1885. + +(6) Cellini, Benvenuto. _Memoirs of Benvenuto Cellini._ Translated from +the Italian by J. A. Symonds. New York, 1898. + +(7) Woolman, John. _Journal of the Life, Gospel Labors, and Christian +Experiences of That Faithful Minister of Jesus Christ, John Woolman._ +Dublin, 1794. + +(8) Tolstoy, Count Leon. _My Confession._ Translated from the Russian. +Paris and New York, 1887. _My Religion._ Translated from the French. New +York, 1885. + +(9) Riley, I. W. _The Founder of Mormonism._ A psychological study of +Joseph Smith, Jr. New York, 1902. + +(10) Wilde, Oscar. _De Profundis._ New York and London, 1905. + +(11) Keller, Helen. _The Story of My Life._ New York, 1903. + +(12) Simmel, Georg. _Goethe._ Leipzig, 1913. + +(13) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and +America._ "Life-Record of an Immigrant," III, 89-400. Boston, 1919. + +(14) Probst, Ferdinand. _Der Fall Otto Weininger._ "Grenzfragen des +Nerven- und Seelenlebens," No. 31. Wiesbaden, 1904. + +(15) Anthony, Katherine. _Margaret Fuller._ A psychological biography. +New York, 1920. + +(16) Willard, Josiah Flynt. _My Life._ New York, 1908. + +(17) ----. _Tramping with Tramps._ New York, 1899. + +(18) Cummings, B. F. _The Journal of a Disappointed Man_, by Barbellion, +W. N. P. [_pseud._] Introduction by H. G. Wells. New York, 1919. + +(19) Audoux, Marguerite. _Marie Claire._ Introduction by Octave +Mirabeau. Translated from the French by J. N. Raphael. London and New +York, 1911. + +(20) Clemens, Samuel L. _The Adventures of Tom Sawyer_, by Mark Twain +[_pseud._]. New York, 1903. + +(21) Hapgood, Hutchins. _The Autobiography of a Thief._ New York, 1903. + +(22) Johnson, James W. _The Autobiography of an ex-Colored Man._ +Published anonymously. Boston, 1912. + +(23) Washington, Booker T. _Up from Slavery._ An autobiography. New +York, 1901. + +(24) Du Bois, W. E. B. _The Souls of Black Folk._ Chicago, 1903. + +(25) Beers, C. W. _A Mind That Found Itself._ An autobiography. 4th rev. +ed. New York, 1917. + + +IV. INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES + + +A. _The Nature of Individual Differences_ + +(1) Thorndike, E. L. _Individuality._ Boston, 1911. + +(2) ----. "Individual Differences and Their Causes," _Educational +Psychology_, III, 141-388. New York, 1913-14. + +(3) Stern, W. _Ueber Psychologie der individuellen Differenzen._ +Leipzig, 1900. + +(4) Hollingworth, Leta S. _The Psychology of Subnormal Children._ Chap. +i. "Individual Differences." New York, 1920. + + +B. _Mental Differences_ + +(1) Goddard, H. H. _Feeble-mindedness._ Its causes and consequences. New +York, 1914. + +(2) Tredgold, A. F. _Mental Deficiency._ 2d ed. New York, 1916. + +(3) Bronner, Augusta F. _The Psychology of Special Abilities and +Disabilities._ Boston, 1917. + +(4) Healy, William. _Case Studies of Mentally and Morally Abnormal +Types._ Cambridge, Mass., 1912. + + +C. _Temperamental Differences_ + +1. Systematic Treatises: + +(1) Fouillee, A. _Temperament et caractere selon les individus, les +sexes et les races._ Paris, 1895. + +(2) Hirt, Eduard. _Die Temperamente, ihr Wesen, ihre Bedeutung, fuer das +seelische Erleben und ihre besonderen Gestaltungen._ "Grenzfragen des +Nerven- und Seelenlebens," No. 40. Wiesbaden, 1905. + +(3) Hoch, A., and Amsden, G. S. "A Guide to the Descriptive Study of +Personality," _Review of Neurology and Psychiatry_, (1913), pp. 577-87. + +(4) Kraepelin, E. _Psychiatrie._ Ein Lehrbuch fuer Studierende und Aerzte. +Vol. IV, chap. xvi, pp. 1973-2116. 8th ed. 4 vols. Leipzig, 1909-15. + +(5) Loewenfeld, L. _Ueber die geniale Geistesthaetigkeit mit besonderer +Beruecksichtigung des Genie's fuer bildende Kunst._ "Grenzfragen des +Nerven- und Seelenlebens," No. 21. Wiesbaden, 1903. + +2. Temperamental Types: + +(1) Lombroso, C. _The Man of Genius._ Translated from the Italian. +London and New York, 1891. + +(2) ----. _L'uomo delinquente in rapporto all'antropologia, alla +giurisprudenza ed alle discipline carcerarie._ 3 vols. 5th ed. Torino, +1896-97. + +(3) Goring, Charles. _The English Convict._ A statistical study. London, +1913. + +(4) Wilmanns, Karl. _Psychopathologie des Landstreichers._ Leipzig, +1906. + +(5) Downey, June E. "The Will Profile." A tentative scale for +measurement of the volitional pattern. _University of Wyoming Bulletin_, +Laramie, 1919. + +(6) Pagnier, A. _Le vagabond._ Paris, 1910. + +(7) Kowalewski, A. _Studien zur Psychologie der Pessimismus._ +"Grenzfragen des Nerven- und Seelenlebens," No. 24. Wiesbaden, 1904. + + +D. _Sex Differences_ + +(1) Ellis, H. H. _Man and Woman._ A study of human secondary sexual +characters. 5th rev. ed. London and New York, 1914. + +(2) Geddes, P., and Thomson, J. A. _The Evolution of Sex._ London, 1889. + +(3) Thompson, Helen B. _The Mental Traits of Sex._ An experimental +investigation of the normal mind in men and women. Chicago, 1903. + +(4) Montague, Helen, and Hollingworth, Leta S. "The Comparative +Variability of the Sexes at Birth," _American Journal of Sociology_, XX +(1914-15), 335-70. + +(5) Thomas, W. I. _Sex and Society._ Chicago, 1907. + +(6) Weidensall, C. J. _The Mentality of the Criminal Woman._ A +comparative study of the criminal woman, the working girl, and the +efficient working woman, in a series of mental and physical tests. +Baltimore, 1916. + +(7) Hollingworth, Leta S. "Variability as Related to Sex Differences in +Achievement," _American Journal of Sociology_, XIX (1913-14), 510-30. +[Bibliography.] + + +E. _Racial Differences_ + +(1) Boas, F. _The Mind of Primitive Man._ New York, 1911. + +(2) _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits._ 5 vols. +Cambridge, 1901-08. + +(3) Le Bon, G. _The Psychology of Peoples._ Its influence on their +evolution. New York and London, 1898. [Translation.] + +(4) Reuter, E. B. _The Mulatto in the United States._ Boston, 1918. + +(5) Bruner, F. G. "Hearing of Primitive Peoples," _Archives of +Psychology_, No. 11. New York, 1908. + +(6) Woodworth, R. S. "Racial Differences in Mental Traits," _Science_, +new series, XXI (1910), 171-86. + +(7) Morse, Josiah. "A Comparison of White and Colored Children Measured +by the Binet-Simon Scale of Intelligence," _Popular Science Monthly_, +LXXXIVC (1914), 75-79. + +(8) Ferguson, G. O., Jr. "The Psychology of the Negro, an Experimental +Study," _Archives of Psychology_, No. 36. New York, 1916. +[Bibliography.] + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. Cooley's Conception of Human Nature + +2. Human Nature and the Instincts + +3. Human Nature and the Mores + +4. Studies in the Evolution of the Mores; Prohibition, Birth Control, +the Social Status of Children + +5. Labor Management as a Problem in Human Nature + +6. Human Nature in Politics + +7. Personality and the Self + +8. Personality as a Sociological Concept + +9. Temperament, Milieu, and Social Types; the Politician, Labor Leader, +Minister, Actor, Lawyer, Taxi Driver, Chorus Girl, etc. + +10. Bohemian, Philistine, and Genius + +11. The Beggar, Vagabond, and Hobo + +12. Literature as Source Material for the Study of Character + +13. Outstanding Personalities in a Selected Community + +14. Autobiography as Source Material for the Study of Human Nature + +15. Individual and Racial Differences Compared + +16. The Man of Genius as a Biological and a Sociological Product + +17. The Jukes and Kindred Studies of Inferior Groups + +18. History of the Binet-Simon Tests + +19. Mental Measurements and Vocational Guidance + +20. Psychiatry and Juvenile Delinquency + +21. Recent Studies of the Adolescent Girl + +22. Mental Inferiority and Crime + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. Is human nature that which is fundamental and alike in all +individuals or is it those qualities which we recognize and appreciate +as human when we meet them in individuals? + +2. What is the relation between original nature and the environment? + +3. What is the basis for the distinction made by Thorndike between +reflexes, instincts, and inborn capacities? + +4. Read carefully Thorndike's _Inventory of Original Tendencies_. What +illustrations of the different original traits occur to you? + +5. What do you understand by Park's statement that man is not born +human? + +6. "Human nature is a superstructure." What value has this metaphor? +What are its limitations? Suggest a metaphor which more adequately +illustrates the relation of original nature to acquired nature. + +7. In what sense can it be said that habit is a means of controlling +original nature? + +8. What, according to Park, is the relation of character to instinct and +habit? Do you agree with him? + +9. What do you understand by the statement that "original nature is +blind?" + +10. What relation has an ideal to (a) instinct and (b) group life? + +11. In what sense may we speak of the infant as the "natural man"? + +12. To what extent are racial differences (a) those of original +nature, (b) those acquired from experience? + +13. What evidence is there for the position that sex differences in +mental traits are acquired rather than inborn? + +14. How do you distinguish between mentality and temperament? + +15. How do you account for the great differences in achievement between +the sexes? + +16. What evidence is there of temperamental differences between the +sexes? between races? + +17. In the future will women equal men in achievement? + +18. What, in your judgment, is the range of individual differences? Is +it less or greater than that of racial and sex differences? + +19. What do you understand is the distinction between racial inheritance +as represented by the instincts, and innate individual differences? Do +you think that both should be regarded as part of original nature? + +20. What is the effect of education and the division of labor (a) upon +instincts and (b) upon individual differences? + +21. Are individual differences or likenesses more important for society? + +22. What do you understand to be the significance of individual +differences (a) for social life; (b) for education; (c) for +industry? + +23. What do you understand by the remaking of human nature? What is the +importance of this principle for politics, industry, and social +progress? + +24. Explain the proverbs: "Habit is ten times nature," "Habit is second +nature." + +25. What is Cooley's definition of human nature? Do you agree or +disagree with him? Elaborate your position. + +26. To what extent does human nature differ with race and geographic +environment? + +27. How would you reinterpret Aristotle's and Hobbes's conception of +human nature in the light of this definition? + +28. What illustrations of the difference between folkways and mores +would you suggest? + +29. Classify the following forms of behavior under (a) folkways or +(b) mores: tipping the hat, saluting an officer, monogamy, attending +church, Sabbath observance, prohibition, immersion as a form of baptism, +the afternoon tea of the Englishman, the double standard of morals, the +Ten Commandments, the Golden Rule, the Constitution of the United +States. + +30. What do you understand to be the relation of the mores to human +nature? + +31. In what way is (a) habit related to will? (b) custom related to +the general will? + +32. How do you distinguish the general will (a) from law, (b) from +custom? + +33. Does any one of the following terms embody your conception of what +is expressed by _Sittlichkeit_: good form, decency, self-respect, +propriety, good breeding, convention? + +34. Describe and analyze several concrete social situations where +_Sittlichkeit_ rather than conscience or law controlled the behavior of +the person or of the group. + +35. What do you understand by convention? What is the relation of +convention to instinct? Is convention a part of human nature to the same +extent as loyalty, honor, etc.? + +36. What is meant by the saying that mores, ritual, and convention are +in the words of Hegel "objective mind"? + +37. "The organism, and the brain as its highest representative, +constitute the real personality." What characteristics of personality +are stressed in this definition? + +38. Is there any significance to the fact that personality is derived +from the Latin word _persona_ (mask worn by actors)? + +39. Is the conventional self a product of habit, or of _Sittlichkeit_, +or of law, or of conscience? + +40. What is the importance of other people to the development of +self-consciousness? + +41. Under what conditions does self-consciousness arise? + +42. What do you understand by personality as a complex? As a total of +mental complexes? + +43. What is the relation of memory to personality as illustrated in the +case of dual personality and of moods? + +44. What do you understand Cooley to mean by the looking-glass self? + +45. What illustration would you suggest to indicate that an individual's +sense of his personality depends upon his status in the group? + +46. "All the world's a stage, and all the men and women merely players." +Is personality adequately defined in terms of a person's conception of +his role? + +47. What is the sociological significance of the saying, "If you would +have a virtue, feign it"? + +48. What, according to Bechterew, is the relation of personality to the +social _milieu_? + +49. What do you understand by the personality of peoples? What is the +relation of the personality of peoples and the personalities of +individuals who constitute the peoples? + +50. What do you understand by the difference between nature and nurture? + +51. What are acquired characters? How are they transmitted? + +52. What do you understand by the Mendelian principles of inheritance: +(a) the hypothesis of unit characters; (b) the law of dominance; and +(c) the law of segregation? + +53. What illustrations of the differences between instinct and tradition +would you suggest? + +54. What is the difference between the blue eye as a defect in +pigmentation, and of feeble-mindedness as a defective characteristic? + +55. Should it be the policy of society to eliminate all members below a +certain mental level either by segregation or by more drastic measures? + +56. What principles of treatment of practical value to parents and +teachers would you draw from the fact that feeble inhibition of temper +is a trait transmitted by biological inheritance? + +57. Why is an understanding of the principles of biological inheritance +of importance to sociology? + +58. In what two ways, according to Keller, are acquired characters +transmitted by tradition? + +59. Make a list of the different types of things derived by the person +(a) from his biological inheritance, and (b) from his social +heritage. + +60. What traits, temperament, mentality, manner, or character, are +distinctive of members of your family? Which of these have been +inherited, which acquired? + +61. What problems in society are due to defects in man's original +nature? + +62. What problems are the result of defects in folkways and mores? + +63. In what way do racial temperament and tradition determine national +characteristics? To what extent is the religious behavior of the negro +determined (a) by temperament, (b) by imitation of white culture? +How do you explain Scotch economy, Irish participation in politics, the +intellectuality of the Jew, etc.? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[55] Charles H. Cooley, _Social Organization_, pp. 28-30. + +[56] Charles H. Cooley, _Human Nature and the Social Order_, pp. 152-53. + +[57] _The Theory of the Leisure Class_ (New York, 1899). + +[58] From Edward L. Thorndike, _The Original Nature of Man_, pp. 1-7. +(Teachers College, Columbia University, 1913. Author's copyright.) + +[59] Compiled from Edward L. Thorndike, _The Original Nature of Man_, +pp. 43-194. (Teachers College, Columbia University, 1913. Author's +copyright.) + +[60] From Robert E. Park, _Principles of Human Behavior_, pp. 9-16. (The +Zalaz Corporation, 1915.) + +[61] Adapted from Milicent W. Shinn, _The Biography of a Baby_, pp. +20-77. (Houghton Mifflin Co., 1900. Author's copyright.) + +[62] From Albert Moll, _Sexual Life of the Child_, pp. 38-49. Translated +from the German by Dr. Eden Paul. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1902. +Reprinted by permission.) + +[63] From C. S. Myers, "On the Permanence of Racial Differences," in +_Papers on Inter-racial Problems_, edited by G. Spiller, pp. 74-76. (P. +S. King & Son, 1911.) + +[64] From Edward L. Thorndike, _Individuality_, pp. 1-8. (By permission +of and special arrangement with Houghton Mifflin Co., 1911.) + +[65] From W. E. Hocking, _Human Nature and Its Remaking_, pp. 2-12. +(Yale University Press, 1918.) + +[66] From William G. Sumner, _Folkways_, pp. 2-8. (Ginn & Co., 1906.) + +[67] Translated and adapted from Ferdinand Toennies, _Die Sitte_, pp. +7-14. (Literarische Anstalt, Ruetten und Loening, 1909.) + +[68] From Viscount Haldane, "Higher Nationality," in _International +Conciliation_, November, 1913, No. 72, pp. 4-12. + +[69] From Th. Ribot, _The Diseases of Personality_, pp. 156-57. +Translated from the French. (The Open Court Publishing Co., 1891.) + +[70] From Morton Prince, "The Unconscious," in the _Journal of Abnormal +Psychology_, III (1908-9), 277-96, 426. + +[71] From Alfred Binet, _Alterations of Personality_, pp. 248-57. (D. +Appleton & Co., 1896.) + +[72] From L. G. Winston, "Myself and I," in the _American Journal of +Psychology_, XIX (1908), 562-63. + +[73] From William James, _The Varieties of Religious Experience_, pp. +166-73. (Longmans, Green & Co., 1902.) + +[74] Translated from V. M. Bekhterev (W. v. Bechterew), _Die +Persoenlichkeit und die Bedingungen ihrer Entwicklung und Gesundheit_, +pp. 3-5. (J. F. Bergmann, 1906.) + +[75] From J. Arthur Thomson, _Heredity_, pp. 244-49. (G. P. Putnam's +Sons, 1908.) + +[76] Adapted from C. B. Davenport, "The Method of Evolution," in Castle, +Coulter, Davenport, East, and Tower, _Heredity and Eugenics_, pp. +269-87. (The University of Chicago Press, 1912.) + +[77] From Albert G. Keller, _Societal Evolution_, pp. 212-15. (Published +by The Macmillan Co., 1915. Reprinted by permission.) + +[78] From Robert E. Park, "Education in Its Relation to the Conflict and +Fusion of Cultures," in the _Publications of the American Sociological +Society_, XIII (1918), 58-63. + +[79] Emile Zola, _The Experimental Novel_ (New York, 1893), pp. 8-9. +Translated from the French by Belle M. Sherman. + + + + +CHAPTER III + +SOCIETY AND THE GROUP + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. Society, the Community, and the Group + +Human nature and the person are products of society. This is the sum and +substance of the readings in the preceding chapter. But what, then, is +society--this web in which the lives of individuals are so inextricably +interwoven, and which seems at the same time so external and in a sense +alien to them? From the point of view of common sense, "society" is +sometimes conceived as the sum total of social institutions. The family, +the church, industry, the state, all taken together, constitute society. +In this use of the word, society is identified with social structure, +something more or less external to individuals. + +In accordance with another customary use of the term, "society" denotes +a collection of persons. This is a vaguer notion but it at least +identifies society with individuals instead of setting it apart from +them. But this definition is manifestly superficial. Society is not a +collection of persons in the sense that a brick pile is a collection of +bricks. However we may conceive the relation of the parts of society to +the whole, society is not a mere physical aggregation and not a mere +mathematical or statistical unit. + +Various explanations that strike deeper than surface observation have +been proposed as solutions for this cardinal problem of the social one +and the social many; of the relation of society to the individual. +Society has been described as a tool, an instrument, as it were, an +extension of the individual organism. The argument runs something like +this: The human hand, though indeed a part of the physical organism, may +be regarded as an instrument of the body as a whole. If, as by accident +it be lost, it is conceivable that a mechanical hand might be +substituted for it, which, though not a part of the body, would function +for all practical purposes as a hand of flesh and blood. A hoe may be +regarded as a highly specialized hand, so also logically, if less +figuratively, a plow. So the hand of another person if it does your +bidding may be regarded as your instrument, your hand. Language is +witness to the fact that employers speak of "the hands" which they +"work." Social institutions may likewise be thought of as tools of +individuals for accomplishing their purposes. Logically, therefore, +society, either as a sum of institutions or as a collection of persons, +may be conceived of as a sum total of instrumentalities, extensions of +the functions of the human organism which enable individuals to carry on +life-activities. From this standpoint society is an immense co-operative +concern of mutual services. + +This latter is an aspect of society which economists have sought to +isolate and study. From this point of view the relations of individuals +are conceived as purely external to one another, like that of the plants +in a plant community. Co-operation, so far as it exists, is competitive +and "free." + +In contrast with the view of society which regards social institutions +and the community itself as the mere instruments and tools of the +individuals who compose it, is that which conceives society as resting +upon biological adaptations, that is to say upon instincts, +gregariousness, for example, imitation, or like-mindedness. The classic +examples of societies based on instinct are the social insects, the +well-known bee and the celebrated ant. In human society the family, with +its characteristic differences and interdependences of the sexes and the +age groups, husband and wife, children and parents, most nearly realizes +this description of society. In so far as the organization of society is +predetermined by inherited or constitutional differences, as is the case +pre-eminently in the so-called animal societies, competition ceases and +the relations of its component individuals become, so to speak, +internal, and a permanent part of the structure of the group. + +The social organization of human beings, on the other hand, the various +types of social groups, and the changes which take place in them at +different times under varying circumstances, are determined not merely +by instincts and by competition but by custom, tradition, public +opinion, and contract. In animal societies as herds, flocks, and packs, +collective behavior seems obviously to be explained in terms of instinct +and emotion. In the case of man, however, instincts are changed into +habits; emotions, into sentiments. Furthermore, all these forms of +behavior tend to become conventionalized and thus become relatively +independent of individuals and of instincts. The behavior of the person +is thus eventually controlled by the formal standards which, implicit in +the mores, are explicit in the laws. Society now may be defined as the +social heritage of _habit and sentiment_, _folkways and mores_, +_technique and culture_, all of which are incident or necessary to +collective human behavior. + +Human society, then, unlike animal society is mainly a social heritage, +created in and transmitted by communication. The continuity and life of +a society depend upon its success in transmitting from one generation to +the next its folkways, mores, technique, and ideals. From the standpoint +of collective behavior these cultural traits may all be reduced to the +one term "consensus." Society viewed abstractly is an organization of +individuals; considered concretely it is a complex of organized habits, +sentiments, and social attitudes--in short, consensus. + +The terms society, community, and social group are now used by students +with a certain difference of emphasis but with very little difference in +meaning. Society is the more abstract and inclusive term, and society is +made up of social groups, each possessing its own specific type of +organization but having at the same time all the general characteristics +of society in the abstract. Community is the term which is applied to +societies and social groups where they are considered from the point of +view of the geographical distribution of the individuals and +institutions of which they are composed. It follows that every community +is a society, but not every society is a community. An individual may +belong to many social groups but he will not ordinarily belong to more +than one community, except in so far as a smaller community of which he +is a member is included in a larger of which he is also a member. +However, an individual is not, at least from a sociological point of +view, a member of a community because he lives in it but rather because, +and to the extent that, he participates in the common life of the +community. + +The term social group has come into use with the attempts of students to +classify societies. Societies may be classified with reference to the +role which they play in the organization and life of larger social +groups or societies. The internal organization of any given social +group will be determined by its external relation to other groups in the +society of which it is a part as well as by the relations of individuals +within the group to one another. A boys' gang, a girls' clique, a +college class, or a neighborhood conforms to this definition quite as +much as a labor union, a business enterprise, a political party, or a +nation. One advantage of the term "group" lies in the fact that it may +be applied to the smallest as well as to the largest forms of human +association. + + +2. Classification of the Materials + +Society, in the most inclusive sense of that term, the Great Society, as +Graham Wallas described it, turns out upon analysis to be a +constellation of other smaller societies, that is to say races, peoples, +parties, factions, cliques, clubs, etc. The community, the +world-community, on the other hand, which is merely the Great Society +viewed from the standpoint of the territorial distribution of its +members, presents a different series of social groupings and the Great +Society in this aspect exhibits a totally different pattern. From the +point of view of the territorial distribution of the individuals that +constitute it, the world-community is composed of nations, colonies, +spheres of influence, cities, towns, local communities, neighborhoods, +and families. + +These represent in a rough way the subject-matter of sociological +science. Their organization, interrelation, constituent elements, and +the characteristic changes (social processes) which take place in them +are the phenomena of sociological science. + +Human beings as we meet them are mobile entities, variously distributed +through geographical space. What is the nature of the connection between +individuals which permits them at the same time to preserve their +distances and act corporately and consentiently--with a common purpose, +in short? These distances which separate individuals are not merely +spatial, they are psychical. Society exists where these distances have +been _relatively_ overcome. Society exists, in short, not merely where +there are people but where there is communication. + +The materials in this chapter are intended to show (1) the fundamental +character of the relations which have been established between +individuals through communication; (2) the gradual evolution of these +relations in animal and human societies. On the basis of the principle +thus established it is possible to work out a rational classification of +social groups. + +Espinas defines society in terms of corporate action. Wherever separate +individuals act together as a unit, where they co-operate as though they +were parts of the same organism, there he finds society. Society from +this standpoint is not confined to members of one species, but may be +composed of different members of species where there is permanent joint +activity. In the study of symbiosis among animals, it is significant to +note the presence of structural adaptations in one or both species. In +the taming and domestication of animals by man the effects of symbiosis +are manifest. Domestication, by the selection in breeding of traits +desired by man, changes the original nature of the animal. Taming is +achieved by control of habits in transferring to man the filial and +gregarious responses of the young naturally given to its parents and +members of its kind. Man may be thought of as domesticated through +natural social selection. Eugenics is a conscious program of further +domestication by the elimination of defective physical and mental racial +traits and by the improvement of the racial stock through the social +selection of superior traits. Taming has always been a function of human +society, but it is dignified by such denominations as "education," +"social control," "punishment," and "reformation." + +The plant community offers the simplest and least qualified example of +the community. Plant life, in fact, offers an illustration of a +_community_ which is _not a society_. It is not a society because it is +an organization of individuals whose relations, if not wholly external, +are, at any rate, "unsocial" in so far as there is no consensus. The +plant community is interesting, moreover, because it exhibits in the +barest abstraction, the character of _competitive co-operation_, the +aspect of social life which constitutes part of the special +subject-matter of economic science. + +This struggle for existence, in some form or other, is in fact essential +to the existence of society. Competition, segregation, and accommodation +serve to maintain the social distances, to fix the status, and preserve +the independence of the individual in the social relation. A society in +which all distances, physical as well as psychical, had been abolished, +in which there was neither taboo, prejudice, nor reserve of any sort; a +society in which the intimacies were absolute, would be a society in +which there were neither persons nor freedom. The processes of +competition, segregation, and accommodation brought out in the +description of the plant community are quite comparable with the same +processes in animal and human communities. A village, town, city, or +nation may be studied from the standpoint of the adaptation, struggle +for existence, and survival of its individual members in the environment +created by the community as a whole. + +Society, as Dewey points out, if based on instinct is an effect of +communication. _Consensus_ even more than _co-operation_ or _corporate +action_ is the distinctive mark of human society. Dewey, however, seems +to restrict the use of consensus to group decisions in which all the +members consciously and rationally participate. Tradition and sentiment +are, however, forms of consensus quite as much as constitutions, rules, +and elections. + +Le Bon's classification of social groups into heterogeneous and +homogeneous crowds, while interesting and suggestive, is clearly +inadequate. Many groups familiar to all of us, as the family, the +play-group, the neighborhood, the public, find no place in his +system.[80] + +Concrete descriptions of group behavior indicate three elements in the +consensus of the members of the group. The first is the characteristic +state of group feeling called _esprit de corps_. The enthusiasm of the +two sides in a football contest, the ecstasy of religious ceremonial, +the fellowship of members of a fraternity, the brotherhood of a monastic +band are all different manifestations of group spirit. + +The second element in consensus has become familiar through the term +"morale." Morale may be defined as the collective will. Like the will of +the individual it represents an organization of behavior tendencies. The +discipline of the individual, his subordination to the group, lies in +his participation and reglementation in social activities. + +The third element of consensus which makes for unified behavior of the +members of the group has been analyzed by Durkheim under the term +"collective representations." Collective representations are the +concepts which embody the objectives of group activity. + +The totem of primitive man, the flag of a nation, a religious creed, the +number system, and Darwin's theory of the descent of man--all these are +collective representations. Every society and every social group has, or +tends to have, its own symbols and its own language. The language and +other symbolic devices by which a society carries on its collective +existence are collective representations. Animals do not possess them. + + +II. MATERIALS + + +A. SOCIETY AND SYMBIOSIS + +1. Definition of Society[81] + +The idea of society is that of a permanent co-operation in which +separate living beings undertake to accomplish an identical act. These +beings may find themselves brought by their conditions to a point where +their co-operation forces them to group themselves in space in some +definite form, but it is by no means necessary that they should be in +juxtaposition for them to act together and thus to form a society. A +customary reciprocation of services among more or less independent +individualities is the characteristic feature of the social life, a +feature that contact or remoteness does not essentially modify, nor the +apparent disorder nor the regular disposition of the parties in space. + +Two beings may then form what is to the eyes a single mass, and may +live, not only in contact with each other, but even in a state of mutual +penetration without constituting a society. It is enough in such a case +that one looks at them as entirely distinct, that their activities tend +to opposite or merely different ends. If their functions, instead of +co-operating, diverge; if the good of one is the evil of the other, +whatever the intimacy of their contact may be, no social bond unites +them. + +But the nature of the functions and the form of the organs are +inseparable. If two beings are endowed with functions that necessarily +combine, they are also endowed with organs, if not similar, at least +corresponding. And these beings with like or corresponding organs are +either of the same species or of very nearly the same species. + +However, circumstances may be met where two beings with quite different +organs and belonging even to widely remote species may be accidentally +and at a single point useful to each other. A habitual relation may be +established between their activities, but only on this one point, and in +the time limits in which the usefulness exists. Such a case gives the +occasion, if not for a society, at least for an association; that is to +say, a union less necessary, less strict, less durable, may find its +origin in such a meeting. In other words, beside the normal societies +formed of elements specifically alike, which cannot exist without each +other, there will be room for more accidental groupings, formed of +elements more or less specifically unlike, which convenience unites and +not necessity. We will commence with a study of the latter. + +To society the most alien relations of two living beings which can be +produced are those of the predator and his prey. In general, the +predator is bulkier than his prey, since he overcomes him and devours +him. Yet smaller ones sometimes attack larger creatures, consuming them, +however, by instalments, and letting them live that they themselves may +live on them as long as possible. In such a case they are forced to +remain for a longer or a shorter time attached to the body of their +victim, carried about by it wherever the vicissitudes of its life lead +them. Such animals have received the name of parasites. Parasitism forms +the line inside of which our subject begins; for if one can imagine that +the parasite, instead of feeding on the animal from whom he draws his +subsistence, is content to live on the remains of the other's meals, one +will find himself in the presence, not yet of an actual society, but of +half the conditions of a society; that is to say, a relation between two +beings such that, all antagonism ceasing, one of the two is useful to +the other. Such is commensalism. However, this association does not yet +offer the essential element of all society, co-operation. There is +co-operation when the commensal is not less useful to his host than the +latter is to the commensal himself, when the two are concerned in living +in a reciprocal relation and in developing their double activity in +corresponding ways toward a single and an identical goal. One has given +to this mode of activity the name of mutualism. Domestication is only +one form of it. Parasitism, commensalism, mutualism, exist with animals +among the different species. + + +2. Symbiosis (literally "living together")[82] + +In gaining their wide and intimate acquaintance with the vegetable world +the ants have also become acquainted with a large number of insects that +obtain their nutriment directly from plants, either by sucking up their +juices or by feeding on their foliage. To the former group belong the +phytophthorous Homoptera, the plant lice, scale insects, or mealy bugs, +tree-hoppers, lantern flies, and jumping plant lice; to the latter +belong the caterpillars of the lycaenid butterflies, the "blues," or +"azures," as they are popularly called. All of these creatures excrete +liquids which are eagerly sought by the ants and constitute the whole, +or, at any rate, an important part of the food of certain species. In +return the Homoptera and caterpillars receive certain services from the +ants, so that the relations thus established between these widely +different insects may be regarded as a kind of symbiosis. These +relations are most apparent in the case of the aphids, and these insects +have been more often and more closely studied in Europe and America. + +The consociation of the ants with the aphids is greatly facilitated by +the gregarious and rather sedentary habits of the latter, especially in +their younger, wingless stages, for the ants are thus enabled to obtain +a large amount of food without losing time and energy in ranging far +afield from their nests. Then, too, the ants may establish their nests +in the immediate vicinity of the aphid droves or actually keep them in +their nests or in "sheds" carefully constructed for the purpose. + +Some ants obtain the honey-dew merely by licking the surface of the +leaves and stems on which it has fallen, but many species have learned +to stroke the aphids and induce them to void the liquid gradually so +that it can be imbibed directly. A drove of plant lice, especially when +it is stationed on young and succulent leaves or twigs, may produce +enough honey-dew to feed a whole colony of ants for a considerable +period. + +As the relations between ants and the various Homoptera have been +regarded as mutualistic, it may be well to marshal the facts which seem +to warrant this interpretation. The term "mutualism" as applied to these +cases means, of course, that the aphids, coccids, and membracids are of +service to the ants and in turn profit by the companionship of these +more active and aggressive insects. Among the modifications in structure +and behavior which may be regarded as indicating on the part of aphids +unmistakable evidence of adaptation to living with ants, the following +may be cited: + +1. The aphids do not attempt to escape from the ants or to defend +themselves with their siphons, but accept the presence of these +attendants as a matter of course. + +2. The aphids respond to the solicitations of the ants by extruding the +droplets of honey-dew gradually and not by throwing them off to a +distance with a sudden jerk, as they do in the absence of ants. + +3. Many species of Aphididae that live habitually with ants have +developed a perianal circlet of stiff hairs which support the drop of +honey-dew till it can be imbibed by the ants. This circlet is lacking in +aphids that are rarely or never visited by ants. + +4. Certain observations go to show that aphids, when visited by ants, +extract more of the plant juices than when unattended. + +The adaptations on the part of the ants are, with a single doubtful +exception, all modifications in behavior and not in structure. + +1. Ants do not seize and kill aphids as they do when they encounter +other sedentary defenseless insects. + +2. The ants stroke the aphids in a particular manner in order to make +them excrete the honey-dew, and know exactly where to expect the +evacuated liquid. + +3. The ants protect the aphids. Several observers have seen the ants +driving away predatory insects. + +4. Many aphidicolous ants, when disturbed, at once seize and carry their +charges in their mandibles to a place of safety, showing very plainly +their sense of ownership and interest in these helpless creatures. + +5. This is also exhibited by all ants that harbor root-aphids and +root-coccids in their nests. Not only are these insects kept in +confinement by the ants, but they are placed by them on the roots. In +order to do this the ants remove the earth from the surfaces of the +roots and construct galleries and chambers around them so that the +Homoptera may have easy access to their food and even move about at +will. + +6. Many ants construct, often at some distance from their nests, little +closed pavilions or sheds of earth, carton, or silk, as a protection for +their cattle and for themselves. The singular habit may be merely a more +recent development from the older and more general habit of excavating +tunnels and chambers about roots and subterranean stems. + +7. The solicitude of the ants not only envelops the adult aphids and +coccids, but extends also to their eggs and young. Numerous observers +have observed ants in the autumn collecting and storing aphid eggs in +the chambers of their nests, caring for them through the winter and in +the spring placing the recently hatched plant lice on the stems and +roots of the plants. + +In the foregoing I have discussed the ethological relations of ants to a +variety of other organisms. This, however, did not include an account of +some of the most interesting symbiotic relations, namely, those of the +ants to other species of their own taxonomic group and to termites. This +living together of colonies of different species may be properly +designated as social symbiosis, to distinguish it from the simple +symbiosis that obtains between individual organisms of different species +and the intermediate form of symbiosis exhibited by individual organisms +that live in ant or termite colonies. + +The researches of the past forty years have brought to light a +remarkable array of instances of social symbiosis, varying so much in +intimacy and complexity that it is possible to construct a series +ranging from mere simultaneous occupancy of a very narrow ethological +station, or mere contiguity of domicile, to an actual fusion, involving +the vital dependence or parasitism of a colony of one species on that of +another. Such a series is, of course, purely conceptual and does not +represent the actual course of development in nature, where, as in the +animal and vegetable kingdoms in general, development has not followed a +simple linear course, but has branched out repeatedly and terminated in +the varied types at the present time. + +It is convenient to follow the European writers, von Hagens, Forel, +Wasmann, and others, in grouping all the cases of social symbiosis under +two heads, the compound nests and the mixed colonies. Different species +of ants or of ants and termites are said to form compound nests when +their galleries are merely contiguous or actually interpenetrate and +open into one another, although the colonies which inhabit them bring +up their respective offspring in different apartments. In mixed +colonies, on the other hand, which, in a state of nature, can be formed +only by species of ants of close taxonomic affinities, the insects live +together in a single nest and bring up their young in common. Although +each of these categories comprises a number of dissimilar types of +social symbiosis, and although it is possible, under certain +circumstances, as will be shown in the sequel, to convert a compound +nest into a mixed colony, the distinction is nevertheless fundamental. +It must be admitted, however, that both types depend in last analysis on +the dependent, adoption-seeking instincts of the queen ant and on the +remarkable plasticity which enables allied species and genera to live in +very close proximity to one another. By a strange paradox these +peculiarities have been produced in the struggle for existence, although +this struggle is severer among different species of ants than between +ants and other organisms. As Forel says: "The greatest enemies of ants +are other ants, just as the greatest enemies of men are other men." + + +3. The Taming and the Domestication of Animals[83] + +Primitive man was a hunter almost before he had the intelligence to use +weapons, and from the earliest times he must have learned something +about the habits of the wild animals he pursued for food or for +pleasure, or from which he had to escape. It was probably as a hunter +that he first came to adopt young animals which he found in the woods or +the plains, and made the surprising discovery that these were willing to +remain under his protection and were pleasing and useful. He passed +gradually from being a hunter to becoming a keeper of flocks and herds. +From these early days to the present time, the human race has taken an +interest in the lower animals, and yet extremely few have been really +domesticated. The living world would seem to offer an almost unlimited +range of creatures which might be turned to our profit and as +domesticated animals minister to our comfort or convenience. And yet it +seems as if there were some obstacle rooted in the nature of animals or +in the powers of man, for the date of the adoption by man of the few +domesticated species lies in remote, prehistoric antiquity. The surface +of the earth has been explored, the physiology of breeding and feeding +has been studied, our knowledge of the animal kingdom has been vastly +increased, and yet there is hardly a beast bred in the farm-yard today +with which the men who made stone weapons were not acquainted and which +they had not tamed. Most of the domestic animals of Europe, America, and +Asia came originally from Central Asia, and have spread thence in charge +of their masters, the primitive hunters who captured them. + +No monkeys have been domesticated. Of the carnivores only the cat and +the dog are truly domesticated. Of the ungulates there are horses and +asses, pigs, cattle, sheep, goats, and reindeer. Among rodents there are +rabbits and guinea-pigs, and possibly some of the fancy breeds of rats +and mice should be included. Among birds there are pigeons, fowls, +peacocks, and guinea-fowl, and aquatic birds such as swans, geese, and +ducks, whilst the only really domesticated passerine bird is the canary. +Goldfish are domesticated, and the invertebrate bees and silk-moths must +not be forgotten. It is not very easy to draw a line between +domesticated animals and animals that are often bred in partial or +complete captivity. Such antelopes as elands, fallow-deer, roe-deer, and +the ostriches of ostrich farms are on the border-line of being +domesticated. + +It is also difficult to be quite certain as to what is meant by a tame +animal. Cockroaches usually scuttle away when they are disturbed and +seem to have learnt that human beings have a just grievance against +them. But many people have no horror of them. A pretty girl, clean and +dainty in her ways, and devoted to all kinds of animals, used to like +sitting in a kitchen that was infested with these repulsive creatures, +and told me that when she was alone they would run over her dress and +were not in the least startled when she took them up. I have heard of a +butterfly which used to come and sip sugar from the hand of a lady; and +those who have kept spiders and ants declare that these intelligent +creatures learn to distinguish their friends. So also fish, like the +great carp in the garden of the palace of Fontainebleau, and many fishes +in aquaria and private ponds, learn to come to be fed. I do not think, +however, that these ought to be called tame animals. Most of the wild +animals in menageries very quickly learn to distinguish one person from +another, to obey the call of their keeper and to come to be fed, +although certainly they would be dangerous even to the keeper if he +were to enter their cages. To my mind, tameness is something more than +merely coming to be fed, and, in fact, many tame animals are least tame +when they are feeding. Young carnivores, for instance, which can be +handled freely and are affectionate, very seldom can be touched whilst +they are feeding. The real quality of tameness is that the tame animal +is not merely tolerant of the presence of man, not merely has learned to +associate him with food, but takes some kind of pleasure in human +company and shows some kind of affection. + +On the other hand, we must not take our idea of tameness merely from the +domesticated animals. These have been bred for many generations, and +those that were most wild and that showed any resistance to man were +killed or allowed to escape. Dogs are always taken as the supreme +example of tameness, and sentimentalists have almost exhausted the +resources of language in praising them. Like most people, I am very fond +of dogs, but it is an affection without respect. Dogs breed freely in +captivity, and in the enormous period of time that has elapsed since the +first hunters adopted wild puppies there has been a constant selection +by man, and every dog that showed any independence of spirit has been +killed off. Man has tried to produce a purely subservient creature, and +has succeeded in his task. No doubt a dog is faithful and affectionate, +but he would be shot or drowned or ordered to be destroyed by the local +magistrate if he were otherwise. A small vestige of the original spirit +has been left in him, merely from the ambition of his owners to possess +an animal that will not bite them, but will bite anyone else. And even +this watch-dog trait is mechanical, for the guardian of the house will +worry the harmless, necessary postman, and welcome the bold burglar with +fawning delight. The dog is a slave, and the crowning evidence of his +docility, that he will fawn on the person who has beaten him, is the +result of his character having been bred out of him. The dog is an +engaging companion, an animated toy more diverting than the cleverest +piece of clockwork, but it is only our colossal vanity that makes us +take credit for the affection and faithfulness of our own particular +animal. The poor beast cannot help it; all else has been bred out of him +generations ago. + +When wild animals become tame, they are really extending or transferring +to human beings the confidence and affection they naturally give their +mothers, and this view will be found to explain more facts about +tameness than any other. Every creature that would naturally enjoy +maternal, or it would be better to say parental, care, as the father +sometimes shares in or takes upon himself the duty of guarding the +young, is ready to transfer its devotion to other animals or to human +beings, if the way be made easy for it, and if it be treated without too +great violation of its natural instincts. The capacity to be tamed is +greatest in those animals that remain longest with their parents and +that are most intimately associated with them. The capacity to learn new +habits is greatest in those animals which naturally learn most from +their parents, and in which the period of youth is not merely a period +of growing, a period of the awakening of instincts, but a time in which +a real education takes place. These capacities of being tamed and of +learning new habits are greater in the higher mammals than in the lower +mammals, in mammals than in birds, and in birds than in reptiles. They +are very much greater in very young animals, where dependence on the +parents is greatest, than in older animals, and they gradually fade away +as the animal grows up, and are least of all in fully grown and +independent creatures of high intelligence. + +Young animals born in captivity are no more easy to tame than those +which have been taken from the mother in her native haunts. If they +remain with the mother, they very often grow up even shyer and more +intolerant of man than the mothers themselves. There is no inherited +docility or tameness, and a general survey of the facts fully bears out +my belief that the process of taming is almost entirely a transference +to human beings of the confidence and affection that a young animal +would naturally give its mother. The process of domestication is +different, and requires breeding a race of animals in captivity for many +generations and gradually weeding out those in which youthful tameness +is replaced by the wild instinct of adult life, and so creating a strain +with new and abnormal instincts. + + +B. PLANT COMMUNITIES AND ANIMAL SOCIETIES + + +1. Plant Communities[84] + +Certain species group themselves into natural associations, that is to +say, into communities which we meet with more or less frequently and +which exhibit the same combination of growth-forms and the same facies. +As examples in northern Europe may be cited a meadow with its grasses +and perennial herbs, or a beech forest with its beech trees and all the +species usually accompanying these. Species that form a community must +either practice the same economy, making approximately the same demands +on its environment (as regards nourishment, light, moisture, and so +forth), or one species present must be dependent for its existence upon +another species, sometimes to such an extent that the latter provides it +with what is necessary or even best suited to it (Oxalis Acetosella and +saprophytes which profit from the shade of the beech and from its humus +soil); a kind of symbiosis seems to prevail between such species. In +fact, one often finds, as in beech forests, that the plants growing +under the shade and protection of other species, and belonging to the +most diverse families, assume growth-forms that are very similar to one +another, but essentially different from those of the forest trees, +which, in their turn, often agree with one another. + +The ecological analysis of a plant-community leads to the recognition of +the growth-forms composing it as its ultimate units. From what has just +been said in regard to growth-forms it follows that species of very +diverse physiognomy can very easily occur together in the same natural +community. But beyond this, as already indicated, species differing +widely, not only in physiognomy but also in their whole economy, may be +associated. We may therefore expect to find both great variety of form +and complexity of interrelations among the species composing a natural +community; as an example we may cite the richest of all types of +communities--the tropical rain-forest. It may also be noted that the +physiognomy of a community is not necessarily the same at all times of +the year, the distinction sometimes being caused by a rotation of +species. + +The different communities, it need hardly be stated, are scarcely ever +sharply marked off from one another. Just as soil, moisture, and other +external conditions are connected by the most gradual transitions, so +likewise are the plant-communities, especially in cultivated lands. In +addition, the same species often occur in several widely different +communities; for example, Linnaea borealis grows not only in coniferous +forests, but also in birch woods, and even high above the tree limit on +the mountains of Norway and on the fell-fields of Greenland. It appears +that different combinations of external factors can replace one another +and bring into existence approximately the same community, or at least +can satisfy equally well one and the same species, and that, for +instance, a moist climate often completely replaces the forest shade of +dry climates. + +The term "community" implies a diversity but at the same time a certain +organized uniformity in the units. The units are the many individual +plants that occur in every community, whether this be a beech forest, a +meadow, or a heath. Uniformity is established when certain atmospheric, +terrestrial, and other factors are co-operative, and appears either +because a certain defined economy makes its impress on the community as +a whole, or because a number of different growth-forms are combined to +form a single aggregate which has a definite and constant guise. + +The analysis of a plant-community usually reveals one or more of the +kinds of symbiosis as illustrated by parasites, saprophytes, epiphytes, +and the like. There is scarce a forest or a bushland where examples of +these forms of symbiosis are lacking; if, for instance, we investigate +the tropical rain-forest we are certain to find in it all conceivable +kinds of symbiosis. But the majority of individuals of a plant-community +are linked by bonds other than those mentioned--bonds that are best +described as _commensal_. The term _commensalism_ is due to Van Beneden, +who wrote, "Le commensal est simplement un compagnon de table"; but we +employ it in a somewhat different sense to denote the relationship +subsisting between species which share with one another the supply of +food-material contained in soil and air, and thus feed at the same +table. + +More detailed analysis of the plant-community reveals very considerable +distinctions among commensals. Some relationships are considered in the +succeeding paragraphs. + +_Like commensals._--When a plant-community consists solely of +individuals belonging to one species--for example, solely of beech, +ling, or Aira flexuosa--then we have the purest example of like +commensals. These all make the same demands as regards nutriment, soil, +light, and other like conditions; as each species requires a certain +amount of space and as there is scarcely ever sufficient nutriment for +all the offspring, a struggle for food arises among the plants so soon +as the space is occupied by the definite numbers of individuals which, +according to the species, can develop thereon. The individuals lodged in +unfavorable places and the weaklings are vanquished and exterminated. +This competitive struggle takes place in all plant-communities, with +perhaps the sole exceptions of sub-glacial communities and in deserts. +In these _open communities_ the soil is very often or always so open and +so irregularly clothed that there is space for many more individuals +than are actually present; the cause for this is obviously to be sought +in the climatically unfavorable conditions of life, which either prevent +plants from producing seed and other propagative bodies in sufficient +numbers to clothe the ground or prevent the development of seedlings. On +such soil one can scarcely speak of a competitive struggle for +existence; in this case a struggle takes place between the plant and +inanimate nature, but to little or no extent between plant and plant. + +That a congregation of individuals belonging to one species into one +community may be profitable to the species is evident; it may obviously +in several ways aid in maintaining the existence of the species, for +instance, by facilitating abundant and certain fertilization (especially +in anemophilous plants) and maturation of seeds; in addition, the social +mode of existence may confer other less-known advantages. But, on the +other hand, it brings with it greater danger of serious damage and +devastation wrought by parasites. + +The bonds that hold like individuals to a like habitat are, as already +indicated, identical demands as regards existence, and these demands are +satisfied in their precise habitat to such an extent that the species +can maintain itself here against rivals. Natural unmixed associations of +forest trees are the result of struggles with other species. But there +are differences as regards the ease with which a community can arise and +establish itself. Some species are more social than others, that is to +say, better fitted to form communities. The causes for this are +biological, in that some species, like Phragmites, Scirpus lacustris, +Psamma (Ammophila) arenaria, Tussilago, Farfara, and Asperula odorata, +multiply very readily by means of stolons; or others, such as Cirsium +arvense, and Sonchus arvensis, produce buds from their roots; or yet +others produce numerous seeds which are easily dispersed and may remain +for a long time capable of germinating, as is the case with Calluna, +Picea excelsa, and Pinus; or still other species, such as beech and +spruce, have the power of enduring shade or even suppressing other +species by the shade they cast. A number of species, such as Pteris +aquilina, Acorus Calamus, Lemna minor, and Hypnum Schreberi, which are +social, and likewise very widely distributed, multiply nearly +exclusively by vegetative means, rarely or never producing fruit. On the +contrary, certain species, for example, many orchids and Umbelliferae, +nearly always grow singly. + +In the case of many species certain geological conditions have favored +their grouping together into pure communities. The forests of northern +Europe are composed of few species, and are not mixed in the same sense +as are those in the tropics, or even those in Austria and other southern +parts of Europe: the cause for this may be that the soil is geologically +very recent, inasmuch as the time that has elapsed since the glacial +epoch swept it clear has been too short to permit the immigration of +many competitive species. + +_Unlike commensals._--The case of a community consisting of individuals +belonging to one species is, strictly speaking, scarcely ever met with; +but the dominant individuals of a community may belong to a single +species, as in the case of a beech forest, spruce forest, or ling +heath--and only thus far does the case proceed. In general, many species +grow side by side, and many different growth-forms and types of +symbiosis, in the extended sense, are found collected in a community. +For even when one species occupies an area as completely as the nature +of the soil will permit, other species can find room and can grow +between its individuals; in fact, if the soil is to be completely +covered the vegetation must necessarily always be heterogeneous. The +greatest aggregate of existence arises where the greatest diversity +prevails. The kind of communal life resulting will depend upon the +nature of the demands made by the species in regard to conditions of +life. As in human communities, so in this case, the _struggle between +the like_ is the _most severe_, that is, between the species making more +or less the same demands and wanting the same dishes from the common +table. In a tropical mixed forest there are hundreds of species of trees +growing together in such profuse variety that the eye can scarce see at +one time two individuals of the same species, yet all of them +undoubtedly represent tolerable uniformity in the demands they make as +regards conditions of life, and in so far they are alike. And among them +a severe competition for food must be taking place. In those cases in +which certain species readily grow in each other's company--and cases of +this kind are familiar to florists--when, for instance, Isoetes, Lobelia +Dortmanna, and Litorella lacustris occur together--the common demands +made as regards external conditions obviously form the bond that unites +them. Between such species a competitive struggle must take place. Which +of the species shall be represented by the greatest number of +individuals certainly often depends upon casual conditions, a slight +change in one direction or the other doubtless often playing a decisive +role; but apart from this it appears that morphological and biological +features, for example, development at a different season, may change the +nature of the competition. + +Yet there are in every plant-community numerous species which _differ +widely_ in the demands they make for light, heat, nutriment, and so on. +Between such species there is less competition, the greater the +disparity in their wants; the case is quite conceivable in which the +_one species should require exactly what the other would avoid_; the two +species would then be complementary to one another in their occupation +and utilization of the same soil. + +There are also obvious cases in which different species are of service +to each other. The carpet of moss in a pine forest, for example, +protects the soil from desiccation and is thus useful to the pine; yet, +on the other hand, it profits from the shade cast by the latter. + +As a rule, limited numbers of definite species are the most potent, and, +like absolute monarchs, can hold sway over the whole area; while other +species, though possibly present in far greater numbers than these, are +subordinate or even dependent on them. This is the case where +subordinate species only flourish in the shade or among the fallen +fragments of dominant species. Such is obviously the relationship +between trees and many plants growing on the ground of high forest, such +as mosses, fungi, and other saprophytes, ferns, Oxalis Acetosella, and +their associates. In this case, then, there is a commensalism in which +individuals feed at the same table but on different fare. An additional +factor steps in when species do not absorb their nutriment at the same +season of the year. Many spring plants--for instance, Galanthus nivalis, +Corydalis solida, and C. cava--have withered before the summer plants +commence properly to develop. Certain species of animals are likewise +confined to certain plant-communities. But one and the same tall plant +may, in different places or soils, have different species of lowly +plants as companions; the companion plants of high beech forests depend, +for instance, upon climate and upon the nature of the forest soil; Pinus +nigra, according to von Beck, can maintain under it in the different +parts of Europe a Pontic, a central European, or a Baltic vegetation. + +There are certain points of resemblance between communities of plants +and those of human beings or animals; one of these is the competition +for food which takes place between similar individuals and causes the +weaker to be more or less suppressed. But far greater are the +distinctions. The plant-community is the lowest form; it is merely a +congregation of units, among which there is no co-operation for the +common weal, but rather a ceaseless struggle of all against all. Only in +a loose sense can we speak of certain individuals protecting others, as +for example, when the outermost and most exposed individuals of scrub +serve to shelter from the wind others, which consequently become taller +and finer; for they do not afford protection from any special motive, +such as is met with in some animal communities, nor are they in any way +specially adapted to act as guardians against a common foe. In the +plant-community egoism reigns supreme. The plant-community has no higher +units or personages in the sense employed in connection with human +communities, which have their own organizations and their members +co-operating, as prescribed by law, for the common good. In +plant-communities there is, it is true, often (or always) a certain +natural dependence or reciprocal influence of many species upon one +another; they give rise to definite organized units of a higher order; +but there is no thorough or organized division of labor such as is met +with in human and animal communities, where certain individuals or +groups of individuals work as organs, in the wide sense of the term, for +the benefit of the whole community. + +Woodhead has suggested the term _complementary association_ to denote a +community of species that live together in harmony, because their +rhizomes occupy different depths in the soil; for example, he described +an "association" in which Holcus mollis is the "surface plant," Pteris +aquilina has deeper-seated rhizomes, and Scilla festalis buries its +bulbs at the greatest depth. The photophilous parts of these plants are +"seasonably complementary." The opposite extreme is provided by +_competitive associations_, composed of species that are battling with +each other. + + +2. Ant Society[85] + +There is certainly a striking parallelism between the development of +human and ant societies. Some anthropologists, like Topinard, +distinguish in the development of human societies six different types or +stages, designated as the hunting, pastoral, agricultural, commercial, +industrial, and intellectual. The ants show stages corresponding to the +first three of these, as Lubbock has remarked. + + Some species, such as _Formica fusca_, live principally on the + produce of the chase; for though they feed partially on the + honey-dew of aphids, they have not domesticated these insects. + These ants probably retain the habits once common to all ants. + They resemble the lower races of men, who subsist mainly by + hunting. Like them they frequent woods and wilds, live in + comparatively small communities, as the instincts of collective + action are but little developed among them. They hunt singly, + and their battles are single combats, like those of Homeric + heroes. Such species as _Lasius flavus_ represent a distinctly + higher type of social life; they show more skill in + architecture, may literally be said to have domesticated + certain species of aphids, and may be compared to the pastoral + stage of human progress--to the races which live on the + products of their flocks and herds. Their communities are more + numerous; they act much more in concert; their battles are not + mere single combats, but they know how to act in combination. I + am disposed to hazard the conjecture that they will gradually + exterminate the mere hunting species, just as savages disappear + before more advanced races. Lastly, the agricultural nations + may be compared with the harvesting ants. + +Granting the resemblances above mentioned between ant and human +societies, there are nevertheless three far-reaching differences between +insect and human organization and development to be constantly borne in +mind: + +a) Ant societies are societies of females. The males really take no +part in the colonial activities, and in most species are present in the +nest only for the brief period requisite to secure the impregnation of +the young queens. The males take no part in building, provisioning, or +guarding the nest or in feeding the workers or the brood. They are in +every sense the _sexus sequior_. Hence the ants resemble certain +mythical human societies like the Amazons, but unlike these, all their +activities center in the multiplication and care of the coming +generations. + +b) In human society, apart from the functions depending on sexual +dimorphism, and barring individual differences and deficiencies which +can be partially or wholly suppressed, equalized, or augmented by an +elaborate system of education, all individuals have the same natural +endowment. Each normal individual retains its various physiological and +psychological needs and powers intact, not necessarily sacrificing any +of them for the good of the community. In ants, however, the female +individuals, of which the society properly consists, are not all alike +but often very different, both in their structure (polymorphism) and in +their activities (physiological division of labor). Each member is +_visibly_ predestined to certain social activities to the exclusion of +others, not as a man through the education of some endowment common to +all the members of the society, but through the exigencies of structure, +fixed at the time of hatching, i.e., the moment the individual enters on +its life as an active member of the community. + +c) Owing to this pre-established structure and the specialized +functions which it implies, ants are able to live in a condition of +anarchistic socialism, each individual instinctively fulfilling the +demands of social life without "guide, overseer, or ruler," as Solomon +correctly observed, but not without the imitation and suggestion +involved in an appreciation of the activities of its fellows. + +An ant society, therefore, may be regarded as little more than an +expanded family, the members of which co-operate for the purpose of +still further expanding the family and detaching portions of itself to +found other families of the same kind. There is thus a striking analogy, +which has not escaped the philosophical biologist, between the ant +colony and the cell colony which constitutes the body of a Metazoan +animal; and many of the laws that control the cellular origin, +development, growth, reproduction, and decay of the individual Metazoan, +are seen to hold good also of the ant society regarded as an individual +of a higher order. As in the case of the individual animal, no further +purpose of the colony can be detected than that of maintaining itself +in the face of a constantly changing environment till it is able to +reproduce other colonies of a like constitution. The queen-mother of the +ant colony displays the generalized potentialities of all the +individuals, just as the Metazoan egg contains _in potentia_ all the +other cells of the body. And, continuing the analogy, we may say that +since the different castes of the ant colony are morphologically +specialized for the performance of different functions, they are truly +comparable with the differentiated tissues of the Metazoan body. + + +C. HUMAN SOCIETY + + +1. Social Life[86] + +The most notable distinction between living and inanimate beings is that +the former maintain themselves by renewal. A stone when struck resists. +If its resistance is greater than the force of the blow struck, it +remains outwardly unchanged. Otherwise, it is shattered into smaller +bits. Never does the stone attempt to react in such a way that it may +maintain itself against the blow, much less so as to render the blow a +contributing factor to its own continued action. While the living thing +may easily be crushed by superior force, it none the less tries to turn +the energies which act upon it into means of its own further existence. +If it cannot do so, it does not just split into smaller pieces (at least +in the higher forms of life), but loses its identity as a living thing. + +As long as it endures, it struggles to use surrounding energies in its +own behalf. It uses light, air, moisture, and the material of soil. To +say that it uses them is to say that it turns them into means of its own +conservation. As long as it is growing, the energy it expends in thus +turning the environment to account is more than compensated for by the +return it gets: it grows. Understanding the word "control" in this +sense, it may be said that a living being is one that subjugates and +controls for its own continued activity the energies that would +otherwise use it up. Life is a self-renewing process through action upon +the environment. Continuity of life means continual readaptation of the +environment to the needs of living organisms. + +We have been speaking of life in its lowest terms--as a physical thing. +But we use the word "life" to denote the whole range of experience, +individual and racial. When we see a book called the _Life of Lincoln_ +we do not expect to find within its covers a treatise on physiology. We +look for an account of social antecedents; a description of early +surroundings, of the conditions and occupation of the family; of the +chief episodes in the development of character; of signal struggles and +achievements; of the individual's hopes, tastes, joys, and sufferings. +In precisely similar fashion we speak of the life of a savage tribe, of +the Athenian people, of the American nation. "Life" covers customs, +institutions, beliefs, victories and defeats, recreations and +occupations. + +We employ the word "experience" in the same pregnant sense. And to it, +as well as to life in the bare physiological sense, the principle of +continuity through renewal applies. With the renewal of physical +existence goes, in the case of human beings, the re-creation of beliefs, +ideals, hopes, happiness, misery, and practices. The continuity of any +experience, through renewing of the social group, is a literal fact. +Education, in its broadest sense, is the means of this social continuity +of life. Every one of the constituent elements of a social group, in a +modern city as in a savage tribe, is born immature, helpless, without +language, beliefs, ideas, or social standards. Each individual, each +unit who is the carrier of the life-experience of his group, in time +passes away. Yet the life of the group goes on. + +Society exists through a process of transmission, quite as much as +biological life. This transmission occurs by means of communication of +habits of doing, thinking, and feeling from the older to the younger. +Without this communication of ideals, hopes, expectations, standards, +opinions from those members of society who are passing out of the group +life to those who are coming into it, social life could not survive. + +Society not only continues to exist _by_ transmission, _by_ +communication, but it may fairly be said to exist _in_ transmission, +_in_ communication. There is more than a verbal tie between the words +common, community, and communication. Men live in a community in virtue +of the things which they have in common; and communication is the way in +which they come to possess things in common. What they must have in +common in order to form a community or society are aims, beliefs, +aspirations, knowledge--a common understanding--like-mindedness, as the +sociologists say. Such things cannot be passed physically from one to +another, like bricks; they cannot be shared as persons would share a pie +by dividing it into physical pieces. The communication which insures +participation in a common understanding is one which secures similar +emotional and intellectual dispositions--like ways of responding to +expectations and requirements. + +Persons do not become a society by living in physical proximity any more +than a man ceases to be socially influenced by being so many feet or +miles removed from others. A book or a letter may institute a more +intimate association between human beings separated thousands of miles +from each other than exists between dwellers under the same roof. +Individuals do not even compose a social group because they all work for +a common end. The parts of a machine work with a maximum of +co-operativeness for a common result, but they do not form a community. +If, however, they were all cognizant of the common end and all +interested in it so that they regulated their specific activity in view +of it, then they would form a community. But this would involve +communication. Each would have to know what the other was about and +would have to have some way of keeping the other informed as to his own +purpose and progress. Consensus demands communications. + +We are thus compelled to recognize that within even the most social +group there are many relations which are not as yet social. A large +number of human relationships in any social group are still upon the +machine-like plane. Individuals use one another so as to get desired +results, without reference to the emotional and intellectual disposition +and consent of those used. Such uses express physical superiority, or +superiority of position, skill, technical ability, and command of tools, +mechanical or fiscal. So far as the relations of parent and child, +teacher and pupil, employer and employee, governor and governed, remain +upon this level, they form no true social group, no matter how closely +their respective activities touch one another. Giving and taking of +orders modifies action and results, but does not of itself effect a +sharing of purposes, a communication of interests. + +Not only is social life identical with communication, but all +communication (and hence all genuine social life) is educative. To be a +recipient of a communication is to have an enlarged and changed +experience. One shares in what another has thought and felt, and in so +far, meagerly or amply, has his own attitude modified. Nor is the one +who communicates left unaffected. Try the experiment of communicating, +with fulness and accuracy, some experience to another, especially if it +be somewhat complicated, and you will find your own attitude toward your +experience changing; otherwise you resort to expletives and +ejaculations. The experience has to be formulated in order to be +communicated. To formulate requires getting outside of it, seeing it as +another would see it, considering what points of contact it has with the +life of another so that it may be got into such form that he can +appreciate its meaning. Except in dealing with commonplaces and catch +phrases one has to assimilate, imaginatively, something of another's +experience in order to tell him intelligently of one's own experience. +All communication is like art. It may fairly be said, therefore, that +any social arrangement that remains vitally social, or vitally shared, +is educative to those who participate in it. Only when it becomes cast +in a mold and runs in a routine way does it lose its educative power. + +In final account, then, not only does social life demand teaching and +learning for its own permanence, but the very process of living together +educates. It enlarges and enlightens experience; it stimulates and +enriches imagination; it creates responsibility for accuracy and +vividness of statement and thought. A man really living alone (alone +mentally as well as physically) would have little or no occasion to +reflect upon his past experience to extract its net meaning. The +inequality of achievement between the mature and the immature not only +necessitates teaching the young, but the necessity of this teaching +gives an immense stimulus to reducing experience to that order and form +which will render it most easily communicable and hence most usable. + + +2. Behavior and Conduct[87] + +The word "behavior" is commonly used in an interesting variety of ways. +We speak of the behavior of ships at sea, of soldiers in battle, and of +little boys in Sunday school. + +"The geologist," as Lloyd Morgan remarks, "tells us that a glacier +behaves in many respects like a river, and discusses how the crust of +the earth behaves under the stresses to which it is subjected. +Weatherwise people comment on the behavior of the mercury in the +barometer as a storm approaches. When Mary, the nurse maid, returns with +the little Miss Smiths from Master Brown's birthday party, she is +narrowly questioned as to their behavior." + +In short, the word is familiar both to science and to common sense, and +is applied with equal propriety to the actions of physical objects and +to the manners of men. The abstract sciences, quite as much as the +concrete and descriptive, are equally concerned with behavior. "The +chemist and the physicist often speak of the behavior of the atoms and +the molecules, or of that of gas under changing conditions of +temperature and pressure." The fact is that every science is everywhere +seeking to describe and explain the movements, changes, and reactions, +that is to say the behavior, of some portion of the world about us. +Indeed, wherever we consciously set ourselves to observe and reflect +upon the changes going on about us, it is always behavior that we are +interested in. Science is simply a little more persistent in its +curiosity and a little nicer and more exact in its observation than +common sense. And this disposition to observe, to take a disinterested +view of things, is, by the way, one of the characteristics of human +nature which distinguishes it from the nature of all other animals. + +Since every science has to do with some form of behavior, the first +question that arises is this: What do we mean by behavior in human +beings as distinguished from that in other animals? What is there +distinctive about the actions of human beings that marks them off and +distinguishes them from the actions of animals and plants with which +human beings have so much in common? + +The problem is the more difficult because, in some one or other of its +aspects, human behavior involves processes which are characteristic of +almost every form of nature. We sometimes speak, for example, of the +human machine. Indeed, from one point of view human beings may be +regarded as psycho-physical mechanisms for carrying on the vital +processes of nutrition, reproduction, and movement. The human body is, +in fact, an immensely complicated machine, whose operations involve an +enormous number of chemical and physical reactions, all of which may be +regarded as forms of human behavior. + +Human beings are, however, not wholly or merely machines; they are +living organisms and as such share with the plants and the lower animals +certain forms of behavior which it has not thus far, at any rate, been +possible to reduce to the exact and lucid formulas of either chemistry +or physics. + +Human beings are, however, not merely organisms: they are the home and +the habitat of minuter organisms. The human body is, in a certain sense, +an organization--a sort of social organization--of the minute and simple +organisms of which it is composed, namely, the cells, each of which has +its own characteristic mode of behavior. In fact, the life of human +beings, just as the life of all other creatures above the simple +unicellular organisms, may be said to consist of the corporate life of +the smaller organisms of which it is composed. In human beings, as in +some great city, the division of labor among the minuter organisms has +been carried further, the interdependence of the individual parts is +more complete, and the corporate life of the whole more complex. + +It is not strange, therefore, that Lloyd Morgan begins his studies of +animal behavior by a description of the behavior of the cells and +Thorndike in his volume, _The Original Nature of Man_, is led to the +conclusion that the original tendencies of man have their basis in the +neurones, or nerve cells, and in the changes which these cells and their +ancestors have undergone, as a result of the necessity of carrying on +common and corporate existences as integral parts of the human organism. +All acquired characteristics of men, everything that they learn, is due +to mutual stimulations and associations of the neurones, just as +sociologists are now disposed to explain civilization and progress as +phenomena due to the interaction and association of human beings, rather +than to any fundamental changes in human nature itself. In other words, +the difference between a savage and a civilized man is not due to any +fundamental differences in their brain cells but to the connections and +mutual stimulations which are established by experience and education +between those cells. In the savage those possibilities are not absent +but latent. In the same way the difference between the civilization of +Central Africa and that of Western Europe is due, not to the difference +in native abilities of the individuals and the peoples who have created +them, but rather to the form which the association and interaction +between those individuals and groups of individuals has taken. We +sometimes attribute the difference in culture which we meet among races +to the climate and physical conditions generally, but, in the long run, +the difference is determined by the way in which climate and physical +condition determine the contacts and communications of individuals. + +So, too, in the corporate life of the individual man it is the +association of the nerve cells, their lines of connection and +communication, that is responsible for the most of the differences +between the ignorant and the educated, the savage and civilized man. The +neurone, however, is a little unicellular animal, like the amoeba or the +paramecium. Its life consists of: (1) eating, (2) excreting waste +products, (3) growing, (4) being sensitive, and (5) movement, and, as +Thorndike expresses it: "The safest provisional hypothesis about the +action of the neurones singly is that they retain the modes of behavior +common to unicellular animals, so far as consistent with the special +conditions of their life as an element of man's nervous system." + +In the widest sense of the term, behavior may be said to include all the +chemical and physical changes that go on inside the organism, as well as +every response to stimulus either from within or from without the +organism. In recent studies of animal behavior, however, the word has +acquired a special and technical meaning in which it is applied +exclusively to those actions that have been, or may be, modified by +conscious experience. What the animal does in its efforts to find food +is behavior, but the processes of digestion are relegated to another +field of observation, namely, physiology. + +In all the forms of behavior thus far referred to, human and animal +nature are not fundamentally distinguished. There are, however, ways of +acting that are peculiar to human nature, forms of behavior that man +does not share with the lower animals. One thing which seems to +distinguish man from the brute is self-consciousness. One of the +consequences of intercourse, as it exists among human beings, is that +they are led to reflect upon their own impulses and motives for action, +to set up standards by which they seek to govern themselves. The clock +is such a standard. We all know from experience that time moves more +slowly on dull days, when there is nothing doing, than in moments of +excitement. On the other hand, when life is active and stirring, time +flies. The clock standardizes our subjective tempos and we control +ourselves by the clock. An animal never looks at the clock and this is +typical of the different ways in which human beings and animals behave. + +Human beings, so far as we have yet been able to learn, are the only +creatures who habitually pass judgment upon their own actions, or who +think of them as right or wrong. When these thoughts about our actions +or the actions of others get themselves formulated and expressed they +react back upon and control us. That is one reason we hang mottoes on +the wall. That is why one sees on the desk of a busy man the legend "Do +it now!" The brutes do not know these devices. They do not need them +perhaps. They have no aim in life. They do not work. + +What distinguishes the action of men from animals may best be expressed +in the word "conduct." Conduct as it is ordinarily used is applied to +actions which may be regarded as right or wrong, moral or immoral. As +such it is hardly a descriptive term since there does not seem to be any +distinctive mark about the actions which men have at different times and +places called moral or immoral. I have used it here to distinguish the +sort of behavior which may be regarded as distinctively and exclusively +human, namely, that which is self-conscious and personal. In this sense +blushing may be regarded as a form of conduct, quite as much as the +manufacture of tools, trade and barter, conversation or prayer. + +No doubt all these activities have their beginnings in, and are founded +upon, forms of behavior of which we may find the rudiments in the lower +animals. But there is in all distinctively human activities a +conventional, one might almost say a contractual, element which is +absent in action of other animals. Human actions are more often than not +controlled by a sense or understanding of what they look like or appear +to be to others. This sense and understanding gets itself embodied in +some custom or ceremonial observance. In this form it is transmitted +from generation to generation, becomes an object of sentimental respect, +gets itself embodied in definite formulas, is an object not only of +respect and reverence but of reflection and speculation as well. As such +it constitutes the mores, or moral customs, of a group and is no longer +to be regarded as an individual possession. + + +3. Instinct and Character[88] + +In no part of the world, and at no period of time, do we find the +behavior of men left to unchartered freedom. Everywhere human life is in +a measure organized and directed by customs, laws, beliefs, ideals, +which shape its ends and guide its activities. As this guidance of life +by rule is universal in human society, so upon the whole it is peculiar +to humanity. There is no reason to think that any animal except man can +enunciate or apply general rules of conduct. Nevertheless, there is not +wanting something that we can call an organization of life in the animal +world. How much of intelligence underlies the social life of the higher +animals is indeed extremely hard to determine. In the aid which they +often render to one another, in their combined hunting, in their play, +in the use of warning cries, and the employment of "sentinels," which is +so frequent among birds and mammals, it would appear at first sight that +a considerable measure of _mutual understanding_ is implied, that we +find at least an analogue to human custom, to the assignment of +functions, the division of labor, which mutual reliance renders +possible. How far the analogy may be pressed, and whether terms like +"custom" and "mutual understanding," drawn from human experience, are +rightly applicable to animal societies, are questions on which we shall +touch presently. Let us observe first that as we descend the animal +scale the sphere of _intelligent activity_ is gradually narrowed down, +and yet behavior is still regulated. The lowest organisms have their +definite methods of action under given conditions. The amoeba shrinks +into itself at a touch, withdraws the pseudopodium that is roughly +handled, or makes its way round the small object which will serve it as +food. Given the conditions, it acts in the way best suited to avoid +danger or to secure nourishment. We are a long way from the intelligent +regulation of conduct by a general principle, but we still find action +adapted to the requirements of organic life. + +When we come to human society we find the basis for a social +organization of life already laid in the animal nature of man. Like +others of the higher animals, man is a gregarious beast. His interests +lie in his relations to his fellows, in his love for wife and children, +in his companionship, possibly in his rivalry and striving with his +fellow-men. His loves and hates, his joys and sorrows, his pride, his +wrath, his gentleness, his boldness, his timidity--all these permanent +qualities, which run through humanity and vary only in degree, belong to +his inherited structure. Broadly speaking, they are of the nature of +instincts, but instincts which have become highly plastic in their mode +of operation and which need the stimulus of experience to call them +forth and give them definite shape. + +The mechanical methods of reaction which are so prominent low down in +the animal scale fill quite a minor place in human life. The ordinary +operations of the body, indeed, go upon their way mechanically enough. +In walking or in running, in saving ourselves from a fall, in coughing, +sneezing, or swallowing, we react as mechanically as do the lower +animals; but in the distinctly human modes of behavior, the place taken +by the inherited structure is very different. Hunger and thirst no doubt +are of the nature of instincts, but the methods of satisfying hunger and +thirst are acquired by experience or by teaching. Love and the whole +family life have an instinctive basis, that is to say, they rest upon +tendencies inherited with the brain and nerve structure; but everything +that has to do with the satisfaction of these impulses is determined by +the experience of the individual, the laws and customs of the society in +which he lives, the woman whom he meets, the accidents of their +intercourse, and so forth. Instinct, already plastic and modifiable in +the higher animals, becomes in man a basis of character which determines +how he will take his experience, but without experience is a mere blank +form upon which nothing is yet written. + +For example, it is an ingrained tendency of average human nature to be +moved by the opinion of our neighbors. This is a powerful motive in +conduct, but the kind of conduct to which it will incite clearly depends +on the kind of thing that our neighbors approve. In some parts of the +world ambition for renown will prompt a man to lie in wait for a woman +or child in order to add a fresh skull to his collection. In other parts +he may be urged by similar motives to pursue a science or paint a +picture. In all these cases the same hereditary or instinctive element +is at work, that quality of character which makes a man respond +sensitively to the feelings which others manifest toward him. But the +kind of conduct which this sensitiveness may dictate depends wholly on +the social environment in which the man finds himself. Similarly it is, +as the ordinary phrase quite justly puts it, "in human nature" to stand +up for one's rights. A man will strive, that is, to secure that which he +has counted on as his due. But as to what he counts upon, as to the +actual treatment which he expects under given circumstances, his views +are determined by the "custom of the country," by what he sees others +insisting on and obtaining, by what has been promised him, and so forth. +Even such an emotion as sexual jealousy, which seems deeply rooted in +the animal nature, is largely limited in its exercise and determined in +the form it takes by custom. A hospitable savage, who will lend his wife +to a guest, would kill her for acting in the same way on her own motion. +In the one case he exercises his rights of proprietorship; in the other, +she transgresses them. It is the maintenance of a claim which jealousy +concerns itself with, and the standard determining the claim is the +custom of the country. + +In human society, then, the conditions regulating conduct are from the +first greatly modified. Instinct, becoming vague and more general, has +evolved into "character," while the intelligence finds itself confronted +with customs to which it has to accommodate conduct. But how does custom +arise? Let us first consider what custom is. It is not merely a habit of +action; but it implies also a judgment upon action, and a judgment +stated in general and impersonal terms. It would seem to imply a +bystander or third party. If A hits B, B probably hits back. It is his +"habit" so to do. But if C, looking on, pronounces that it was or was +not a fair blow, he will probably appeal to the "custom" of the +country--the traditional rules of fighting, for instance--as the ground +of his judgment. That is, he will lay down a rule which is general in +the sense that it would apply to other individuals under similar +conditions, and by it he will, as an impartial third person, appraise +the conduct of the contending parties. The formation of such rules, +resting as it does on the power of framing and applying general +conceptions, is the prime differentia of human morality from animal +behavior. The fact that they arise and are handed on from generation to +generation makes social tradition at once the dominating factor in the +regulation of human conduct. Without such rules we can scarcely conceive +society to exist, since it is only through the general conformity to +custom that men can understand each other, that each can know how the +other will act under given circumstances, and without this amount of +understanding the reciprocity, which is the vital principle of society, +disappears. + + +4. Collective Representation and Intellectual Life[89] + +Logical thought is made up of concepts. Seeking how society can have +played a role in the genesis of logical thought thus reduces itself to +seeking how it can have taken a part in the formation of concepts. + +The concept is opposed to sensual representations of every +order--sensations, perceptions, or images--by the following properties. + +Sensual representations are in a perpetual flux; they come after each +other like the waves of a river, and even during the time that they last +they do not remain the same thing. Each of them is an integral part of +the precise instant when it takes place. We are never sure of again +finding a perception such as we experienced it the first time; for if +the thing perceived has not changed, it is we who are no longer the +same. On the contrary, the concept is, as it were, outside of time and +change; it is in the depths below all this agitation; it might be said +that it is in a different portion of the mind, which is serener and +calmer. It does not move of itself, by an internal and spontaneous +evolution, but, on the contrary, it resists change. It is a manner of +thinking that, at every moment of time, is fixed and crystallized. In so +far as it is what it ought to be, it is immutable. If it changes, it is +not because it is its nature to do so, but because we have discovered +some imperfection in it; it is because it had to be rectified. The +system of concepts with which we think in everyday life is that +expressed by the vocabulary of our mother-tongue; for every word +translates a concept. Now language is something fixed; it changes but +very slowly, and consequently it is the same with the conceptual system +which it expresses. The scholar finds himself in the same situation in +regard to the special terminology employed by the science to which he +has consecrated himself, and hence in regard to the special scheme of +concepts to which this terminology corresponds. It is true that he can +make innovations, but these are always a sort of violence done to the +established ways of thinking. + +And at the same time that it is relatively immutable, the concept is +universal, or at least capable of becoming so. A concept is not my +concept; I hold it in common with other men, or, in any case, can +communicate it to them. It is impossible for me to make a sensation pass +from my consciousness into that of another; it holds closely to my +organism and personality and cannot be detached from them. All that I +can do is to invite others to place themselves before the same object as +myself and to leave themselves to its action. On the other hand, +conversation and all intellectual communication between men is an +exchange of concepts. The concept is an essentially impersonal +representation; it is through it that human intelligences communicate. + +The nature of the concept, thus defined, bespeaks its origin. If it is +common to all, it is the work of the community. Since it bears the mark +of no particular mind, it is clear that it was elaborated by a unique +intelligence, where all others meet each other, and after a fashion, +come to nourish themselves. If it has more stability than sensations or +images, it is because the collective representations are more stable +than the individual ones; for while an individual is conscious even of +the slight changes which take place in his environment, only events of a +greater gravity can succeed in affecting the mental status of a society. +Every time that we are in the presence of a _type_ of thought or action +which is imposed uniformly upon particular wills or intelligences, this +pressure exercised over the individual betrays the intervention of the +group. Also, as we have already said, the concepts with which we +ordinarily think are those of our vocabulary. Now it is unquestionable +that language, and consequently the system of concepts which it +translates, is the product of collective elaboration. What it expresses +is the manner in which society as a whole represents the facts of +experience. The ideas which correspond to the diverse elements of +language are thus collective representations. + +Even their contents bear witness to the same fact. In fact, there are +scarcely any words among those which we usually employ whose meaning +does not pass, to a greater or less extent, the limits of our personal +experience. Very frequently a term expresses things which we have never +perceived or experiences which we have never had or of which we have +never been the witnesses. Even when we know some of the objects which +it concerns, it is only as particular examples that they serve to +illustrate the idea which they would never have been able to form by +themselves. Thus there is a great deal of knowledge condensed in the +word which I never collected, and which is not individual; it even +surpasses me to such an extent that I cannot even completely appropriate +all its results. Which of us knows all the words of the language he +speaks and the entire signification of each? + +This remark enables us to determine the sense in which we mean to say +that concepts are collective representations. If they belong to a whole +social group, it is not because they represent the average of the +corresponding individual representations; for in that case they would be +poorer than the latter in intellectual content, while, as a matter of +fact, they contain much that surpasses the knowledge of the average +individual. They are not abstractions which have a reality only in +particular consciousnesses, but they are as concrete representations as +an individual could form of his own personal environment; they +correspond to the way in which this very special being, society, +considers the things of its own proper experience. If, as a matter of +fact, the concepts are nearly always general ideas, and if they express +categories and classes rather than particular objects, it is because the +unique and variable characteristics of things interest society but +rarely; because of its very extent, it can scarcely be affected by more +than their general and permanent qualities. Therefore it is to this +aspect of affairs that it gives its attention: it is a part of its +nature to see things in large and under the aspect which they ordinarily +have. But this generality is not necessary for them, and, in any case, +even when these representations have the generic character which they +ordinarily have, they are the work of society and are enriched by its +experience. + +The collective consciousness is the highest form of the psychic life, +since it is the consciousness of the consciousnesses. Being placed +outside of and above individual and local contingencies, it sees things +only in their permanent and essential aspects, which it crystallizes +into communicable ideas. At the same time that it sees from above, it +sees farther; at every moment of time, it embraces all known reality; +that is why it alone can furnish the mind with the molds which are +applicable to the totality of things and which make it possible to +think of them. It does not create these molds artificially; it finds +them within itself; it does nothing but become conscious of them. They +translate the ways of being which are found in all the stages of reality +but which appear in their full clarity only at the summit, because the +extreme complexity of the psychic life which passes there necessitates a +greater development of consciousness. Collective representations also +contain subjective elements, and these must be progressively rooted out +if we are to approach reality more closely. But howsoever crude these +may have been at the beginning, the fact remains that with them the germ +of a new mentality was given, to which the individual could never have +raised himself by his own efforts; by them the way was opened to a +stable, impersonal and organized thought which then had nothing to do +except to develop its nature. + + +D. THE SOCIAL GROUP + + +1. Definition of the Group[90] + +The term "group" serves as a convenient sociological designation for any +number of people, larger or smaller, between whom such relations are +discovered that they must be thought of together. The "group" is the +most general and colorless term used in sociology for combinations of +persons. A family, a mob, a picnic party, a trade union, a city +precinct, a corporation, a state, a nation, the civilized or the +uncivilized population of the world, may be treated as a group. Thus a +"group" for sociology is a number of persons whose relations to each +other are sufficiently impressive to demand attention. The term is +merely a commonplace tool. It contains no mystery. It is only a handle +with which to grasp the innumerable varieties of arrangements into which +people are drawn by their variations of interest. The universal +condition of association may be expressed in the same commonplace way: +people always live in groups, and the same persons are likely to be +members of many groups. + +Individuals nowhere live in utter isolation. There is no such thing as a +social vacuum. The few Robinson Crusoes are not exceptions to the rule. +If they are, they are like the Irishman's horse. The moment they begin +to get adjusted to the exceptional condition, they die. Actual persons +always live and move and have their being in groups. These groups are +more or less complex, more or less continuous, more or less rigid in +character. The destinies of human beings are always bound up with the +fate of the groups of which they are members. While the individuals are +the real existences, and the groups are only relationships of +individuals, yet to all intents and purposes the groups which people +form are just as distinct and efficient molders of the lives of +individuals as though they were entities that had existence entirely +independent of the individuals. + +The college fraternity or the college class, for instance, would be only +a name, and presently not even that, if each of its members should +withdraw. It is the members themselves, and not something outside of +themselves. Yet to A, B, or C the fraternity or the class might as well +be a river or a mountain by the side of which he stands, and which he is +helpless to remove. He may modify it somewhat. He is surely modified by +it somewhat; and the same is true of all the other groups in which A, B, +or C belong. To a very considerable extent the question, Why does A, B, +or C do so and so? is equivalent to the question, What are the +peculiarities of the group to which A, B, or C belongs? It would never +occur to A, B, or C to skulk from shadow to shadow of a night, with +paint-pot and brush in hand, and to smear Arabic numerals of bill-poster +size on sidewalk or buildings, if "class spirit" did not add stimulus to +individual bent. Neither A, B, nor C would go out of his way to flatter +and cajole a Freshman, if membership in a fraternity did not make a +student something different from an individual. These are merely +familiar cases which follow a universal law. + +In effect, the groups to which we belong might be as separate and +independent of us as the streets and buildings of a city are from the +population. If the inhabitants should migrate in a body, the streets and +buildings would remain. This is not true of human groups, but their +reaction upon the persons who compose them is no less real and evident. +We are in large part what our social set, our church, our political +party, our business and professional circles are. This has always been +the case from the beginning of the world, and will always be the case. +To understand what society is, either in its larger or its smaller +parts, and why it is so, and how far it is possible to make it +different, we must invariably explain groups on the one hand, no less +than individuals on the other. There is a striking illustration in +Chicago at present (summer, 1905). Within a short time a certain man has +made a complete change in his group-relations. He was one of the most +influential trade-union leaders in the city. He has now become the +executive officer of an association of employers. In the elements that +are not determined by his group-relationships he is the same man that he +was before. Those are precisely the elements, however, that may be +canceled out of the social problem. All the elements in his personal +equation that give him a distinct meaning in the life of the city are +given to him by his membership in the one group or the other. Till +yesterday he gave all his strength to organizing labor against capital. +Now he gives all his strength to the service of capital against labor. + +Whatever social problem we confront, whatever persons come into our +field of view, the first questions involved will always be: To what +groups do these persons belong? What are the interests of these groups? +What sort of means do the groups use to promote their interests? How +strong are these groups, as compared with groups that have conflicting +interests? These questions go to one tap root of all social +interpretation, whether in the case of historical events far in the +past, or of the most practical problems of our own neighborhood. + + +2. The Unity of the Social Group[91] + +It has long been a cardinal problem in sociology to determine just how +to conceive in objective terms so very real and palpable a thing as the +continuity and persistence of social groups. Looked at as a physical +object society appears to be made up of mobile and independent units. +The problem is to understand the nature of the bonds that bind these +independent units together and how these connections are maintained and +transmitted. + +Conceived of in its lowest terms the unity of the social group may be +compared to that of the plant communities. In these communities, the +relation between the individual species which compose it seems at first +wholly fortuitous and external. Co-operation and community, so far as it +exists, consists merely in the fact that within a given geographical +area, certain species come together merely because each happens to +provide by its presence an environment in which the life of the other is +easier, more secure, than if they lived in isolation. It seems to be a +fact, however, that this communal life of the associated plants fulfils, +as in other forms of life, a typical series of changes which correspond +to growth, decay and death. The plant community comes into existence, +matures, grows old, and eventually dies. In doing this, however, it +provides by its own death an environment in which another form of +community finds its natural habitat. Each community thus precedes and +prepares the way for its successor. Under such circumstances the +succession of the individual communities itself assumes the character of +a life-process. + +In the case of the animal and human societies we have all these +conditions and forces and something more. The individuals associated in +an animal community not only provide, each for the other, a physical +environment in which all may live, but the members of the community are +organically pre-adapted to one another in ways which are not +characteristic of the members of a plant community. As a consequence, +the relations between the members of the animal community assume a much +more organic character. It is, in fact, a characteristic of animal +society that the members of a social group are organically adapted to +one another and therefore the organization of animal society is almost +wholly transmitted by physical inheritance. + +In the case of human societies we discover not merely organically +inherited adaptation, which characterizes animal societies, but, in +addition, a great body of habits and accommodations which are +transmitted in the form of social inheritance. Something that +corresponds to social tradition exists, to be sure, in animal societies. +Animals learn by imitation from one another, and there is evidence that +this social tradition varies with changes in environment. In man, +however, association is based on something more than habits or instinct. +In human society, largely as a result of language, there exists a +conscious community of purpose. We have not merely folkways, which by an +extension of that term might be attributed to animals, but we have mores +and formal standards of conduct. + +In a recent notable volume on education, John Dewey has formulated a +definition of the educational process which he identifies with the +process by which the social tradition of human society is transmitted. +Education, he says in effect, is a self-renewing process, a process in +which and through which the social organism lives. + + With the renewal of physical existence goes, in the case of + human beings, the re-creation of beliefs, ideals, hopes, + happiness, misery and practices. The continuity of experience, + through renewal of the social group, is a literal fact. + Education, in its broadest sense, is the means of this social + continuity of life. + +Under ordinary circumstances the transmission of the social tradition is +from the parents to the children. Children are born into the society and +take over its customs, habits, and standards of life simply, naturally, +and without conflict. But it will at once occur to anyone that the +physical life of society is not always continued and maintained in this +natural way, i.e., by the succession of parents and children. New +societies are formed by conquest and by the imposition of one people +upon another. In such cases there arises a conflict of cultures, and as +a result the process of fusion takes place slowly and is frequently not +complete. New societies are frequently formed by colonization, in which +case new cultures are grafted on to older ones. The work of missionary +societies is essentially one of colonization in this sense. Finally we +have societies growing up, as in the United States, by immigration. +These immigrants, coming as they do from all parts of the world, bring +with them fragments of divergent cultures. Here again the process of +assimilation is slow, often painful, not always complete. + + +3. Types of Social Groups[92] + +Between the two extreme poles--the crowd and the state (nation)--between +these extreme links of the chain of human association, what are the +other intermediate groups, and what are their distinctive +characteristics? + +Gustave Le Bon thus classifies the different types of crowds +(aggregations): + + A. Heterogeneous crowds + 1. Anonymous (street crowds, for example) + 2. Not anonymous (parliamentary assemblies, for example) + + B. Homogeneous crowds + 1. Sects (political, religious, etc.) + 2. Castes (military, sacerdotal, etc.) + 3. Classes (bourgeois, working-men, etc.) + +This classification is open to criticism. First of all, it is inaccurate +to give the name of crowd indiscriminately to every human group. +Literally (from the etymological standpoint) this objection seems to me +unanswerable. Tarde more exactly distinguishes between crowds, +associations, and corporations. + +But we retain the generic term of "crowd" because it indicates the first +stage of the social group which is the source of all the others, and +because with these successive distinctions it does not lend itself to +equivocal meaning. + +In the second place, it is difficult to understand why Le Bon terms the +sect a _homogeneous_ crowd, while he classifies parliamentary assemblies +among the _heterogeneous_ crowds. The members of a sect are usually far +more different from one another in birth, education, profession, social +status, than are generally the members of a political assembly. + +Turning from this criticism to note without analyzing heterogeneous +crowds, let us then proceed to determine the principal characteristics +of the three large types of homogeneous crowds, the classes, the castes, +the sects. + +The heterogeneous crowd is composed of _tout le monde_, of people like +you, like me, like the first passer-by. _Chance_ unites these +individuals physically, the _occasion_ unites them psychologically; they +do not know each other, and after the moment when they find themselves +together, they may never see each other again. To use a metaphor, it is +a psychological meteor, of the most unforeseen, ephemeral, and +transitory kind. + +On this accidental and fortuitous foundation are formed here and there +other crowds, always heterogeneous, but with a certain character of +stability or, at least, of periodicity. The audience at a theater, the +members of a club, of a literary or social gathering, constitute also a +crowd but a different crowd from that of the street. The members of +these groups know each other a little; they have, if not a common aim, +at least a common custom. They are nevertheless "anonymous crowds," as +Le Bon calls them, because they do not have within themselves the +nucleus of organization. + +Proceeding further, we find crowds still heterogeneous, but not so +anonymous--juries, for example, and assemblies. These small crowds +experience a new sentiment, unknown to anonymous crowds, that of +responsibility which may at times give to their actions a different +orientation. Then the parliamentary crowds are to be distinguished from +the others because, as Tarde observes with his habitual penetration, +they are double crowds: they represent a majority in conflict with one +or more minorities, which safeguards them in most cases from unanimity, +the most menacing danger which faces crowds. + +We come now to homogeneous crowds, of which the first type is the sect. +Here are found again individuals differing in birth, in education, in +profession, in social status, but united and, indeed, voluntarily +cemented by an extremely strong bond, a common faith and ideal. Faith, +religious, scientific, or political, rapidly creates a communion of +sentiments capable of giving to those who possess it a high degree of +homogeneity and power. History records the deeds of the barbarians under +the influence of Christianity, and the Arabs transformed into a sect by +Mahomet. Because of their sectarian organization, a prediction may be +made of what the future holds in store for the socialists. + +The sect is a crowd, picked out and permanent; the crowd is a transitory +sect which has not chosen its members. The sect is a chronic kind of +crowd; the crowd is an acute kind of sect. The crowd is composed of a +multitude of grains of sand without cohesion; the sect is a block of +marble which resists every effort. When a sentiment or an idea, having +in itself a reason for existence, slips into the crowd, its members soon +crystallize and form a sect. The sect is then the first crystallization +of every doctrine. From the confused and amorphous state in which it +manifests itself to the crowd, every idea is predestined to define +itself in the more specific form of the sect, to become later a party, a +school, or a church--scientific, political, or religious. + +Any faith, whether it be Islamism, Buddhism, Christianity, patriotism, +socialism, anarchy, cannot but pass through this sectarian phase. It is +the first step, the point where the human group in leaving the twilight +zone of the anonymous and mobile crowd raises itself to a definition and +to an integration which then may lead up to the highest and most +perfect human group, the nation. + +If the sect is composed of individuals united by a common idea and aim, +in spite of diversity of birth, education, and social status, the caste +unites, on the contrary, those who could have--and who have +sometimes--diverse ideas and aspirations, but who are brought together +through identity of profession. The sect corresponds to the community of +faith, the caste to the community of professional ideas. The sect is a +_spontaneous_ association; the caste is, in many ways, a _forced_ +association. After having chosen a profession--let it be priest, +soldier, magistrate--a man belongs necessarily to a caste. A person, on +the contrary, does not necessarily belong to a sect. And when one +belongs to a caste--be he the most independent man in the world--he is +more or less under the influence of that which is called _esprit de +corps_. + +The caste represents the highest degree of organization to which the +homogeneous crowd is susceptible. It is composed of individuals who by +their tastes, their education, birth, and social status, resemble each +other in the fundamental types of conduct and mores. There are even +certain castes, the military and sacerdotal, for example, in which the +members at last so resemble one another in appearance and bearing that +no disguise can conceal the nature of their profession. + +The caste offers to its members ideas already molded, rules of conduct +already approved; it relieves them, in short, of the fatigue of thinking +with their own brains. When the caste to which an individual belongs is +known, all that is necessary is to press a button of his mental +mechanism to release a series of opinions and of phrases already made +which are identical in every individual of the same caste. + +This harmonious collectivity, powerful and eminently conservative, is +the most salient analogy which the nations of the Occident present to +that of India. In India the caste is determined by birth, and it is +distinguished by a characteristic trait: the persons of one caste can +live with, eat with, and marry only individuals of the same caste. + +In Europe it is not only birth, but circumstances and education which +determine the entrance of an individual into a caste; to marry, to +frequent, to invite to the same table only people of the same caste, +exists practically in Europe as in India. In Europe the above-mentioned +prescriptions are founded on convention, but they are none the less +observed. We all live in a confined circle, where we find our friends, +our guests, our sons- and daughters-in-law. + +Misalliances are assuredly possible in Europe; they are impossible in +India. But if there religion prohibits them, with us public opinion and +convention render them very rare. And at bottom the analogy is complete. + +The class is superior to the caste in extent. If the psychological bond +of the sect is community of faith, and that of the caste community of +profession, the psychological bond of the class is community of +interests. + +Less precise in its limits, more diffuse and less compact than the caste +or the sect, the class represents today the veritable crowd in a dynamic +state, which can in a moment's time descend from that place and become +statically a crowd. And it is from the sociological standpoint the most +terrible kind of crowd; it is that which today has taken a bellicose +attitude, and which by its attitude and precepts prepares the brutal +blows of mobs. + +We speak of the "conflict of the classes," and from the theoretical +point of view and in the normal and peaceful life that signifies only a +contest of ideas by legal means. Always depending upon the occasion, the +audacity of one or many men, the character of the situation, the +conflict of the classes is transformed into something more material and +more violent--into revolt or into revolution. + +Finally we arrive at the state (nation). Tocqueville said that the +classes which compose society form so many distinct nations. They are +the greatest collectivities before coming to the nation, the state. + +This is the most perfect type of organization of the crowd, and the +final and supreme type, if there is not another collectivity superior in +number and extension, the collectivity formed by race. + +The bond which unites all the citizens of a state is language and +nationality. Above the state there are only the crowds determined by +race, which comprise many states. And these are, like the states and +like the classes, human aggregates which in a moment could be +transformed into violent crowds. But then, and justly, because their +evolution and their organization are more developed, their mobs are +called armies, and their violences are called wars, and they have the +seal of legitimacy unknown in other crowds. In this order of ideas war +could be defined as the supreme form of collective crimes. + + +4. _Esprit de Corps_, Morale, and Collective Representations of Social +Groups[93] + +War is no doubt the least human of human relationships. It can begin +only when persuasion ends, when arguments fitted to move minds are +replaced by the blasting-powder fitted to move rocks and hills. It means +that one at least of the national wills concerned has deliberately set +aside its human quality--as only a human will can do--and has made of +itself just such a material obstruction or menace. Hence war seems, and +is often called, a contest of brute forces. Certainly it is the +extremest physical effort men make, every resource of vast populations +bent to increase the sum of power at the front, where the two lines +writhe like wrestlers laboring for the final fall. + +Yet it is seldom physical force that decides a long war. For war summons +skill against skill, head against head, staying-power against +staying-power, as well as numbers and machines against machines and +numbers. When an engine "exerts itself" it spends more power, eats more +fuel, but uses no nerve; when a man exerts himself, he must bend his +will to it. The extremer the physical effort, the greater the strain on +the inner or moral powers. Hence the paradox of war: just because it +calls for the maximum material performance, it calls out a maximum of +moral resource. As long as guns and bayonets have men behind them, the +quality of the men, the quality of their minds and wills, must be +counted with the power of the weapons. + +And as long as men fight in nations and armies, that subtle but mighty +influence that passes from man to man, the temper and spirit of the +group, must be counted with the quality of the individual citizen and +soldier. But how much does this intangible, psychological factor count? +Napoleon in his day reckoned it high: "In war, the moral is to the +physical as three to one." + +For war, completely seen, is no mere collision of physical forces; it is +a collision of will against will. It is, after all, the mind and will of +a nation--a thing intangible and invisible--that assembles the materials +of war, the fighting forces, the ordnance, the whole physical array. It +is this invisible thing that wages the war; it is this same invisible +thing that on one side or the other must admit the finish and so end it. +As things are now, it is the element of "morale" that controls the +outcome. + +I say, as things are now; for it is certainly not true as a rule of +history that will-power is enough to win a war, even when supported by +high fighting spirit, brains, and a good conscience: Belgium had all +this, and yet was bound to fall before Germany had she stood alone. Her +spirit worked miracles at Liege, delayed by ten days the marching +program of the German armies, and thereby saved--perhaps Paris, perhaps +Europe. But the day was saved because the issue raised in Serbia and in +Belgium drew to their side material support until their forces could +compare with the physical advantages of the enemy. Morale wins, not by +itself, but by turning scales; it has a value like the power of a +minority or of a mobile reserve. It adds to one side or the other the +last ounce of force which is to its opponent the last straw that breaks +its back. + +Perhaps the simplest way of explaining the meaning of morale is to say +that what "condition" is to the athlete's body, morale is to the mind. +Morale is condition; good morale is good condition of the inner man: it +is the state of will in which you can get most from the machinery, +deliver blows with the greatest effect, take blows with the least +depression, and hold out for the longest time. It is both fighting-power +and staying-power and strength to resist the mental infections which +fear, discouragement, and fatigue bring with them, such as eagerness for +any kind of peace if only it gives momentary relief, or the irritability +that sees large the defects in one's own side until they seem more +important than the need of defeating the enemy. And it is the perpetual +ability to come back. + +From this it follows that good morale is not the same as good spirits or +enthusiasm. It is anything but the cheerful optimism of early morning, +or the tendency to be jubilant at every victory. It has nothing in +common with the emotionalism dwelt on by psychologists of the "crowd." +It is hardly to be discovered in the early stages of war. Its most +searching test is found in the question, How does war-weariness affect +you? + +No one going from America to Europe in the last year could fail to +notice the wide difference between the mind of nations long at war and +that of a nation just entering. Over there, "crowd psychology" had spent +itself. There was little flag-waving; the common purveyors of music were +not everywhere playing (or allowed to play) the national airs. If in +some Parisian cinema the Marseillaise was given, nobody stood or sang. +The reports of atrocities roused little visible anger or even talk--they +were taken for granted. In short, the simpler emotions had been worn +out, or rather had resolved themselves into clear connections between +knowledge and action. The people had found the mental gait that can be +held indefinitely. Even a great advance finds them on their guard +against too much joy. As the news from the second victory of the Marne +begins to come in, we find this despatch: "Paris refrains from +exultation." + +And in the trenches the same is true in even greater degree. All the +bravado and illusion of war are gone, also all the nervous revulsion; +and in their places a grimly reliable resource of energy held in +instant, almost mechanical, readiness to do what is necessary. The +hazards which it is useless to speculate about, the miseries, delays, +tediums, casualties, have lost their exclamatory value and have fallen +into the sullen routine of the day's work. Here it is that morale begins +to show in its more vital dimensions. Here the substantial differences +between man and man, and between side and side, begin to appear as they +can never appear in training camp. + +Fitness and readiness to act, the positive element in morale, is a +matter not of good and bad alone, but of degree. Persistence, courage, +energy, initiative, may vary from zero upward without limit. Perhaps the +most important dividing line--one that has already shown itself at +various critical points--is that between the willingness to defend and +the willingness to attack, between the defensive and the aggressive +mentality. It is the difference between docility and enterprise, between +a faith at second hand dependent on neighbor or leader, and a faith at +first hand capable of assuming for itself the position of leadership. + +But readiness to wait, the negative element in morale, is as important +as readiness to act, and oftentimes it is a harder virtue. Patience, +especially under conditions of ignorance of what may be brewing, is a +torment for active and critical minds such as this people is made of. +Yet impetuosity, exceeding of orders, unwillingness to retreat when the +general situation demands it, are signs not of good morale but the +reverse. They are signs that one's heart cannot be kept up except by the +flattering stimulus of always going forward--a state of mind that may +cause a commanding officer serious embarrassment, even to making +impossible decisive strokes of strategy. + +In fact, the better the morale, the more profound its mystery from the +utilitarian angle of judgment. There is something miraculous in the +power of a bald and unhesitating announcement of reverse to steel the +temper of men attuned to making sacrifices and to meeting emergencies. +No one can touch the deepest moral resources of an army or nation who +does not know the fairly regal exaltation with which it is possible for +men to face an issue--_if they believe in it_. There are times when men +seem to have an appetite for suffering, when, to judge from their own +demeanor, the best bait fortune could offer them is the chance to face +death or to bear an inhuman load. This state of mind does not exist of +itself; it is morale at its best, and it appears only when the occasion +strikes a nerve which arouses the super-earthly vistas of human +consciousness or subconsciousness. But it commonly appears at the +summons of a leader who himself welcomes the challenge of the task he +sets before his followers. It is the magic of King Alfred in his appeal +to his chiefs to do battle with the Danes, when all that he could hold +out to them was the prospect of his own vision, + + This--that the sky grows darker yet + And the sea rises higher. + +Morale, for all the greater purposes of war, is a state of faith; and +its logic will be the superb and elusive logic of human faith. It is for +this reason that morale, while not identical with the righteousness of +the cause, can never reach its height unless the aim of the war can be +held intact in the undissembled moral sense of the people. This is one +of the provisions in the deeper order of things for the slow +predominance of the better brands of justice. + +There are still officers in army and navy--not as many as formerly--who +believe exclusively in the morale that works its way into every body of +recruits through discipline and the sway of _esprit de corps_. "They +know that they're here to can the Kaiser, and that's all they need to +know," said one such officer to me very recently. "After a man has been +here two months, the worst punishment you can give him is to tell him he +can't go to France right away. The soldier is a man of action; and the +less thinking he does, the better." There is an amount of practical +wisdom in this; for the human mind has a large capacity for adopting +beliefs that fit the trend of its habits and feelings, and this trend is +powerfully molded by the unanimous direction of an army's purpose. There +is an all but irresistible orthodoxy within a body committed to a war. +And the current (pragmatic) psychology referred to, making the +intelligence a mere instrument of the will, would seem to sanction the +maxim, "First decide, and then think accordingly." + +But there are two remarks to be made about this view; first, that in the +actual creation of morale within an army corps much thinking is +included, and nothing is accomplished without the consent of such +thoughts as a man already has. Training does wonders in making morale, +when nothing in the mind opposes it. Second, that the morale which is +sufficient for purposes of training is not necessarily sufficient for +the strains of the field. + +The intrinsic weakness of "affective morale," as psychologists call it, +is that it puts both sides on the same mental and moral footing: it +either justifies our opponents as well as ourselves, or it makes both +sides the creatures of irrational emotion. + +Crowds are capable of doing reasonless things upon impulse and of +adopting creeds without reflection. But an army is not a crowd; still +less is a nation a crowd. A mob or crowd is an unorganized group of +people governed by less than the average individual intelligence of its +members. Armies and nations are groups of people so organized that they +are controlled by an intelligence higher than the average. The instincts +that lend, and must lend, their immense motive-power to the great +purposes of war are the servants, not the masters, of that +intelligence. + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + + +1. The Scientific Study of Societies + +Interest in the study of "society as it is" has had its source in two +different motives. Travelers' tales have always fascinated mankind. The +ethnologists began their investigations by criticising and systematizing +the novel and interesting observations of travelers in regard to +customs, cultures, and behavior of people of different races and +nationalities. Their later more systematic investigations were, on the +whole, inspired by intellectual curiosity divorced from any overwhelming +desire to change the manner of life and social organizations of the +societies studied. + +The second motive for the systematic observation of actual society came +from persons who wanted social reforms but who were forced to realize +the futility of Utopian projects. The science of sociology as conceived +by Auguste Comte was to substitute fact for doctrines about society. But +his attempt to interpret social evolution resulted in a philosophy of +history, not a natural science of society. + +Herbert Spencer appreciated the fact that the new science of sociology +required an extensive body of materials as a basis for its +generalizations. Through the work of assistants he set himself the +monumental task of compiling historical and cultural materials not only +upon primitive and barbarous peoples but also upon the Hebrews, the +Phoenicians, the French and the English. These data were classified and +published in eight large volumes under the title _Descriptive +Sociology_. + +The study of human societies was too great to be satisfactorily +compassed by the work of one man. Besides that, Spencer, like most +English sociologists, was more interested in the progress of +civilization than in its processes. Spencer's _Sociology_ is still a +philosophy of history rather than a science of society. The philosophy +of history took for its unit of investigation and interpretation the +evolution of human society as a whole. The present trend in sociology is +toward the study of _societies_ rather than _society_. Sociological +research has been directed less to a study of the stages of evolution +than to the diagnosis and control of social problems. + +Modern sociology's chief inheritance from Comte and Spencer was a +problem in logic: What is a society? + +Manifestly if the relations between individuals in society are not +merely formal, and if society is something more than the sum of its +parts, then these relations must be defined in terms of interaction, +that is to say, in terms of process. What then is _the social process_; +what are the social processes? How are social processes to be +distinguished from physical, chemical, or biological processes? What is, +in general, the nature of the relations that need to be established in +order to make of individuals in society, members of society? These +questions are fundamental since they define the point of view of +sociology and describe the sort of facts with which the science seeks to +deal. Upon these questions the schools have divided and up to the +present time there is no very general consensus among sociologists in +regard to them. The introductory chapter to this volume is at once a +review of the points of view and an attempt to find answers. In the +literature to which reference is made at the close of chapter iii the +logical questions involved are discussed in a more thoroughgoing way +than has been possible to do in this volume. + +Fortunately science does not wait to define its points of view nor solve +its theoretical problems before undertaking to analyze and collect the +facts. The contrary is nearer the truth. Science collects facts and +answers the theoretical questions afterward. In fact, it is just its +success in analyzing and collecting facts which throw light upon human +problems that in the end justifies the theories of science. + + +2. Surveys of Communities + +The historian and the philosopher introduced the sociologist to the +study of society. But it was the reformer, the social worker, and the +business man who compelled him to study the community. + +The study of the community is still in its beginnings. Nevertheless, +there is already a rapidly growing literature on this topic. +Ethnologists have presented us with vivid and detailed pictures of +primitive communities as in McGee's _The Seri Indians_, Jenk's _The +Bontoc Igorot_, Rivers' _The Todas_. Studies of the village communities +of India, of Russia, and of early England have thrown new light upon the +territorial factor in the organization of societies. + +More recently the impact of social problems has led to the intensive +study of modern communities. The monumental work of Charles Booth, +_Life and Labour of the People in London_, is a comprehensive +description of conditions of social life in terms of the community. In +the United States, interest in community study is chiefly represented by +the social-survey movement which received impetus from the Pittsburgh +Survey of 1907. For sociological research of greater promise than the +survey are the several monographs which seek to make a social analysis +of the community, as Williams, _An American Town_, or Galpin, _The +Social Anatomy of an Agricultural Community_. With due recognition of +these auspicious beginnings, it must be confessed that there is no +volume upon human communities comparable with several works upon plant +and animal communities. + + +3. The Group as a Unit of Investigation + +The study of societies is concerned primarily with types of social +organization and with attitudes and cultural elements embodied in them. +The survey of communities deals essentially with social situations and +the problems connected with them. + +The study of social groups was a natural outgrowth of the study of the +individual. In order to understand the person it is necessary to +consider the group. Attention first turned to social institutions, then +to conflict groups, and finally to crowds and crowd influences. + +Social institutions were naturally the first groups to be studied with +some degree of detachment. The work of ethnologists stimulated an +interest in social origins. Evolution, though at first a purely +biological conception, provoked inquiry into the historical development +of social structure. Differences in institutions in contemporary +societies led to comparative study. Critics of institutions, both +iconoclasts without and reformers within, forced a consideration of +their more fundamental aspects. + +The first written accounts of conflict groups were quite naturally of +the propagandist type both by their defenders and by their opponents. +Histories of nationalities, for example, originated in the patriotic +motive of national glorification. With the acceptance of objective +standards of historical criticism the ground was prepared for the +sociological study of nationalities as conflict groups. A school of +European sociologists represented by Gumplowicz, Ratzenhofer, and +Novicow stressed conflict as the characteristic behavior of social +groups. Beginnings, as indicated in the bibliography, have been made of +the study of various conflict groups as gangs, labor unions, parties, +and sects. + +The interest in the mechanism of the control of the individual by the +group has been focused upon the study of the crowd. Tarde and Le Bon in +France, Sighele in Italy, and Ross in the United States were the +pioneers in the description and interpretation of the behavior of mobs +and crowds. The crowd phenomena of the Great War have stimulated the +production of several books upon crowds and crowd influences which are, +in the main, but superficial and popular elaborations of the +interpretations of Tarde and Le Bon. Concrete material upon group +behavior has rapidly accumulated, but little or no progress has been +made in its sociological explanation. + +At present there are many signs of an increasing interest in the study +of group behavior. Contemporary literature is featuring realistic +descriptions. Sinclair Lewis in _Main Street_ describes concretely the +routine of town life with its outward monotony and its inner zest. +Newspapers and magazines are making surveys of the buying habits of +their readers as a basis for advertising. The federal department of +agriculture in co-operation with schools of agriculture is making +intensive studies of rural communities. Social workers are conscious +that a more fundamental understanding of social groups is a necessary +basis for case work and community organization. Surveys of institutions +and communities are now being made under many auspices and from varied +points of view. All this is having a fruitful reaction upon the +sociological theory. + + +4. The Study of the Family + +The family is the earliest, the most elementary, and the most permanent +of social groups. It has been more completely studied, in all its +various aspects, than other forms of human association. Methods of +investigation of family life are typical of methods that may be employed +in the description of other forms of society. For that reason more +attention is given here to studies of family life than it is possible or +desirable to give to other and more transient types of social groups. + +The descriptions of travelers, of ethnologists and of historians made +the first contributions to our knowledge of marriage, ceremonials, and +family organization among primitive and historical peoples. Early +students of these data devised theories of stages in the evolution of +the family. An anthology might be made of the conceptions that students +have formulated of the original form of the family, for example, the +theory of the matriarchate by Bachofen, of group marriage growing out of +earlier promiscuous relations by Morgan, of the polygynous family by +Darwin, of pair marriage by Westermarck. An example of the ingenious, +but discarded method of arranging all types of families observed in a +series representing stages of the evolution is to be found in Morgan's +_Ancient Society_. A survey of families among primitive peoples by +Hobhouse, Ginsberg, and Wheeler makes the point that even family life is +most varied upon the lower levels of culture, and that the historical +development of the family with any people must be studied in relation to +the physical and social environment. + +The evolutionary theory of the family has, however, furnished a somewhat +detached point of view for the criticism of the modern family. Social +reformers have used the evolutionary theory as a formula to justify +attacks upon the family as an institution and to support the most varied +proposals for its reconstruction. Books like Ellen Key's _Love and +Marriage_ and Meisel-Hess, _The Sexual Crisis_ are not scientific +studies of the family but rather social political philippics directed +against marriage and the family. + +The interest stimulated by ethnological observation, historical study, +and propagandist essays has, however, turned the attention of certain +students to serious study of the family and its problems. Howard's +_History of Matrimonial Institutions_ is a scholarly and comprehensive +treatise upon the evolution of the legal status of the family. Annual +statistics of marriage and divorce are now compiled and published by all +the important countries except the United States government. In the +United States, however, three studies of marriages and divorces have +been made; one in 1887-88, by the Department of Labor, covering the +twenty years from 1867-86 inclusive; another in 1906-7, by the Bureau of +the Census, for the twenty years 1887-1906; and the last, also by the +Bureau of the Census, for the year 1916. + +The changes in family life resulting from the transition from home +industry to the factory system have created new social problems. +Problems of woman and child labor, unemployment, and poverty are a +product of the machine industry. Attempts to relieve the distress under +conditions of city life resulted in the formation of charity +organization societies and other philanthropic institutions, and in +attempts to control the behavior of the individuals and families +assisted. The increasing body of experience gained by social agencies +has gradually been incorporated in the technique of the workers. Mary +Richmond in _Social Diagnosis_ has analyzed and standardized the +procedure of the social case worker. + +Less direct but more fundamental studies of family life have been made +by other investigators. Le Play, a French social economist, who lived +with the families which he observed, introduced the method of the +monographic study of the economic organization of family life. Ernst +Engel, from his study of the expenditure of Saxon working-class +families, formulated so-called "laws" of the relation between family +income and family outlay. Recent studies of family incomes and budgets +by Chapin, Ogburn, and others have thrown additional light upon the +relationship between wages and the standard of living. Interest in the +economics of the family is manifested by an increasing number of studies +in dietetics, household administration and domestic science. + +Westermarck in his _History of Human Marriage_ attempted to write a +sociology of the family. Particularly interesting is his attempt to +compare the animal family with that of man. The effect of this was to +emphasize instinctive and biological aspects of the family rather than +its institutional character. The basis for a psychology of family life +was first laid in the _Studies in the Psychology of Sex_ by Havelock +Ellis. The case studies of individuals by psychoanalysts often lead into +family complexes and illuminate the structure of family attitudes and +wishes. + +The sociological study of the family as a natural and a cultural group +is only now in its beginnings. An excellent theoretical study of the +family as a unity of interacting members is presented in Bosanquet, _The +Family_. The family as defined in the mores has been described and +interpreted, as for example, by Thomas in his analysis of the +organization of the large peasant family group in the first two volumes +of the _Polish Peasant_. Materials upon the family in the United States +have been brought together by Calhoun in his _Social History of the +American Family_. + +While the family is listed by Cooley among primary groups, the notion is +gaining ground that it is primary in a unique sense which sets it apart +from all other social groups. The biological interdependence and +co-operation of the members of the family, intimacies of closest and +most enduring contacts have no parallel among other human groups. The +interplay of the attractions, tensions, and accommodations of +personalities in the intimate bonds of family life have up to the +present found no concrete description or adequate analysis in +sociological inquiry. + +The best case studies of family life at present are in fiction, not in +the case records of social agencies, nor yet in sociological literature. +Arnold Bennett's trilogy, _Clayhanger_, _Hilda Lessways_, and _These +Twain_, suggests a pattern not unworthy of consideration by social +workers and sociologists. _The Pastor's Wife_, by the author of +_Elizabeth and Her German Garden_, is a delightful contrast of English +and German mores in their effect upon the intimate relations of family +life. + +In the absence of case studies of the family as a natural and cultural +group the following tentative outline for sociological study is offered: + + 1. _Location and extent in time and space._--Genealogical tree + as retained in the family memory; geographical distribution and + movement of members of small family group and of large family + group; stability or mobility of family; its rural or urban + location. + + 2. _Family traditions and ceremonials._--Family romance; family + skeleton; family ritual, as demonstration of affection, family + events, etc. + + 3. _Family economics._--Family communism; division of labor + between members of the family; effect of occupation of its + members. + + 4. _Family organization and control._--Conflicts and + accommodation; superordination and subordination; typical forms + of control--patriarchy, matriarchy, consensus, etc.; family + _esprit de corps_, family morale, family objectives; status in + community. + + 5. _Family behavior._--Family life from the standpoint of the + four wishes (security, response, recognition, and new + experience); family crises; the family and the community; + familism versus individualism; family life and the development + of personality. + + +SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY + + +I. THE DEFINITION OF SOCIETY + +(1) Kistiakowski, Dr. Th. _Gesellschaft und Einselwesen; eine +methodologische Studie._ Berlin, 1899. [A review and criticism of the +principal conceptions of society with reference to their value for a +natural science of society.] + +(2) Barth, Paul. _Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Sociologie._ +Leipzig, 1897. [A comparison of the different schools and an attempt to +interpret them as essays in the philosophy of history.] + +(3) Espinas, Alfred. _Des societes animales._ Paris, 1877. [A definition +of society based upon a comparative study of animal associations, +communities, and societies.] + +(4) Spencer, Herbert. "The Social Organism," _Essays, Scientific, +Political and Speculative_. I, 265-307. New York, 1892. [First published +in _The Westminster Review_ for January, 1860.] + +(5) Lazarus, M., and Steinthal, H. "Einleitende Gedanken zur +Voelkerpsychologie als Einladung zu einer Zeitschrift fuer +Voelkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft," _Zeitschrift fuer +Voelkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft_, I (1860), 1-73. [This is the +most important early attempt to interpret social phenomena from a social +psychological point of view. See p. 35 for definition of _Volk_ "the +people."] + +(6) Knapp, G. Friedrich. "Quetelet als Theoretiker," _Jahrbuecher fuer +Nationaloekonomie und Statistik_, XVIII (1872), 89-124. + +(7) Lazarus, M. _Das Leben der Seele in Monographien ueber seine +Erscheinungen und Gesetze._ Berlin, 1876. + +(8) Durkheim, Emile. "Representations individuelles et representations +collectives," _Revue de metaphysique et de morale_, VI (1898), 273-302. + +(9) Simmel, Georg. _Ueber sociale Differenzierung._ Sociologische und +psychologische Untersuchungen. Leipzig, 1890. + +[See also in Bibliography, chap. i, volumes listed under Systematic +Treatises.] + + +II. PLANT COMMUNITIES AND ANIMAL SOCIETIES + +(1) Clements, Frederic E. _Plant Succession._ An analysis of the +development of vegetation. Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1916. + +(2) Wheeler, W. M. "The Ant-Colony as an Organism," _Journal of +Morphology_, XXII (1911), 307-25. + +(3) Parmelee, Maurice. _The Science of Human Behavior._ Biological and +Psychological Foundations. New York, 1913. [Bibliography.] + +(4) Massart, J., and Vandervelde, E. _Parasitism, Organic and Social._ +2d ed. Translated by W. Macdonald. Revised by J. Arthur Thomson. London, +1907. + +(5) Warming, Eug. _Oecology of Plants._ An introduction to the study of +plant communities. Oxford, 1909. [Bibliography.] + +(6) Adams, Charles C. _Guide to the Study of Animal Ecology._ New York, +1913. [Bibliography.] + +(7) Waxweiler, E. "Esquisse d'une sociologie," _Travaux de l'Institut de +Sociologie (Solvay), Notes et memoires_, Fasc. 2. Bruxelles, 1906. + +(8) Reinheimer, H. _Symbiosis._ A socio-physiological study of +evolution. London, 1920. + + +III. THE CLASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL GROUPS + +A. _Types of Social Group_ + + +1. Non-territorial Groups: + +(1) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Crowd._ A study of the popular mind. London, +1897. + +(2) Sighele, S. _Psychologie des sectes._ Paris, 1898. + +(3) Tarde, G. _L'opinion et la foule._ Paris, 1901. + +(4) Fahlbeck, Pontus. _Klasserna och Samhallet._ Stockholm, 1920. (Book +review in _American Journal of Sociology_, XXVI [1920-21], 633-34.) + +(5) Nesfield, John C. _Brief View of the Caste System of the +North-western Provinces and Oudh_. Allahabad, 1885. + + +2. Territorial Groups: + +(1) Simmel, Georg. "Die Grossstaedte und das Geistesleben," _Die +Grossstadt_, Vortraege und Aufsaetze zur Staedteausstellung, von K. Buecher, +F. Ratzel, G. v. Mayr, H. Waentig, G. Simmel, Th. Peterman, und D. +Schaefer. Dresden, 1903. + +(2) Galpin, C. J. _The Social Anatomy of an Agricultural Community._ +Madison, Wis., 1915. (Agricultural experiment station of the University +of Wisconsin. Research Bulletin 34.) [See also _Rural Life_, New York, +1918.] + +(3) Aronovici, Carol. _The Social Survey._ Philadelphia, 1916. + +(4) McKenzie, R. D. _The Neighborhood._ A study of local life in +Columbus, Ohio. Chicago, 1921 [in press]. + +(5) Park, Robert E. "The City. Suggestions for the Investigation of +Human Behavior in the City Environment," _American Journal of +Sociology_, XX (1914-15), 577-612. + +(6) Sims, Newell L. _The Rural Community, Ancient and Modern._ New York, +1920. + + +B. _Studies of Individual Communities:_ + +(1) Maine, Sir Henry. _Village-Communities in the East and West._ +London, 1871. + +(2) Baden-Powell, H. _The Indian Village Community._ Examined with +reference to the physical, ethnographic, and historical conditions of +the provinces. London, 1896. + +(3) Seebohm, Frederic. _The English Village Community._ Examined in its +relations to the manorial and tribal systems and to the common or open +field system of husbandry. An essay in economic history. London, 1883. + +(4) McGee, W. J. "The Seri Indians," _Bureau of American Ethnology 17th +Annual Report 1895-96._ Washington, 1898. + +(5) Rivers, W. H. R. _The Todas._ London and New York, 1906. + +(6) Jenks, Albert. _The Bontoc Igorot._ Manila, 1905. + +(7) Stow, John. _A Survey of London._ Reprinted from the text of 1603 +with introduction and notes by C. L. Kingsford. Oxford, 1908. + +(8) Booth, Charles. _Life and Labour of the People in London_, 9 vols. +London and New York, 1892-97. 8 additional volumes, 1902. + +(9) Kellogg, P. U., ed. _The Pittsburgh Survey._ Findings in 6 vols. +Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 1909-14. + +(10) Woods, Robert. _The City Wilderness._ A settlement study, south end +of Boston. Boston, 1898. ----. _Americans in Process._ A settlement +study, north and west ends of Boston. Boston, 1902. + +(11) Kenngott, G. F. _The Record of a City._ A social survey of Lowell, +Massachusetts. New York, 1912. + +(12) Harrison, Shelby M., ed. _The Springfield Survey._ A study of +social conditions in an American city. Findings in 3 vols. Russell Sage +Foundation. New York, 1918. + +(13) Roberts, Peter. _Anthracite Coal Communities._ A study of the +demography, the social, educational, and moral life of the anthracite +regions. New York and London, 1904. + +(14) Williams, J. M. _An American Town._ A sociological study. New York, +1906. + +(15) Wilson, Warren H. _Quaker Hill._ A sociological study. New York, +1907. + +(16) Taylor, Graham R. _Satellite Cities._ A study of industrial +suburbs. New York and London, 1915. + +(17) Lewis, Sinclair. _Main Street._ New York, 1920. + +(18) Kobrin, Leon. _A Lithuanian Village._ Translated from the Yiddish +by Isaac Goldberg. New York, 1920. + + +IV. THE STUDY OF THE FAMILY + +A. _The Primitive Family_ + +1. The Natural History of Marriage: + +(1) Bachofen, J. J. _Das Mutterrecht._ Eine Untersuchung ueber die +Gynaikokratie der alten Welt nach ihrer religioesen und rechtlichen +Natur. Stuttgart, 1861. + +(2) Westermarck, E. _The History of Human Marriage._ London, 1891. + +(3) McLennan, J. F. _Primitive Marriage._ An inquiry into the origin of +the form of capture in marriage ceremonies. Edinburgh, 1865. + +(4) Tylor, E. B. "The Matriarchal Family System," _Nineteenth Century_, +XL (1896), 81-96. + +(5) Dargun, L. von. _Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht._ Leipzig, 1892. + +(6) Maine, Sir Henry. _Dissertations on Early Law and Custom._ Chap. +vii. London, 1883. + +(7) Letourneau, C. _The Evolution of Marriage and of the Family._ +(Trans.) New York, 1891. + +(8) Kovalevsky, M. _Tableau des origines et de l'evolution de la famille +et de la propriete._ Stockholm, 1890. + +(9) Lowie, Robert H. _Primitive Society._ New York, 1920. + +(10) Starcke, C. N. _The Primitive Family in Its Origin and +Development._ New York, 1889. + +(11) Hobhouse, L. T., Wheeler, G. C., and Ginsberg, M. _The Material +Culture and Social Institutions of the Simpler Peoples._ London, 1915. + +(12) Parsons, Elsie Clews. _The Family._ An ethnographical and +historical outline. New York and London, 1906. + +2. Studies of Family Life in Different Cultural Areas: + +(1) Spencer, B., and Gillen, F. J. _The Native Tribes of Central +Australia._ Chap. iii, "Certain Ceremonies Concerned with Marriage," pp. +92-111. London and New York, 1899. + +(2) Rivers, W. H. R. _Kinship and Social Organization._ "Studies in +Economics and Political Science," No. 36. In the series of monographs by +writers connected with the London School of Economics and Political +Science. London, 1914. + +(3) Rivers, W. H. R. "Kinship," _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to +Torres Straits, Report._ V, 129-47, VI, 92-125. + +(4) Kovalevsky, M. "La famille matriarcale au Caucase," +_L'Anthropologie_, IV (1893), 259-78. + +(5) Thomas, N. W. _Kinship Organizations and Group Marriage in +Australia._ Cambridge, 1906. + +(6) Malinowski, Bronislaw. _The Family among the Australian Aborigines._ +A sociological study. London, 1913. + +B. _Materials for the Study of Familial Attitudes and Sentiments_ + +(1) Frazer, J. G. _Totemism and Exogamy._ A treatise on certain early +forms of superstition and society. London, 1910. + +(2) Durkheim, E. "La prohibition de l'inceste et ses origines," _L'annee +sociologique._ I (1896-97), 1-70. + +(3) Ploss, H. _Das Weib in der Natur- und Voelkerkunde._ Leipzig, 1902. + +(4) Lasch, R. "Der Selbstmord aus erotischen Motiven bei den primitiven +Voelkern," _Zeitschrift fuer Sozialwissenschaft_, II (1899), 578-85. + +(5) Jacobowski, L. "Das Weib in der Poesie der Hottentotten," _Globus_, +LXX (1896), 173-76. + +(6) Stoll, O. _Das Geschlechtsleben in der Voelkerpsychologie._ Leipzig, +1908. + +(7) Crawley, A. E. "Sexual Taboo: A Study in the Relations of the +Sexes," _The Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, XXIV (1894-95), +116-25; 219-35; 430-46. + +(8) Simmel, G. "Zur Psychologie der Frauen," _Zeitschrift fuer +Voelkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft_, XX, 6-46. + +(9) Finck, Henry T. _Romantic Love and Personal Beauty._ Their +development, causal relations, historic and national peculiarities. +London and New York, 1887. + +(10) ----. _Primitive Love and Love Stories_. New York, 1899. + +(11) Kline, L. W. "The Migratory Impulse versus Love of Home," _American +Journal of Psychology_, X (1898-99), 1-81. + +(12) Key, Ellen. _Love and Marriage._ Translated from the Swedish by A. +G. Chater; with a critical and biographical introduction by Havelock +Ellis. New York and London, 1912. + +(13) Meisel-Hess, Grete. _The Sexual Crisis._ A critique of our sex +life. Translated from the German by E. and C. Paul. New York, 1917. + +(14) Bloch, Iwan. _The Sexual Life of Our Time in Its Relation to Modern +Civilization._ Translated from the 6th German ed. by M. Eden Paul. Chap. +viii, "The Individualization of Love," pp. 159-76. London, 1908. + + +C. _Economics of the Family_ + +(1) Grosse, Ernst. _Die Formen der Familie und die Formen der +Wirtschaft._ Freiburg, 1896. + +(2) Le Play, P. G. Frederic. _Les ouvriers europeens._ Etudes sur les +travaux, la vie domestique, et la condition morale des populations +ouvrieres de l'Europe. Precedees d'un expose de la methode +d'observation. Paris, 1855. [Comprises a series of 36 monographs on the +budgets of typical families selected from the most diverse industries.] + +(3) Le Play, P. G. Frederic. _L'organisation de la famille._ Selon le +vrai modele signale par l'histoire de toutes les races et de tous les +temps. Paris, 1871. + +(4) Engel, Ernst. _Die Lebenskosten belgischer Arbeiter-Familien frueher +und jetzt._ Ermittelt aus Familien-Haushaltrechnungen und vergleichend +zusammengestellt. Dresden, 1895. + +(5) Chapin, Robert C. _The Standard of Living among Workingmen's +Families in New York City._ Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1909. + +(6) Talbot, Marion, and Breckinridge, Sophonisba P. _The Modern +Household._ Rev. ed. Boston, 1919. [Bibliography at the end of each +chapter.] + +(7) Nesbitt, Florence. _Household Management._ Preface by Mary E. +Richmond. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1918. + + +D. _The Sociology of the Family_ + +1. Studies in Family Organization: + +(1) Bosanquet, Helen. _The Family._ London and New York, 1906. + +(2) Durkheim, E. "Introduction a la sociologie de la famille." _Annales +de la faculte des lettres de Bordeaux_ (1888), 257-81. + +(3) ----. "La famille conjugale," _Revue philosophique_, XLI (1921), +1-14. + +(4) Howard, G. E. _A History of Matrimonial Institutions Chiefly in +England and the United States._ With an introductory analysis of the +literature and theories of primitive marriage and the family. 3 vols. +Chicago, 1904. + +(5) Thwing, Charles F. and Carrie F. B. _The Family._ A historical and +social study. Boston, 1887. + +(6) Goodsell, Willystine. _A History of the Family as a Social and +Educational Institution._ New York, 1915. + +(7) Dealey, J. Q. _The Family in Its Sociological Aspects._ Boston, +1912. + +(8) Calhoun, Arthur W. _A Social History of the American Family from +Colonial Times to the Present._ 3 vols. Cleveland, 1917-19. +[Bibliography.] + +(9) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and +America._ "Primary-Group Organization," I, 87-524, II. Boston, 1918. [A +study based on correspondence between members of the family in America +and Poland.] + +(10) Du Bois, W. E. B. _The Negro American Family._ Atlanta, 1908. +[Bibliography.] + +(11) Williams, James M. "Outline of a Theory of Social Motives," +_American Journal of Sociology_, XV (1909-10), 741-80. [Theory of +motives based upon observation of rural and urban families.] + +2. Materials for the Study of Family Disorganization: + +(1) Willcox, Walter F. _The Divorce Problem._ A study in statistics. +("Columbia University Studies in History, Economics and Public Law," +Vol. I. New York, 1891.) + +(2) Lichtenberger, J. P. _Divorce._ A study in social causation. New +York, 1909. + +(3) United States Bureau of the Census. _Marriage and Divorce_, +1867-1906. 2 vols. Washington, 1908-09. [Results of two federal +investigations.] + +(4) ----. _Marriage and Divorce 1916._ Washington, 1919. + +(5) Eubank, Earle E. _A Study in Family Desertion._ Department of Public +Welfare. Chicago, 1916. [Bibliography.] + +(6) Breckinridge, Sophonisba P., and Abbott, Edith. _The Delinquent +Child and the Home._ A study of the delinquent wards of the Juvenile +Court of Chicago. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1912. + +(7) Colcord, Joanna. _Broken Homes._ A study of family desertion and its +social treatment. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1919. + +(8) Kammerer, Percy G. _The Unmarried Mother._ A study of five hundred +cases. Boston, 1918. + +(9) Ellis, Havelock. _The Task of Social Hygiene._ Boston, 1912. + +(10) Myerson, Abraham. "Psychiatric Family Studies," _American Journal +of Insanity_, LXXIV (April, 1918), 497-555. + +(11) Morrow, Prince A. _Social Diseases and Marriage._ Social +prophylaxis. New York, 1904. + +(12) Periodicals on Social Hygiene: + +_Zeitschrift fuer Sexualwissenschaft_, Bd. 1, April, 1914-, Bonn [1915-]. + +_Social Hygiene_, Vol. I, December, 1914-, New York [1915-]. + +_Die Neuere Generation_, Bd. I, 1908-Berlin [1908-]. Preceded by +_Mutterschutz_, Vols. I-III. + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. Society and the Individual: The Cardinal Problem of Sociology. + +2. Historic Conceptions of Society: Aristotle, Hobbes, Rousseau, etc. + +3. Plant Communities. + +4. Animal Societies: The Ant Colony, the Bee Hive. + +5. Animal Communities, or Studies in Animal Ecology. + +6. Human Communities, Human Ecology, and Economics. + +7. The Natural Areas of the City. + +8. Studies in Group Consciousness: National, Sectional, State, Civic. + +9. Co-operation versus Consensus. + +10. Taming as a Form of Social Control. + +11. Domestication among Plants, Animals, and Man. + +12. Group Unity and the Different Forms of Consensus: _Esprit de corps_, +Morale, Collective Representations. + +13. The Social Nature of Concepts. + +14. Conduct and Behavior. + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. What, in your opinion, are the essential elements in Espinas' +definition of society? + +2. In what sense does society differ from association? + +3. According to Espinas' definition, which of the following social +relations would constitute society: robber and robbed; beggar and +almsgiver; charity organization and recipients of relief; master and +slave; employer and employee? + +4. What illustrations of symbiosis in human society occur to you? + +5. Are changes resulting from human symbiosis changes (a) of +structure, or (b) of function? + +6. What are the likenesses and the differences between social symbiosis +in human and in ant society? + +7. What is the difference between taming and domestication? + +8. What is the relation of domestication to society? + +9. Is man a _tamed_ or a _domesticated_ animal? + +10. What are the likenesses between a plant and a human community? What +are the differences? + +11. What is the fundamental difference between a plant community and an +ant society? + +12. What are the differences between human and animal societies? + +13. Does the ant have customs? ceremonies? + +14. Do you think that there is anything akin to public sentiment in ant +society? + +15. What is the relation of education to social heredity? + +16. In what way do you differentiate between the characteristic behavior +of machines and human beings? + +17. "Society not only continues to exist _by_ transmission, _by_ +communication, but it may fairly be said to exist _in_ transmission, +_in_ communication." Interpret. + +18. How does Dewey's definition of society differ from that of Espinas? +Which do you prefer? Why? + +19. Is consensus synonymous with co-operation? + +20. Under what conditions would Dewey characterize the following social +relations as society: master and slave; employer and employee; parent +and child; teacher and student? + +21. In what sense does the communication of an experience to another +person change the experience itself? + +22. In what sense are concepts _social_ in contrast with sensations +which are _individual_? Would it be possible to have concepts outside of +group life? + +23. How does Park distinguish between behavior and conduct? + +24. In what ways is human society in its origin and continuity based on +conduct? + +25. To what extent does "the animal nature of man" (Hobhouse) provide a +basis for the social organization of life? + +26. What, according to Hobhouse, are the _differentia_ of human morality +from animal behavior? + +27. What do you understand by a collective representation? + +28. How do you distinguish between the terms society, social community, +and group? Can you name a society that could not be considered as a +community? Can you name a community that is not a society? + +29. In what, fundamentally, does the unity of the group consist? + +30. What groups are omitted in Le Bon's classification of social groups? +Make a list of all the groups, formal and informal, of which you are a +member. Arrange these groups under the classification given in the +General Introduction (p. 50). Compare this classification with that made +by Le Bon. + +31. How do you distinguish between _esprit de corps_, morale, and +collective representation as forms of consensus? + +32. Classify under _esprit de corps_, morale, or collective +representation the following aspects of group behavior: rooting at a +football game; army discipline; the flag; college spirit; the so-called +"war psychosis"; the fourteen points of President Wilson; "the English +never know when they are beaten"; slogans; "Paris refrains from +exultation"; crowd enthusiasm; the Golden Rule; "where there's a will +there's a way"; Grant's determination, "I'll fight it out this way if it +takes all summer"; ideals. + +33. "The human mind has a large capacity for adopting beliefs that fit +the trends of its habits and feelings." Give concrete illustrations +outside of army life. + +34. What is the importance of the study of the family as a social +group? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[80] See _supra_, chap. i, pp. 50-51. + +[81] Translated from Alfred Espinas, _Des societes animales_ (1878), pp. +157-60. + +[82] Adapted from William M. Wheeler, _Ants, Their Structure, +Development, Behavior_, pp. 339-424. (Columbia University Press, 1910.) + +[83] Adapted from P. Chalmers Mitchell, _The Childhood of Animals_, pp. +204-21. (Frederick A. Stokes & Co., 1912.) + +[84] Adapted from Eugenius Warming, _Oecology of Plants_, pp. 12-13, +91-95. (Oxford University Press, 1909.) + +[85] Adapted from William E. Wheeler, _Ants, Their Structure, +Development, and Behavior_, pp. 5-7. (Columbia University Press, 1910.) + +[86] From John Dewey, _Democracy and Education_, pp. 1-7. (Published by +The Macmillan Co., 1916. Reprinted by permission.) + +[87] From Robert E. Park, _Principles of Human Behavior_, pp. 1-9. (The +Zalaz Corporation, 1915.) + +[88] Adapted from L. T. Hobhouse, _Morals in Evolution_, pp. 1-2, 10-12. +(Henry Holt & Co., 1915.) + +[89] Adapted from Emile Durkheim, _Elementary Forms of Religious Life_, +pp. 432-37. (Allen & Unwin, 1915.) + +[90] From Albion W. Small, _General Sociology_, pp. 495-97. (The +University of Chicago Press, 1905.) + +[91] From R. E. Park, "Education in Its Relation to the Conflict and +Fusion of Cultures," in the _Publications of the American Sociological +Society_, VIII (1918), 38-40. + +[92] Translated from S. Sighele, _Psychologie des Sectes_, pp. 42-51. +(M. Giard et Cie., 1898.) + +[93] Adapted from William E. Hocking, _Morale and Its Enemies_, pp. +3-37. (Yale University Press, 1918.) + + + + +CHAPTER IV + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. Geological and Biological Conceptions of Isolation + +Relations of persons with persons, and of groups with groups, may be +either those of isolation or those of contact. The emphasis in this +chapter is placed upon _isolation_, in the next chapter upon _contact_ +in a comparison of their effects upon personal conduct and group +behavior. + +Absolute isolation of the person from the members of his group is +unthinkable. Even biologically, two individuals of the higher animal +species are the precondition to a new individual existence. In man, +postnatal care by the parent for five or six years is necessary even for +the physiological survival of the offspring. Not only biologically but +sociologically complete isolation is a contradiction in terms. +Sociologists following Aristotle have agreed with him that human nature +develops within and decays outside of social relations. Isolation, then, +in the social as well as the biological sense is _relative_, not +_absolute_. + +The term "isolation" was first employed in anthropogeography, the study +of the relation of man to his physical environment. To natural barriers, +as mountains, oceans, and deserts, was attributed an influence upon the +location of races and the movements of peoples and the kind and the +degree of cultural contact. The nature and the extent of separation of +persons and groups was considered by geographers as a reflex of the +physical environment. + +In biology, isolation as a factor in the evolution and the life of the +species, is studied from the standpoint of the animal group more than +from that of the environment. Consequently, the separation of species +from each other is regarded as the outcome not only of a sheer physical +impossibility of contact, but even more of other factors as differences +in physical structure, in habits of life, and in the instincts of the +animal groups. J. Arthur Thomson in his work on "Heredity" presents the +following compact and illuminating statement of isolation as a factor in +inheritance. + + The only other directive evolution-factor that biologists are + at all agreed about, besides selection, is isolation--a general + term for all the varied ways in which the radius of possible + intercrossing is narrowed. As expounded by Wagner, Weismann, + Romanes, Gulick, and others, isolation takes many + forms--spatial, structural, habitudinal, and psychical--and it + has various results. + + It tends to the segregation of species into subspecies, it + makes it easier for new variations to establish themselves, it + promotes prepotency, or what the breeders call "transmitting + power," it fixes characters. One of the most successful breeds + of cattle (Polled Angus) seems to have had its source in one + farmsteading; its early history is one of close inbreeding, its + prepotency is remarkable, its success from our point of view + has been great. It is difficult to get secure data as to the + results of isolation in nature, but Gulick's recent volume on + the subject abounds in concrete illustrations, and we seem + warranted in believing that conditions of isolation have been + and are of frequent occurrence. + + Reibmayr has collected from human history a wealth of + illustrations of various forms of isolation, and there seems + much to be said for his thesis that the establishment of a + successful race or stock requires the alternation of periods of + inbreeding (endogamy) in which characters are fixed, and + periods of outbreeding (exogamy) in which, by the introduction + of fresh blood, new variations are promoted. Perhaps the Jews + may serve to illustrate the influence of isolation in promoting + stability of type and prepotency; perhaps the Americans may + serve to illustrate the variability which a mixture of + different stocks tends to bring about. In historical inquiry + into the difficult problem of the origin of distinct races, it + seems legitimate to think of periods of "mutation"--of + discontinuous sporting--which led to numerous offshoots from + the main stock, of the migration of these variants into new + environments where in relative isolation they became prepotent + and stable.[94] + +The biological use of the term "isolation" introduces a new emphasis. +Separation may be spatial, but its effects are increasingly structural +and functional. Indeed, spatial isolation was a factor in the origin of +species because of specialized organic adaptation to varied geographic +conditions. In other words, the structure of the species, its habits of +life, and its original and acquired responses, tend to isolate it from +other species. + +Man as an animal species in his historical development has attempted +with fair success to destroy the barriers separating him from other +animals. Through domestication and taming he has changed the original +nature and habits of life of many animals. The dog, the companion of +man, is the summit of human achievement in association with animals. +Nevertheless, the barriers that separate the dog and his master are +insurmountable. Even if "a candidate for humanity," the dog is forever +debarred from any share in human tradition and culture. + + +2. Isolation and Segregation + +In geography, isolation denotes separation in space. In sociology, the +essential characteristic of isolation is found in exclusion from +communication. + +Geographical forms of isolation are sociologically significant in so far +as they prevent communication. The isolation of the mountain whites in +the southern states, even if based on spatial separation, consisted in +the absence of contacts and competition, participation in the +progressive currents of civilization. + +Biological differences, whether physical or mental, between the +different races are sociologically important to the extent to which they +affect communication. Of themselves, differences in skin color between +races would not prevent intercommunication of ideas. But the physical +marks of racial differences have invariably become the symbols of racial +solidarity and racial exclusiveness. The problems of humanity are +altogether different from what they would have been were all races of +one complexion as they are of one blood. + +Certain physical and mental defects and differences in and of themselves +tend to separate the individual from his group. The deaf-mute and the +blind are deprived of normal avenues to communication. "My deafness," +wrote Beethoven, "forces me to live in exile." The physically +handicapped are frequently unable to participate in certain human +activities on equal terms with their fellows. Minor physical defects and +marked physical variations from the normal tend to become the basis of +social discrimination. + +Mental differences frequently offer still greater obstacles to social +contacts. The idiot and the imbecile are obviously debarred from normal +communication with their intelligent associates. The "dunce" was +isolated by village ridicule and contempt long before the term "moron" +was coined, or the feeble-minded segregated in institutions and +colonies. The individual with the highest native endowments, the genius, +and the talented enjoy or suffer from a more subtle type of isolation +from their fellows, that is, the isolation of eminence. "The reason of +isolation," says Thoreau, a lover of solitude, "is not that we love to +be alone, but that we love to soar; and when we soar, the company grows +thinner and thinner until there is none left." + +So far, isolation as a tool of social analysis has been treated as an +effect of geographical separation or of structural differentiation +resulting in limitation of communication. Social distances are +frequently based on other subtler forms of isolation. + +The study of cultural differences between groups has revealed barriers +quite as real and as effective as those of physical space and structure. +Variations in language, folkways, mores, conventions, and ideals +separate individuals and peoples from each other as widely as oceans and +deserts. Communication between England and Australia is far closer and +freer than between Germany and France. + +Conflict groups, like sects and parties, and accommodation groups like +castes and classes depend for survival upon isolation. Free intercourse +of opposing parties is always a menace to their morale. Fraternization +between soldiers of contending armies, or between ministers of rival +denominations is fraught with peril to the fighting efficiency of the +organizations they represent. The solidarity of the group, like the +integrity of the individual, implies a measure at least of isolation +from other groups and persons as a necessary condition of its existence. + +The life-history of any group when analyzed is found to incorporate +within it elements of isolation as well as of social contact. Membership +in a group makes for increasing contacts within the circle of +participants, but decreasing contacts with persons without. Isolation is +for this reason a factor in the preservation of individuality and unity. +The _esprit de corps_ and morale of the group is in large part +maintained by the fixation of attention upon certain collective +representations to the exclusion of others. The memories and sentiments +of the members have their source in common experiences of the past from +which non-members are isolated. This natural tendency toward exclusive +experiences is often reinforced by conscious emphasis upon secrecy. +Primitive and modern secret societies, sororities, and fraternities have +been organized around the principle of isolation. Secrecy in a society, +like reserve in an individual, protects it from a disintegrating +publicity. The family has its "skeleton in the closet," social groups +avoid the public "washing of dirty linen"; the community banishes from +consciousness, if it can, its slums, and parades its parks and +boulevards. Every individual who has any personality at all maintains +some region of privacy. + +A morphological survey of group formation in any society discloses the +fact that there are lateral as well as vertical divisions in the social +structure. Groups are arranged in strata of relative superiority and +inferiority. In a stratified society the separation into castes is rigid +and quite unalterable. In a free society competition tends to destroy +classes and castes. New devices come into use to keep aspiring and +insurgent individuals and groups at the proper social level. If +"familiarity breeds contempt" respect may be secured by reserve. In the +army the prestige of the officer is largely a matter of "distance." The +"divinity that doth hedge the king" is due in large part to the hedge of +ceremonial separating him from his subjects. Condescension and pity, +while they denote external contact, involve an assumption of spiritual +eminence not to be found in consensus and sympathy. As protection +against the penetration of the inner precincts of personality and the +group individuality, there are the defenses of suspicion and aversion, +of reticence and reserve, designed to insure the proper social distance. + + +3. Classification of the Materials + +The materials in the present chapter are intended to illustrate the fact +that individuality of the person and of the group is both an effect of +and a cause of isolation. + +The first selections under the heading "Isolation and Personal +Individuality" bring out the point that the function of isolation in +personal development lies not so much in sheer physical separation from +other persons as in freedom from the control of external social +contacts. Thus Rousseau constructs an ideal society in the solitude of +his forest retreat. The lonely child enjoys the companionship of his +imaginary comrade. George Eliot aspires to join the choir invisible. The +mystic seeks communion with divinity. + +This form of isolation within the realm of social contacts is known as +privacy. Indeed privacy may be defined as withdrawal from the group, +with, at the same time, ready access to it. It is in solitude that the +creative mind organizes the materials appropriated from the group in +order to make novel and fruitful innovations. Privacy affords +opportunity for the individual to reflect, to anticipate, to recast, and +to originate. Practical recognition of the human demand for privacy has +been realized in the study of the minister, the office of the business +man, and the den of the boy. Monasteries and universities are +institutions providing leisure and withdrawal from the world as the +basis for personal development and preparation for life's work. Other +values of privacy are related to the growth of self-consciousness, +self-respect, and personal ideals of conduct. + +Many forms of isolation, unlike privacy, prevent access to stimulating +social contact. Selections under the heading "Isolation and Retardation" +indicate conditions responsible for the arrest of mental and personal +growth. + +The cases of feral men, in the absence of contradictory evidence, seem +adequate in support of Aristotle's point that social contacts are +indispensable for human development. The story by Helen Keller, the +talented and celebrated blind deaf-mute, of her emergence from the +imprisonment of sense deprivation into the free life of communication is +a most significant sociological document. With all of us the change from +the animal-like isolation of the child at birth to personal +participation in the fullest human life is gradual. In Helen Keller's +case the transformation of months was telescoped into minutes. The +"miracle" of communication when sociologically analyzed seems to consist +in the transition from the experience of _sensations_ and _sense +perceptions_ which man shares in common with animals to the development +of _ideas_ and _self-consciousness_ which are the unique attributes of +human beings. + +The remaining selections upon isolation and retardation illustrate the +different types of situations in which isolation makes for retardation +and retardation in turn emphasizes the isolation. The reversion of a +man of scientific training in the solitudes of Patagonia to the animal +level of mentality suggests that the low intelligence of the savage, the +peasant, and the backward races is probably due more to the absence of +stimulating contacts than to original mental inferiority. So the +individuality and conservatism of the farmer, his failure to keep pace +with the inhabitant of the town and city, Galpin assigns to deficiency +in social contacts. Then, too, the subtler forms of handicap in personal +development and achievement result from social types of isolation, as +race prejudice, the sheltered life of woman, exclusiveness of social +classes, and make for increased isolation. + +Up to this point, isolation has been treated statically as a cause. +Under the heading, "Isolation and Segregation" it is conceived as an +effect, an effect of competition, and the consequent selection and +segregation. + +The first effect of the introduction of competition in any society is to +break up all types of isolation and provincialism based upon lack of +communication and contact. But as competition continues, natural and +social selection comes into play. Successful types emerge in the process +of competitive struggle while variant individuals who fail to maintain +the pace or conform to standard withdraw or are ejected from the group. +Exiled variants from several groups under auspicious circumstances may +in turn form a community where the process of selection will be directly +opposite to that in their native groups. In the new community the +process of selection naturally accentuates and perfects the traits +originally responsible for exclusion. The outcome of segregation is the +creation of specialized social types with the maximum of isolation. The +circle of isolation is then complete. + +This circular effect of the processes of competition, selection, and +segregation, from isolation to isolation, may be found everywhere in +modern western society. Individual variants with criminalistic +tendencies exiled from villages and towns through the process of +selection form a segregated group in city areas popularly called +"breeding places of crime." The tribe of Pineys, Tin Town, The Village +of a Thousand Souls, are communities made up by adverse selection of +feeble-minded individuals, outcasts of the competitive struggle of +intelligent, "high-minded" communities. The result is the formation of a +criminal type and of a feeble-minded caste. These slums and outcast +groups are in turn isolated from full and free communication with the +progressive outside world. + +National individuality in the past, as indicated in the selections upon +"Isolation and National Individuality," has been in large degree the +result of a cultural process based upon isolation. The historical +nations of Europe, biologically hybrid, are united by common language, +folkways, and mores. This unity of mother tongue and culture is the +product of historical and cultural processes circumscribed, as Shaler +points out, by separated geographical areas. + +A closer examination of the cultural process in the life of progressive +historical peoples reveals the interplay of isolation and social +contacts. Grote gives a penetrating analysis of Grecian achievement in +terms of the individuality based on small isolated land areas and the +contacts resulting from maritime communication. The world-hegemony of +English-speaking peoples today rests not only upon naval supremacy and +material resources but even more upon the combination of individual +development in diversified areas with large freedom in international +contacts. + + +II. MATERIALS + +A. ISOLATION AND PERSONAL INDIVIDUALITY + + +1. Society and Solitude[95] + +It had been hard for him that spake it to have put more truth and +untruth together in few words than in that speech: "Whosoever is +delighted in solitude is either a wild beast or a god." For it is most +true that a natural and secret hatred and aversation towards society in +any man hath somewhat of the savage beast; but it is most untrue that it +should have any character at all of the divine nature except it proceed, +not out of a pleasure in solitude, but out of a love and desire to +sequester a man's self for a higher conversation, such as is found to +have been falsely and feignedly in some of the heathen, as Epimenides +the Candian, Numa the Roman, Empedocles the Sicilian, and Apollonius of +Tyana; and truly and really in divers of the ancient hermits and Holy +Fathers of the Church. But little do men perceive what solitude is, and +how far it extendeth. For a crowd is not company, and faces are but a +gallery of pictures, and talk but a tinkling cymbal, where there is no +love. The Latin adage meeteth with it a little: _Magna civitas magna +solitudo_ ("A great town is a great solitude"), because in a great town +friends are scattered, so that there is not that fellowship, for the +most part, which is in less neighborhoods. But we may go further, and +affirm most truly that it is a mere and miserable solitude to want true +friends, without which the world is but a wilderness; and, even in this +sense also of solitude, whosoever in the frame of his nature and +affections is unfit for friendship, he taketh it of the beast and not +from humanity. + + +2. Society in Solitude[96] + +What period do you think, sir, I recall most frequently and most +willingly in my dreams? Not the pleasures of my youth: they were too +rare, too much mingled with bitterness, and are now too distant. I +recall the period of my seclusion, of my solitary walks, of the fleeting +but delicious days that I have passed entirely by myself, with my good +and simple housekeeper, with my beloved dog, my old cat, with the birds +of the field, the hinds of the forest, with all nature, and her +inconceivable Author. + +But what, then, did I enjoy when I was alone? Myself; the entire +universe; all that is; all that can be; all that is beautiful in the +world of sense; all that is imaginable in the world of intellect. I +gathered around me all that could delight my heart; my desires were the +limit of my pleasures. No, never have the voluptuous known such +enjoyments; and I have derived a hundred times more happiness from my +chimeras than they from their realities. + +The wild spot of the forest [selected by Rousseau for his solitary walks +and meditations] could not long remain a desert to my imagination. I +soon peopled it with beings after my own heart, and, dismissing opinion, +prejudice, and all factitious passions, I brought to these sanctuaries +of nature men worthy of inhabiting them. I formed with these a charming +society, of which I did not feel myself unworthy. I made a golden age +according to my fancy, and, filling up these bright days with all the +scenes of my life that had left the tenderest recollections, and with +all that my heart still longed for, I affected myself to tears over the +true pleasures of humanity--pleasure so delicious, so pure, and yet so +far from men! Oh, if in these moments any ideas of Paris, of the age, +and of my little author vanity, disturbed my reveries, with what +contempt I drove them instantly away, to give myself up entirely to the +exquisite sentiments with which my soul was filled. Yet, in the midst of +all this, I confess the nothingness of my chimeras would sometimes +appear, and sadden me in a moment. + + +3. Prayer as a Form of Isolation[97] + +He who prays begins his prayer with some idea of God, generally one that +he has received from instruction or from current traditions. He commonly +retires to a quiet place, or to a place having mental associations of +religious cast, in order to "shut out the world." This beginning of +concentration is followed by closing the eyes, which excludes a mass of +irrelevant impressions. The body bows, kneels, or assumes some other +posture that requires little muscular tension and that may favor +extensive relaxation. Memory now provides the language of prayer or of +hallowed scripture, or makes vivid some earlier experiences of one's +own. The worshiper represents to himself his needs, or the interests +(some of them happy ones) that seem most important, and he brings them +into relation to God by thinking how God regards them. The +presupposition of the whole procedure is that God's way of looking at +the matters in question is the true and important one. Around God, then, +the interests of the individual are now freshly organized. Certain ones +that looked large before the prayer began, now look small because of +their relation to the organizing idea upon which attention has focused. +On the other hand, interests that express this organizing idea gain +emotional quality by this release from competing, inhibiting +considerations. To say that the will now becomes organized toward unity +and that it acquires fresh power thereby is simply to name another +aspect of the one movement. This movement is ideational, emotional, and +volitional concentration, all in one, achieved by fixation of attention +upon the idea of God. + +Persons who have been troubled with insomnia, or wakefulness or +disturbing dreams, have been enabled to secure sound sleep by merely +relaxing the muscles and repeating mechanically, without effort at +anything more, some formula descriptive of what is desired. The main +point is that attention should fix upon the appropriate organizing idea. +When this happens in a revival meeting one may find one's self +unexpectedly converted. When it happens in prayer one may be surprised +to find one's whole mood changed from discouragement to courage, from +liking something to hating it (as in the case of alcoholic drinks, or +tobacco), or from loneliness to the feeling of companionship with God. + +This analysis of the structure of prayer has already touched upon some +of its functions. It is a way of getting one's self together, of +mobilizing and concentrating one's dispersed capacities, of begetting +the confidence that tends toward victory over difficulties. It produces +in a distracted mind the repose that is power. It freshens a mind +deadened by routine. It reveals new truth, because the mind is made more +elastic and more capable of sustained attention. Thus does it remove +mountains in the individual, and, through him, in the world beyond. + +The values of prayer in sickness, distress, and doubt are by no means +measurable by the degree to which the primary causes thereof are made to +disappear. There is a real conquest of trouble, even while trouble +remains. It is sometimes a great source of strength, also, merely to +realize that one is fully understood. The value of having some friend or +helper from whom I reserve no secrets has been rendered more impressive +than ever by the Freud-Jung methods of relieving mental disorders +through (in part) a sort of mental house-cleaning, or bringing into the +open the patient's hidden distresses and even his most intimate and +reticent desires. Into the psychology of the healings that are brought +about by this psychoanalysis we need not go, except to note that one +constant factor appears to be the turning of a private possession into a +social possession, and particularly the consciousness that another +understands. I surmise that we shall not be far from the truth here if +we hold that, as normal experience has the _ego-alter_ form, so the +continuing possession of one's self in one's developing experience +requires development of this relation. We may, perhaps, go as far as to +believe that the bottling up of any experience as merely private is +morbid. But, however this may be, there are plenty of occasions when the +road to poise, freedom, and joy is that of social sharing. Hence the +prayer of confession, not only because it helps us to see ourselves as +we are, but also because it shares our secrets with another, has great +value for organizing the self. In this way we get relief from the +misjudgments of others, also, and from the mystery that we are to +ourselves, for we lay our case, as it were, before a judge who does not +err. Thus prayer has value in that it develops the essentially social +form of personal self-realization. + +To complete this functional view of prayer we must not fail to secure +the evolutionary perspective. If we glance at the remote beginnings, and +then at the hither end, of the evolution of prayer we discover that an +immense change has taken place. It is a correlate of the transformed +character of the gods, and of the parallel disciplining of men's +valuations. In the words of Fosdick, prayer may be considered as +dominant desire. But it is also a way of securing domination over +desire. It is indeed self-assertion; sometimes it is the making of one's +supreme claim, as when life reaches its most tragic crisis; yet it is, +even in the same act, submission to an over-self. Here, then, is our +greater problem as to the function of prayer. It starts as the assertion +of any desire; it ends as _the organization of one's own desires into a +system of desires recognized as superior and then made one's own_. + + +4. Isolation, Originality, and Erudition[98] + +The question as to how far the world's leaders in thought and action +were great readers is not quite an easy one to answer, partly because +the sources of information are sometimes scanty, and partly because +books themselves have been few in number. If we could prove that since +the days of Caxton the world's total of original thought declined in +proportion to the increase of published works, we should stand on firm +ground, and might give orders for a holocaust such as that which +Hawthorne once imagined. But no such proof is either possible or +probable. We can only be impressed by the fact that the finest +intellectual epoch of history was marked by a comparative absence of the +manuscripts which were books to the Greeks, and if a further analysis of +the lives of men of light and leading in all ages should show that +their devotion to the books of the period was slight, it will only +accentuate the suspicion that even today we are still minus the right +perspective between the printed volume and the thinking mind. + +Buddha, Christ, St. Paul, Mohammed--these are names of men who changed +the course of history. But do they suggest vast scholarship, or a +profound acquaintance with books in any sense whatever? They were great +originators, even though they built on other men's foundations, but +their originality was not inspired by libraries. Can we imagine Mohammed +poring over ancient manuscripts in order to obtain the required +knowledge and impetus for his new religion? With Buddha was it not 1 per +cent papyrus roll and 99 per cent meditation? When St. Paul was struck +down on the way to Damascus, he did not repair to the nearest Jewish +seminary to read up prophecy. He says: "I went into Arabia." The desert +solitude was the only place in which to find a rationale of his new +experience. And was it not in a similar life of solitude that +Jesus--Essene-like--came to self-realization? Deane's _Pseudepigrapha: +Books that Influenced our Lord and His Apostles_ does not suggest that +the Messiah obtained his ideas from the literature of the Rabbis, much +less from Greek or other sources; indeed, the New Testament suggests +that in the earliest years he showed a genius for divine things. + +It will be urged that to restrict this inquiry to great names in +religion would be unfair because such leaders are confessedly +independent of literature; indeed, they are often the creators of it. +True; but that fact alone is suggestive. If great literature can come +from meditation alone, are we not compelled to ask: "Where shall wisdom +be found and where is the place of understanding?" Is enlightenment to +be found only in the printed wisdom of the past? We know it is not, but +we also know it is useless to set one source of truth over against +another, as if they were enemies. The soul has its place and so has the +book; but need it be said that the soul has done more wonderful things +than the book? Language is merely the symbol; the soul is the reality. + +But let us take other names with different associations--e.g., Plato, +Charlemagne, Caesar, Shakespeare, Napoleon, Bismarck. Can it be said of +any one of these that he owed one-third of his distinction to what he +learned from manuscripts or books? We do know, indeed, that Bismarck +was a wide reader, but it was on the selective principle as a student of +history and affairs. His library grew under the influence of the +controlling purpose of his life--i.e., the unification of Germany, so +that there was no vague distribution of energy. Of Shakespeare's reading +we know less, but there is no evidence that he was a collector of books +or that he was a student after the manner of the men of letters of his +day. The best way to estimate him as a reader is to judge him by the +references in his plays, and these do not show an acquaintance with +literature so extensive as it is intensive. The impression he made on +Ben Johnson, an all-round scholar, was not one of learning--quite +otherwise. The qualities that impressed the author of _Timber, or +Discoveries upon Men and Matter_, were Shakespeare's "open and free +nature," his "excellent fancy, brave notions, and gentle expressions +wherein he flowed with that facility that sometimes it was necessary he +should be stopped." And, true to himself, Ben Jonson immediately adds: +"_Sufflaminandus erat_, as Augustus said of Haterius." Shakespeare, when +in the company of kindred spirits, showed precisely the kind of talk we +should expect--not Latin and Greek or French and Italian quotations, not +a commentary on books past or present, but a stream of conversation +marked by brilliant fancy, startling comparison, unique contrast, and +searching pathos, wherein life, not literature, was the chief subject. + + +B. ISOLATION AND RETARDATION + + +1. Feral Men[99] + +What would the results be if children born with a normal organism and +given food and light sufficient to sustain life were deprived of the +usual advantage of human intercourse? What psychic growth would be +possible? + +Perhaps no character ever aroused greater interest than Caspar Hauser. +More than a thousand articles of varying merit have been written +concerning him. In the theaters of England, France, Germany, Hungary, +and Austria, plays were founded on his strange story and many able men +have figured in the history of his case. + +According to a letter which he bore when found at Nuernberg one afternoon +in 1828, he was born in 1812, left on the doorstep of a Hungarian +peasant's hut, adopted by him, and reared in strict seclusion. + +At the time of his appearance in Nuernberg, he could walk only with +difficulty. He knew no German, understood but little that was said to +him, paid no heed to what went on about him, and was ignorant of social +customs. When taken to a stable, he at once fell asleep on a heap of +straw. In time it was learned that he had been kept in a low dark cell +on the ground; that he had never seen the face of the man who brought +him food, that sometimes he went to sleep after the man gave him a +drink; that on awakening he found his nails cut and clean clothing on +his body; and that his only playthings had been two wooden horses with +red ribbons. + +When first found, he suffered much pain from the light, but he could see +well at night. He could distinguish fruit from leaves on a tree, and +read the name on a doorplate where others could see nothing in the +darkness. He had no visual idea of distance and would grasp at remote +objects as though they were near. He called both men and women _Bua_ and +all animals _Rosz_. His memory span for names was marvelous. Drawing +upon the pages of Von Kolb and Stanhope, a writer in _The Living Age_ +says that he burned his hand in the first flame that he saw and that he +had no fear of being struck with swords, but that the noise of a drum +threw him into convulsions. He thought that pictures and statuary were +alive, as were plants and trees, bits of paper, and anything that +chanced to be in motion. He delighted in whistles and glittering +objects, but disliked the odor of paint, fabrics, and most flowers. His +hearing was acute and his touch sensitive at first, but after interest +in him had lessened, all his senses showed evidence of rapid +deterioration. He seemed to be wanting in sex instinct and to be unable +to understand the meaning of religious ceremonies. Merker, who observed +him secretly during the early days which he spent in jail, declared that +he was "in all respects like a child." Meyer, of the school at Ansbach, +found him "idle, stupid, and vain." Dr. Osterhausen found a deviation +from the normal in the shape of his legs, which made walking difficult, +but Caspar never wearied of riding on horseback. + +His autopsy revealed a small brain without abnormalities. It simply gave +evidence of a lack of development. + +To speak of children who have made the struggle for life with only +animals for nurses and instructors is to recall the rearing of Cyrus in +a kennel and the fabulous story of the founding of Rome. Yet Rauber has +collected many cases of wild men and some of them, taken as they are +from municipal chronicles and guaranteed by trustworthy writers, must be +accepted as authentic. + +a) The Hessian Boy. Was discovered by hunters in 1341, running on all +fours with wolves; was captured and turned over to the landgrave. Was +always restless, could not adapt himself to civilized life, and died +untamed. The case is recorded in the Hessian chronicles by Wilhelm +Dilich. Rousseau refers to it in his _Discours sur l'origine et les +fondements de Pinegalite parmi les hommes_. + +b) The Irish Boy. Studied and described by Dr. Tulp, curator of the +gymnasium at Amsterdam; features animal, body covered with hair; lived +with sheep and bleated like them; stolid, unconscious of self; did not +notice people; fierce, untamable, and indocible; skin thick, sense of +touch blunted so that thorns and stones were unnoticed. Age about +sixteen. (Rauber.) + +c) The Lithuanian Boys. Three are described. The first was found with +bears in 1657; face not repulsive nor beastlike; hair thick and white; +skin dry and insensitive; voice a growl; great physical strength. He was +carefully instructed and learned to obey his trainer to some degree but +always kept the bear habit; ate vegetable food, raw flesh, and anything +not containing oils; had a habit of rolling up in secluded places and +taking long naps. The second, said to have been captured in 1669, is not +so well described as the third, which Dr. Connor, in the _History of +Poland_, says was found in 1694. This one learned to walk erect with +difficulty, but was always leaping restlessly about; he learned to eat +from a table, but mastered only a few words, which he spoke in a voice +harsh and inhuman. He showed great sagacity in wood life. + +d) The Girl of Cranenburg. Born in 1700; lost when sixteen months old; +skin dark, rough, hard; understood but little that was said to her; +spoke little and stammeringly; food--roots, leaves, and milk. (Rauber.) + +e) Clemens of Overdyke. This boy was brought to Count von der Ricke's +Asylum after the German struggle with Napoleon. He knew little and said +little. After careful training it was gathered that his parents were +dead and that a peasant had adopted him and set him to herd pigs. Little +food was given him, and he learned to suck a cow and eat grass with the +pigs. At Overdyke he would get down on his hands and knees and pull up +vegetables with his teeth. He was of low intelligence, subject to fits +of passion, and fonder of pigs than of men.[100] + +f) Jean de Liege. Lost at five; lived in the woods for sixteen years; +food--roots, plants, and wild fruit; sense of smell extraordinarily +keen; could distinguish people by odor as a dog would recognize his +master; restless in manner, and always trying to escape. (Rauber.) + +g) The Savage of Aveyron. After capture, was given into the care of +Dr. Itard by Abbe Sicard. Dermal sense duller than in animals; gaze +wandering; language wanting and ideas few; food--raw potatoes, acorns, +and fruit; would eagerly tear open a bird and eat it raw; indolent, +secretive; would hide in the garden until hunger drove him to the +kitchen; rolled in new snow like an animal; paid no heed to the firing +of a gun, but became alert at the cracking of a nut; sometimes grew +wildly angry; all his powers were then enlarged; was delighted with +hills and woods, and always tried to escape after being taken to them; +when angry would gnaw clothing and hurl furniture about; feared to look +from a height, and Itard cured him of spasms of rage by holding his head +out of a window; met all efforts to teach him with apathy, and learned +but little of language.[101] + +h) The Wolf Children of India. The two cases described by a writer in +_Chambers' Journal_ and by Rauber were boys of about ten years. Both ate +raw food but refused cooked food; one never spoke, smiled, or laughed; +both shunned human beings of both sexes, but would permit a dog to eat +with them; they pined in captivity, and lived but a short time.[102] + +i) Peter of Hanover. Found in the woods of Hanover; food--buds, barks, +roots, frogs, eggs of birds, and anything else that he could get out of +doors; had a habit of wandering away in the spring; always went to bed +as soon as he had his supper; was unable to walk in shoes at first, and +it was long before he would tolerate a covering for his head. Although +Queen Caroline furnished him a teacher, he could never learn to speak; +he became docile, but remained stoical in manner; he learned to do farm +work willingly unless he was compelled to do it; his sense of hearing +and of smell was acute, and before changes in the weather he was sullen +and irritable; he lived to be nearly seventy years old.[103] + +j) The Savage of Kronstadt. Of middle size, wild-eyed, deep-jawed, and +thick-throated; elbows and knees thick; cuticle insensitive; unable to +understand words or gestures perfectly; generally indifferent; found +1784.[104] + +k) The Girl of Songi. According to Rauber, this is one of the most +frequently quoted of feral cases. The girl came out of the forest near +Chalons in 1731. She was thought to be nine years old. She carried a +club in her hand, with which she killed a dog that attacked her. She +climbed trees easily, and made niches on walls and roofs, over which she +ran like a squirrel. She caught fish and ate them raw; a cry served for +speech. She showed an instinct for decorating herself with leaves and +flowers. She found it difficult to adapt herself to the customs of +civilized life and suffered many fits of sickness. In 1747 she was put +into a convent at Chalons. She learned something of the French language, +of domestic science, and embroidery. She readily understood what was +pointed out to her but always had certain sounds which were not +understood. She claimed to have first begun to reflect after the +beginning of her education. In her wild life she thought only of her own +needs. She believed that the earth and the trees produced her, and her +earliest memory of shelter was of holes in the ground.[105] + + +2. From Solitude to Society[106] + +The most important day I remember in all my life is the one on which my +teacher, Anne Mansfield Sullivan, came to me. I am filled with wonder +when I consider the immeasurable contrast between the two lives which it +connects. It was the third of March, 1887, three months before I was +seven years old. + +The morning after my teacher came she led me into her room and gave me a +doll. The little blind children at the Perkins Institution had sent it +and Laura Bridgman had dressed it; but I did not know this until +afterward. When I had played with it a little while, Miss Sullivan +slowly spelled into my hand the word "d-o-l-l." I was at once interested +in this finger play and tried to imitate it. When I finally succeeded in +making the letters correctly I was flushed with childish pleasure and +pride. Running downstairs to my mother I held up my hand and made the +letters for doll. I did not know that I was spelling a word or even that +words existed; I was simply making my fingers go in monkey-like +imitation. In the days that followed I learned to spell in this +uncomprehending way a great many words, among them _pin_, _hat_, _cup_ +and a few verbs like _sit_, _stand_, and _walk_. But my teacher had been +with me several weeks before I understood that everything has a name. + +One day, while I was playing with my new doll, Miss Sullivan put my big +rag doll into my lap also, spelled "d-o-l-l" and tried to make me +understand that "d-o-l-l" applied to both. Earlier in the day we had had +a tussle over the words "m-u-g" and "w-a-t-e-r." Miss Sullivan had tried +to impress it upon me that "m-u-g" is _mug_ and that "w-a-t-e-r" is +_water_, but I persisted in confounding the two. In despair she had +dropped the subject for the time, only to renew it at the first +opportunity. I became impatient at her repeated attempts and, seizing +the new doll, I dashed it upon the floor. I was keenly delighted when I +felt the fragments of the broken doll at my feet. Neither sorrow nor +regret followed my passionate outburst. I had not loved the doll. In the +still, dark world in which I lived there was no strong sentiment or +tenderness. I felt my teacher sweep the fragments to one side of the +hearth, and I had a sense of satisfaction that the cause of my +discomfort was removed. She brought me my hat, and I knew I was going +out into the warm sunshine. This thought, if a wordless sensation may be +called a thought, made me hop and skip with pleasure. + +We walked down the path to the well-house, attracted by the fragrance of +the honeysuckle with which it was covered. Some one was drawing water +and my teacher placed my hand under the spout. As the cool stream gushed +over one hand she spelled into the other the word _water_, first slowly, +then rapidly. I stood still, my whole attention fixed upon the motions +of her fingers. Suddenly I felt a misty consciousness as of something +forgotten--a thrill of returning thought; and somehow the mystery of +language was revealed to me. I knew then that "w-a-t-e-r" meant the +wonderful cool something that was flowing over my hand. That living word +awakened my soul, gave it light, hope, joy, set it free! There were +barriers still, it is true, but barriers that could in time be swept +away. + +I left the well-house eager to learn. Everything had a name, and each +name gave birth to a new thought. As we returned to the house every +object which I touched seemed to quiver with life. That was because I +saw everything with the strange, new sight that had come to me. On +entering the door I remembered the doll I had broken. I felt my way to +the hearth and picked up the pieces. I tried vainly to put them +together. Then my eyes filled with tears; for I realized what I had +done, and for the first time I felt repentance and sorrow. + +I learned a great many new words that day. I do not remember what they +all were; but I do know that _mother_, _father_, _sister_, _teacher_, +were among them--words that were to make the world blossom for me, "like +Aaron's rod, with flowers." It would have been difficult to find a +happier child than I was as I lay in my crib at the close of that +eventful day and lived over the joys it had brought me, and for the +first time longed for a new day to come. + + +3. Mental Effects of Solitude[107] + +I spent the greater part of one winter at a point on the Rio Negro, +seventy or eighty miles from the sea. It was my custom to go out every +morning on horseback with my gun, and, followed by one dog, to ride away +from the valley; and no sooner would I climb the terrace and plunge into +the gray universal thicket, than I would find myself as completely alone +as if five hundred instead of only five miles separated me from the +valley and river. So wild and solitary and remote seemed that gray +waste, stretching away into infinitude, a waste untrodden by man, and +where the wild animals are so few that they have made no discoverable +path in the wilderness of thorns. + +Not once nor twice nor thrice, but day after day I returned to this +solitude, going to it in the morning as if to attend a festival, and +leaving it only when hunger and thirst and the westering sun compelled +me. And yet I had no object in going--no motive which could be put into +words; for, although I carried a gun, there was nothing to shoot--the +shooting was all left behind in the valley. Sometimes I would pass an +entire day without seeing one mammal and perhaps not more than a dozen +birds of any size. The weather at that time was cheerless, generally +with a gray film of cloud spread over the sky, and a bleak wind, often +cold enough to make my bridle hand quite numb. At a slow pace, which +would have seemed intolerable in other circumstances, I would ride about +for hours at a stretch. On arriving at a hill, I would slowly ride to +its summit, and stand there to survey the prospect. On every side it +stretched away in great undulations, wild and irregular. How gray it all +was! Hardly less so near at hand than on the haze-wrapped horizon, where +the hills were dim and the outline blurred by distance. Descending from +my outlook, I would take up my aimless wanderings again, and visit other +elevations to gaze on the same landscape from another point; and so on +for hours; and at noon I would dismount and sit or lie on my folded +poncho for an hour or longer. One day, in these rambles, I discovered a +small grove composed of twenty or thirty trees, growing at a convenient +distance apart, that had evidently been resorted to by a herd of deer or +other wild animals. This grove was on a hill differing in shape from +other hills in its neighborhood; and after a time I made a point of +finding and using it as a resting-place every day at noon. I did not ask +myself why I made choice of that one spot, sometimes going miles out of +my way to sit there, instead of sitting down under any one of the +millions of trees and bushes on any other hillside. I thought nothing at +all about it, but acted unconsciously. Only afterward it seemed to me +that, after having rested there once, each time I wished to rest again +the wish came associated with the image of that particular clump of +trees, with polished stems and clean bed of sand beneath; and in a short +time I formed a habit of returning, animal-like, to repose at that same +spot. + +It was perhaps a mistake to say that I would sit down and rest, since I +was never tired: and yet, without being tired, that noonday pause, +during which I sat for an hour without moving, was strangely grateful. +All day there would be no sound, not even the rustle of a leaf. One day +while _listening_ to the silence, it occurred to my mind to wonder what +the effect would be if I were to shout aloud. This seemed at the time a +horrible suggestion, which almost made me shudder; but during those +solitary days it was a rare thing for any thought to cross my mind. In +the state of mind I was in, thought had become impossible. My state was +one of _suspense_ and _watchfulness_; yet I had no expectation of +meeting with an adventure, and felt as free from apprehension as I feel +now when sitting in a room in London. The state seemed familiar rather +than strange, and accompanied by a strong feeling of elation; and I did +not know that something had come between me and my intellect until I +returned to my former self--to thinking, and the old insipid existence. + +I had undoubtedly _gone back_, and that state of intense watchfulness, +or alertness rather, with suspension of the higher intellectual +faculties, represented the mental state of the pure savage. He thinks +little, reasons little, having a surer guide in his instincts; he is in +perfect harmony with nature, and is nearly on a level, mentally, with +the wild animals he preys on, and which in their turn sometimes prey on +him. + + +4. Isolation, and the Rural Mind[108] + +As an occupation farming has dealt largely, if not exclusively, with the +growth and care of plant and animal life. Broadly speaking, the farmer +has been engaged in a struggle with nature to produce certain staple +traditional raw foods and human comfort materials in bulk. He has been +excused, on the whole, from the delicate situations arising from the +demands of an infinite variety of human wishes, whims, and fashions, +perhaps because the primary grains, fruits, vegetables, fibers, animals, +and animal products, have afforded small opportunity for manipulation to +satisfy the varying forms of human taste and caprice. This exemption of +the farmer in the greater part of his activity from direct work upon and +with persons and from strenuous attempts to please persons, will +doubtless account very largely, perhaps more largely than mere isolation +on the land, for the strong individualism of the country man. + +In striking contrast, the villager and city worker have always been +occupied in making things or parts of things out of such impressionable +materials as iron, wood, clay, cloth, leather, gold, and the like, to +fit, suit, and satisfy a various and increasingly complex set of human +desires; or they have been dealing direct with a kaleidoscopic human +mind, either in regard to things or in regard to troubles and ideals of +the mind itself. This constant dealing with persons in business will +account even more than mere congestion of population for the complex +organization of city life. The highly organized social institutions of +the city, moreover, have reinforced the already keen-edged insight of +the city man of business, so that he is doubly equipped to win his +struggles. The city worker knows men, the farmer knows nature. Each has +reward for his deeper knowledge, and each suffers some penalty for his +circle of ignorance. + +Modern conditions underlying successful farm practice and profit-making +require of the farmer a wider and more frequent contact with men than at +any time in the past. His materials, too, have become more plastic, +subject to rapid change by selection and breeding. + +The social problem of the farmer seems to be how to overcome the +inevitable handicap of a social deficiency in the very nature of his +occupation, so as to extend his acquaintance with men; and secondly, how +to erect social institutions on the land adequate to reinforce his +individual personality so as to enable him to cope with his +perplexities. + +Occasions must be created, plans must be made, to bring people together +in a wholesale manner so as to facilitate this interchange of community +acquaintance. Especially is it necessary for rural children to know many +more children. The one-room district school has proved its value in +making the children of the neighborhood acquainted with one another. One +of the large reasons for the consolidated and centralized school is the +increased size of territorial unit, with more children to know one +another and mingle together. Intervisiting of district schools--one +school, teachers and pupils, playing host to a half-dozen other schools, +with some regularity, using plays and games, children's readiest means +of getting acquainted--is a successful means of extending acquaintance +under good auspices. + +If large-scale acquaintance--men with men, women with women, children +with children--in a rural community once becomes a fact, the initial +step will have been taken for assuring the rise of appropriate social +institutions on the land of that community. + + +5. The Subtler Effects of Isolation[109] + +The mechanics of modern culture is complicated. The individual has +access to materials outside his group, from the world at large. His +consciousness is built up not only by word of mouth but by the printed +page. He may live as much in German books as in fireside conversation. +Much more mail is handled every day in the New York post-office than was +sent out by all the thirteen states in a year at the close of the +eighteenth century. But by reason of poverty, geographical isolation, +caste feeling, or "pathos," individuals, communities, and races may be +excluded from some of the stimulations and copies which enter into a +high grade of mind. The savage, the Negro, the peasant, the slum +dwellers, and the white woman are notable sufferers by exclusion. + + Easy communication of ideas favors differentiation of a + rational and functional sort, as distinguished from the random + variations fostered by isolation. And it must be remembered + that any sort is rational and functional that really commends + itself to the human spirit. Even revolt from an ascendant type + is easier now than formerly because the rebel can fortify + himself with the triumphant records of the non-conformers of + the past. + + The peasant [at the middle of the nineteenth century], limited + in a cultural respect to his village life, thinks, feels, and + acts solely in the bounds of his native village; his thought + never goes beyond his farm and his neighbor; toward the + political, economic, or national events taking place outside of + his village, be they of his own or of a foreign country, he is + completely indifferent, and even if he has learned something of + them, this is described by him in a fantastic, mythological + way, and only in this adopted form is it added to his cultural + condition and transmitted to his descendants. Every peasant + farm produced almost exclusively for itself, only to the most + limited extent for exchange; every village formed an economic + unit, which stood in only a loose economic connection with the + outer world. Outwardly complete isolation of the village + settlements and their inhabitants from each other and from the + rest of the country and other classes of society; inwardly + complete homogeneity, one and the same economic, social, and + cultural equality of the peasant mass, no possibility of + advance for the more gifted and capable individuals, everyone + pressed down to a flat level. The peasant of one village holds + himself, if not directly hostile, at least as a rule not + cordial to the peasants of another village. The nobles living + in the same village territory even wanted to force upon the + peasants an entirely different origin, in that with the + assistance of the Biblical legend they wished to trace him from + the accursed Ham (from this the curse and insult _Ty chamie_, + "Thou Ham"), but themselves from Japhet, of better repute in + the Bible, while they attributed to the Jews, Shem as an + ancestor. + +The pathetic effect of isolation on the state of knowledge is recorded +in many of the stories of runaway slaves: + + With two more boys, I started for the free states. We did not + know where they were, but went to try to find them. We crossed + the Potomac and hunted round and round and round. Some one + showed us the way to Washington; but we missed it, and wandered + all night; then we found ourselves where we set out. + +For our purposes race prejudice may be regarded as a form of isolation. +And in the case of the American Negro this situation is aggravated by +the fact that the white man has developed a determination to keep him in +isolation--"in his place." Now, when the isolation is willed and has at +the same time the emotional nature of a tabu, the handicap is very grave +indeed. It is a fact that the most intelligent Negroes are usually half +or more than half white, but it is still a subject for investigation +whether this is due to mixed blood or to the fact that they have been +more successful in violating the tabu. + + The humblest white employee knows that the better he does his + work, the more chance there is for him to rise in the business. + The black employee knows that the better he does his work, the + longer he may do it; he cannot often hope for promotion. + + All these careers are at the very outset closed to the Negro on + account of his color; what lawyer would give even a minor case + to a Negro assistant? Or what university would appoint a + promising young Negro as tutor? Thus the white young man starts + in life knowing that within some limits and barring accidents, + talent and application will tell. The young Negro starts + knowing that on all sides his advance is made doubly difficult, + if not wholly shut off, by his color. + + In all walks of life the Negro is liable to meet some objection + to his presence or some discourteous treatment. If an + invitation is issued to the public for any occasion, the Negro + can never know whether he would be welcomed or not; if he goes + he is liable to have his feelings hurt and get into unpleasant + altercation; if he stays away, he is blamed for indifference. + If he meet a lifelong white friend on the street, he is in a + dilemma; if he does not greet the friend he is put down as + boorish and impolite; if he does greet the friend he is liable + to be flatly snubbed. If by chance he is introduced to a white + woman or man, he expects to be ignored on the next meeting, and + usually is. White friends may call on him, but he is scarcely + expected to call on them, save for strictly business matters. + If he gain the affections of a white woman and marry her he may + invariably expect that slurs will be thrown on her reputation + and on his, and that both his and her race will shun their + company. When he dies he cannot be buried beside white corpses. + +Kelly Miller, himself a full-blooded black (for which the Negroes have +expressed their gratitude), refers to the backwardness of the negro in +the following terms: + + To expect the Negroes of Georgia to produce a great general + like Napoleon when they are not even allowed to carry arms, or + to deride them for not producing scholars like those of the + Renaissance when a few years ago they were forbidden the use of + letters, verges closely upon the outer rim of absurdity. Do you + look for great Negro statesmen in states where black men are + not allowed to vote? Above all, for southern white men to + berate the Negro for failing to gain the highest rounds of + distinction reaches the climax of cruel inconsistency. One is + reminded of the barbarous Teutons in _Titus Andronicus_, who, + after cutting out the tongue and hacking off the hands of the + lovely Lavinia, ghoulishly chided her for not calling for sweet + water with which to wash her delicate hands. + +It is not too much to say that no Negro and no mulatto, in America at +least, has ever been fully in the white man's world. But we must +recognize that their backwardness is not wholly due to prejudice. A race +with an adequate technique can live in the midst of prejudice and even +receive some stimulation from it. But the Negro has lost many of the +occupations which were particularly his own, and is outclassed in +others--not through prejudice but through the faster pace of his +competitors. + +Obviously obstacles which discourage one race may stimulate another. +Even the extreme measures in Russia and Roumania against the Jew have +not isolated him. He has resources and traditions and technique of his +own, and we have even been borrowers from him. + + +C. ISOLATION AND SEGREGATION + + +1. Segregation as a Process[110] + +Within the limitations prescribed, however, the inevitable processes of +human nature proceed to give these regions and these buildings a +character which it is less easy to control. Under our system of +individual ownership, for instance, it is not possible to determine in +advance the extent of concentration of population in any given area. The +city cannot fix land values, and we leave to private enterprise, for the +most part, the task of determining the city's limits and the location of +its residential and industrial districts. Personal tastes and +convenience, vocational and economic interests, infallibly tend to +segregate and thus to classify the populations of great cities. In this +way the city acquires an organization which is neither designed nor +controlled. + +Physical geography, natural advantages, and the means of transportation +determine in advance the general outlines of the urban plan. As the city +increases in population, the subtler influences of sympathy, rivalry, +and economic necessity tend to control the distribution of population. +Business and manufacturing seek advantageous locations and draw around +them a certain portion of the population. There spring up fashionable +residence quarters from which the poorer classes are excluded because of +the increased value of the land. Then there grow up slums which are +inhabited by great numbers of the poorer classes who are unable to +defend themselves from association with the derelict and vicious. In the +course of time every section and quarter of the city takes on something +of the character and qualities of its inhabitants. Each separate part of +the city is inevitably stained with the peculiar sentiments of its +population. The effect of this is to convert what was at first a mere +geographical expression into a neighborhood, that is to say, a locality +with sentiments, traditions, and a history of its own. Within this +neighborhood the continuity of the historical processes is somehow +maintained. The past imposes itself upon the present and the life of +every locality moves on with a certain momentum of its own, more or less +independent of the larger circle of life and interests about it. + +In the city environment the neighborhood tends to lose much of the +significance which it possessed in simpler and more primitive forms of +society. The easy means of communication and of transportation, which +enables individuals to distribute their attention and to live at the +same time in several different worlds, tends to destroy the permanency +and intimacy of the neighborhood. Further than that, where individuals +of the same race or of the same vocation live together in segregated +groups, neighborhood sentiment tends to fuse together with racial +antagonisms and class interests. + +In this way physical and sentimental distances reinforce each other, and +the influences of local distribution of the population participate with +the influences of class and race in the evolution of the social +organization. Every great city has its racial colonies, like the +Chinatowns of San Francisco and New York, the Little Sicily of Chicago, +and various other less pronounced types. In addition to these, most +cities have their segregated vice districts, like that which until +recently existed in Chicago, and their rendezvous for criminals of +various sorts. Every large city has its occupational suburbs like the +Stockyards in Chicago, and its residence suburbs like Brookline in +Boston, each of which has the size and the character of a complete +separate town, village, or city, except that its population is a +selected one. Undoubtedly the most remarkable of these cities within +cities, of which the most interesting characteristic is that they are +composed of persons of the same race, or of persons of different races +but of the same social class, is East London, with a population of +2,000,000 laborers. + + The people of the original East London have now overflowed and + crossed the Lea, and spread themselves over the marshes and + meadows beyond. This population has created new towns which + were formerly rural villages, West Ham, with a population of + nearly 300,000; East Ham, with 90,000; Stratford, with its + "daughters," 150,000; and other "hamlets" similarly overgrown. + Including these new populations we have an aggregate of nearly + two millions of people. The population is greater than that of + Berlin or Vienna, or St. Petersburg, or Philadelphia. + + It is a city full of churches and places of worship, yet there + are no cathedrals, either Anglican or Roman; it has a + sufficient supply of elementary schools, but it has no public + or high school, and it has no colleges for the higher + education, and no university; the people all read newspapers, + yet there is no East London paper except of the smaller and + local kind.... In the streets there are never seen any private + carriages; there is no fashionable quarter ... one meets no + ladies in the principal thoroughfares. People, shops, houses, + conveyances--all together are stamped with the unmistakable + seal of the working class. + + Perhaps the strangest thing of all is this: in a city of two + millions of people there are no hotels! That means, of course, + that there are no visitors. + +In the older cities of Europe, where the processes of segregation have +gone farther, neighborhood distinctions are likely to be more marked +than they are in America. East London is a city of a single class, but +within the limits of that city the population is segregated again and +again by racial and vocational interests. Neighborhood sentiment, deeply +rooted in local tradition and in local custom, exercises a decisive +selective influence upon city population and shows itself ultimately in +a marked way in the characteristics of the inhabitants. + + +2. Isolation as a Result of Segregation[111] + +There is the observed tendency of mental defectives to congregate in +localized centers, with resulting inbreeding. Feeble-mindedness is a +social level and the members of this level, like those in other levels, +are affected by social and biological tendencies, such as the +congregation of like personalities and the natural selection in matings +of persons of similar mental capacities. These are general tendencies +and not subject to invariable laws. The feeble-minded are primarily +quantitatively different from normals in mental and social qualities, +and do not constitute a separate species. The borderline types of +high-grade feeble-minded and low-grade normals may therefore prove +exceptions to the general rule. But such studies as Davenport and +Danielson's "Hill Folk," Davenport and Estabrook's "Nams," Dugdale's +"Jukes," Kostir's "Sam Sixty," Goddard's "Kallikaks," Key's "Vennams" +and "Fale-Anwals," Kite's "Pineys," and many others emphatically prove +that mental defectives show a tendency to drift together, intermarry, +and isolate themselves from the rest of the community, just as the rich +live in exclusive suburbs. Consequently they preponderate in certain +localities, counties, and cities. In a large measure this segregation is +not so much an expression of voluntary desire as it is a situation +forced upon mental defectives through those natural intellectual and +social deficiencies which restrict them to environments economically and +otherwise less desirable to normal people. This phenomenon is most +conspicuous in rural communities where such migratory movements as the +modern city-drift have exercised a certain natural selection, but it is +also plainly evident in the slums and poorer sections of the cities, +both large and small, as any field worker will testify. Closely related +to this factor of isolation are the varying percentages of mental +defectives found in different states and in different sections of the +same state, city or community. It is therefore likely that the +percentages of mental defectives among different groups of juvenile +delinquents will vary according to the particular ward, city, county, or +state, whence the delinquents come. For this reason it is essential to +any study of the number of mental defectives in a group of juvenile +delinquents coming from a particular locality, that some idea should be +available as to the probable or approximate number of mental defectives +in that community. If more mental defectives are found among the +population in the slum quarter of a city than in the residential +quarter, it is to be expected that there will be more mental defectives +in groups of juvenile delinquents from the slum quarter, because, in the +first place, they constitute a larger proportion of the population, and +because, secondly, of their greater proneness to social offenses. +Moreover, the prevalence of the feeble-minded in certain localities may +affect the attitude of the law-enforcing machinery toward the children +of that community. + +A further result of the innate characteristics and tendencies of the +feeble-minded is to be found in the effect upon them of the biological +law of natural selection, resulting from the universal struggle for +existence and the survival of the fittest. We need not discuss here its +profound influences, economic and otherwise, upon the lives of the +mentally defective in general, but it will be profitable to review +briefly the effect of natural selection upon the juvenile delinquent +group. + +Any group of delinquents is subject to this selection from the times of +offenses to final commitment. It undergoes a constant sifting process +whose operation is mainly determined by the natural consequences of the +group members; a large proportion of the "lucky," the intelligent, or +the socially favored individuals escape from the group, so that the +remaining members of the group are the least fit socially and +intellectually. The mentally defective delinquents constitute an undue +proportion of this unfit residue, for although they may receive as many +favors of chance as do their intellectually normal fellow-delinquents, +they cannot, like them, by reason of intelligence or social status, +escape the consequences of their delinquent acts. Furthermore, the +feeble-minded offender is caught oftener than are his more clever and +energetic companions of normal endowments, and after apprehension he is +less likely to receive the benefits of police and court prejudices, or +the advantages of family wealth and social influence. If placed on +probation he is more likely to fail, because of his own weaknesses and +his unfavorable environment. Hence the feeble-minded delinquent is much +more likely to come before the court and also to be committed to a +reformatory, jail, or industrial school than is his companion of normal +mind. Therefore practically every group of juvenile delinquents which +ultimately reaches commitment will have a very different aspect with +regard to its proportion of mental defectives from that larger group of +offenders, apprehended or non-apprehended, of which it was once a part. +In fact, it is doubtful if any group of apprehended, detained, or +probationed offenders can be said to be representative, or at least to +be exactly representative, of the true proportion of mental defectives +among all delinquents. Except where specific types of legal procedure +bring about the elimination of the defectives, it seems as if it must +inevitably result that the operation of natural selection will +continually increase the proportion of mental defectives above that +existing in the original group. + +This factor of natural selection has not to our knowledge been given +adequate consideration in any published investigation on delinquency. +But if our estimate of its effects is at all justified, then most +examinations of juvenile delinquents, especially in reform and +industrial schools, have disclosed proportions of mental defectives +distinctly in excess of the original proportion previously existent +among the entire mass of all offenders. The reports of these +examinations have given rise to quite erroneous impressions concerning +the extent of criminality among the feeble-minded and its relation to +the whole volume of crime, and have consequently led to inaccurate +deductions. The feeble-minded are undoubtedly more prone to commit crime +than are the average normals; but through disregard of the influences of +this factor of natural selection, as well as of others, both the +proportion of crime committed by mental defectives and the true +proportion of mental defectives among delinquents and criminals have +very often been exaggerated. + + +D. ISOLATION AND NATIONAL INDIVIDUALITY + + +1. Historical Races as Products of Isolation[112] + +The continent of Europe differs from the other great land-masses in the +fact that it is a singular aggregation of peninsulas and islands, +originating in separate centers of mountain growth, and of enclosed +valleys walled about from the outer world by elevated summits. Other +continents are somewhat peninsulated; Asia approaches Europe in that +respect; North America has a few great dependencies in its larger +islands and considerable promontories; but Africa, South America, and +Australia are singularly united lands. + +The highly divided state of Europe has greatly favored the development +within its area of isolated fields, each fitted for the growth of a +separate state, adapted even in this day for local life although +commerce in our time binds lands together in a way which it did not of +old. These separated areas were marvelously suited to be the cradles of +peoples; and if we look over the map of Europe we readily note the +geographic insulations which that remarkably varied land affords. + +Beginning with the eastern Mediterranean, we have the peninsula on which +Constantinople stands--a region only partly protected from assault by +its geographic peculiarities; and yet it owes to its partial separation +from the mainlands on either side a large measure of local historic +development. Next, we have Greece and its associated islands, which--a +safe stronghold for centuries--permitted the nurture of the most +marvelous life the world has ever known. Farther to the west the Italian +peninsula, where during three thousand years the protecting envelope of +the sea and the walls of Alps and Apennines have enabled a score of +states to attain a development; where the Roman nation, absorbing, with +its singular power of taking in other life, a number of primitive +centers of civilization, grew to power which made it dominant in the +ancient world. Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, have each profited by their +isolation, and have bred diverse qualities in man and contributed +motives which have interacted in the earth's history. Again, in Spain we +have a region well fitted to be the cradle of a great people; to its +geographic position it owed the fact that it became the seat of the most +cultivated Mahometanism the world has ever known. To the Pyrenees, the +mountain wall of the north, we owe in good part the limitation of that +Mussulman invasion and the protection of central Europe from its forward +movement, until luxury and half-faith had sapped its energies. Going +northward, we find in the region of Normandy the place of growth of that +fierce but strong folk, the ancient Scandinavians, who, transplanted +there, held their ground, and grew until they were strong enough to +conquer Britain and give it a large share of the quality which belongs +to our own state. + +To a trifling geographic accident we owe the isolation of Great Britain +from the European continent; and all the marvelous history of the +English folk, as we all know, hangs upon the existence of that narrow +strip of sea between the Devon coast and the kindred lowlands of +northern France. + +East of Britain lie two peninsulas which have been the cradle of very +important peoples. That of Sweden and Norway is the result of mountain +development; that of Denmark appears to be in the main the product of +glacial and marine erosion, differing in its non-mountainous origin from +all the other peninsulas and islands of the European border. Thus on the +periphery of Europe we have at least a dozen geographical isolated +areas, sufficiently large and well separated from the rest of the world +to make them the seats of independent social life. The interior of the +country has several similarly, though less perfectly, detached areas. Of +these the most important lie fenced within the highlands of the Alps. In +that extensive system of mountain disturbances we have the geographical +conditions which most favor the development of peculiar divisions of +men, and which guard such cradled peoples from the destruction which so +often awaits them on the plains. Thus, while the folk of the European +lowlands have been overrun by the successive tides of invasion, their +qualities confused, and their succession of social life interrupted, +Switzerland has to a great extent, by its mountain walls, protected its +people from the troubles to which their lowland neighbors have been +subjected. The result is that within an area not twice as large as +Massachusetts we find a marvelous diversity of folk, as is shown by the +variety in physical aspect, moral quality, language, and creed in the +several important valleys and other divisions of that complicated +topography. + +After a race has been formed and bred to certain qualities within a +limited field, after it has come to possess a certain body of +characteristics which gives it its particular stamp, the importance of +the original cradle passes away. There is something very curious in the +permanence of race conditions after they have been fixed for a thousand +years or so in a people. When the assemblage of physical and mental +motives are combined in a body of country folk, they may endure under +circumstances in which they could not have originated; thus, even in our +domesticated animals and plants, we find that varieties created under +favorable conditions, obtaining their inheritances in suitable +conditions, may then flourish in many conditions of environment in which +they could not by any chance have originated. The barnyard creatures of +Europe, with their established qualities, may be taken to Australia, and +there retain their nature for many generations; even where the form +falls away from the parent stock, the decline is generally slow and may +not for a great time become apparent. + +This fixity of race characteristics has enabled the several national +varieties of men to go forth from their nurseries, carrying the +qualities bred in their earlier conditions through centuries of life in +other climes. The Gothic blood of Italy and of Spain still keeps much of +its parent strength; the Aryan's of India, though a world apart in its +conditions from those which gave it character in its cradle, is still, +in many of its qualities, distinctly akin to that of the home people. +Moor, Hun and Turk--all the numerous folk we find in the present +condition of the world so far from their cradle-lands--are still to a +great extent what their primitive nurture made them. On this rigidity +which comes to mature races in the lower life as well as in man, depends +the vigor with which they do their appointed work. + + +2. Geographical Isolation and Maritime Contact[113] + +Greece, considering its limited total extent, offers but little motive, +and still less of convenient means, for internal communication among its +various inhabitants. Each village or township occupying its plain with +the inclosing mountains, supplied its own main wants, whilst the +transport of commodities by land was sufficiently difficult to +discourage greatly any regular commerce with neighbors. In so far as the +face of the interior country was concerned, it seemed as if nature had +been disposed from the beginning to keep the population of Greece +socially and politically disunited by providing so many hedges of +separation and so many boundaries, generally hard, sometimes impossible, +to overleap. One special motive to intercourse, however, arose out of +this very geographical constitution of the country, and its endless +alternation of mountain and valley. The difference of climate and +temperature between the high and low grounds is very great; the harvest +is secured in one place before it is ripe in another, and the cattle +find during the heat of summer shelter and pasture on the hills, at a +time when the plains are burnt up. The practice of transferring them +from the mountains to the plain according to the change of season, which +subsists still as it did in ancient times, is intimately connected with +the structure of the country, and must from the earliest period have +brought about communication among the otherwise disunited villages. + +Such difficulties, however, in the internal transit by land were to a +great extent counteracted by the large proportion of coast and the +accessibility of the country by sea. The prominences and indentations in +the line of Grecian coast are hardly less remarkable than the +multiplicity of elevations and depressions which everywhere mark the +surface. There was no part of Greece proper which could be considered as +out of reach of the sea, while most parts of it were convenient and easy +of access. As the only communication between them was maritime, so the +sea, important even if we look to Greece proper exclusively, was the +sole channel for transmitting ideas and improvements, as well as for +maintaining sympathies--social, political, religious, and +literary--throughout these outlying members of the Hellenic aggregate. + +The ancient philosophers and legislators were deeply impressed with the +contrast between an inland and a maritime city: in the former, +simplicity and uniformity of life, tenacity of ancient habits and +dislike of what is new or foreign, great force of exclusive sympathy and +narrow range both of objects and ideas; in the latter, variety and +novelty of sensations, expansive imagination, toleration, and occasional +preference for extraneous customs, greater activity of the individual +and corresponding mutability of the state. This distinction stands +prominent in the many comparisons instituted between the Athens of +Pericles and the Athens of the earlier times down to Solon. Both Plato +and Aristotle dwell upon it emphatically--and the former especially, +whose genius conceived the comprehensive scheme of prescribing +beforehand and insuring in practice the whole course of individual +thought and feeling in his imaginary community, treats maritime +communication, if pushed beyond the narrowest limits, as fatal to the +success and permanence of any wise scheme of education. Certain it is +that a great difference of character existed between those Greeks who +mingled much in maritime affairs and those who did not. The Arcadian may +stand as a type of the pure Grecian landsman, with his rustic and +illiterate habits--his diet of sweet chestnuts, barley cakes, and pork +(as contrasted with the fish which formed the chief seasoning for the +bread of an Athenian)--his superior courage and endurance--his reverence +for Lacedaemonian headship as an old and customary influence--his +sterility of intellect and imagination as well as his slackness in +enterprise--his unchangeable rudeness of relations with the gods, which +led him to scourge and prick Pan if he came back empty-handed from the +chase; while the inhabitant of Phokaea or Miletus exemplifies the +Grecian mariner, eager in search of gain--active, skilful, and daring at +sea, but inferior in steadfast bravery on land--more excitable in +imagination as well as more mutable in character--full of pomp and +expense in religious manifestations toward the Ephesian Artemis or the +Apollo of Branchidae: with a mind more open to the varieties of Grecian +energy and to the refining influences of Grecian civilization. + +The configuration of the Grecian territory, so like in many respects to +that of Switzerland, produced two effects of great moment upon the +character and history of the people. In the first place, it materially +strengthened their powers of defense: it shut up the country against +those invasions from the interior which successively subjugated all +their continental colonies; and it at the same time rendered each +fraction more difficult to be attacked by the rest, so as to exercise a +certain conservative influence in assuring the tenure of actual +possessors: for the pass of Thermopylae between Thessaly and Phokis, +that of Kithaeron between Boeotia and Attica, or the mountainous range +of Oneion and Geraneia along the Isthmus of Corinth, were positions +which an inferior number of brave men could hold against a much greater +force of assailants. But, in the next place, while it tended to protect +each section of Greeks from being conquered, it also kept them +politically disunited and perpetuated their separate autonomy. It +fostered that powerful principle of repulsion, which disposed even the +smallest township to constitute itself a political unit apart from the +rest, and to resist all idea of coalescence with others, either amicable +or compulsory. To a modern reader, accustomed to large political +aggregations, and securities for good government through the +representative system, it requires a certain mental effort to transport +himself back to a time when even the smallest town clung so tenaciously +to its right of self-legislation. Nevertheless, such was the general +habit and feeling of the ancient world, throughout Italy, Sicily, Spain, +and Gaul. Among the Hellens it stands out more conspicuously, for +several reasons--first, because they seem to have pushed the +multiplication of autonomous units to an extreme point, seeing that even +islands not larger than Peparethos and Amorgos had two or three separate +city communities; secondly, because they produced, for the first time in +the history of mankind, acute systematic thinkers on matters of +government, amongst all of whom the idea of the autonomous city was +accepted as the indispensable basis of political speculation; thirdly, +because this incurable subdivision proved finally the cause of their +ruin, in spite of pronounced intellectual superiority over their +conquerors; and lastly, because incapacity of political coalescence did +not preclude a powerful and extensive sympathy between the inhabitants +of all the separate cities, with a constant tendency to fraternize for +numerous purposes, social, religious, recreative, intellectual, and +aesthetical. For these reasons, the indefinite multiplication of +self-governing towns, though in truth a phenomenon common to ancient +Europe as contrasted with the large monarchies of Asia, appears more +marked among the ancient Greeks than elsewhere; and there cannot be any +doubt that they owe it, in a considerable degree, to the multitude of +insulating boundaries which the configuration of their country +presented. + +Nor is it rash to suppose that the same causes may have tended to +promote that unborrowed intellectual development for which they stand so +conspicuous. General propositions respecting the working of climate and +physical agencies upon character are indeed treacherous; for our +knowledge of the globe is now sufficient to teach us that heat and cold, +mountain and plain, sea and land, moist and dry atmosphere, are all +consistent with the greatest diversities of resident men: moreover, the +contrast between the population of Greece itself, for the seven +centuries preceding the Christian era, and the Greeks of more modern +times, is alone enough to inculcate reserve in such speculations. +Nevertheless we may venture to note certain improving influences, +connected with their geographical position, at a time when they had no +books to study, and no more advanced predecessors to imitate. + +We may remark, first, that their position made them at once mountaineers +and mariners, thus supplying them with great variety of objects, +sensations, and adventures; next, that each petty community, nestled +apart amidst its own rocks, was sufficiently severed from the rest to +possess an individual life and attributes of its own, yet not so far as +to subtract it from the sympathies of the remainder; so that an +observant Greek, commercing with a great diversity of half-countrymen, +whose language he understood, and whose idiosyncrasies he could +appreciate, had access to a larger mass of social and political +experience than any other man in so unadvanced an age could personally +obtain. The Phoenician, superior to the Greek on shipboard, traversed +wider distances and saw a greater number of strangers, but had not the +same means of intimate communion with a multiplicity of fellows in blood +and language. His relations, confined to purchase and sale, did not +comprise that mutuality of action and reaction which pervaded the crowd +at a Grecian festival. The scene which here presented itself was a +mixture of uniformity and variety highly stimulating to the observant +faculties of a man of genius--who at the same time, if he sought to +communicate his own impressions, or to act upon this mingled and diverse +audience, was forced to shake off what was peculiar to his own town or +community, and to put forth matter in harmony with the feelings of all. +It is thus that we may explain, in part, that penetrating apprehension +of human life and character, and that power of touching sympathies +common to all ages and nations, which surprises us so much in the +unlettered authors of the old epic. Such periodical intercommunion of +brethren habitually isolated from each other was the only means then +open of procuring for the bard a diversified range of experience and a +many-colored audience; and it was to a great degree the result of +geographical causes. Perhaps among other nations such facilitating +causes might have been found, yet without producing any results +comparable to the Iliad and Odyssey. But Homer was nevertheless +dependent upon the conditions of his age, and we can at least point out +those peculiarities in early Grecian society without which Homeric +excellence would never have existed--the geographical position is one, +the language another. + + +3. Isolation as an Explanation of National Differences[114] + +To decide between race and environment as the efficient cause of any +social phenomenon is a matter of singular interest at this time. A +school of sociological writers, dazzled by the recent brilliant +discoveries in European ethnology, show a decided inclination to sink +the racial explanation up to the handle in every possible phase of +social life in Europe. It must be confessed that there is provocation +for it. So persistent have the physical characteristics of the people +shown themselves that it is not surprising to find theories of a +corresponding inheritance of mental attributes in great favor. + +This racial school of social philosophers derives much of its data from +French sources. For this reason, and also because our anthropological +knowledge of that country is more complete than for any other part of +Europe, we shall confine our attention primarily to France. In the +unattractive upland areas of isolation is the Alpine broad-headed race +common to central Europe. At the north, extending down in a broad belt +diagonally as far as Limoges and along the coast of Brittany, there is +intermixture with the blond, long-headed Teutonic race; while along the +southern coast, penetrating up the Rhone Valley, is found the extension +of the equally long-headed but brunet Mediterranean stock. These ethnic +facts correspond to physical ones; three areas of geographical isolation +are distinct centers of distribution of the Alpine race. + +The organization of the family is the surest criterion of the stage of +social evolution attained by a people. No other phase of human +association is so many-sided, so fundamental, so pregnant for the +future. For this reason we may properly begin our study by an +examination of a phenomenon which directly concerns the stability of the +domestic institution--viz., divorce. What are the facts as to its +distribution in France? Marked variations between different districts +occur. Paris is at one extreme; Corsica, as always, at the other. Of +singular interest to us is the parallel which at once appears between +this distribution of divorce and that of head form. The areas of +isolation peopled by the Alpine race are characterized by almost +complete absence of legal severance of domestic relations between +husband and wife. + +Do the facts instanced above have any ethnic significance? Do they mean +that the Alpine type, as a race, holds more tenaciously than does the +Teuton to its family traditions, resenting thereby the interference of +the state in its domestic institutions? A foremost statistical +authority, Jacques Bertillon, has devoted considerable space to proving +that some relation between the two exists. Confronted by the preceding +facts, his explanation is this: that the people of the southern +departments, inconstant perhaps and fickle, nevertheless are quickly +pacified after a passionate outbreak of any kind. Husband and wife may +quarrel, but the estrangement is dissipated before recourse to the law +can take place. On the other hand, the Norman peasant, Teutonic by race, +cold and reserved, nurses his grievances for a long time; they abide +with him, smoldering but persistent. "Words and even blows terminate +quarrels quickly in the south; in the north they are settled by the +judge." From similar comparisons in other European countries, M. +Bertillon draws the final conclusion that the Teutonic race betrays a +singular preference for this remedy for domestic ills. It becomes for +him an ethnic trait. + +Another social phenomenon has been laid at the door of the Teutonic race +of northern Europe; one which even more than divorce is directly the +concomitant of modern intellectual and economic progress. We refer to +suicide. Morselli devotes a chapter of his interesting treatise upon +this subject to proving that "the purer the German race--that is to say, +the stronger the Germanism (e.g., Teutonism) of a country--the more it +reveals in its psychical character an extraordinary propensity to +self-destruction." + +Consider for a moment the relative frequency of suicide with reference +to the ethnic composition of France. The parallel between the two is +almost exact in every detail. There are again our three areas of Alpine +racial occupation--Savoy, Auvergne, and Brittany--in which suicide falls +annually below seventy-five per million inhabitants. There, again, is +the Rhone Valley and the broad diagonal strip from Paris to Bordeaux, +characterized alike by strong infusion of Teutonic traits and relative +frequency of the same social phenomenon. + +Divorce and suicide will serve as examples of the mode of proof adopted +for tracing a number of other social phenomena to an ethnic origin. Thus +Lapouge attributes the notorious depopulation of large areas in France +to the sterility incident upon intermixture between the several racial +types of which the population is constituted. This he seeks to prove +from the occurrence of a decreasing birth-rate in all the open, fertile +districts where the Teutonic element has intermingled with the native +population. Because wealth happens to be concentrated in the fertile +areas of Teutonic occupation, it is again assumed that this coincidence +demonstrates either a peculiar acquisitive aptitude in this race or else +a superior measure of frugality. + +By this time our suspicions are aroused. The argument is too simple. Its +conclusions are too far-reaching. By this we do not mean to deny the +facts of geographical distribution in the least. It is only the validity +of the ethnic explanation which we deny. We can do better for our races +than even its best friends along such lines of proof. With the data at +our disposition there is no end to the racial attributes which we might +saddle upon our ethnic types. Thus, it would appear that the Alpine type +in its sterile areas of isolation was the land-hungry one described by +Zola in his powerful novels. For, roughly speaking, individual +land-holdings are larger in them on the average than among the Teutonic +populations. Peasant proprietorship is more common also; there are fewer +tenant farmers. Crime in the two areas assumes a different aspect. We +find that among populations of Alpine type, in the isolated uplands, +offenses against the person predominate in the criminal calendar. In the +Seine basin, along the Rhone Valley, wherever the Teuton is in evidence, +on the other hand, there is less respect for property; so that offenses +against the person, such as assault, murder, and rape, give place to +embezzlements, burglary, and arson. It might just as well be argued that +the Teuton shows a predilection for offenses against property; the +native Celt an equal propensity for crimes against the person. + +Appeal to the social geography of other countries, wherein the ethnic +balance of power is differently distributed, may be directed against +almost any of the phenomena we have instanced in France as seemingly of +racial derivation. In the case either of suicide or divorce, if we turn +from France to Italy or Germany, we instantly perceive all sorts of +contradictions. The ethnic type, which is so immune from propensity to +self-destruction or domestic disruption in France, becomes in Italy most +prone to either mode of escape from temporary earthly ills. For each +phenomenon culminates in frequency in the northern half of the latter +country, stronghold of the Alpine race. Nor is there an appreciable +infusion of Teutonism, physically speaking, herein, to account for the +change of heart. Of course, it might be urged that this merely shows +that the Mediterranean race of southern Italy is as much less inclined +to the phenomenon than the Alpine race in these respects, as it in turn +lags behind the Teuton. For it must be confessed that even in Italy +neither divorce nor suicide is so frequent anywhere as in Teutonic +northern France. Well, then, turn to Germany. Compare its two halves in +these respects again. The northern half of the empire is most purely +Teutonic by race; the southern is not distinguishable ethnically, as we +have sought to prove, from central France. Bavaria, Baden, and +Wuertemberg are scarcely more Teutonic by race than Auvergne. Do we find +differences in suicide, for example, following racial boundaries here? +Far from it; for Saxony is its culminating center; and Saxony, as we +know, is really half-Slavic at heart, as is also eastern Prussia. +Suicide should be most frequent in Schleswig-Holstein and Hanover, if +racial causes were appreciably operative. The argument, in fact, falls +to pieces of its own weight, as Durkheim has shown. His conclusion is +thus stated: + +"If the Germans are more addicted to suicide, it is not because of the +blood in their veins, but of the civilization in which they have been +raised." + +A summary view of the class of social phenomena seemingly characteristic +of the distinct races in France, if we extend our field of vision to +cover all Europe, suggests an explanation for the curious coincidences +and parallelisms noted above, which is the exact opposite of the racial +one. + +Our theory, then, is this: that most of the social phenomena we have +noted as peculiar to the areas occupied by the Alpine type are the +necessary outcome, not of racial proclivities but rather of the +geographical and social isolation characteristic of the habitat of this +race. The ethnic type is still pure for the very same reason that social +phenomena are primitive. Wooden ploughs pointed with stone, blood +revenge, an undiminished birth-rate, and relative purity of physical +type are all alike derivatives from a common cause, isolation, directly +physical and coincidently social. We discover, primarily, an influence +of environment where others perceive phenomena of ethnic inheritance. + + +4. Natural versus Vicinal Location in National Development[115] + +In contradistinction to continental and intercontinental location, +anthropogeography recognizes two other narrower meanings of the term. +The innate mobility of the human race, due primarily to the eternal +food-quest and increase of numbers, leads a people to spread out over a +territory till they reach the barriers which nature has set up, or meet +the frontiers of other tribes and nations. Their habitat or their +specific geographic location is thus defined by natural features of +mountain, desert, and sea, or by the neighbors whom they are unable to +displace, or more often by both. + +A people has, therefore, a twofold location, an immediate one, based +upon their actual territory, and a mediate or vicinal one, growing out +of its relations to the countries nearest them. The first is a question +of the land under their feet; the other, of the neighbors about them. +The first or natural location embodies the complex of local geographic +conditions which furnish the basis for their tribal or national +existence. This basis may be a peninsula, island, archipelago, an +oasis, an arid steppe, a mountain system, or a fertile lowland. The +stronger the vicinal location, the more dependent is the people upon the +neighboring states, but the more potent the influence which it can, +under certain circumstances, exert upon them. Witness Germany in +relation to Holland, France, Austria, and Poland. The stronger the +natural location, on the other hand, the more independent is the people +and the more strongly marked is the national character. This is +exemplified in the people of mountain lands like Switzerland, Abyssinia, +and Nepal; of peninsulas like Korea, Spain, and Scandinavia; and of +islands like England and Japan. Today we stand amazed at that strong +primordial brand of the Japanese character which nothing can blur or +erase. + +Clearly defined natural locations, in which barriers of mountains and +sea draw the boundaries and guarantee some degree of isolation, tend to +hold their people in a calm embrace, to guard them against outside +interference and infusion of foreign blood, and thus to make them +develop the national genius in such direction as the local geographic +conditions permit. In the unceasing movements which have made up most of +the historic and prehistoric life of the human race, in their migrations +and counter-migrations, their incursions, retreats, and expansions over +the face of the earth, vast unfenced areas, like the open lowlands of +Russia and the grasslands of Africa, present the picture of a great +thoroughfare swept by pressing throngs. Other regions, more secluded, +appear as quiet nooks, made for a temporary halt or a permanent rest. +Here some part of the passing human flow is caught as in a vessel and +held till it crystallizes into a nation. These are the conspicuous areas +of race characterization. The development of the various ethnic and +political offspring of the Roman Empire in the naturally defined areas +of Italy, the Iberian Peninsula, and France illustrates the process of +national differentiation which goes on in such secluded-locations. + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + + +1. Isolation in Anthropogeography and Biology + +A systematic treatise upon isolation as a sociological concept remains +to be written. The idea of isolation as a tool of investigation has been +fashioned with more precision in geography and in biology than in +sociology. + +Research in human geography has as its object the study of man in his +relations to the earth. Students of civilization, like Montesquieu and +Buckle, sought to explain the culture and behavior of peoples as the +direct result of the physical environment. Friedrich Ratzel with his +"thorough training as a naturalist, broad reading, and travel" and above +all, his comprehensive knowledge of ethnology, recognized the importance +of direct effects, such as cultural isolation. Jean Brunhes, by the +selection of small natural units, his so-called "islands," has made +intensive studies of isolated groups in the oases of the deserts of the +Sub and of the Mzab, and in the high mountains of the central Andes. + +Biology indicates isolation as one of the factors in the origin of the +species. Anthropology derives the great races of mankind--the Caucasian, +the Ethiopian, the Malay, the Mongolian, and the Indian--from +geographical separation following an assumed prehistoric dispersion. A +German scholar, Dr. Georg Gerland, has prepared an atlas which plots +differences in physical traits, such as skin color and hair texture, as +indicating the geographical distribution of races. + + +2. Isolation and Social Groups + +Anthropogeographical and biological investigations have proceeded upon +the assumption, implicit or explicit, that the geographic environment, +and the physical and mental traits of races and individuals, _determine_ +individual and collective behavior. What investigations in human +geography and heredity actually demonstrate is that the geographic +environment and the original nature of man _condition_ the culture and +conduct of groups and of persons. The explanations of isolation, so far +as it affects social life, which have gained currency in the writings of +anthropologists and geographers, are therefore too simple. Sociologists +are able to take into account forms of isolation not considered by the +students of the physical environment and of racial inheritance. Studies +of folkways, mores, culture, nationality, the products of a historical +or cultural process, disclose types of social contact which transcend +the barriers of geographical or racial separation, and reveal social +forms of isolation which prevent communication where there is close +geographical contact or common racial bonds. + +The literature upon isolated peoples ranges from investigations of +arrest of cultural development as, for example, the natives of +Australia, the Mountain Whites of the southern states, or the +inhabitants of Pitcairn Island to studies of hermit nations, of caste +systems as in India, or of outcast groups such as feeble-minded "tribes" +or hamlets, fraternities of criminals, and the underworld of +commercialized prostitution. Special research in dialects, in folklore, +and in provincialism shows how spatial isolation fixes differences in +speech, attitudes, folkways, and mores which, in turn, enforce isolation +even when geographic separation has disappeared. + +The most significant contribution to the study of isolation from the +sociological standpoint has undoubtedly been made by Fishberg in a work +entitled _The Jews, a Study of Race and Environment_. The author points +out that the isolation of the Jew has been the result of neither +physical environment nor of race, but of social barriers. "Judaism has +been preserved throughout the long years of Israel's dispersion by two +factors: its separative ritualism, which prevented close and intimate +contact with non-Jews, and the iron laws of the Christian theocracies of +Europe which encouraged and enforced 'isolation.'"[116] + + +3. Isolation and Personality + +Philosophers, mystics, and religious enthusiasts have invariably +stressed privacy for meditation, retirement for ecstatic communion with +God, and withdrawal from the contamination of the world. In 1784-86 +Zimmermann wrote an elaborate essay in which he dilates upon "the +question whether it is easier to live virtuously in society or in +solitude," considering in Part I "the influence of occasional retirement +upon the mind and the heart" and in Part II "the pernicious influence of +a total exclusion from society upon the mind and the heart." + +Actual research upon the effect of isolation upon personal development +has more of future promise than of present accomplishment. The +literature upon cases of feral men is practically all of the anecdotal +type with observations by persons untrained in the modern scientific +method. One case, however, "the savage of Aveyron" was studied +intensively by Itard, the French philosopher and otologist who cherished +high hopes of his mental and social development. After five years spent +in a patient and varied but futile attempt at education, he confessed +his bitter disappointment. "Since my pains are lost and efforts +fruitless, take yourself back to your forest and primitive tastes; or if +your new wants make you dependent on society, suffer the penalty of +being useless, and go to Bicetre, there to die in wretchedness." + +Only second in importance to the cases of feral men are the +investigations which have been made of the results of solitary +confinement. Morselli, in his well-known work on _Suicide_, presented +statistics showing that self-destruction was many times as frequent +among convicts under the system of absolute isolation as compared with +that of association during imprisonment. Studies of Auburn prison in New +York, of Mountjoy in England, and penal institutions on the continent +show the effects of solitary incarceration in the increase of cases of +suicides, insanity, invalidism, and death. + +Beginnings have been made in child study, psychiatry, and psychoanalysis +of the effects of different types of isolation upon personal +development. Some attention has been given to the study of effects upon +mentality and personality of physical defects such as deaf-mutism and +blindness. Students of the so-called "morally defective child," that is +the child who appears deficient in emotional and sympathetic responses, +suggest as a partial explanation the absence in infancy and early +childhood of intimate and sympathetic contacts with the mother. An +investigation not yet made but of decisive bearing upon this point will +be a comparative study of children brought up in families with those +reared in institutions. + +Psychiatry and psychoanalysis in probing mental life and personality +have related certain mental and social abnormalities to isolation from +social contact. Studies of paranoia and of egocentric personalities have +resulted in the discovery of the only or favorite child complex. The +exclusion of the boy or girl in the one-child family from the give and +take of democratic relations with brothers and sisters results, +according to the theory advanced, in a psychopathic personality of the +self-centered type. A contributing cause of homosexuality, it is said by +psychoanalysts, is the isolation during childhood from usual association +with individuals of the same sex. Research in dementia praecox discloses +a symptom and probably a cause of this mental malady to be the +withdrawal of the individual from normal social contacts and the +substitution of an imaginary for a real world of persons and events. +Dementia praecox has been related by one psychoanalyst to the "shut-in" +type of personality. + +The literature on the subject of privacy in its relation to personal +development is fragmentary but highly promising for future research. The +study of the introspective type of personality suggests that +self-analysis is the counterpart of the inhibition of immediate and +impulsive self-expression in social relations. Materials for an +understanding of the relation of retirement and privacy to the +aesthetic, moral, and creative life of the person may be found in the +lives of hermits, inventors, and religious leaders; in the studies of +seclusion, prayer, and meditation; and in research upon taboo, prestige, +and attitudes of superiority and inferiority. + + +BIBLIOGRAPHY: MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF ISOLATION + + +I. CHARACTERISTIC SENTIMENTS AND ATTITUDES OF THE ISOLATED PERSON + +(1) Zimmermann, Johann G. _Solitude._ Or the effects of occasional +retirement on the mind, the heart, general society. Translated from the +German. London, 1827. + +(2) Canat, Rene. _Une forme du mal du siecle._ Du sentiment de la +solitude morale chez les romantiques et les parnassiens. Paris, 1904. + +(3) Goltz, E. von der. _Das Gebet in der aeltesten Christenheit._ +Leipzig, 1901. + +(4) Strong, Anna L. _A Consideration of Prayer from the Standpoint of +Social Psychology._ Chicago, 1908. + +(5) Hoch, A. "On Some of the Mental Mechanisms in Dementia Praecox," +_Journal of Abnormal Psychology_, V (1910), 255-73. [A study of the +isolated person.] + +(6) Bohannon, E. W. "Only Child," _Pedagogical Seminary_, V (1897-98), +475-96. + +(7) Brill, A. A. _Psychanalysis._ Its theories and practical +application. "The Only or Favorite Child in Adult Life," pp. 253-65. 2d +rev. ed. Philadelphia and London, 1914. + +(8) Neter, Eugen. _Das einzige Kind und seine Erziehung._ Ein ernstes +Mahnwort an Eltern und Erzieher. Muenchen, 1914. + +(9) Whiteley, Opal S. _The Story of Opal._ Boston, 1920. + +(10) Delbrueck, A. _Die pathologische Luege und die psychisch abnormen +Schwindler._ Stuttgart, 1891. + +(11) Healy, Wm. _Pathological Lying._ Boston, 1915. + +(12) Dostoevsky, F. _The House of the Dead; or, Prison Life in Siberia._ +Translated from the Russian by Constance Garnett. New York, 1915. + +(13) Griffiths, Arthur. _Secrets of the Prison House, or Gaol Studies +and Sketches._ I, 262-80. London, 1894. + +(14) Kingsley, Charles. _The Hermits._ London and New York, 1871. + +(15) Baring-Gould, S. _Lives of Saints._ 16 vols. Rev. ed. Edinburgh, +1916. [See references in index to hermits.] + +(16) Solenberger, Alice W. _One Thousand Homeless Men._ A study of +original records. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1911. + + +II. TYPES OF ISOLATION AND TYPES OF SOCIAL GROUPS + +(1) Fishberg, Maurice. _The Jews._ A study of race and environment. +London and New York, 1911. + +(2) Gummere, Amelia M. _The Quaker._ A study in costume. Philadelphia, +1901. + +(3) Webster, Hutton. _Primitive Secret Societies._ A study in early +politics and religion. New York, 1908. + +(4) Heckethorn, C. W. _The Secret Societies of all Ages and Countries._ +A comprehensive account of upwards of one hundred and sixty secret +organizations--religious, political, and social--from the most remote +ages down to the present time. 2 vols. New ed., rev. and enl. London, +1897. + +(5) Fosbroke, Thomas D. _British Monachism, or Manners and Customs of +the Monks and Nuns of England._ London, 1817. + +(6) Wishart, Alfred W. _A Short History of Monks and Monasteries._ +Trenton, N.J., 1900. [Chap. i, pp. 17-70, gives an account of the monk +as a type of human nature.] + + +III. GEOGRAPHICAL ISOLATION AND CULTURAL AREAS + +(1) Ratzel, Friedrich. _Politische Geographie; oder, Die Geographie der +Staaten, des Verkehres und des Krieges._ 2d. ed. Muenchen, 1903. + +(2) Semple, Ellen. _Influences of Geographic Environment, on the Basis +of Ratzel's System of Anthropogeography._ Chap. xiii, "Island Peoples," +pp. 409-72. New York, 1911. [Bibliography.] + +(3) Brunhes, Jean. _Human Geography._ An attempt at a positive +classification, principles, and examples. 2d ed. Translated from the +French by T. C. LeCompte. Chicago, 1920. [See especially chaps. vi, vii, +and viii, pp. 415-569.] + +(4) Vallaux, Camille. _La Mer._ (Geographie Sociale.) Populations +maritimes, migrations, peches, commerce, domination de la mer, Chap. +iii, "Les isles et l'insularite." Paris, 1908. + +(5) Gerland, Georg. _Atlas der Voelkerkunde._ Gotha, 1892. [Indicates the +geographical distribution of differences in skin color, hair form, +clothing, customs, languages, etc.] + +(6) Ripley, William Z. _The Races of Europe._ A sociological study. New +York, 1899. + +(7) Campbell, John C. _The Southern Highlander and His Homeland._ New +York, Russell Sage Foundation, 1921. [Bibliography.] + +(8) Barrow, Sir John. _A Description of Pitcairn's Island and Its +Inhabitants._ With an authentic account of the mutiny of the ship +"Bounty" and of the subsequent fortunes of the mutineers. New York, +1832. + +(9) Routledge, Mrs. Scoresby. _The Mystery of Easter Island._ The story +of an expedition. Chap. xx, "Pitcairn Island." London, 1919. + +(10) Galpin, Charles J. _Rural Life._ New York, 1918. + + +IV. LANGUAGE FRONTIERS AND NATIONALITY + +(1) Dominian, Leon. _The Frontiers of Language and Nationality in +Europe._ New York, 1917. [Bibliography, pp. 348-56.] + +(2) Auerbach, Bertrand. _Les Races et les nationalites en +Autriche-Hongrie._ 2d rev. ed. Paris, 1917. + +(3) Bernhard, L. _Das polnische Gemeinwesen im preussischen Staat._ Die +Polenfrage. Leipzig, 1910. + +(4) Bourgoing, P. de. _Les guerres d'idiome et de nationalite._ +Tableaux, esquisses, et souvenirs d'histoire contemporaine. Paris, 1849. + +(5) _Cambridge Modern History_, Vol. XI, "The Growth of Nationalities." +Cambridge, 1909. + +(6) Meillet, A. "Les Langues et les Nationalites," _Scientia_, Vol. +XVIII, (Sept., 1915), pp. 192-201. + +(7) Pfister, Ch. "La limite de la langue francaise et de la langue +allemande en Alsace-Lorraine," Considerations historiques. _Bull. Soc. +Geogr. de l'Est_, Vol. XII, 1890. + +(8) This, G. "Die deutsch-franzoesische Sprachgrenze in Lothringen," +_Beitraege zur Landes- und Volkskunde von Elsass-Lothringen_, Vol. I, +Strassburg, 1887. + +(9)----. "Die deutsch-franzoesische Sprachgrenze in Elsass," _ibid._, +1888. + + +V. DIALECTS AS A FACTOR IN ISOLATION + +(1) Babbitt, Eugene H. "College Words and Phrases," _Dialect Notes_, II +(1900-1904), 3-70. + +(2)----. "The English of the Lower Classes in New York City and +Vicinity," _Dialect Notes_, Vol. I, Part ix, 1896. + +(3)----. "The Geography of the Great Languages," _World's Work_, Feb. 15 +(1907-8), 9903-7. + +(4) Churchill, William. _Beach-la-mar: the Jargon or Trade Speech of the +Western Pacific._ Washington, 1911. + +(5) Dana, Richard H., Jr. _A Dictionary of Sea Terms._ London, 1841. + +(6) Elliott, A.M. "Speech-Mixture in French Canada: English and French," +_American Journal of Philology_, X (1889), 133. + +(7) Flaten, Nils. "Notes on American-Norwegian with a Vocabulary," +_Dialect Notes_, II (1900-1904), 115-26. + +(8) Harrison, James A. "Negro-English," _Transactions and Proceedings +American Philological Association_, XVI (1885), Appendix, pp. +xxxi-xxxiii. + +(9) Hempl, George. "Language-Rivalry and Speech-Differentiation in the +Case of Race-Mixture," _Transactions and Proceedings of the American +Philological Association_. XXIX (1898), 31-47. + +(10) Knortz, Karl. _Amerikanische Redensarten und Volksgebraeuche._ +Leipzig, 1907. + +(11) Letzner, Karl. _Woerterbuch der englischen Volkssprache Australiens +und der englischen Mischsprachen._ Halle, 1891. + +(12) Pettman, Charles. _Africanderisms._ A glossary of South African +colloquial words and phrases and of place and other names. London and +New York, 1913. + +(13) Ralph, Julian. "The Language of the Tenement-Folk," _Harper's +Weekly_, XLI (Jan. 23, 1897), 90. + +(14) Skeat, Walter W. _English Dialects from the Eighth Century to the +Present Day_. Cambridge, 1911. + +(15) Yule, Henry, and Burnell, A. C. _Hobson-Jobson._ A glossary of +colloquial Anglo-Indian words and phrases, and of kindred terms, +etymological, historical, geographical, and discursive; new ed. by Wm. +Crooke, London, 1903. + + +VI. PHYSICAL DEFECT AS A FORM OF ISOLATION + +(1) Bell, Alexander G. "Memoir upon the Formation of a Deaf Variety of +the Human Race." _National Academy of Sciences, Memoirs_, II, 177-262. +Washington, D.C., 1884. + +(2) Fay, Edward A. _Marriages of the Deaf in America._ An inquiry +concerning the results of marriages of the deaf in America. Washington, +D.C., 1893. + +(3) Desagher, Maurice. "La timidite chez les aveugles," _Revue +philosophique_, LXXVI (1913), 269-74. + +(4) Best, Harry. _The Deaf._ Their position in society and the provision +for their education in the United States. New York, 1914. + +(5) ----. _The Blind._ Their condition and the work being done for them +in the United States. New York, 1919. + + +VII. FERAL MEN + +(1) Rauber, August. _Homo Sapiens Ferus_; oder, Die Zustaende der +Verwilderten und ihre Bedeutung fuer Wissenschaft, Politik, und Schule. +Leipzig, 1885. + +(2) Seguin, Edward. _Idiocy and Its Treatment by the Physiological +Method._ Pp. 14-23. New York, 1866. + +(3) Bonnaterre, J. P. _Notice historique sur le sauvage de l'Aveyron, et +sur quelques autres individus qu'on a trouves dans les forets a +differentes epoques._ Paris, 1800. + +(4) Itard, Jean E. M. G. _De l'education d'un homme sauvage, et des +premiers developpemens physiques et moraux du jeune sauvage de +l'Aveyron._ Pp. 45-46. Paris, 1801. + +(5) Feuerbach, Paul J. A. von. _Caspar Hauser._ An account of an +individual kept in a dungeon from early childhood, to about the age of +seventeen. Translated from the German by H. G. Linberg. London, 1834. + +(6) Stanhope, Philip Henry [4th Earl]. _Tracts relating to Caspar +Hauser._ Translated from the original German. London, 1836. + +(7) Lang, Andrew. _Historical Mysteries._ London, 1904. + +(8) Tredgold, A. F. _Mental Deficiency._ "Isolation Amentia," pp. +297-305. 3d rev. ed. New York, 1920. + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. Isolation as a Condition of Originality. + +2. The Relation of Social Contact and of Isolation to Historic +Inventions and Discoveries, as the Law of Gravitation, Mendelian +Inheritance, the Electric Light, etc. + +3. Isolated Types: the Hermit, the Mystic, the Prophet, the Stranger, +and the Saint. + +4. Isolation, Segregation, and the Physically Defective: as the Blind, +the Deaf-Mute, the Physically Handicapped. + +5. Isolated Areas and Cultural Retardation: the Southern Mountaineer, +Pitcairn Islanders, the Australian Aborigines. + +6. "Moral" Areas, Isolation, and Segregation: City Slums, Vice +Districts, "Breeding-places of Crime." + +7. The Controlled versus the Natural process of Segregation of the +Feeble-minded. + +8. Isolation and Insanity. + +9. Privacy in the Home. + +10. Isolation and Prestige. + +11. Isolation as a Defence against the Invasion of Personality. + +12. Nationalism as a Form of Isolation. + +13. Biological and Social Immunity: or Biological Immunity from +Infection, Personal or Group Immunity against Social Contagion. + +14. The Only Child. + +15. The Pathological Liar Considered from the Point of View of +Isolation. + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. Is the distinction between isolation and social contact relative or +absolute? + +2. What illustrations of the various forms of isolation, spatial, +structural, habitudinal, and psychical, occur to you? + +3. By what process does isolation cause racial differentiation? + +4. What is the relation of endogamy and exogamy (a) to isolation, and +(b) to the establishment of a successful stock or race? + +5. In what ways do the Jews and the Americans as racial types illustrate +the effects of isolation and of contact? + +6. What do you understand to be Bacon's definition of solitude? + +7. What is the point in the saying "A great town is a great solitude"? + +8. What is the sociology of the creation by a solitary person of +imaginary companions? + +9. Under what conditions does an individual prefer solitude to society? +Give illustrations. + +10. What are the devices used in prayer to secure isolation? + +11. "Prayer has value in that it develops the essentially social form of +personal self-realization." Explain. + +12. What are the interrelations of social contact and of privacy in the +development of the ideal self? + +13. What do you understand by the relation of erudition to originality? + +14. In what ways does isolation (a) promote, (b) impede, +originality? What other factors beside isolation are involved in +originality? + +15. What is the value of privacy? + +16. What was the value of the monasteries? + +17. What conclusions do you derive from the study of the cases of feral +men? Do these cases bear out the theory of Aristotle in regard to the +effect of isolation upon the individual? + +18. What is the significance of Helen Keller's account of how she broke +through the barriers of isolation? + +19. What were the mental effects of solitude described by Hudson? How do +you explain the difference between the descriptions of the effect of +solitude in the accounts given by Rousseau and by Hudson? + +20. How does Galpin explain the relation of isolation to the development +of the "rural mind"? + +21. What are the effects of isolation upon the young man or young woman +reared in the country? + +22. Was Lincoln the product of isolation or of social contact? + +23. To what extent are rural problems the result of isolation? + +24. What do you understand by Thomas' statement, "The savage, the Negro, +the peasant, the slum dwellers, and the white woman are notable +sufferers by exclusion"? + +25. What other of the subtler forms of isolation occur to you? + +26. Is isolation to be regarded as always a disadvantage? + +27. What do you understand by segregation as a process? + +28. Give illustrations of groups other than those mentioned which have +become segregated as a result of isolation. + +29. How would you describe the process by which isolation leads to the +segregation of the feeble-minded? + +30. Why does a segregated group, like the feeble-minded, become an +isolated group? + +31. What are other illustrations of isolation resulting from +segregation? + +32. How would you compare Europe with the other continents with +reference to number and distribution of isolated areas? + +33. What do you understand to be the nature of the influence of the +cradle land upon "the historical race"? + +34. What illustrations from the Great War would you give of the effects +(a) of central location; (b) of peripheral location? + +35. How do you explain the contrast between the characteristics of the +inhabitants of the Grecian inland and maritime cities? + +36. To what extent may (a) the rise of the Greek city state, (b) +Grecian intellectual development, and (c) the history of Greece, be +interpreted in terms of geographic isolation? + +37. To what extent can you explain the cultural retardation of Africa, +as compared with European progress, by isolation? + +38. Does race or isolation explain more adequately the following +cultural differences for the several areas of France--divorce, intensity +of suicide, distribution of awards, relative frequency of men of +letters? + +39. What is the relation of village and city emigration and immigration +to isolation? + +40. What is the difference between a natural and a vicinal location? + +41. In what ways does isolation affect national development? + +42. What is the relation of geographical position in area to +literature? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[94] J. Arthur Thomson, _Heredity_, pp. 536-37. (G. P. Putnam's Sons, +1908.) + +[95] From Francis Bacon, _Essays_, "Of Friendship." + +[96] Adapted from Jean Jacques Rousseau, _Letter to the President de +Malesherbes, 1762_. + +[97] Adapted from George Albert Coe, _The Psychology of Religion_, pp. +311-18. (The University of Chicago Press, 1917.) + +[98] From T. Sharper Knowlson, _Originality_, pp. 173-75. (T. Werner +Laurie, 1918.) + +[99] From Maurice H. Small, "On Some Psychical Relations of Society and +Solitude," in the _Pedagogical Seminary_, VII, No. 2 (1900), 32-36. + +[100] _Anthropological Review_, I (London, 1863), 21 ff. + +[101] _All the Year_, XVIII, 302 ff. + +[102] _Chambers' Journal_, LIX, 579 ff. + +[103] _The Penny Magazine_, II, 113. + +[104] Wagner, _Beitragen zur philosophischen Anthropologie_; Rauber, pp. +49-55. + +[105] "Histoire d'une jeune fille sauvage trouvee dans les bois a l'age +de dix ans," _Magazin der Natur, Kunst, und Wissenschaft_, Leipzig, +1756, pp. 219-72; _Mercure de France_, December, 1731; Rudolphi, +_Grundriss der Physiologie_, I, 25; Blumenbach, _Beitraege zur +Naturgeschichte_, II, 38. + +[106] Adapted from Helen Keller, _The Story of My Life_, pp. 22-24. +(Doubleday, Page & Co., 1917.) + +[107] Adapted from W. H. Hudson, "The Plains of Patagonia," _Universal +Review_, VII (1890), 551-57. + +[108] Adapted from C. J. Galpin, _Rural Social Centers in Wisconsin_, +pp. 1-3. (Wisconsin Experiment Station, Bulletin 234, 1913.) + +[109] Adapted from W. I. Thomas, "Race Psychology," in the _American +Journal of Sociology_, XVII (1911-12), 744-47. + +[110] Adapted from Robert E. Park, "The City: Suggestions for the +Investigation of Behavior in the City Environment," in the _American +Journal of Sociology_, XX (1915), 579-83. + +[111] Adapted from L. W. Crafts and E. A. Doll, "The Proportion of +Mental Defectives among Juvenile Delinquents," in the _Journal of +Delinquency_, II (1917), 123-37. + +[112] Adapted from N. S. Shaler, _Nature and Man in America_, pp. +151-66. (Charles Scribner's Sons, 1900.) + +[113] Adapted from George Grote, _History of Greece_, II, 149-57. (John +Murray, 1888.) + +[114] From William Z. Ripley, _The Races of Europe_, pp. 515-30. (D. +Appleton & Co., 1899.) + +[115] Adapted from Ellen C. Semple, _Influences of Geographic +Environment_, pp. 132-33. (Henry Holt & Co., 1911.) + +[116] Fishberg, _op. cit._, p. 555. + + + + +CHAPTER V + +SOCIAL CONTACTS + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. Preliminary Notions of Social Contact + +The fundamental social process is that of interaction. This interaction +is (a) of persons with persons, and (b) of groups with groups. The +simplest aspect of interaction, or its primary phase, is contact. +Contact may be considered as the initial stage of interaction, and +preparatory to the later stages. The phenomena of social contact require +analysis before proceeding to the more difficult study of the mechanism +of social interaction. + +"With whom am I in contact?" Common sense has in stock ready answers to +this question. + +There is, first of all, the immediate circle of contact through the +senses. Touch is the most intimate kind of contact. Face-to-face +relations include, in addition to touch, visual and auditory sensations. +Speech and hearing by their very nature establish a bond of contact +between persons. + +Even in common usage, the expression "social contact" is employed beyond +the limits fixed by the immediate responses of touch, sight, and +hearing. Its area has expanded to include connection through all the +forms of communication, i.e., language, letters, and the printed page; +connection through the medium of the telephone, telegraph, radio, moving +picture, etc. The evolution of the devices for communication has taken +place in the fields of two senses alone, those of hearing and seeing. +Touch remains limited to the field of primary association. But the +newspaper with its elaborate mechanism of communication gives publicity +to events in London, Moscow, and Tokio, and the motion picture unreels +to our gaze scenes from distant lands and foreign peoples with all the +illusion of reality. + +The frontiers of social contact are farther extended to the widest +horizons, by commerce. The economists, for example, include in their +conception of society the intricate and complex maze of relations +created by the competition and co-operation of individuals and societies +within the limits of a world-wide economy. This inclusion of unconscious +as well as conscious reciprocal influences in the concept of social +relations brings into "contact" the members of a village missionary +society with the savages of the equatorial regions of Africa; or the +pale-faced drug addict, with the dark-skinned Hindu laborers upon the +opium fields of Benares; or the man gulping down coffee at the breakfast +table, with the Java planter; the crew of the Pacific freighter and its +cargo of spices with the American wholesaler and retailer in food +products. In short, everyone is in a real, though concealed and devious, +way in contact with every other person in the world. Contacts of this +type, remote from the familiar experiences of everyday life, have +reality to the intellectual and the mystic and are appreciated by the +masses only when co-operation breaks down, or competition becomes +conscious and passes into conflict. + +These three popular meanings of contacts emphasize (1) the intimacy of +sensory responses, (2) the extension of contact through devices of +communication based upon sight and hearing, and (3) the solidarity and +interdependence created and maintained by the fabric of social life, +woven as it is from the intricate and invisible strands of human +interests in the process of a world-wide competition and co-operation. + + +2. The Sociological Concept of Contact + +The use of the term "contact" in sociology is not a departure from, but +a development of, its customary significance. In the preceding chapter +the point was made that the distinction between isolation and contact is +not absolute but relative. Members of a society spatially separate, but +socially in contact through sense perception and through communication +of ideas, may be thereby mobilized to collective behavior. Sociological +interest in this situation lies in the fact that the various kinds of +social contacts between persons and groups determine behavior. The +student of problems of American society, for example, realizes the +necessity of understanding the mutual reactions involved in the contacts +of the foreign and the native-born, of the white and the negro, and of +employers and employees. In other words, contact, as the first stage of +social interaction, conditions and controls the later stages of the +process. + +It is convenient, for certain purposes, to conceive of contact in terms +of space. The contacts of persons and of groups may then be plotted in +units of _social distance_. This permits graphic representation of +relations of sequence and of coexistence in terms both of units of +separation and of contact. This spatial conception may now be applied to +the explanation of the readings in social contacts. + + +3. Classification of the Materials + +In sociological literature there have grown up certain distinctions +between types of social contacts. Physical contacts are distinguished +from social contacts; relations within the "in-group" are perceived to +be different from relations with the "out-group"; contacts of historical +continuity are compared with contacts of mobility; primary contacts are +set off from secondary contacts. How far and with what advantage may +these distinctions be stated in spatial terms? + +a) _Land as a basis for social contacts._--The position of persons and +peoples on the earth gives us a literal picture of the spatial +conception of social contact. The cluster of homes in the Italian +agricultural community suggests the difference in social life in +comparison with the isolated homesteads of rural America. A gigantic +spot map of the United States upon which every family would be indicated +by a dot would represent schematically certain different conditions +influencing group behavior in arid areas, the open country, hamlets, +villages, towns, and cities. The movements of persons charted with +detail sufficient to bring out variations in the daily, weekly, monthly, +and yearly routine, would undoubtedly reveal interesting identities and +differences in the intimacy and intensity of social contacts. It would +be possible and profitable to classify people with reference to the +routine of their daily lives. + +b) _Touch as the physiological basis of social contact._--According to +the spatial conception the closest contacts possible are those of touch. +The physical proximity involved in tactile sensations is, however, but +the symbol of the intensity of the reactions to contact. Desire and +aversion for contacts, as Crawley shows in his selection, arise in the +most intimate relations of human life. Love and hate, longing and +disgust, sympathy and hostility increase in intensity with intimacy of +association. It is a current sociological fallacy that closeness of +contact results only in the growth of good will. The fact is, that with +increasing contact either attraction or repulsion may be the outcome, +depending upon the situation and upon factors not yet fully analyzed. +Peculiar conditions of contact, as its prolonged duration, its frequent +repetition, just as in the case of isolation from normal association, +may lead to the inversion of the original impulses and sentiments of +affection and antipathy.[117] + +c) _Contacts with the "in-group" and with the "out-group."_--The +conception of the we-group in terms of distance is that of a group in +which the solidarity of units is so complete that the movements and +sentiments of all are completely regulated with reference to their +interests and behavior as a group. This control by the in-group over its +members makes for solidity and impenetrability in its relations with the +out-group. Sumner in his _Folkways_ indicates how internal sympathetic +contacts and group egotism result in double standards of behavior: +good-will and co-operation within the members of the in-group, hostility +and suspicion toward the out-group and its members. The essential point +is perhaps best brought out by Shaler in his distinction between +sympathetic and categoric contacts. He describes the transition from +contacts of the out-group to those of the in-group, or from remote to +intimate relations. From a distance, a person has the characteristics of +his group, upon close acquaintance he reveals his individuality. + +d) _Historical continuity and mobility._--Historical continuity, which +maintains the identity of the present with the past, implies the +existence of a body of tradition which is transmitted from the older to +the younger generations. Through the medium of tradition, including in +that term all the learning, science, literature, and practical arts, not +to speak of the great body of oral tradition which is after all a larger +part of life than we imagine, the historical and cultural life is +maintained. This is the meaning of the long period of childhood in man +during which the younger generation is living under the care and +protection of the older. When, for any reason, this contact of the +younger with the older generation is interrupted--as is true in the case +of immigrants--a very definite cultural deterioration frequently ensues. + +Contacts of mobility are those of a changing present, and measure the +number and variety of the stimulations which the social life and +movements--the discovery of the hour, the book of the moment, the +passing fads and fashions--afford. Contacts of mobility give us novelty +and news. It is through contacts of this sort that change takes place. + +Mobility, accordingly, measures not merely the social contacts that one +gains from travel and exploration, but the stimulation and suggestions +that come to us through the medium of communication, by which sentiments +and ideas are put in social circulation. Through the newspaper, the +common man of today participates in the social movements of his time. +His illiterate forbear of yesterday, on the other hand, lived unmoved by +the current of world-events outside his hamlet. The _tempo_ of modern +societies may be measured comparatively by the relative perfection of +devices of communication and the rapidity of the circulation of +sentiments, opinions, and facts. Indeed, the efficiency of any society +or of any group is to be measured not alone in terms of numbers or of +material resources, but also in terms of mobility and access through +communication and publicity to the common fund of tradition and culture. + +e) _Primary and secondary contacts._--Primary contacts are those of +"intimate face-to-face association"; secondary contacts are those of +externality and greater distance. A study of primary association +indicates that this sphere of contact falls into two areas: one of +intimacy and the other of acquaintance. In the diagram which follows, +the field of primary contacts has been subdivided so that it includes +(x) a circle of greater intimacy, (y) a wider circle of +acquaintanceship. The completed chart would appear as shown on page 285. + +Primary contacts of the greatest intimacy are (a) those represented by +the affections that ordinarily spring up within the family, particularly +between parents and children, husband and wife; and (b) those of +fellowship and affection outside the family as between lovers, bosom +friends, and boon companions. These relations are all manifestations of +a craving for response. These personal relationships are the nursery for +the development of human nature and personality. John Watson, who +studied several hundred new-born infants in the psychological +laboratory, concludes that "the first few years are the all-important +ones, for shaping the emotional life of the child."[118] The primary +virtues and ideals of which Cooley writes so sympathetically are, for +the most part, projections from family life. Certainly in these most +intimate relations of life in the contacts of the family circle, in the +closest friendships, personality is most severely tried, realizes its +most characteristic expressions, or is most completely disorganized. + +[Illustration: FIG. 3 + +A, primary contacts; x, greater intimacy; y, acquaintanceship; +B, secondary contacts] + +Just as the life of the family represents the contacts of touch and +response, the neighborhood or the village is the natural area of primary +contacts and the city the social environment of secondary contacts. In +primary association individuals are in contact with each other at +practically all points of their lives. In the village "everyone knows +everything about everyone else." Canons of conduct are absolute, social +control is omnipotent, the status of the family and the individual is +fixed. In secondary association individuals are in contact with each +other at only one or two points in their lives. In the city, the +individual becomes anonymous; at best he is generally known in only one +or two aspects of his life. Standards of behavior are relative; the old +primary controls have disappeared; the new secondary instruments of +discipline, necessarily formal, are for the most part crude and +inefficient; the standing of the family and of the individual is +uncertain and subject to abrupt changes upward or downward in the social +scale. + +Simmel has made a brilliant contribution in his analysis of the +sociological significance of "the stranger." "The stranger" in the +sociological sense is the individual who unites in his social relations +primary and secondary contacts. Simmel himself employs the conception of +social distance in his statement of the stranger as the combination of +the near and the far. It is interesting and significant to determine the +different types of the union of intimacy and externality in the +relations of teacher and student, physician and patient, minister and +layman, lawyer and client, social worker and applicant for relief. + +A complete analysis of the bearing upon personal and cultural life of +changes from a society based upon contacts of continuity and of primary +relations to a society of increasing mobility organized around secondary +contacts cannot be given here. Certain of the most obvious contrasts of +the transition may, however, be stated. Increasing mobility of persons +in society almost inevitably leads to change and therefore to loss of +continuity. In primary groups, where social life moves slowly, there is +a greater sense of continuity than in secondary groups where it moves +rapidly. + +There is a further contrast if not conflict between direct and intimate +contacts and contacts based upon communication of ideas. All sense of +values, as Windelband has pointed out,[119] rests upon concrete +experience, that is to say upon sense contacts. Society, to the extent +that it is organized about secondary contacts, is based upon +abstractions, upon science and technique. Secondary contacts of this +type have only secondary values because they represent means rather than +ends. Just as all behavior arises in sense impressions it must also +terminate in sense impressions to realize its ends and attain its +values. The effect of life in a society based on secondary contacts is +to build up between the impulse and its end a world of means, to project +values into the future, and to direct life toward the realization of +distant hopes. + +The ultimate effect upon the individual as he becomes accommodated to +secondary society is to find a substitute expression for his primary +response in the artificial physical environment of the city. The +detachment of the person from intimate, direct, and spontaneous contacts +with social reality is in large measure responsible for the intricate +maze of problems of urban life. + +The change from concrete and personal to abstract and impersonal +relations in economic and social life began with the Industrial +Revolution. The machine is the symbol of the monotonous routine of +impersonal, unskilled, large-scale production just as the hand tool is +the token of the interesting activity of personal, skilled, handicraft +work. The so-called "instinct of workmanship" no longer finds expression +in the anonymous standardized production of modern industry.[120] + +It is not in industry alone that the natural impulses of the person for +response, recognition, and self-expression are balked. In social work, +politics, religion, art, and sport the individual is represented now by +proxies where formerly he participated in person. All the forms of +communal activity in which all persons formerly shared have been taken +over by professionals. The great mass of men in most of the social +activities of modern life are no longer actors, but spectators. The +average man of the present time has been relegated by the influence of +the professional politician to the role of taxpayer. In social work +organized charity has come between the giver and the needy. + +In these and other manifold ways the artificial conditions of city life +have deprived the person of most of the natural outlets for the +expression of his interests and his energies. To this fact is to be +attributed in large part the restlessness, the thirst for novelty and +excitement so characteristic of modern life. This emotional unrest has +been capitalized by the newspapers, commercialized recreations, fashion, +and agitation in their appeal to the sensations, the emotions, and the +instincts loosened from the satisfying fixations of primary-group life. +The _raison d'etre_ of social work, as well as the fundamental problem +of all social institutions in city life must be understood in its +relation to this background. + + +II. MATERIALS + +A. PHYSICAL CONTACT AND SOCIAL CONTACT + + +1. The Frontiers of Social Contact[121] + +Sociology deals especially with the phenomena of _contact_. The +reactions which result from voluntary or involuntary contact of human +beings with other human beings are the phenomena peculiarly "social," as +distinguished from the phenomena that belong properly to biology and +psychology. + +In the first place, we want to indicate, not the essence of the social, +but the location, the sphere, the extent, of the social. If we can agree +where it is, we may then proceed to discover what it is. The social, +then, is the term next beyond the individual. Assuming, for the sake of +analysis, that our optical illusion, "the individual," is an isolated +and self-sufficient fact, there are many sorts of scientific problems +that do not need to go beyond this fact to satisfy their particular +terms. Whether the individual can ever be abstracted from his conditions +and remain himself is not a question that we need here discuss. At all +events, the individual known to our experience is not isolated. He is +connected in various ways with one or more individuals. The different +ways in which individuals are connected with each other are indicated by +the inclusive term "contact." Starting, then, from the individual, to +measure him in all his dimensions and to represent him in all his +phases, we find that each person is what he is by virtue of the +existence of other persons, and by virtue of an alternating current of +influence between each person and all the other persons previously or at +the same time in existence. The last native of Central Africa around +whom we throw the dragnet of civilization, and whom we inoculate with a +desire for whiskey, adds an increment to the demand for our distillery +products, and affects the internal revenue of the United States, and so +the life-conditions of every member of our population. This is what we +mean by "contact." So long as that African tribe is unknown to the +outside world, and the world to it, so far as the European world is +concerned, the tribe might as well not exist. The moment the tribe comes +within touch of the rest of the world, the aggregate of the world's +contacts is by so much enlarged; the social world is by so much +extended. In other words, the realm of the social is the realm of +circuits of reciprocal influence between individuals and the groups +which individuals compose. The general term "contact" is proposed to +stand for this realm, because it is a colorless word that may mark +boundaries without prejudging contents. Wherever there is physical or +spiritual contact between persons, there is inevitably a circuit of +exchange of influence. The realm of the social is the realm constituted +by such exchange. It extends from the producing of the baby by the +mother, and the simultaneous producing of the mother by the baby, to the +producing of merchant and soldier by the world-powers, and the producing +of the world-powers by merchant and soldier. + +The most general and inclusive way in which to designate all the +phenomena that sociology proper considers, without importing into the +term premature hypotheses by way of explanation, is to assert that they +are the phenomena of "contact" between persons. + +In accordance with what was said about the division of labor between +psychology and sociology, it seems best to leave to the psychologist all +that goes on inside the individual and to say that the work of the +sociologist begins with the things that take place between individuals. +This principle of division is not one that can be maintained absolutely, +any more than we can hold absolutely to any other abstract +classification of real actions. It serves, however, certain rough uses. +Our work as students of society begins in earnest when the individual +has become equipped with his individuality. This stage of human growth +is both cause and effect of the life of human beings side by side in +greater or lesser numbers. Under those circumstances individuals are +produced; they act as individuals; by their action as individuals they +produce a certain type of society; that type reacts on the individuals +and helps to transform them into different types of individuals, who in +turn produce a modified type of society; and so the rhythm goes on +forever. Now the medium through which all this occurs is the fact of +contacts, either physical or spiritual. In either case, contacts are +collisions of interests in the individuals. + + +2. The Land and the People[122] + +Every clan, tribe, state, or nation includes two ideas, a people and its +land, the first unthinkable without the other. History, sociology, +ethnology, touch only the inhabited areas of the earth. These areas gain +their final significance because of the people who occupy them; their +local conditions of climate, soil, natural resources, physical features, +and geographic situation are important primarily as factors in the +development of actual or possible inhabitants. A land is fully +comprehended only when studied in the light of its influence upon its +people, and a people cannot be understood apart from the field of its +activities. More than this, human activities are fully intelligible only +in relation to the various geographic conditions which have stimulated +them in different parts of the world. The principles of the evolution of +navigation, of agriculture, of trade, as also the theory of population, +can never reach their correct and final statement, unless the data for +the conclusions are drawn from every part of the world and each fact +interpreted in the light of the local conditions whence it sprang. +Therefore anthropology, sociology, and history should be permeated by +geography. + +Most systems of sociology treat man as if he were in some way detached +from the earth's surface; they ignore the land basis of society. The +anthropogeographer recognizes the various social forces, economic and +psychologic, which sociologists regard as the cement of societies; but +he has something to add. He sees in the land occupied by a primitive +tribe or a highly organized state the underlying material bond holding +society together, the ultimate basis of their fundamental social +activities, which are therefore derivatives from the land. He sees the +common territory exercising an integrating force--weak in primitive +communities where the group has established only a few slight and +temporary relations with its soil, so that this low social complex +breaks up readily like its organic counterpart, the low animal organism +found in an amoeba; he sees it growing stronger with every advance in +civilization involving more complex relations to the land--with settled +habitations, with increased density of population, with a discriminating +and highly differentiated use of the soil, with the exploitation of +mineral resources, and, finally, with that far-reaching exchange of +commodities and ideas which means the establishment of varied +extra-territorial relations. Finally, the modern society or state has +grown into every foot of its own soil, exploited its every geographic +advantage, utilized its geographic location to enrich itself by +international trade, and, when possible, to absorb outlying territories +by means of colonies. The broader this geographic base, the richer, more +varied, its resources, and the more favorable its climate to their +exploitation, the more numerous and complex are the connections which +the members of a social group can establish with it, and through it with +each other; or, in other words, the greater may be its ultimate +historical significance. + + +3. Touch and Social Contact[123] + +General ideas concerning human relations are the medium through which +sexual taboo works, and these must now be examined. If we compare the +facts of social taboo generally, or of its subdivision, sexual taboo, we +find that the ultimate test of human relations, in both _genus_ and +_species_, is _contact_. An investigation of primitive ideas concerning +the relations of man with man, when guided by this clue, will lay bare +the principles which underlie the theory and practice of sexual taboo. +Arising, as we have seen, from sexual differentiation, and forced into +permanence by difference of occupation and sexual solidarity, this +segregation receives the continuous support of religious conceptions as +to human relations. These conceptions center upon contact, and ideas of +contact are at the root of all conceptions of human relations at any +stage of culture; contact is the one universal test, as it is the most +elementary form, of mutual relations. Psychology bears this out, and the +point is psychological rather than ethnological. + +As I have pointed out before and shall have occasion to do so again, a +comparative examination, assisted by psychology, of the emotions and +ideas of average modern humanity is a most valuable aid to ethnological +inquiry. In this connection, we find that desire or willingness for +physical contact is an animal emotion, more or less subconscious, which +is characteristic of similarity, harmony, friendship, or love. +Throughout the world, the greeting of a friend is expressed by contact, +whether it be nose-rubbing, or the kiss, the embrace, or the clasp of +hands; so the ordinary expression of friendship by a boy, that eternal +savage, is contact of arm and shoulder. More interesting still for our +purpose is the universal expression by contact of the emotion of love. +To touch his mistress is the ever-present desire of the lover, and in +this impulse, even if we do not trace it back, as we may without being +fanciful, to polar or sexual attraction inherent in the atoms, the +[Greek: philia] of Empedocles, yet we may place the beginning and ending +of love. When analyzed, the emotion always comes back to contact. + +Further, mere willingness for contact is found universally when the +person to be touched is healthy, if not clean, or where he is of the +same age or class or caste, and, we may add, for ordinary humanity the +same sex. + +On the other hand, the avoidance of contact, whether consciously or +subconsciously presented, is no less the universal characteristic of +human relations where similarity, harmony, friendship, or love is +absent. This appears in the attitude of men to the sick, to strangers, +distant acquaintances, enemies, and in cases of difference of age, +position, sympathies or aims, and even of sex. Popular language is full +of phrases which illustrate this feeling. + +Again, the pathology of the emotions supplies many curious cases where +the whole being seems concentrated upon the sense of touch, with +abnormal desire or disgust for contact; and in the evolution of the +emotions from physiological pleasure and pain, contact plays an +important part in connection with functional satisfaction or +dissatisfaction with the environment. + +In the next place, there are the facts, first, that an element of +thought inheres in all sensation, while sensation conditions thought; +and secondly, that there is a close connection of all the senses, both +in origin--each of them being a modification of the one primary sense of +touch--and in subsequent development, where the specialized organs are +still co-ordinated through tactile sensation, in the sensitive surface +of organism. Again, and here we see the genesis of ideas of contact, it +is by means of the tactile sensibility of the skin and membranes of +sense-organs, forming a sensitized as well as a protecting surface, that +the nervous system conveys to the brain information about the external +world, and this information is in its original aspect the response to +impact. Primitive physics, no less than modern, recognizes that contact +is a modified form of a blow. These considerations show that contact not +only plays an important part in the life of the soul but must have had a +profound influence on the development of ideas, and it may now be +assumed that ideas of contact have been a universal and original +constant factor in human relations and that they are so still. The +latter assumption is to be stressed, because we find that the ideas +which lie beneath primitive taboo are still a vital part of human +nature, though mostly emptied of their religious content; and also +because, as I hold, ceremonies and etiquette, such as still obtain, +could not possess such vitality as they do unless there were a living +psychological force behind them, such as we find in elementary ideas +which come straight from functional processes. + +These ideas of contact are _primitive_ in each sense of the word, at +whatever stage of culture they appear. They seem to go back in origin +and in character to that highly developed sensibility of all animal and +even organized life, which forms at once a biological monitor and a +safeguard for the whole organism in relation to its environment. From +this sensibility there arise subjective ideas concerning the safety or +danger of the environment, and in man we may suppose these subjective +ideas as to his environment, and especially as to his fellow-men, to be +the origin of his various expressions of avoidance or desire for +contact. + +Lastly, it is to be observed that avoidance of contact is the most +conspicuous phenomenon attaching to cases of taboo when its dangerous +character is prominent. In taboo the connotation of "not to be touched" +is the salient point all over the world, even in cases of permanent +taboo such as belongs to Samoan and Maori chiefs, with whom no one dared +come in contact; and so we may infer the same aversion to be potential +in all such relations. + + +B. SOCIAL CONTACT IN RELATION TO SOLIDARITY AND TO MOBILITY + + +1. The In-Group and the Out-Group[124] + +The conception of "primitive society" which we ought to form is that of +small groups scattered over a territory. The size of the groups is +determined by the conditions of the struggle for existence. The internal +organization of each group corresponds to its size. A group of groups +may have some relation to each other (kin, neighborhood, alliance, +connubium, and commercium) which draws them together and differentiates +them from others. Thus a differentiation arises between ourselves, the +we-group, or in-group, and everybody else, or the others-groups, +out-groups. The insiders in a we-group are in a relation of peace, +order, law, government, and industry, to each other. Their relation to +all outsiders, or others-groups, is one of war and plunder, except so +far as agreements have modified it. If a group is exogamic, the women in +it were born abroad somewhere. Other foreigners who might be found in it +are adopted persons, guest-friends, and slaves. + +The relation of comradeship and peace in the we-group and that of +hostility and war toward others-groups are correlative to each other. +The exigencies of war with outsiders are what make peace inside, lest +internal discord should weaken the we-group for war. These exigencies +also make government and law in the in-group, in order to prevent +quarrels and enforce discipline. Thus war and peace have reacted on each +other and developed each other, one within the group, the other in the +intergroup relation. The closer the neighbors, and the stronger they +are, the intenser is the warfare, and then the intenser is the internal +organization and discipline of each. Sentiments are produced to +correspond. Loyalty to the group, sacrifice for it, hatred and contempt +for outsiders, brotherhood within, warlikeness without--all grow +together, common products of the same situation. + +Ethnocentrism is the technical name for this view of things in which +one's own group is the center of everything and all others are scaled +and rated with reference to it. Folkways correspond to it to cover both +the inner and the outer relation. Each group nourishes its own pride and +vanity, boasts itself superior, exalts its own divinities, and looks +with contempt on outsiders. Each group thinks its own folkways the only +right ones, and if it observes that other groups have other folkways, +these excite its scorn. Opprobrious epithets are derived from these +differences. "Pig-eater," "cow-eater," "uncircumcised," "jabberers," are +epithets of contempt and abomination. + + +2. Sympathetic Contacts versus Categoric Contacts[125] + +Let us now consider what takes place when two men, mere strangers to one +another, come together. The motive of classification, which I have +considered in another chapter, leads each of them at once to recognize +the approaching object first as living, then as human. The shape and +dress carry the categorizing process yet farther, so that they are +placed in groups, as of this or that tribe or social class, and as these +determinations are made they arouse the appropriate sympathies or +hatreds such as by experience have become associated with the several +categories. Be it observed that these judgments are spontaneous, +instinctive, and unnoticed. They are made so by immemorial education in +the art of contact which man has inherited from the life of the +ancestral beasts and men; they have most likely been in some measure +affirmed by selection, for these determinations as to the nature of the +neighbor were in the lower stages of existence in brute and man of +critical importance, the creatures lived or died according as they +determined well or ill, swiftly or slowly. If we observe what takes +place in our own minds at such meetings we will see that the action in +its immediateness is like that of the eyelids when the eye is +threatened. As we say, it is done before we know it. + +With this view as to the conditions of human contact, particularly of +what occurs when men first meet one another, let us glance at what takes +place in near intercourse. We have seen that at the beginning of any +acquaintance the fellow-being is inevitably dealt with in the categoric +way. He is taken as a member of a group, which group is denoted to us by +a few convenient signs; as our acquaintance with a particular person +advances, this category tends to become qualified. Its bounds are pushed +this way and that until they break down. It is to be noted in this +process that the category fights for itself, or we for it, so that the +result of the battle between the immediate truth and the prejudice is +always doubtful. It is here that knowledge, especially that gained by +individual experience, is most helpful. The uninformed man, who begins +to find, on the nearer view of an Israelite, that the fellow is like +himself, holds by his category in the primitive way. The creature _is_ a +Jew, therefore the evidence of kinship must not count. He who is better +informed is, or should be, accustomed to amend his categories. He may, +indeed, remember that he is dealing with a neighbor of the race which +gave us not only Christ, but all the accepted prophets who have shaped +our own course, and his understanding helps to cast down the barriers of +instinctive prejudice. + +At the stage of advancing acquaintance where friendship is attained, the +category begins to disappear from our minds. We may, indeed, measure the +advance in this relation by the extent to which it has been broken down. +Looking attentively at our mental situation as regards those whom we +know pretty well, we see that most of them are still, though rather +faintly, classified into groups. While a few of the nearer stand forth +by themselves, all of the nearest to our hearts are absolutely +individualized, so that our judgments of them are made on the basis of +our own motives and what we of ourselves discern. We may use categoric +terms concerning our lovers, spouses, or children, but they have no real +meaning; these persons are to us purely individual, all trace of the +inclusive category has disappeared; they are, in the full sense of the +word, our neighbors, being so near that when we look upon them we see +nothing else, not even ourselves. + +Summing up these considerations concerning human contact, it may be said +that the world works by a system of individualities rising in scale as +we advance from the inorganic through the organic series until we find +the summit in man. The condition of all these individuals is that of +isolation; each is necessarily parted from all the others in the realm, +each receiving influences, and, in turn, sending forth its peculiar tide +of influences to those of its own and other kinds. This isolation in the +case of man is singularly great for the reason that he is the only +creature we know in the realm who is so far endowed with consciousness +that he can appreciate his position and know the measure of his +solitude. In the case of all individuals the discernible is only a small +part of what exists. In man the measure of this presentation is, even to +himself, very small, and that which he can readily make evident to his +neighbor is an exceedingly limited part of the real whole. Yet it is on +this slender basis that we must rest our relations with the fellow man +if we are to found them upon knowledge. The imperfection of this method +of ascertaining the fellow-man is well shown by the trifling contents of +the category discriminations we apply to him. While, as has been +suggested, much can be done by those who have gained in knowledge of our +kind by importing understandings into our relations with men, the only +effective way to the betterment of those relations is through the +sympathies. + +What can be done by knowledge in helping us to a comprehension of the +fellow-man is at best merely explanatory of his place in the phenomenal +world; of itself it has only scientific value. The advantage of the +sympathetic way of approach is that in this method the neighbor is +accounted for on the supposition that he is ourself in another form, so +we feel for and with him on the instinctive hypothesis that he is +essentially ourself. There can be no question that this method of +looking upon other individualities is likely to lead to many errors. We +see examples of these blunders in all the many grades of the +personifying process, from the savage's worship of a tree or stone to +the civilized man's conception of a human-like god. We see them also in +the attribution to the lower animals of thoughts and feelings which are +necessarily limited to our own kind, but in the case of man the +conception of identity gives a minimum of error and a maximum of truth. +It, indeed, gives a truer result than could possibly be attained by any +scientific inquiries that we could make, or could conceive of being +effectively made, and this for the following reasons. + +When, as in the sympathetic state, we feel that the neighbor of our +species is essentially ourself, the tacit assumption is that his needs +and feelings are as like our own as our own states of mind at diverse +times are like one another, so that we might exchange motives with him +without experiencing any great sense of strangeness. What we have in +mind is not the measure of instruction or education, not the class or +station or other adventitious circumstances, but the essential traits of +his being. Now this supposition is entirely valid. All we know of +mankind justifies the statement that, as regards all the qualities and +motives with which the primal sympathies deal, men are remarkably alike. +Their loves, hates, fears, and sorrows are alike in their essentials; so +that the postulate of sympathy that the other man is essentially like +one's self is no idle fancy but an established truth. It not only +embodies the judgment of all men in thought and action but has its +warrant from all the science we can apply to it. + +It is easy to see how by means of sympathy we can at once pass the gulf +which separates man from man. All the devices of the ages in the way of +dumb or spoken language fail to win across the void, and leave the two +beings apart; but with a step the sympathetic spirit passes the gulf. In +this strange feature we have the completion of the series of differences +between the inorganic and the organic groups of individualities. In the +lower or non-living isolations there is no reason why the units should +do more than mechanically interact. All their service in the realm can +be best effected by their remaining forever completely apart. But when +we come to the organic series, the units begin to have need of +understanding their neighbors, in order that they may form those +beginnings of the moral order which we find developing among the members +even of the lowliest species. Out of this sympathetic accord arises the +community, which we see in its simple beginnings in the earlier stages +of life; it grows with the advance in the scale of being, and has its +supreme success in man. Human society, the largest of all organic +associations, requires that its units be knit together in certain common +purposes and understandings, and the union can only be made effective by +the ways of sympathy--by the instinctive conviction of essential +kinship. + + +3. Historical Continuity and Civilization[126] + +In matters connected with political and economical institutions we +notice among the natural races very great differences in the sum of +their civilization. Accordingly we have to look among them, not only for +the beginnings of civilization, but for a very great part of its +evolution, and it is equally certain that these differences are to be +referred less to variations in endowment than to great differences in +the conditions of their development. Exchange has also played its part, +and unprejudiced observers have often been more struck in the presence +of facts by agreement than by difference. "It is astonishing," exclaims +Chapman, when considering the customs of the Damaras, "what a similarity +there is in the manners and practices of the human family throughout the +world. Even here, the two different classes of Damaras practice rites in +common with the New Zealanders, such as that of chipping out the front +teeth and cutting off the little finger." It is less astonishing if, as +the same traveler remarks, their agreement with the Bechuanas goes even +farther. Now, since the essence of civilization lies first in the +amassing of experiences, then in the fixity with which these are +retained, and lastly in the capacity to carry them farther or to +increase them, our first question must be, how is it possible to realize +the first fundamental condition of civilization, namely, the amassing a +stock of culture in the form of handiness, knowledge, power, capital? It +has long been agreed that the first step thereto is the transition from +complete dependence upon what Nature freely offers to a conscious +exploitation through man's own labor, especially in agriculture or +cattle-breeding, of such of her fruits as are most important to him. +This transition opens at one stroke all the most remote possibilities of +Nature, but we must always remember at the same time that it is still a +long way from the first step to the height which has now been attained. + +The intellect of man and also the intellect of whole races shows a wide +discrepancy in regard to differences of endowment as well as in regard +to the different effects which external circumstances produce upon it. +Especially are there variations in the degree of inward coherence and +therewith of the fixity or duration of the stock of intellect. The want +of coherence, the breaking up of this stock, characterizes the lower +stages of civilization no less than its coherence, its inalienability, +and its power of growth do the higher. We find in low stages a poverty +of tradition which allows these races neither to maintain a +consciousness of their earlier fortunes for any appreciable period nor +to fortify and increase their stock of intelligence either through the +acquisitions of individual prominent minds or through the adoption and +fostering of any stimulus. Here, if we are not entirely mistaken, is the +basis of the deepest-seated differences between races. The opposition of +historic and non-historic races seems to border closely upon it. + +There is a distinction between the quickly ripening immaturity of the +child and the limited maturity of the adult who has come to a stop in +many respects. What we mean by "natural" races is something much more +like the latter than the former. We call them races deficient in +civilization, because internal and external conditions have hindered +them from attaining to such permanent developments in the domain of +culture as form the mark of the true civilized races and the guaranties +of progress. Yet we should not venture to call any of them cultureless, +so long as none of them is devoid of the primitive means by which the +ascent to higher stages can be made--language, religion, fire, weapons, +implements; while the very possession of these means, and many others, +such as domestic animals and cultivated plants, testifies to varied and +numerous dealings with those races which are completely civilized. + +The reasons why they do not make use of these gifts are of many kinds. +Lower intellectual endowment is often placed in the first rank. That is +a convenient but not quite fair explanation. Among the savage races of +today we find great differences in endowments. We need not dispute that +in the course of development races of even slightly higher endowments +have got possession of more and more means of culture, and gained +steadiness and security for their progress, while the less endowed +remained behind. But external conditions, in respect to their furthering +or hindering effects, can be more clearly recognized and estimated; and +it is juster and more logical to name them first. We can conceive why +the habitations of the savage races are principally to be found on the +extreme borders of the inhabited world, in the cold and hot regions, in +remote islands, in secluded mountains, in deserts. We understand their +backward condition in parts of the earth which offer so few facilities +for agriculture and cattle-breeding as Australia, the Arctic regions, or +the extreme north and south of America. In the insecurity of +incompletely developed resources we can see the chain which hangs +heavily on their feet and confines their movements within a narrow +space. As a consequence their numbers are small, and from this again +results the small total amount of intellectual and physical +accomplishment, the rarity of eminent men, the absence of the salutary +pressure exercised by surrounding masses on the activity and forethought +of the individual, which operates in the division of society into +classes, and the promotion of a wholesome division of labor. A partial +consequence of this insecurity of resources is the instability of +natural races. A nomadic strain runs through them all, rendering easier +to them the utter incompleteness of their unstable political and +economical institutions, even when an indolent agriculture seems to tie +them to the soil. Thus it often comes about that, in spite of abundantly +provided and well-tended means of culture, their life is desultory, +wasteful of power, unfruitful. This life has no inward consistency, no +secure growth; it is not the life in which the germs of civilization +first grew up to the grandeur in which we frequently find them at the +beginnings of what we call history. It is full rather of fallings-away +from civilization and dim memories from civilized spheres which in many +cases must have existed long before the commencement of history as we +have it. + +By the word "civilization" or "culture" we denote usually the sum of all +the acquirements at a given time of the human intelligence. When we +speak of stages, of higher and lower, of semi-civilization, of civilized +and "natural" races, we apply to the various civilizations of the earth +a standard which we take from the degree that we have ourselves +attained. Civilization means _our_ civilization. + +The confinement, in space as in time, which isolates huts, villages, +races, no less than successive generations, involves the negation of +culture; in its opposite, the intercourse of contemporaries and the +interdependence of ancestors and successors, lies the possibility of +development. The union of contemporaries secures the retention of +culture, the linking of generations its unfolding. The development of +civilization is a process of hoarding. The hoards grow of themselves so +soon as a retaining power watches over them. In all domains of human +creation and operation we shall see the basis of all higher development +in intercourse. Only through co-operation and mutual help, whether +between contemporaries, whether from one generation to another, has +mankind succeeded in climbing to the stage of civilization on which its +highest members now stand. On the nature and extent of this intercourse +the growth depends. Thus the numerous small assemblages of equal +importance, formed by the family stocks, in which the individual had no +freedom, were less favorable to it than the larger communities and +states of the modern world, with their encouragement to individual +competition. + + +4. Mobility and the Movement of Peoples[127] + +Every country whose history we examine proves the recipient of +successive streams of humanity. Even sea-girt England has received +various intruding peoples, from the Roman occupation to the recent +influx of Russian Jews. In prehistoric times it combined several +elements in its population, as the discovery of the "long barrow" men +and "round barrow" men by archaeologists and the identification of a +surviving Iberian or Mediterranean strain by ethnologists go to prove. +Egypt, Mesopotamia, and India tell the same story, whether in their +recorded or unrecorded history. Tropical Africa lacks a history; but all +that has been pieced together by ethnologists and anthropologists, in an +effort to reconstruct its past, shows incessant movement--growth, +expansion, and short-lived conquest, followed by shrinkage, expulsion, +or absorption by another invader. To this constant shifting of races and +peoples the name of historical movement has been given, because it +underlies most of written history and constitutes the major part of +unwritten history, especially that of savage and nomadic tribes. + +Among primitive peoples this movement is simple and monotonous. It +involves all members of the tribe, either in pursuit of game or +following the herd over the tribal territory, or in migrations seeking +more and better land. Among civilized peoples it assumes various forms +and especially is differentiated for different members of the social +group. The civilized state develops specialized frontiers--men, armies, +explorers, maritime traders, colonists, and missionaries, who keep a +part of the people constantly moving and directing external expansion, +while the mass of the population converts the force once expended in the +migrant food-quest into internal activity. Here we come upon a paradox. +The nation as a whole, with the development of sedentary life, increases +its population and therewith its need for external movements; it widens +its national area and its circle of contact with other lands, enlarges +its geographical horizon, and improves its internal communication over a +growing territory; it evolves a greater mobility within and without, +which attaches, however, to certain classes of society, not to the +entire social group. This mobility becomes the outward expression of a +whole complex of economic wants, intellectual needs, and political +ambitions. It is embodied in the conquests which build up empires, in +the colonization which develops new lands, in the world-wide exchange of +commodities and ideas which lifts the level of civilization till this +movement of peoples becomes a fundamental fact of history. + +Otis Mason finds that the life of a social group involves a variety of +movements characterized by different ranges or scopes: (1) The daily +round from bed to bed. (2) The annual round from year to year, like that +of the Tunguse Orochon of Siberia who, in pursuit of various fish and +game, change their residence within their territory from month to month, +or the pastoral nomads who move with the seasons from pasture to +pasture. (3) Less systematic outside movements covering the tribal +sphere of influence, such as journeys or voyages to remote hunting or +fishing grounds, forays or piratical descents upon neighboring lands, +eventuating usually in conquest, expansion into border regions for +occasional occupation, or colonization. (4) Participation in streams of +barter or commerce. (5) And, at a higher stage, in the great currents of +human intercourse, experience, and ideas, which finally compass the +world. In all this series the narrower movement prepares for the +broader, of which it constitutes at once an impulse and a part. + +Civilized man is at once more and less mobile than his primitive +brother. Every advance in civilization multiplies and tightens the bonds +uniting him with his soil, makes him a sedentary instead of a migratory +being. On the other hand, every advance in civilization is attended by +the rapid clearing of the forests, by the construction of bridges and +interlacing roads, the invention of more effective vehicles for +transportation whereby intercourse increases, and the improvement of +navigation to the same end. Civilized man progressively modifies the +land which he occupies, removes or reduces obstacles to intercourse, and +thereby approximates it to the open plain. Thus far he facilitates +movements. But while doing this he also places upon the land a dense +population, closely attached to the soil, strong to resist incursion, +and for economic reasons inhospitable to any marked accession of +population from without. Herein lies the great difference between +migration in empty or sparsely inhabited regions, such as predominated +when the world was young, and in the densely populated countries of our +era. As the earth grew old and humanity multiplied, peoples themselves +became the greatest barriers to any massive migrations, till in certain +countries of Europe and Asia the historical movement has been reduced to +a continual pressure, resulting in compression of population here, +repression there. Hence, though political boundaries may shift, ethnic +boundaries scarcely budge. The greatest wars of modern Europe have +hardly left a trace upon the distribution of its peoples. Only in the +Balkan Peninsula, as the frontiers of the Turkish Empire have been +forced back from the Danube, the alien Turks have withdrawn to the +shrinking territory of the Sultan and especially to Asia Minor. + +Where a population too great to be dislodged occupies the land, conquest +results in the eventual absorption of the victors and their civilization +by the native folk, as happened to the Lombards in Italy, the Vandals in +Africa, and the Normans in England. Where the invaders are markedly +superior in culture, though numerically weak, conquest results in the +gradual permeation of the conquered with the religion, economic methods, +language, and customs of the newcomers. The latter process, too, is +always attended by some intermixture of blood, where no race repulsion +exists, but this is small in comparison to the diffusion of +civilization. This was the method by which Greek traders and colonists +Hellenized the countries about the eastern Mediterranean and spread +their culture far back from the shores which their settlements had +appropriated. In this way Saracen armies, soon after the death of +Mohammed, Arabized the whole eastern and southern sides of the +Mediterranean from Syria to Spain, and Arab merchants set the stamp of +their language and religion on the coasts of East Africa as far as +Mozambique. The handful of Spanish adventurers who came upon the +relatively dense populations of Mexico and Peru left among them a +civilization essentially European, but only a thin strain of Castilian +blood. Thus the immigration of small bands of people sufficed to +influence the culture of that big territory known as Latin America. + +Throughout the life of any people, from its fetal period in some small +locality to its well-rounded adult era marked by the occupation and +organization of a wide national territory, gradations in area mark +gradations of development. And this is true, whether we consider the +compass of their commercial exchanges, the scope of their maritime +ventures, the extent of their linguistic area, the measure of their +territorial ambitions, or the range of their intellectual interests and +human sympathies. From land to ethics, the rule holds good. Peoples in +the lower stages of civilization have contracted spatial ideas, desire +and need at a given time only a limited territory, though they may +change that territory often; they think in small linear terms, have a +small horizon, a small circle of contact with others, a small range of +influence, only tribal sympathies; they have an exaggerated conception +of their own size and importance, because their basis of comparison is +fatally limited. With a mature, widespread people like the English or +French, all this is different; they have made the earth their own, so +far as possible. + +Just because of this universal tendency toward the occupation of ever +larger areas and the formation of vaster political aggregates, in making +a sociological or political estimate of different peoples, we should +never lose sight of the fact that all racial and national +characteristics which operate toward the absorption of more land and +impel to political expansion are of fundamental value. A ship of state +manned by such a crew has its sails set to catch the winds of the world. + +Territorial expansion is always preceded by an extension of the circle +of influence which a people exerts through its traders, its deep-sea +fishermen, its picturesque marauders and more respectable missionaries, +and earlier still by a widening of its mere geographical horizon through +fortuitous or systematic exploration. + + +C. PRIMARY AND SECONDARY CONTACTS + + +1. Village Life in America (from the Diary of a Young Girl)[128] + +_November 21, 1852._--I am ten years old today, and I think I will write +a journal and tell who I am and what I am doing. I have lived with my +Grandfather and Grandmother Beals ever since I was seven years old, and +Anna, too, since she was four. Our brothers, James and John, came too, +but they are at East Bloomfield at Mr. Stephen Clark's Academy. Miss +Laura Clark of Naples is their teacher. + +Anna and I go to school at District No. 11. Mr. James C. Cross is our +teacher, and some of the scholars say he is cross by name and cross by +nature, but I like him. He gave me a book by the name of _Noble Deeds of +American Women_, for reward of merit, in my reading class. + +_Friday._--Grandmother says I will have a great deal to answer for, +because Anna looks up to me so and tries to do everything that I do and +thinks whatever I say is "gospel truth." The other day the girls at +school were disputing with her about something and she said, "It is so, +if it ain't so, for Calline said so." I shall have to "toe the mark," as +Grandfather says, if she keeps watch of me all the time and walks in my +footsteps. + +_April 1, 1853._--Before I go to school every morning I read three +chapters in the Bible. I read three every day and five on Sunday and +that takes me through the Bible in a year. Those I read this morning +were the first, second, and third chapters of Job. The first was about +Eliphaz reproveth Job; second, benefit of God's correction; third, Job +justifieth his complaint. I then learned a text to say at school. I went +to school at quarter to nine and recited my text and we had prayers and +then proceeded with the business of the day. Just before school was out, +we recited in _Science of Things Familiar_, and in Dictionary, and then +we had calisthenics. + +_July._--Hiram Goodrich, who lives at Mr. Myron H. Clark's, and George +and Wirt Wheeler ran away on Sunday to seek their fortunes. When they +did not come back everyone was frightened and started out to find them. +They set out right after Sunday school, taking their pennies which had +been given them for the contribution, and were gone several days. They +were finally found at Palmyra. When asked why they had run away, one +replied that he thought it was about time they saw something of the +world. We heard that Mr. Clark had a few moments' private conversation +with Hiram in the barn and Mr. Wheeler the same with his boys and we do +not think they will go traveling on their own hook again right off. Miss +Upham lives right across the street from them and she was telling little +Morris Bates that he must fight the good fight of faith and he asked her +if that was the fight that Wirt Wheeler fit. She probably had to make +her instructions plainer after that. + +_1854, Sunday._--Mr. Daggett's text this morning was the twenty-second +chapter of Revelation, sixteenth verse, "I am the root and offspring of +David and the bright and morning star." Mrs. Judge Taylor taught our +Sunday-school class today and she said we ought not to read our +Sunday-school books on Sunday. I always do. Mine today was entitled, +_Cheap Repository Tracts by Hannah More_, and it did not seem +unreligious at all. + +_Tuesday._--Mrs. Judge Taylor sent for me to come over to see her today. +I didn't know what she wanted, but when I got there she said she wanted +to talk and pray with me on the subject of religion. She took me into +one of the wings. I never had been in there before and was frightened at +first, but it was nice after I got used to it. After she prayed, she +asked me to, but I couldn't think of anything but "Now I lay me down to +sleep," and I was afraid she would not like that, so I didn't say +anything. When I got home and told Anna, she said, "Caroline, I presume +probably Mrs. Taylor wants you to be a missionary, but I shan't let you +go." I told her she needn't worry for I would have to stay at home and +look after her. After school tonight I went out into Abbie Clark's +garden with her and she taught me how to play "mumble te peg." It is +fun, but rather dangerous. I am afraid Grandmother won't give me a knife +to play with. Abbie Clark has beautiful pansies in her garden and gave +me some roots. + +_Sunday._--I almost forgot that it was Sunday this morning and talked +and laughed just as I do week days. Grandmother told me to write down +this verse before I went to church so I would remember it: "Keep thy +foot when thou goest to the house of God, and be more ready to hear than +to offer the sacrifice of fools." I will remember it now, sure. My feet +are all right anyway with my new patten leather shoes on, but I shall +have to look out for my head. Mr. Thomas Howell read a sermon today as +Mr. Daggett is out of town. Grandmother always comes upstairs to get the +candle and tuck us in before she goes to bed herself, and some nights we +are sound asleep and do not hear her, but last night we only pretended +to be asleep. She kneeled down by the bed and prayed aloud for us, that +we might be good children and that she might have strength given her +from on high to guide us in the straight and narrow path which leads to +life eternal. Those were her very words. After she had gone downstairs +we sat up in bed and talked about it and promised each other to be good, +and crossed our hearts and "hoped to die," if we broke our promise. Then +Anna was afraid we would die, but I told her I didn't believe we would +be as good as that, so we kissed each other and went to sleep. + +_Sunday._--Rev. Mr. Tousley preached today to the children and told us +how many steps it took to be bad. I think he said lying was first, then +disobedience to parents, breaking the Sabbath, swearing, stealing, +drunkenness. I don't remember just the order they came. It was very +interesting, for he told lots of stories and we sang a great many times. +I should think Eddy Tousley would be an awful good boy with his father +in the house with him all the while, but probably he has to be away part +of the time preaching to other children. + +_December 20, 1855._--Susan B. Anthony is in town and spoke in Bemis +Hall this afternoon. She made a special request that all the seminary +girls should come to hear her as well as all the women and girls in +town. She had a large audience and she talked very plainly about our +rights and how we ought to stand up for them, and said the world would +never go right until the women had just as much right to vote and rule +as the men. She asked us all to come up and sign our names who would +promise to do all in our power to bring about that glad day when equal +rights would be the law of the land. A whole lot of us went up and +signed the paper. When I told Grandmother about it she said she guessed +Susan B. Anthony had forgotten that St. Paul said the women should keep +silence. I told her no, she didn't, for she spoke particularly about St. +Paul and said if he had lived in these times, instead of eighteen +hundred years ago, he would have been as anxious to have the women at +the head of the government as she was. I could not make Grandmother +agree with her at all and she said we might better all of us stayed at +home. We went to prayer meeting this evening and a woman got up and +talked. Her name was Mrs. Sands. We hurried home and told Grandmother +and she said she probably meant all right and she hoped we did not +laugh. + +_February 21, 1856._--We had a very nice time at Fannie Gaylord's party +and a splendid supper. Lucilla Field laughed herself almost to pieces +when she found on going home that she had worn her leggins all the +evening. We had a pleasant walk home but did not stay till it was out. +Someone asked me if I danced every set and I told them no, I set every +dance. I told Grandmother and she was very much pleased. Some one told +us that Grandfather and Grandmother first met at a ball in the early +settlement of Canandaigua. I asked her if it was so and she said she +never danced since she became a professing Christian and that was more +than fifty years ago. + +_May, 1856._--We were invited to Bessie Seymour's party last night and +Grandmother said we could go. The girls all told us at school that they +were going to wear low neck and short sleeves. We have caps on the +sleeves of our best dresses and we tried to get the sleeves out, so we +could go bare arms, but we couldn't get them out. We had a very nice +time, though, at the party. Some of the Academy boys were there and they +asked us to dance but of course we couldn't do that. We promenaded +around the rooms and went out to supper with them. Eugene Stone and Tom +Eddy asked to go home with us but Grandmother sent our two girls for us, +Bridget Flynn and Hannah White, so they couldn't. We were quite +disappointed, but perhaps she won't send for us next time. + +_Thursday, 1857._--We have four sperm candles in four silver +candlesticks and when we have company we light them. Johnnie Thompson, +son of the minister, Rev. M. L. R. P., has come to the academy to school +and he is very full of fun and got acquainted with all the girls very +quick. He told us this afternoon to have "the other candle lit" for he +was coming down to see us this evening. Will Schley heard him say it and +he said he was coming too. _Later._--The boys came and we had a very +pleasant evening but when the 9 o'clock bell rang we heard Grandfather +winding up the clock and scraping up the ashes on the hearth to cover +the fire so it would last till morning and we all understood the signal +and they bade us good night. "We won't go home till morning" is a song +that will never be sung in this house. + +_September, 1857._--Grandmother let Anna have six little girls here to +supper to-night: Louisa Field, Hattie Paddock, Helen Coy, Martha +Densmore, Emma Wheeler, and Alice Jewett. We had a splendid supper and +then we played cards. I do not mean regular cards, mercy no! Grandfather +thinks those kinds are contageous or outrageous or something dreadful +and never keeps them in the house. Grandmother said they found a pack +once, when the hired man's room was cleaned, and they went into the fire +pretty quick. The kind we played was just "Dr. Busby," and another "The +Old Soldier and His Dog." There are counters with them, and if you don't +have the card called for you have to pay one into the pool. It is real +fun. They all said they had a very nice time, indeed, when they bade +Grandmother good night, and said: "Mrs. Beals, you must let Carrie and +Anna come and see us some time," and she said she would. I think it is +nice to have company. + +_August 30, 1858._--Some one told us that when Bob and Henry Antes were +small boys they thought they would like to try, just for once, to see +how it would seem to be bad, so in spite of all of Mr. Tousley's sermons +they went out behind the barn one day and in a whisper Bob said, "I +swear," and Henry said, "So do I." Then they came into the house +looking guilty and quite surprised, I suppose, that they were not struck +dead just as Ananias and Sapphira were for lying. + +_February, 1859._--Mary Wheeler came over and pierced my ears today, so +I can wear my new earrings that Uncle Edward sent me. She pinched my ear +until it was numb and then pulled a needle through, threaded with silk. +Anna would not stay in the room. She wants hers done but does not dare. +It is all the fashion for girls to cut off their hair and friz it. Anna +and I have cut off ours and Bessie Seymour got me to cut off her lovely +long hair today. It won't be very comfortable for us to sleep with curl +papers all over our heads, but we must do it now. I wanted my new dress +waist which Miss Rosewarne is making to hook up in front, but +Grandmother said I would have to wear it that way all the rest of my +life so I had better be content to hook it in the back a little longer. +She said when Aunt Glorianna was married, in 1848, it was the fashion +for grown-up women to have their waists fastened in the back, so the +bride had hers made that way but she thought it was a very foolish and +inconvenient fashion. It is nice, though, to dress in style and look +like other people. I have a Garibaldi waist and a Zouave jacket and a +balmoral skirt. + +_1860, Sunday._--Frankie Richardson asked me to go with her to teach a +class in the colored Sunday School on Chapel Street this afternoon. I +asked Grandmother if I could go and she said she never noticed that I +was particularly interested in the colored race and she said she thought +I only wanted an excuse to get out for a walk Sunday afternoon. However, +she said I could go just this once. When we got up as far as the +Academy, Mr. Noah T. Clarke's brother, who is one of the teachers, came +out and Frank said he led the singing at the Sunday school and she said +she would give me an introduction to him, so he walked up with us and +home again. Grandmother said that when she saw him opening the gate for +me, she understood my zeal in missionary work. "The dear little lady," +as we often call her, has always been noted for her keen discernment and +wonderful sagacity and loses none of it as she advances in years. Some +one asked Anna the other day if her Grandmother retained all her +faculties and Anna said, "Yes, indeed, to an alarming degree." +Grandmother knows that we think she is a perfect angel even if she does +seem rather strict sometimes. Whether we are seven or seventeen we are +children to her just the same, and the Bible says, "Children obey your +parents in the Lord for this is right." We are glad that we never will +seem old to her. I had the same company home from church in the evening. +His home is in Naples. + +_Christmas, 1860._--I asked Grandmother if Mr. Clarke could take Sunday +night supper with us and she said she was afraid he did not know the +catechism. I asked him Friday night and he said he would learn it on +Saturday so that he could answer every third question anyway. So he did +and got along very well. I think he deserves a pretty good supper. + + +2. Secondary Contacts and City Life[129] + +Modern methods of urban transportation and communication--the electric +railway, the automobile, and the telephone--have silently and rapidly +changed in recent years the social and industrial organization of the +modern city. They have been the means of concentrating traffic in the +business districts; have changed the whole character of retail trade, +multiplying the residence suburbs and making the department store +possible. These changes in the industrial organization and in the +distribution of population have been accompanied by corresponding +changes in the habits, sentiments, and character of the urban +population. + +The general nature of these changes is indicated by the fact that the +growth of cities has been accompanied by the substitution of indirect, +"secondary," for direct, face-to-face, "primary" relations in the +associations of individuals in the community. + + By primary groups I mean those characterized by intimate + face-to-face association and co-operation. They are primary in + several senses, but chiefly in that they are fundamental in + forming the social nature and ideals of the individual. The + result of intimate association, psychologically, is a certain + fusion of individualities in a common whole, so that one's very + self, for many purposes at least, is the common life and + purpose of the group. Perhaps the simplest way of describing + this wholeness is by saying that it is a "we"; it involves the + sort of sympathy and mutual identification for which "we" is + the natural expression. One lives in the feeling of the whole + and finds the chief aims of his will in that feeling. + +Touch and sight, physical contact, are the basis for the first and most +elementary human relationships. Mother and child, husband and wife, +father and son, master and servant, kinsman and neighbor, minister, +physician, and teacher--these are the most intimate and real +relationships of life and in the small community they are practically +inclusive. + +The interactions which take place among the members of a community so +constituted are immediate and unreflecting. Intercourse is carried on +largely within the region of instinct and feeling. Social control +arises, for the most part spontaneously, in direct response to personal +influences and public sentiment. It is the result of a personal +accommodation rather than the formulation of a rational and abstract +principle. + +In a great city, where the population is unstable, where parents and +children are employed out of the house and often in distant parts of the +city, where thousands of people live side by side for years without so +much as a bowing acquaintance, these intimate relationships of the +primary group are weakened and the moral order which rested upon them is +gradually dissolved. + +Under the disintegrating influences of city life most of our traditional +institutions, the church, the school, and the family, have been greatly +modified. The school, for example, has taken over some of the functions +of the family. It is around the public school and its solicitude for the +moral and physical welfare of the children that something like a new +neighborhood and community spirit tends to get itself organized. + +The church, on the other hand, which has lost much of its influence +since the printed page has so largely taken the place of the pulpit in +the interpretation of life, seems at present to be in process of +readjustment to the new conditions. + +It is probably the breaking down of local attachments and the weakening +of the restraints and inhibitions of the primary group, under the +influence of the urban environment, which are largely responsible for +the increase of vice and crime in great cities. It would be interesting +in this connection to determine by investigation how far the increase in +crime keeps pace with the increasing mobility of the population. It is +from this point of view that we should seek to interpret all those +statistics which register the disintegration of the moral order, for +example, the statistics of divorce, of truancy, and of crime. + +Great cities have always been the melting-pots of races and of cultures. +Out of the vivid and subtle interactions of which they have been the +centers, there have come the newer breeds and the newer social types. +The great cities of the United States, for example, have drawn from the +isolation of their native villages great masses of the rural populations +of Europe and America. Under the shock of the new contacts the latent +energies of these primitive peoples have been released, and the subtler +processes of interaction have brought into existence not merely +vocational but temperamental types. + +Transportation and communication have effected, among many other silent +but far-reaching changes, what I have called the "mobilization of the +individual man." They have multiplied the opportunities of the +individual man for contact and for association with his fellows, but +they have made these contacts and associations more transitory and less +stable. A very large part of the populations of great cities, including +those who make their homes in tenements and apartment houses, live much +as people do in some great hotel, meeting but not knowing one another. +The effect of this is to substitute fortuitous and casual relationship +for the more intimate and permanent associations of the smaller +community. + +Under these circumstances the individual's status is determined to a +considerable degree by conventional signs--by fashion and "front"--and +the art of life is largely reduced to skating on thin surfaces and a +scrupulous study of style and manners. + +Not only transportation and communication, but the segregation of the +urban population, tends to facilitate the mobility of the individual +man. The processes of segregation establish moral distances which make +the city a mosaic of little worlds which touch but do not +interpenetrate. This makes it possible for individuals to pass quickly +and easily from one moral milieu to another and encourages the +fascinating but dangerous experiment of living at the same time in +several different contiguous, perhaps, but widely separated worlds. All +this tends to give to city life a superficial and adventitious +character; it tends to complicate social relationships and to produce +new and divergent individual types. It introduces, at the same time, an +element of chance and adventure, which adds to the stimulus of city +life and gives it for young and fresh nerves a peculiar attractiveness. +The lure of great cities is perhaps a consequence of stimulations which +act directly upon the reflexes. As a type of human behavior it may be +explained, like the attraction of the flame for the moth, as a sort of +tropism. + +The attraction of the metropolis is due in part, however, to the fact +that in the long run every individual finds somewhere among the varied +manifestations of city life the sort of environment in which he expands +and feels at ease; finds, in short, the moral climate in which his +peculiar nature obtains the stimulations that bring his innate qualities +to full and free expression. It is, I suspect, motives of this kind +which have their basis, not in interest nor even in sentiment, but in +something more fundamental and primitive which draw many, if not most, +of the young men and young women from the security of their homes in the +country into the big, booming confusion and excitement of city life. In +a small community it is the normal man, the man without eccentricity or +genius, who seems most likely to succeed. The small community often +tolerates eccentricity. The city, on the contrary, rewards it. Neither +the criminal, the defective, nor the genius has the same opportunity to +develop his innate disposition in a small town that he invariably finds +in a great city. + +Fifty years ago every village had one or two eccentric characters who +were treated ordinarily with a benevolent toleration, but who were +regarded meanwhile as impracticable and queer. These exceptional +individuals lived an isolated existence, cut off by their very +eccentricities, whether of genius or of defect, from genuinely intimate +intercourse with their fellows. If they had the making of criminals, the +restraints and inhibitions of the small community rendered them +harmless. If they had the stuff of genius in them, they remained sterile +for lack of appreciation or opportunity. Mark Twain's story of _Pudd'n +Head Wilson_ is a description of one such obscure and unappreciated +genius. It is not so true as it was that-- + + Full many a flower is born to blush unseen + And waste its fragrance on the desert air. + +Gray wrote the "Elegy in a Country Churchyard" before the existence of +the modern city. + +In the city many of these divergent types now find a milieu in which for +good or for ill their dispositions and talents parturiate and bear +fruit. + + +3. Publicity as a Form of Secondary Contact[130] + +In contrast with the political machine, which has founded its organized +action on the local, personal, and immediate interests represented by +the different neighborhoods and localities, the good-government +organizations, the bureaus of municipal research, and the like have +sought to represent the interests of the city as a whole and have +appealed to a sentiment and opinion neither local nor personal. These +agencies have sought to secure efficiency and good government by the +education of the voter, that is to say, by investigating and publishing +the facts regarding the government. + +In this way publicity has come to be a recognized form of social +control, and advertising--"social advertising"--has become a profession +with an elaborate technique supported by a body of special knowledge. + +It is one of the characteristic phenomena of city life and of society +founded on secondary relationships that advertising should have come to +occupy so important a place in its economy. + +In recent years every individual and organization which has had to deal +with the public, that is to say, the public outside the smaller and more +intimate communities of the village and small town, has come to have its +press agent, who is often less an advertising man than a diplomatic man +accredited to the newspapers, and through them to the world at large. +Institutions like the Russell Sage Foundation, and to a less extent the +General Education Board, have sought to influence public opinion +directly through the medium of publicity. The Carnegie Report upon +Medical Education, the Pittsburgh Survey, the Russell Sage Foundation +Report on Comparative Costs of Public-School Education in the Several +States, are something more than scientific reports. They are rather a +high form of journalism, dealing with existing conditions critically, +and seeking through the agency of publicity to bring about radical +reforms. The work of the Bureau of Municipal Research in New York has +had a similar practical purpose. To these must be added the work +accomplished by the child-welfare exhibits, by the social surveys +undertaken in different parts of the country, and by similar propaganda +in favor of public health. + +As a source of social control public opinion becomes important in +societies founded on secondary relationships of which great cities are a +type. In the city every social group tends to create its own milieu, +and, as these conditions become fixed, the mores tend to accommodate +themselves to the conditions thus created. In secondary groups and in +the city, fashion tends to take the place of custom, and public opinion +rather than the mores becomes the dominant force in social control. + +In any attempt to understand the nature of public opinion and its +relation to social control, it is important to investigate, first of +all, the agencies and devices which have come into practical use in the +effort to control, enlighten, and exploit it. + +The first and the most important of these is the press, that is, the +daily newspaper and other forms of current literature, including books +classed as current. + +After the newspaper, the bureaus of research which are now springing up +in all the large cities are the most interesting and the most promising +devices for using publicity as a means of control. + +The fruits of these investigations do not reach the public directly, but +are disseminated through the medium of the press, the pulpit and other +sources of popular enlightenment. + +In addition to these, there are the educational campaigns in the +interest of better health conditions, the child-welfare exhibits, and +the numerous "social advertising" devices which are now employed, +sometimes upon the initiative of private societies, sometimes upon that +of popular magazines or newspapers, in order to educate the public and +enlist the masses of the people in the movement for the improvement of +conditions of community life. + +The newspaper is the great medium of communication within the city, and +it is on the basis of the information which it supplies that public +opinion rests. The first function which a newspaper supplies is that +which was formerly performed by the village gossip. + +In spite, however, of the industry with which newspapers pursue facts of +personal intelligence and human interest, they cannot compete with the +village gossips as a means of social control. For one thing, the +newspaper maintains some reservations not recognized by gossip, in the +matters of personal intelligence. For example, until they run for office +or commit some other overt act that brings them before the public +conspicuously, the private life of individual men or women is a subject +that is for the newspaper taboo. It is not so with gossip, partly +because in a small community no individual is so obscure that his +private affairs escape observation and discussion; partly because the +field is smaller. In small communities there is a perfectly amazing +amount of personal information afloat among the individuals who compose +them. + +The absence of this in the city is what, in large part, makes the city +what it is. + + +4. From Sentimental to Rational Attitudes[131] + +I can imagine it to be of exceeding great interest to write the history +of mankind from the point of view of the stranger and his influence on +the trend of events. From the earliest dawn of history we may observe +how communities developed in special directions, no less in important +than in insignificant things, because of influences from without. Be it +religion or technical inventions, good form in conduct or fashions in +dress, political revolutions or stock-exchange machinery, the impetus +always--or, at least, in many cases--came from strangers. It is not +surprising, therefore, that in the history of the intellectual and +religious growth of the bourgeois the stranger should play no small +part. Throughout the whole of the Middle Ages in Europe, and to a large +extent in the centuries that followed, families left their homes to set +up their hearths anew in other lands. The wanderers were in the majority +of cases economic agents with a strongly marked tendency toward +capitalism, and they originated capitalist methods and cultivated them. +Accordingly, it will be helpful to trace the interaction of migrations +and the history of the capitalist spirit. + +First, as to the facts themselves. Two sorts of migrations may be +distinguished--those of single individuals and those of groups. In the +first category must be placed the removal, of their own free will, of a +family, or it may even be of a few families, from one district or +country to another. Such cases were universal. But we are chiefly +concerned with those instances in which the capitalist spirit manifested +itself, as we must assume it did where the immigrants were acquainted +with a more complex economic system or were the founders of new +industries. Take as an instance the Lombards and other Italian +merchants, who in the early Middle Ages carried on business in England, +France, and elsewhere. Or recall how in the Middle Ages many an +industry, more especially silk weaving, that was established in any +district was introduced by foreigners, and very often on a capitalist +basis. "A new phase in the development of the Venetian silk industry +began with the arrival of traders and silk-workers from Lucca, whereby +the industry reached its zenith. The commercial element came more and +more to the fore; the merchants became the organizers of production, +providing the master craftsman with raw materials which he worked up." +So we read in Broglio d'Ajano. We are told a similar tale about the silk +industry in Genoa, which received an enormous impetus when the Berolerii +began to employ craftsmen from Lucca. In 1341 what was probably the +first factory for silk manufacture was erected by one Bolognino di +Barghesano, of Lucca. Even in Lyons tradition asserts that Italians +introduced the making of silk, and, when in the sixteenth century the +industry was placed on a capitalist basis, the initiative thereto came +once more from aliens. It was the same in Switzerland, where the silk +industry was introduced by the Pelligari in 1685. In Austria likewise we +hear the same tale. + +Silk-making in these instances is but one example; there were very many +others. Here one industry was introduced, there another; here it was by +Frenchmen or Germans, there by Italians or Dutchmen. And always the new +establishments came at the moment when the industries in question were +about to become capitalistic in their organization. + +Individual migrations, then, were not without influence on the economic +development of society. But much more powerful was the effect of the +wanderings of large groups from one land to another. From the sixteenth +century onward migrations of this sort may be distinguished under three +heads: (1) Jewish migrations; (2) the migration of persecuted +Christians, more especially of Protestants; and (3) the colonizing +movement, particularly the settlement in America. + +We come, then, to the general question, Is it not a fact that the +"stranger," the immigrant, was possessed of a specially developed +capitalist spirit, and this quite apart from his environment, and, to a +lesser degree, his religion or his nationality? We see it in the old +states of Europe no less than in the new settlements beyond; in Jews and +Gentiles alike; in Protestants and Catholics (the French in Louisiana +were, by the middle of the nineteenth century, not a whit behind the +Anglo-Saxons of the New England states in this respect). The assumption +therefore forces itself upon us that this particular social +condition--migration or change of habitat--was responsible for the +unfolding of the capitalist spirit. Let us attempt to show how. + +If we are content to find it in a single cause, it would be the breach +with all old ways of life and all old social relationships. Indeed, the +psychology of the stranger in a new land may easily be explained by +reference to this one supreme fact. His clan, his country, his people, +his state, no matter how deeply he was rooted in them, have now ceased +to be realities for him. His first aim is to make profit. How could it +be otherwise? There is nothing else open to him. In the old country he +was excluded from playing his part in public life; in the colony of his +choice there is no public life to speak of. Neither can he devote +himself to a life of comfortable, slothful ease; the new lands have +little comfort. Nor is the newcomer moved by sentiment. His environment +means nothing to him. At best he regards it as a means to an end--to +make a living. All this must surely be of great consequence for the rise +of a mental outlook that cares only for gain; and who will deny that +colonial activity generates it? "Our rivulets and streams turn mill +wheels and bring rafts into the valleys, as they do in Scotland. But not +one ballad, not a single song, reminds us that on their banks men and +women live who experience the happiness of love and the pangs of +separation; that under each roof in the valleys life's joys and sorrows +come and go." This plaint of an American of the old days expresses my +meaning; it has been noted again and again, particularly by those who +visited America at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The only +relationship between the Yankee and his environment is one of practical +usefulness. The soil, as one of them says, is not regarded as "the +mother of men, the hearth of the gods, the abiding resting-place of the +past generations, but only as a means to get rich." There is nothing of +"the poetry of the place" anywhere to check commercial devastations. The +spire of his village is for the American like any other spire; in his +eyes the newest and most gaudily painted is the most beautiful. A +waterfall for him merely represents so much motive power. "What a mighty +volume of water!" is, as we are assured, the usual cry of an American on +seeing Niagara for the first time, and his highest praise of it is that +it surpasses all other waterfalls in the world in its horse-power. + +Nor has the immigrant or colonial settler a sense of the present or the +past. He has only a future. Before long the possession of money becomes +his one aim and ambition, for it is clear to him that by its means alone +will he be able to shape that future. But how can he amass money? Surely +by enterprise. His being where he is proves that he has capacities, that +he can take risks; is it remarkable, then, that sooner or later his +unbridled acquisitiveness will turn him into a restless capitalist +undertaker? Here again we have cause and effect. He undervalues the +present; he overvalues the future. Hence his activities are such as they +are. Is it too much to say that even today American civilization has +something of the unfinished about it, something that seems as yet to be +in the making, something that turns from the present to the future? + +Another characteristic of the newcomer everywhere is that there are no +bounds to his enterprise. He is not held in check by personal +considerations; in all his dealings he comes into contact only with +strangers like himself. As we have already had occasion to point out, +the first profitable trade was carried on with strangers; your own kith +and kin received assistance from you. You lent out money at interest +only to the stranger, as Antonio remarked to Shylock, for from the +stranger you could demand more than you lent. + +Nor is the stranger held in check by considerations other than personal +ones. He has no traditions to respect; he is not bound by the policy of +an old business. He begins with a clean slate; he has no local +connections that bind him to any one spot. Is not every locality in a +new country as good as every other? You therefore decide upon the one +that promises most profit. As Poscher says, a man who has risked his all +and left his home to cross the ocean in search of his fortune will not +be likely to shrink from a small speculation if this means a change of +abode. A little traveling more or less can make no difference. + +So it comes about that the feverish searching after novelties manifested +itself in the American character quite early. "If to live means constant +movement and the coming and going of thoughts and feelings in quick +succession, then the people here live a hundred lives. All is +circulation, movement, and vibrating life. If one attempt fails, another +follows on its heels, and before every one undertaking has been +completed, the next has already been entered upon" (Chevalier). The +enterprising impulse leads to speculation; and here again early +observers have noticed the national trait. "Everybody speculates and no +commodity escapes from the speculating rage. It is not tulip speculation +this time, but speculations in cottons, real estate, banks, and +railways." + +One characteristic of the stranger's activity, be he a settler in a new +or an old land, follows of necessity. I refer to the determination to +apply the utmost rational effort in the field of economic and technical +activity. The stranger must carry through plans with success because of +necessity or because he cannot withstand the desire to secure his +future. On the other hand, he is able to do it more easily than other +folk because he is not hampered by tradition. This explains clearly +enough why alien immigrants, as we have seen, furthered commercial and +industrial progress wherever they came. Similarly we may thus account +for the well-known fact that nowhere are technical inventions so +plentiful as in America, that railway construction and the making of +machinery proceed much more rapidly there than anywhere else in the +world. It all comes from the peculiar conditions of the problem, +conditions that have been termed colonial--great distances, dear labor, +and the will to progress. The state of mind that will have, nay, must +have, progress is that of the stranger, untrammeled by the past and +gazing toward the future. + +Yet results such as these are not achieved by strangers merely because +they happen to be strangers. Place a negro in a new environment; will he +build railways and invent labor-saving machines? Hardly. There must be a +certain fitness; it must be in the blood. In short, other forces beside +that of being merely a stranger in a strange land are bound to +co-operate before the total result can be fully accounted for. There +must be a process of selection, making the best types available, and +the ethical and moral factor, too, counts for much. Nevertheless, the +migrations themselves were a very powerful element in the growth of +capitalism. + + +5. The Sociological Significance of the "Stranger"[132] + +If wandering, considered as the liberation from every given point in +space, is the conceptual opposite to fixation at such a point, then +surely the sociological form of "the stranger" presents the union of +both of these specifications. It discloses, indeed, the fact that +relations to space are only, on the one hand, the condition, and, on the +other hand, the symbol, of relations to men. The stranger is not taken +here, therefore, in the sense frequently employed, of the wanderer who +comes today and goes tomorrow, but rather of the man who comes today and +stays tomorrow, the potential wanderer, so to speak, who, although he +has gone no further, has not quite got over the freedom of coming and +going. He is fixed within a certain spatial circle, but his position +within it is peculiarly determined by the fact that he does not belong +in it from the first, that he brings qualities into it that are not, and +cannot be, native to it. + +The union of nearness and remoteness, which every relation between men +comprehends, has here produced a system of relations or a constellation +which may, in the fewest words, be thus formulated: The distance within +the relation signifies that the Near is far; the very fact of being +alien, however, that the Far is near. For the state of being a stranger +is naturally a quite positive relation, a particular form of +interaction. The inhabitants of Sirius are not exactly strangers to us, +at least not in the sociological sense of the word as we are considering +it. In that sense they do not exist for us at all. They are beyond being +far and near. The stranger is an element of the group itself, not +otherwise than the Poor and the various "inner enemies," an element +whose inherent position and membership involve both an exterior and an +opposite. The manner, now, in which mutually repulsive and opposing +elements here compose a form of a joint and interacting unity may now be +briefly analyzed. + +In the whole history of economics the stranger makes his appearance +everywhere as the trader, the trader his as the stranger. As long as +production for one's own needs is the general rule, or products are +exchanged within a relatively narrow circle, there is no need of any +middleman within the group. A trader is only required with those +products which are produced entirely outside of the group. Unless there +are people who wander out into foreign lands to buy these necessities, +in which case they are themselves "strange" merchants in this other +region, the trader must be a stranger. No other has a chance for +existence. + +This position of the stranger is intensified in our consciousness if, +instead of leaving the place of his activity, he fixes himself in it. +This will be possible for him only if he can live by trade in the role +of a middleman. Any closed economic group in which the division of the +land and of the crafts which satisfy the local demands has been achieved +will still grant an existence to the trader. For trade alone makes +possible unlimited combinations, in which intelligence finds ever wider +extensions and ever newer accessions, a thing rarely possible in the +case of the primitive producer with his lesser mobility and his +restriction to a circle of customers which could only very gradually be +increased. Trade can always absorb more men than primary production, and +it is therefore the most favorable province for the stranger, who +thrusts himself, so to speak, as a supernumerary into a group in which +all the economic positions are already possessed. History offers as the +classic illustration the European Jew. The stranger is by his very +nature no landowner--in saying which, land is taken not merely in a +physical sense but also in a metaphorical one of a permanent and a +substantial existence, which is fixed, if not in space, then at least in +an ideal position within the social order. The special sociological +characteristics of the stranger may now be presented. + +a) _Mobility._--In the more intimate relations of man to man, the +stranger may disclose all possible attractions and significant +characters, but just as long as he is regarded as a stranger, he is in +so far no landowner. Now restriction to trade, and frequently to pure +finance, as if by a sublimation from the former, gives the stranger the +specific character of mobility. With this mobility, when it occurs +within a limited group, there occurs that synthesis of nearness and +remoteness which constitutes the formal position of the stranger; for +the merely mobile comes incidentally into contact with every single +element but is not bound up organically, through the established ties of +kinship, locality, or profession, with any single one. + +b) _Objectivity._--Another expression for this relation lies in the +objectivity of the stranger. Because he is not rooted in the peculiar +attitudes and biased tendencies of the group, he stands apart from all +these with the peculiar attitude of the "objective," which does not +indicate simply a separation and disinterestedness but is a peculiar +composition of nearness and remoteness, concern and indifference. I call +attention to the domineering positions of the stranger to the group, as +whose archtype appeared that practice of Italian cities of calling their +judges from without, because no native was free from the prejudices of +family interests and factions. + +c) _Confidant._--With the objectivity of the stranger is connected the +phenomenon which indeed belongs chiefly, but not indeed exclusively, to +the mobile man: namely, that often the most surprising disclosures and +confessions, even to the character of the confessional disclosure, are +brought to him, secrets such as one carefully conceals from every +intimate. Objectivity is by no means lack of sympathy, for that is +something quite outside and beyond either subjective or objective +relations. It is rather a positive and particular manner of sympathy. So +the objectivity of a theoretical observation certainly does not mean +that the spirit is a _tabula rasa_ on which things inscribe their +qualities, but it means the full activity of a spirit working according +to its own laws, under conditions in which accidental dislocations and +accentuations have been excluded, the individual and subjective +peculiarities of which would give quite different pictures of the same +object. + +d) _Freedom from convention._--One can define objectivity also as +freedom. The objective man is bound by no sort of proprieties which can +prejudice for him his apprehension, his understanding, his judgment of +the given. This freedom which permits the stranger to experience and +deal with the relation of nearness as though from a bird's-eye view, +contains indeed all sorts of dangerous possibilities. From the +beginnings of things, in revolutions of all sorts, the attacked party +has claimed that there has been incitement from without, through foreign +emissaries and agitators. As far as that is concerned, it is simply an +exaggeration of the specific role of the stranger; he is the freer man, +practically and theoretically; he examines the relations with less +prejudice; he submits them to more general, more objective, standards, +and is not confined in his action by custom, piety, or precedents. + +e) _Abstract relations._--Finally, the proportion of nearness and +remoteness which gives the stranger the character of objectivity gets +another practical expression in the more abstract nature of the relation +to him. This is seen in the fact that one has certain more general +qualities only in common with the stranger, whereas the relation with +those organically allied is based on the similarity of just those +specific differences by which the members of an intimate group are +distinguished from those who do not share that intimacy. All personal +relations whatsoever are determined according to this scheme, however +varied the form which they assume. What is decisive is not the fact that +certain common characteristics exist side by side with individual +differences which may or may not affect them but rather that the +influence of this common possession itself upon the personal relation of +the individuals involved is determined by certain conditions: Does it +exist in and for these individuals and for these only? Does it represent +qualities that are general in the group, to be sure, but peculiar to it? +Or is it merely felt by the members of the group as something peculiar +to individuals themselves whereas, in fact, it is a common possession of +a group, or a type, or mankind? In the last case an attenuation of the +effect of the common possession enters in, proportional to the size of +the group. Common characteristics function, it is true, as a basis for +union among the elements, but it does not specifically refer these +elements to each other. A similarity so widely shared might serve as a +common basis of each with every possible other. This too is evidently +one way in which a relation may at the same moment comprehend both +nearness and remoteness. To the extent to which the similarities become +general, the warmth of the connection which they effect will have an +element of coolness, a feeling in it of the adventitiousness of this +very connection. The powers which united have lost their specific, +centripetal character. + +This constellation (in which similarities are shared by large numbers) +acquires, it seems to me, an extraordinary and fundamental +preponderance--as against the individual and personal elements we have +been discussing--in defining our relation to the stranger. The stranger +is near to us in so far as we feel between him and ourselves +similarities of nationality or social position, of profession or of +general human nature. He is far from us in so far as these similarities +reach out over him and us, and only ally us both because in fact they +ally a great many. + +In this sense a trait of this strangeness easily comes into even the +most intimate relations. Erotic relations show a very decided aversion, +in the stage of first passion, to any disposition to think of them in +general terms. A love such as this (so the lover feels) has never +existed before, nor is there anything to be compared with our passion +for the beloved person. An estrangement is wont, whether as cause or as +result it is difficult to decide, to set in at that moment in which the +sentiment of uniqueness disappears from the connection. A scepticism of +its value in itself and for us fastens itself to the very thought that +after all one has only drawn the lot of general humanity, one has +experienced a thousand times re-enacted adventure, and that, if one had +not accidentally encountered this precise person, any other one would +have acquired the same meaning for us. And something of this cannot fail +to be present in any relation, be it ever so intimate, because that +which is common to the two is perhaps never common only to them but +belongs to a general conception, which includes much else, many +possibilities of similarities. As little actuality as they may have, +often as we may forget them, yet here and there they crowd in like +shadows between men, like a mist gliding before every word's meaning, +which must actually congeal into solid corporeality in order to be +called rivalry. Perhaps this is in many cases a more general, at least +more insurmountable, strangeness than that afforded by differences and +incomprehensibilities. There is a feeling, indeed, that these are +actually not the peculiar property of just that relation but of a more +general one that potentially refers to us and to an uncertain number of +others, and therefore the relation experienced has no inner and final +necessity. + +On the other hand, there is a sort of strangeness, in which this very +connection on the basis of a general quality embracing the parties is +precluded. The relation of the Greeks to the Barbarians is a typical +example; so are all the cases in which the general characteristics which +one takes as peculiarly and merely human are disallowed to the other. +But here the expression "the stranger" has no longer any positive +meaning. The relation with him is a non-relation. He is not a member of +the group itself. As such he is much more to be considered as near and +far at the same moment, seeing that the foundation of the relation is +now laid simply on a general human similarity. Between these two +elements there occurs, however, a peculiar tension, since the +consciousness of having only the absolutely general in common has +exactly the effect of bringing into particular emphasis that which is +not common. In the case of strangers according to country, city, or +race, the individual characteristics of the person are not perceived; +but attention is directed to his alien extraction which he has in common +with all the members of his group. Therefore the strangers are +perceived, not indeed as individuals, but chiefly as strangers of a +certain type. Their remoteness is no less general than their nearness. + +With all his inorganic adjacency, the stranger is yet an organic member +of the group, whose uniform life is limited by the peculiar dependence +upon this element. Only we do not know how to designate the +characteristic unity of this position otherwise than by saying that it +is put together of certain amounts of nearness and of remoteness, which, +characterizing in some measure any sort of relation, determine in a +certain proportion and with characteristic mutual tension the specific, +formal relation of "the stranger." + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + + +1. Physical Contacts + +The literature of the research upon social contacts falls naturally +under four heads: physical contacts, sensory contacts, primary contacts, +and secondary contacts. + +The reaction of the person to contacts with things as contrasted with +his contacts with persons is an interesting chapter in social +psychology. Observation upon children shows that the individual tends to +respond to inanimate objects, particularly if they are unfamiliar, as if +they were living and social. The study of animism among primitive +peoples indicates that their attitude toward certain animals whom they +regarded as superior social beings is a specialization of this response. +A survey of the poetry of all times and races discloses that nature to +the poet as well as to the mystic is personal. Homesickness and +nostalgia are an indication of the personal and intimate nature of the +relation of man to the physical world. + +It seems to be part of man's original nature to take the world socially +and personally. It is only as things become familiar and controllable +that he gains the concept of mechanism. It is natural science and +machinery that has made so large a part of the world impersonal for most +of us. + +The scientific study of the actual reaction of persons and groups to +their physical environment is still in the pioneer stage. The +anthropogeographers have made many brilliant suggestions and a few +careful and critical studies of the direct and indirect effects of the +physical environment not merely upon man's social and political +organization but upon his temperament and conduct. Huntington's +suggestive observations upon the effect of climate upon manners and +efficiency have opened a wide field for investigation.[133] + +Interest is growing in the psychology and sociology of the responses of +individuals and groups to the physical conditions of their environment. +Communities, large and small in this country, as they become civic +conscious, have devised city plans. New York has made an elaborate +report on the zoning of the city into business, industrial, and +residential areas. A host of housing surveys present realistic pictures +of actual conditions of physical existence from the standpoint of the +hygienic and social effects of low standards of dwelling, overcrowding, +the problem of the roomer. Even historic accounts and impressionistic +observations of art and ornament, decoration and dress, indicate the +relation of these material trappings to the self-consciousness of the +individual in his social milieu. + +The reservation must be made that studies of zoning, city planning, and +housing have taken account of economic, aesthetic, and hygienic factors +rather than those of contacts. Implicit, however, in certain aspects of +these studies, certainly present often as an unconscious motive, has +been an appreciation of the effects of the urban, artificial physical +environment upon the responses and the very nature of plastic human +beings, creatures more than creators of the modern leviathan, the Great +City. + +Glimpses into the nature and process of these subtle effects appear only +infrequently in formal research. Occasionally such a book as _The +Spirit of Youth and the City Streets_ by Jane Addams throws a flood of +light upon the contrasts between the warmth, the sincerity, and the +wholesomeness of primary human responses and the sophistication, the +coldness, and the moral dangers of the secondary organization of urban +life. + +A sociological study of the effect of the artificial physical and social +environment of the city upon the person will take conscious account of +these social factors. The lack of attachment to home in the city tenant +as compared with the sentiments and status of home-ownership in the +village, the mobility of the urban dweller in his necessary routine of +work and his restless quest for pleasure, the sophistication, the front, +the self-seeking of the individual emancipated from the controls of the +primary group--all these represent problems for research. + +There are occasional references in literature to what may be called the +inversion of the natural attitudes of the city child. His attention, his +responses, even his images become fixed by the stimuli of the city +streets.[134] To those interested in child welfare and human values this +is the supreme tragedy of the city. + + +2. Touch and the Primary Contacts of Intimacy + +The study of the senses in their relations to personal and social +behavior had its origins in psychology, in psychoanalysis, in ethnology, +and in the study of races and nationalities with reference to the +conflict and fusion of cultures. Darwin's theory of the origin of the +species increased interest in the instincts and it was the study of the +instincts that led psychologists finally to define all forms of behavior +in terms of stimulus and response. A "contact" is simply a stimulation +that has significance for the understanding of group behavior. + +In psychoanalysis, a rapidly growing literature is accessible to +sociologists upon the nature and the effects of the intimate contacts of +sex and family life. Indeed, the Freudian concept of the _libido_ may be +translated for sociological purposes into the desire for response. The +intensity of the sentiments of love and hate that cement and disrupt the +family is indicated in the analyses of the so-called "family romance." +Life histories reveal the natural tendencies toward reciprocal affection +of mother and son or father and daughter, and the mutual antagonism of +father and son or mother and daughter. + +In ethnology, attention was early directed to the phenomena of taboo +with its injunction against contamination by contacts. The literature of +primitive communities is replete with the facts of avoidance of contact, +as between the sexes, between mother-in-law and son-in-law, with persons +"with the evil eye," etc. Frazer's volume on "Taboo and the Perils of +the Soul" in his series entitled _The Golden Bough_, and Crawley, in his +book, _The Mystic Rose_, to mention two outstanding examples, have +assembled, classified, and interpreted many types of taboo. In the +literature of taboo is found also the ritualistic distinction between +"the clean" and "the unclean" and the development of reverence and awe +toward "the sacred" and "the holy." + +Recent studies of the conflict of races and nationalities, generally +considered as exclusively economic or political in nature, bring out the +significance of disgusts and fears based fundamentally upon +characteristic racial odors, marked variations in skin color and in +physiognomy as well as upon differences in food habits, personal +conduct, folkways, mores, and culture. + + +3. Primary Contacts of Acquaintanceship + +Two of the best sociological statements of primary contacts are to be +found in Professor Cooley's analysis of primary groups in his book +_Social Organization_ and in Shaler's exposition of the sympathetic way +of approach in his volume _The Neighbor_. A mass of descriptive material +for the further study of the primary contacts is available from many +sources. Studies of primitive peoples indicate that early social +organizations were based upon ties of kinship and primary group +contacts. Village life in all ages and with all races exhibits absolute +standards and stringent primary controls of behavior. The Blue Laws of +Connecticut are little else than primary-group attitudes written into +law. Common law, the traditional code of legal conduct sanctioned by the +experience of primary groups, may be compared with statute law, which is +an abstract prescription for social life in secondary societies. Here +also should be included the consideration of programs and projects for +community organization upon the basis of primary contacts, as for +example, Ward's _The Social Center_. + + +4. Secondary Contacts + +The transition from feudal societies of villages and towns to our modern +world-society of great cosmopolitan cities has received more attention +from economics and politics than from sociology. Studies of the +industrial basis of city life have given us the external pattern of the +city: its topographical conditions, the concentration of population as +an outcome of large-scale production, division of labor, and +specialization of effort. Research in municipal government has proceeded +from the muck-raking period, indicated by Lincoln Steffens' _The Shame +of the Cities_ to surveys of public utilities and city administration of +the type of those made by the New York Bureau of Municipal Research. + +Social interest in the city was first stimulated by the polemics against +the political and social disorders of urban life. There were those who +would destroy the city in order to remedy its evils and restore the +simple life of the country. Sociology sought a surer basis for the +solution of the problems from a study of the facts of city life. +Statistics of population by governmental departments provide figures +upon conditions and tendencies. Community surveys have translated into +understandable form a mass of information about the formal aspects of +city life. + +Naturally enough, sympathetic and arresting pictures of city life have +come from residents of settlements as in Jane Addam's _Twenty Years at +Hull House_, Robert Wood's _The City Wilderness_, Lillian Wald's _The +House on Henry Street_ and Mrs. Simkhovitch's _The City Worker's World_. +Georg Simmel has made the one outstanding contribution to a sociology +or, perhaps better, a social philosophy of the city in his paper "The +Great City and Cultural Life." + + +BIBLIOGRAPHY: MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF SOCIAL CONTACTS + + +I. THE NATURE AND IMPORTANCE OF SOCIAL CONTACTS + +(1) Small, Albion W. _General Sociology._ An exposition of the main +development in sociological theory from Spencer to Ratzenhofer, pp. +486-91. Chicago, 1905. + +(2) Tarde, Gabriel. _The Laws of Imitation_. Translated from the French +by Elsie Clews Parsons. Chap. iii, "What Is a Society?" New York, 1903. + +(3) Thomas, W. I. "Race Psychology: Standpoint and Questionnaire, with +Particular Reference to the Immigrant and the Negro." _American Journal +of Sociology_, XVII (May, 1912), 725-75. + +(4) Boas, Franz. _The Mind of Primitive Man._ New York, 1911. + + +II. INTIMATE SOCIAL CONTACTS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE SENSES + +(1) Simmel, Georg. _Soziologie._ Untersuchungen ueber die Formen der +Vergesellschaftung. Exkurs ueber die Soziologie der Sinne, pp. 646-65. +Leipzig, 1908. + +(2) Crawley, E. _The Mystic Rose._ A study of primitive marriage. London +and New York, 1902. + +(3) Sully, James. _Sensation and Intuition._ Studies in psychology and +aesthetics. Chap, iv, "Belief: Its Varieties and Its Conditions." +London, 1874. + +(4) Moll, Albert. _Der Rapport in der Hypnose._ Leipzig, 1892. + +(5) Elworthy, F. T. _The Evil Eye._ An account of this ancient and +widespread superstition. London, 1895. + +(6) Levy-Bruhl. _Les fonctions mentales dans les societes inferieures._ +Paris, 1910. + +(7) Starbuck, Edwin D. "The Intimate Senses as Sources of Wisdom," _The +Journal of Religion_, I (March, 1921), 129-45. + +(8) Paulhan, Fr. _Les transformations saddles des sentiments._ Paris, +1920. + +(9) Stoll, O. _Suggestion und Hypnotismus in der Voelkerpsychologie._ +Chap. ix, pp. 225-29. Leipzig, 1904. + +(10) Hooper, Charles E. _Common Sense._ An analysis and interpretation. +Being a discussion of its general character, its distinction from +discursive reasoning, its origin in mental imagery, its speculative +outlook, its value for practical life and social well-being, its +relation to scientific knowledge, and its bearings on the problems of +natural and rational causation. London, 1913. + +(11) Weigall, A. "The Influence of the Kinematograph upon National +Life," _Nineteenth Century and After_, LXXXIX (April, 1921), 661-72. + + +III. MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF MOBILITY + +(1) Vallaux, Camille. "Le sol et l'etat," _Geographie sociale._ Paris, +1911. + +(2) Demolins, Edmond. _Comment la route cree le type social._ Les +grandes routes des peuples; essai de geographie social. 2 vols. Paris, +1901. + +(3) Vandervelde, E. _L'exode rural el le retour aux champs._ Chap. iv, +"Les consequences de l'exode rural." (Sec. 3 discusses the political and +intellectual, the physical and moral consequences of the rural exodus, +pp. 202-13.) Paris, 1903. + +(4) Bury, J. B. _A History of Freedom of Thought._ London and New York, +1913. + +(5) Bloch, Iwan. _Die Prostitution._ Handbuch der gesamten +Sexualwissenschaft in Einzeldarstellungen. Berlin, 1912. + +(6) Pagnier, Armand. _Du vagabondage et des vagabonds._ Etude +psychologique, sociologique et medico-legale. Lyon, 1906. + +(7) Laubach, Frank C. _Why There Are Vagrants._ A study based upon an +examination of one hundred men. New York, 1916. + +(8) Ribton-Turner, Charles J. _A History of Vagrants and Vagrancy and +Beggars and Begging._ London, 1887. + +(9) Florian, Eugenio. _I vagabondi._ Studio sociologicoguiridico. Parte +prima, "L'Evoluzione del vagabondaggio." Pp. 1-124. Torino, 1897-1900. + +(10) Devine, Edward T. "The Shiftless and Floating City Population," +_Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science_, X +(September, 1897), 149-164. + + +IV. SOCIAL CONTACTS IN PRIMARY GROUPS + +(1) Sumner, Wm. G. _Folkways._ A study of the sociological importance of +usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals. "The In-Group and the +Out-Group," pp. 12-16. Boston, 1906. + +(2) Vierkandt, Alfred. _Naturvoelker und Kulturvoelker._ Ein Beitrag zur +Socialpsychologie. Leipzig, 1896. + +(3) Pandian, T. B. _Indian Village Folk._ Their Works and Ways. London, +1897. + +(4) Dobschuetz, E. v. _Die urchristlichen Gemeinden._ +Sittengeschichtliche Bilder. Leipzig, 1902. + +(5) Kautsky, Karl. _Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the +Reformation._ Translated by J. L. and E. G. Mulliken. London, 1897. + +(6) Hupka, S. von. _Entwicklung der westgalizischen Dorfzustaende in der +2. Haelfte des 19. Jahrhunderts, verfolgt in einem Doerferkomplex._ +Zuerich, 1910. + +(7) Wallace, Donald M. _Russia._ Chaps. vi, vii, viii, and ix. New York, +1905. + +(8) Ditchfield, P. H. _Old Village Life, or, Glimpses of Village Life +through All Ages._ New York, 1920. + +(9) Hammond, John L., and Hammond, Barbara. _The Village Labourer, +1760-1832._ A study in the government of England before the reform bill. +London, 1911. + +(10) _The Blue Laws of Connecticut._ A collection of the earliest +statutes and judicial proceedings of that colony, being an exhibition of +the rigorous morals and legislation of the Puritans. Edited with an +introduction by Samuel M. Schmucker. Philadelphia, 1861. + +(11) Nordhoff, C. _The Communistic Societies of the United States._ From +personal visit and observation. Including detailed accounts of the +Economists, Zoarites, Shakers, the Amana, Oneida, Bethel, Aurora, +Icarian, and other existing societies, their religious creeds, social +practices, numbers, industries, and present condition. New York, 1875. + +(12) Hinds, William A. _American Communities and Co-operative Colonies._ +2d rev. Chicago, 1908. [Contains notices of 144 communities in the +United States.] + +(13) L'Houet, A. _Zur Psychologie des Bauerntums._ Ein Beitrag. +Tuebingen, 1905. + +(14) Pennington, Patience. _A Woman Rice-Planter._ New York, 1913. + +(15) Smedes, Susan D. _A Southern Planter._ London, 1889. + +(16) Sims, Newell L. _The Rural Community, Ancient and Modern._ Chap. +iv, "The Disintegration of the Village Community." New York, 1920. + +(17) Anderson, Wilbert L. _The Country Town._ A study of rural +evolution. New York, 1906. + +(18) Zola, Emile. _La Terre._ Paris, 1907. [Romance.] + + +V. SOCIAL CONTACTS IN SECONDARY GROUPS + +(1) Weber, Adna Ferrin. _The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth +Century._ A study in statistics. New York, 1899. + +(2) Preuss, Hugo. _Die Entwicklung des deutschen Staedtewesens._ I Band. +Leipzig, 1906. + +(3) Green, Alice S. A. (Mrs. J. R.) _Town Life in the Fifteenth +Century._ London and New York, 1894. + +(4) Toynbee, Arnold. _Lectures on the Industrial Revolution of the +Eighteenth Century in England._ London, 1890. + +(5) Hammond, J. L., and Hammond, Barbara. _The Town Labourer, +1760-1832._ The new civilization. London, 1917. + +(6) ----. _The Skilled Labourer_, 1760-1832. London, 1919. [Presents the +detailed history of particular bodies of skilled workers during the +great change of the Industrial Revolution.] + +(7) Jastrow, J. "Die Stadtgemeinschaft in ihren kulturellen +Beziehungen." (Indicates the institutions which have come into existence +under conditions of urban community life.) _Zeitschrift fuer +Socialwissenschaft_, X (1907), 42-51, 92-101. [Bibliography.] + +(8) Sombart, Werner. _The Jews and Modern Capitalism._ Translated from +the German by M. Epstein. London, 1913. + +(9) ----. _The Quintessence of Capitalism._ A study of the history and +psychology of the modern business man. Translated from the German by M. +Epstein. New York, 1915. + +(10) Wallas, Graham. _The Great Society._ A psychological analysis. New +York, 1914. + +(11) Booth, Charles. _Life and Labour of the People in London._ V, East +London, chap, ii, "The Docks." III, chap, iv, "Influx of Population." +London, 1892. + +(12) Marpillero, G. "Saggio di psicologia dell'urbanismo," _Rivista +italiana di sociologia_, XII (1908), 599-626. + +(13) Besant, Walter. _East London._ London and New York, 1901. + +(14) _The Pittsburgh Survey--the Pittsburgh District._ Robert A. Woods, +"Pittsburgh, an Interpretation." Allen T. Burns, "Coalition of +Pittsburgh Coal Fields." New York, 1914. + +(15) _Hull House Maps and Papers._ A presentation of nationalities and +wages in a congested district of Chicago, together with comments and +essays on problems growing out of the social conditions. New York, 1895. + +(16) Addams, Jane. _Twenty Years at Hull House._ With autobiographical +notes. New York, 1910. + +(17) ----. _The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets._ New York, 1909. + +(18) Simkhovitch, Mary K. _The City Worker's World in America._ New +York, 1917. + +(19) Park, R. E., and Miller, H. A. _Old World Traits Transplanted._ New +York, 1921. + +(20) Park, Robert E. _The Immigrant Press and Its Control._ (In press.) + +(21) Steiner, J. F. _The Japanese Invasion._ A study in the psychology +of inter-racial contacts. Chicago, 1917. + +(22) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and +America._ Monograph of an immigrant group. Vol. IV, Chicago, 1918. + +(23) Cahan, Abraham. _The Rise of David Levinsky._ A novel. New York and +London, 1917. + +(24) Hasanovitz, Elizabeth. _One of Them._ Chapters from a passionate +autobiography. Boston, 1918. + +(25) Ravage, M. E. _An American in the Making._ The life story of an +immigrant. New York and London, 1917. + +(26) Ribbany, Abraham Mitrie. _A Far Journey._ Boston, 1914. + +(27) Riis, Jacob A. _The Making of an American._ New York and London, +1901. + +(28) Cohen, Rose. _Out of the Shadow._ New York, 1918. + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. The Land as the Basis for Social Contacts. + +2. Density of Population, Social Contacts and Social Organization. + +3. Mobility and Social Types, as the Gypsy, the Nomad, the Hobo, the +Pioneer, the Commercial Traveler, the Missionary, the Globe-Trotter, the +Wandering Jew. + +4. Stability and Social Types, as the Farmer, the Home-Owner, the +Business Man. + +5. Sensory Experience and Human Behavior. Nostalgia (Homesickness). + +6. Race Prejudice and Primary Contacts. + +7. Taboo and Social Contact. + +8. Social Contacts in a Primary Group, as the Family, the Play Group, +the Neighborhood, the Village. + +9. Social Control in Primary Groups. + +10. The Substitution of Secondary for Primary Contacts as the Cause of +Social Problems, as Poverty, Crime, Prostitution, etc. + +11. Control of Problems through Secondary Contacts, as Charity +Organization Society, Social Service Registration Bureau, Police +Department, Morals Court, Publicity through the Press, etc. + +12. The Industrial Revolution and the Great Society. + +13. Attempts to Revive Primary Groups in the City, as the Social Center, +the Settlement, the Social Unit Experiment, etc. + +14. Attempts to Restore Primary Contacts between Employer and Employee. + +15. The Anonymity of the Newspaper. + +16. Standardization and Impersonality of the Great Society. + +17. The Sociology of the Stranger; a Study of the Revivalist, the +Expert, the Genius, the Trader. + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. What do you understand by the term contact? + +2. What are the ways in which geographic conditions influence social +contacts? + +3. What are the differences in contact with the land between primitive +and modern peoples? + +4. In what ways do increasing social contacts affect contacts with the +soil? Give concrete illustrations. + +5. What is the social significance of touch as compared with that of the +other senses? + +6. In what sense is touch a social contact? + +7. By what principle do you explain desire or aversion for contact? + +8. Give illustrations indicating the significance of touch in various +fields of social life. + +9. How do you explain the impulse to touch objects which attract +attention? + +10. What are the differences in contacts within and without the group in +primitive society? + +11. In what way do external relations affect the contacts within the +group? + +12. Give illustrations of group egotism or ethnocentrism. + +13. To what extent does the dependence of the solidarity of the in-group +upon its relations with the out-groups have a bearing upon present +international relations? + +14. To what extent is the social control of the immigrant dependent upon +the maintenance of the solidarity of the immigrant group? + +15. What are our reactions upon meeting a person? a friend? a stranger? + +16. What do you understand Shaler to mean by the statement that "at the +beginning of any acquaintance the fellow-being is evidently dealt with +in the categoric way"? + +17. How far is "the sympathetic way of approach" practical in human +relations? + +18. What is the difference in the basis of continuity between animal and +human society? + +19. What types of social contacts make for historical continuity? + +20. What are the differences of social contacts in the movements of +primitive and civilized peoples? + +21. To what extent is civilization dependent upon increasing contacts +and intimacy of contacts? + +22. Does mobility always mean increasing contacts? + +23. Under what conditions does mobility contribute to the increase of +experience? + +24. Does the hobo get more experience than the schoolboy? + +25. Contrast the advantages and limitations of historical continuity and +of mobility. + +26. What do you understand by a primary group? + +27. Are primary contacts limited to members of face-to-face groups? + +28. What attitudes and relations characterize village life? + +29. Interpret sociologically the control by the group of the behavior of +the individual in a rural community. + +30. Why has the growth of the city resulted in the substitution of +secondary for primary social contacts? + +31. What problems grow out of the breakdown of primary relations? What +problems are solved by the breakdown of primary relations? + +32. Do the contacts of city life make for the development of +individuality? personality? social types? + +33. In what ways does publicity function as a form of secondary contact +in American life? + +34. Why does the European peasant first become a reader of newspapers +after his immigration to the United States? + +35. Why does the shift from country to city involve a change (a) from +concrete to abstract relations; (b) from absolute to relative +standards of life; (c) from personal to impersonal relations; and +(d) from sentimental to rational attitudes? + +36. How far is social solidarity based upon concrete and sentimental +rather than upon abstract and rational relations? + +37. Why does immigration make for change from sentimental to rational +attitudes toward life? + +38. In what way is capitalism associated with the growth of secondary +contacts? + +39. How does "the stranger" include externality and intimacy? + +40. In what ways would you illustrate the relation described by Simmel +that combines "the near" and "the far"? + +41. Why is it that "the stranger" is associated with revolutions and +destructive forces in the group? + +42. Why does "the stranger" have prestige? + +43. In what sense is the attitude of the academic man that of "the +stranger" as compared with the attitude of the practical man? + +44. To what extent does the professional man have the characteristics of +"the stranger"? + +45. Why does the feeling of a relation as unique give it value that it +loses when thought of as shared by others? + +46. What would be the effect upon the problem of the relation of the +whites and negroes in the United States of the recognition that this +relation is of the same kind as that which exists between other races in +similar situations? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[117] Alexander Pope, in smooth lines, and with apt phrases, has +concretely described this process of perversion: + + "Vice is a monster of so frightful mien, + As to be hated needs but to be seen; + Yet seen too oft, familiar with her face, + We first endure, then pity, then embrace." + +[118] H. S. Jennings, John B. Watson, Adolph Meyer, and W. I. Thomas, +"Practical and Theoretical Problems in Instinct and Habit," _Suggestions +of Modern Science Concerning Education_, p. 174. + +[119] See Introduction, pp. 8-10. + +[120] Thorstein Veblin, _The Instinct of Workmanship, and the State of +the Industrial Arts_. (New York, 1914.) + +[121] From Albion W. Small, _General Sociology_, pp. 486-89. (The +University of Chicago Press, 1905.) + +[122] From Ellen C. Semple, _Influences of Geographic Environment_, pp. +51-53. (Henry Holt & Co., 1911.) + +[123] From Ernest Crawley, _The Mystic Rose_, pp. 76-79. (Published by +The Macmillan Co., 1902. Reprinted by permission.) + +[124] From W. G. Sumner, _Folkways_, pp. 12-13. (Ginn & Co., 1906.) + +[125] Adapted from N. S. Shaler, _The Neighbor_, pp. 207-27. (Houghton +Mifflin Co., 1904.) + +[126] From Friedrich Ratzel, _The History of Mankind_, I, 21-25. +(Published by The Macmillan Co., 1896. Reprinted by permission.) + +[127] Adapted from Ellen C. Semple, _Influences of Geographic +Environment_, pp. 75-84, 186-87. (Henry Holt & Co., 1911.) + +[128] Adapted from Caroline C. Richards, _Village Life in America_, pp. +21-138. (Henry Holt & Co., 1912.) + +[129] From Robert E. Park, "The City," in the _American Journal of +Sociology_, XX (1914-15), 593-609. + +[130] From Robert E. Park, "The City," in the _American Journal of +Sociology_, XX (1914-15), 604-7. + +[131] Adapted from Werner Sombart, _The Quintessence of Capitalism_, pp. +292-307. (T. F. Unwin, Ltd., 1915.) + +[132] Translated from Georg Simmel, _Soziologie_, pp. 685-91. (Leipzig: +Duncker und Humblot, 1908.) + +[133] Ellsworth Huntington, _Climate and Civilization_. (New Haven, +1915.) + +[134] The following is one of the typical illustrations of this point. +An art teacher conducted a group of children from a settlement, in a +squalid city area, to the country. She asked the children to draw any +object they wished. On examination of the drawings she was astonished to +find not rural scenes but pictures of the city streets, as lamp-posts +and smokestacks. + + + + +CHAPTER VI + +SOCIAL INTERACTION + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. The Concept of Interaction + +The idea of interaction is not a notion of common sense. It represents +the culmination of long-continued reflection by human beings in their +ceaseless effort to resolve the ancient paradox of unity in diversity, +the "one" and the "many," to find law and order in the apparent chaos of +physical changes and social events; and thus to find explanations for +the behavior of the universe, of society, and of man. + +The disposition to be curious and reflective about the physical and +social universe is human enough. For men, in distinction from animals, +live in a world of ideas as well as in a realm of immediate reality. +This world of ideas is something more than the mirror that +sense-perception offers us; something less than that ultimate reality to +which it seems to be a prologue and invitation. Man, in his ambition to +be master of himself and of nature, looks behind the mirror, to analyze +phenomena and seek causes, in order to gain control. Science, natural +science, is a research for causes, that is to say, for mechanisms, which +in turn find application in technical devices, organization, and +machinery, in which mankind asserts its control over physical nature and +eventually over man himself. Education, in its technical aspects at +least, is a device of social control, just as the printing press is an +instrument that may be used for the same purpose. + +Sociology, like other natural sciences, aims at prediction and control +based on an investigation of the nature of man and society, and nature +means here, as elsewhere in science, just those aspects of life that are +determined and predictable. In order to describe man and society in +terms which will reveal their nature, sociology is compelled to reduce +the complexity and richness of life to the simplest terms, i.e., +elements and forces. Once the concepts "elements" or "forces" have been +accepted, the notion of interaction is an evitable, logical development. +In astronomy, for example, these elements are (a) the masses of the +heavenly bodies, (b) their position, (c) the direction of their +movement, and (d) their velocity. In sociology, these forces are +institutions, tendencies, human beings, ideas, anything that embodies +and expresses motives and wishes. In _principle_, and with reference to +their logical character, the "forces" and "elements" in sociology may be +compared with the forces and elements in any other natural science. + +Ormond, in his _Foundations of Knowledge_,[135] gives an illuminating +analysis of interaction as a concept which may be applied equally to the +behavior of physical objects and persons. + + The notion of interaction is not simple but very complex. The + notion involves not simply the idea of bare collision and + rebound, but something much more profound, namely, the internal + modifiability of the colliding agents. Take for example the + simplest possible case, that of one billiard ball striking + against another. We say that the impact of one ball against + another communicates motion, so that the stricken ball passes + from a state of rest to one of motion, while the striking ball + has experienced a change of an opposite character. But nothing + is explained by this account, for if nothing happens but the + communication of motion, why does it not pass through the + stricken ball and leave its state unchanged? The phenomenon + cannot be of this simple character, but there must be a point + somewhere at which the recipient of the impulse gathers itself + up, so to speak, into a knot and becomes the subject of the + impulse which is thus translated into movement. We have thus + movement, impact, impulse, which is translated again into + activity, and outwardly the billiard ball changing from a state + of rest to one of motion; or in the case of the impelling ball, + from a state of motion to one of rest. Now the case of the + billiard balls is one of the simpler examples of interaction. + We have seen that the problem it supplies is not simple but + very complex. The situation is not thinkable at all if we do + not suppose the internal modifiability of the agents, and this + means that these agents are able somehow to receive internally + and to react upon impulses which are communicated externally in + the form of motion or activity. The simplest form of + interaction involves the supposition, therefore, of internal + subject-points or their analogues from which impulsions are + received and responded to. + +Simmel, among sociological writers, although he nowhere expressly +defines the term, has employed the conception of interaction with a +clear sense of its logical significance. Gumplowicz, on the other hand, +has sought to define social interaction as a principle fundamental to +all natural sciences, that is to say, sciences that seek to describe +change in terms of a process, i.e., physics, chemistry, biology, +psychology. The logical principle is the same in all these sciences; the +_processes_ and the _elements_ are different. + + +2. Classification of the Materials + +The material in this chapter will be considered here under three main +heads: (a) society as interaction, (b) communication as the medium +of interaction, and (c) imitation and suggestion as mechanisms of +interaction. + +a) _Society as interaction._--Society stated in mechanistic terms +reduces to interaction. A person is a member of society so long as he +responds to social forces; when interaction ends, he is isolated and +detached; he ceases to be a person and becomes a "lost soul." This is +the reason that the limits of society are coterminous with the limits of +interaction, that is, of the participation of persons in the life of +society. One way of measuring the wholesome or the normal life of a +person is by the sheer external fact of his membership in the social +groups of the community in which his lot is cast. + +Simmel has illustrated in a wide survey of concrete detail how +interaction defines the group in time and space. Through contacts of +historical continuity, the life of society extends backward to +prehistoric eras. More potent over group behavior than contemporary +discovery and invention is the control exerted by the "dead hand of the +past" through the inertia of folkways and mores, through the revival of +memories and sentiments and through the persistence of tradition and +culture. Contacts of mobility, on the other hand, define the area of the +interaction of the members of the group in space. The degree of +departure from accepted ideas and modes of behavior and the extent of +sympathetic approach to the strange and the novel largely depend upon +the rate, the number, and the intensity of the contacts of mobility. + +b) _Communication as the medium of social interaction._--Each science +postulates its own medium of interaction. Astronomy and physics assume +a hypothetical substance, the ether. Physics has its principles of molar +action and reaction; chemistry studies molecular interaction. Biology +and medicine direct their research to the physiological interaction of +organisms. Psychology is concerned with the behavior of the individual +organism in terms of the interaction of stimuli and responses. +Sociology, as collective psychology, deals with communication. +Sociologists have referred to this process as intermental stimulation +and response. + +The readings on communication are so arranged as to make clear the three +natural levels of interaction: (x) that of the senses; (y) that of +the emotions; and (z) that of sentiments and ideas. + +Interaction through sense-perceptions and emotional responses may be +termed the natural forms of communication since they are common to man +and to animals. Simmel's interpretation of interaction through the +senses is suggestive of the subtle, unconscious, yet profound, way in +which personal attitudes are formed. Not alone vision, but hearing, +smell and touch exhibit in varying degrees the emotional responses of +the type of appreciation. This means understanding other persons or +objects on the perceptual basis. + +The selections from Darwin and from Morgan upon emotional expression in +animals indicate how natural expressive signs become a vehicle for +communication. A prepossession for speech and ideas blinds man to the +important role in human conduct still exerted by emotional +communication, facial expression, and gesture. Blushing and laughter are +peculiarly significant, because these forms of emotional response are +distinctively human. To say that a person blushes when he is +self-conscious, that he laughs when he is detached from, and superior +to, and yet interested in, an occurrence means that blushing and +laughter represent contrasted attitudes to a social situation. The +relation of blushing and laughter to social control, as an evidence of +the emotional dependence of the person upon the group, is at its apogee +in adolescence. + +Interaction through sensory impressions and emotional expression is +restricted to the communication of attitudes and feelings. The +selections under the heading "Language and the Communication of Ideas" +bring out the uniquely human character of speech. Concepts, as Max +Mueller insists, are the common symbols wrought out in social experience. +They are more or less conventionalized, objective, and intelligible +symbols that have been defined in terms of a common experience or, as +the logicians say, of a universe of discourse. Every group has its own +universe of discourse. In short, to use Durkheim's phrase, concepts are +"collective representations." + +History has been variously conceived in terms of great events, +epoch-making personalities, social movements, and cultural changes. From +the point of view of sociology social evolution might profitably be +studied in its relation to the development and perfection of the means +and technique of communication. How revolutionary was the transition +from word of mouth and memory to written records! The beginnings of +ancient civilization with its five independent centers in Egypt, the +Euphrates River Valley, China, Mexico, and Peru appear to be +inextricably bound up with the change from pictographs to writing, that +is to say from symbols representing words to symbols representing +sounds. The modern period began with the invention of printing and the +printing press. As books became the possession of the common man the +foundation was laid for experiments in democracy. From the sociological +standpoint the book is an organized objective mind whose thoughts are +accessible to all. The role of the book in social life has long been +recognized but not fully appreciated. The Christian church, to be sure, +regards the Bible as the word of God. The army does not question the +infallibility of the Manual of Arms. Our written Constitution has been +termed "the ark of the covenant." The orthodox Socialist appeals in +unquestioning faith to the ponderous tomes of Marx. + +World-society of today, which depends upon the almost instantaneous +communication of events and opinion around the world, rests upon the +invention of telegraphy and the laying of the great ocean cables. +Wireless telegraphy and radio have only perfected these earlier means +and render impossible a monopoly or a censorship of intercommunication +between peoples. The traditional cultures, the social inheritances of +ages of isolation, are now in a world-process of interaction and +modification as a result of the rapidity and the impact of these modern +means of the circulation of ideas and sentiments. At the present time it +is so popular to malign the newspaper that few recognize the extent to +which news has freed mankind from the control of political parties, +social institutions, and, it may be added, from the "tyranny" of books. + +c) _Imitation and suggestion the mechanistic forms of +interaction._--In all forms of communication behavior changes occur, but +in two cases the processes have been analyzed, defined, and reduced to +simple terms, viz., in imitation and in suggestion. + +Imitation, as the etymology of the term implies, is a process of copying +or learning. But imitation is learning only so far as it has the +character of an experiment, or trial and error. It is also obvious that +so-called "instinctive" imitation is not learning at all. Since the +results of experimental psychology have limited the field of instinctive +imitation to a few simple activities, as the tendencies to run when +others run, to laugh when others laugh, its place in human life becomes +of slight importance as compared with imitation which involves +persistent effort at reproducing standard patterns of behavior. + +This human tendency, under social influences, to reproduce the copy +Stout has explained in psychological terms of attention and interest. +The interests determine the run of attention, and the direction of +attention fixes the copies to be imitated. Without in any way +discounting the psychological validity of this explanation, or its +practical value in educational application, social factors controlling +interest and attention should not be disregarded. In a primary group, +social control narrowly restricts the selection of patterns and +behavior. In an isolated group the individual may have no choice +whatsoever. Then, again, attention may be determined, not by interests +arising from individual capacity or aptitude, but rather from _rapport_, +that is, from interest in the prestige or in the personal traits of the +individual presenting the copy. + +The relation of the somewhat complex process of imitation to the simple +method of trial and error is of significance. Learning by imitation +implies at once both identification of the person with the individual +presenting the copy and yet differentiation from him. Through imitation +we appreciate the other person. We are in sympathy or _en rapport_ with +him, while at the same time we appropriate his sentiment and his +technique. Ribot and Adam Smith analyze this relation of imitation to +sympathy and Hirn points out that in art this process of internal +imitation is indispensable for aesthetic appreciation. + +In this process of appreciation and learning the primitive method of +trial and error comes into the service of imitation. In a real sense +imitation is mechanical and conservative; it provides a basis for +originality, but its function is to transmit, not to originate the new. +On the other hand, the simple process of trial and error, a common +possession of man and the animals, results in discovery and invention. + +The most scientifically controlled situation for the play of suggestion +is in hypnosis. An analysis of the observed facts of hypnotism will be +helpful in arriving at an understanding of the mechanism of suggestion +in everyday life. The essential facts of hypnotism may be briefly +summarized as follows: (a) The establishment of a relation of +_rapport_ between the experimenter and the subject of such a nature that +the latter carries out suggestions presented by the former. (b) The +successful response by the subject to the suggestion is conditional upon +its relation to his past experience. (c) The subject responds to his +own idea of the suggestion, and not to the idea as conceived by the +experimenter. A consideration of cases is sufficient to convince the +student of a complete parallel between suggestion in social life with +suggestion in hypnosis, so far, at least, as concerns the last two +points. Wherever rapport develops between persons, as in the love of +mother and son, the affection of lovers, the comradeship of intimate +friends, there also arises the mechanism of the reciprocal influence of +suggestion. But in normal social situations, unlike hypnotism, there may +be the effect of suggestion where no rapport exists. + +Herein lies the significance of the differentiation made by Bechterew +between active perception and passive perception. In passive perception +ideas and sentiments evading the "ego" enter the "subconscious mind" +and, uncontrolled by the active perception, form organizations or +complexes of "lost" memories. It thus comes about that in social +situations, where no rapport exists between two persons, a suggestion +may be made which, by striking the right chord of memory or by +resurrecting a forgotten sentiment, may transform the life of the other, +as in conversion. The area of suggestion in social life is indicated in +a second paper selected from Bechterew. In later chapters upon "Social +Control" and "Collective Behavior" the mechanism of suggestion in the +determination of group behavior will be further considered. + +Imitation and suggestion are both mechanisms of social interaction in +which an individual or group is controlled by another individual or +group. The distinction between the two processes is now clear. The +characteristic mark of imitation is the tendency, under the influence of +copies socially presented, to build up mechanisms of habits, sentiments, +ideals, and patterns of life. The process of suggestion, as +differentiated from imitation in social interaction, is to release under +the appropriate social stimuli mechanisms already organized, whether +instincts, habits, or sentiments. The other differences between +imitation and suggestion grow out of this fundamental distinction. In +imitation attention is alert, now on the copy and now on the response. +In suggestion the attention is either absorbed in, or distracted from, +the stimulus. In imitation the individual is self conscious; the subject +in suggestion is unconscious of his behavior. In imitation the activity +tends to reproduce the copy; in suggestion the response may be like or +unlike the copy. + + +II. MATERIALS + + +A. SOCIETY AS INTERACTION + + +1. The Mechanistic Interpretation of Society[136] + +In every natural process we may observe the two essential factors which +constitute it, namely, heterogeneous elements and their reciprocal +interaction which we ascribe to certain natural forces. We observe these +factors in the natural process of the stars, by which the different +heavenly bodies exert certain influences over each other, which we +ascribe either to the force of attraction or to gravity. + +"No material bond unites the planets to the sun. The direct activity of +an elementary force, the general force of attraction, holds both in an +invisible connection by the elasticity of its influence." + +In the chemical natural process we observe the most varied elements +related to each other in the most various ways. They attract or repulse +each other. They enter into combinations or they withdraw from them. +These are nothing but actions and interactions which we ascribe to +certain forces inherent in these elements. + +The vegetable and animal natural process begins, at any rate, with the +contact of heterogeneous elements which we characterize as sexual cells +(gametes). They exert upon each other a reciprocal influence which sets +into activity the vegetable and animal process. + +The extent to which science is permeated by the hypothesis that +heterogeneous elements reacting upon each other are necessary to a +natural process is best indicated by the atomic theory. + +Obviously, it is conceded that the origins of all natural processes +cannot better be explained than by the assumption of the existence in +bodies of invisible particles, each of which has some sort of separate +existence and reacts upon the others. + +The entire hypothesis is only the consequence of the concept of a +natural process which the observation of nature has produced in the +human mind. + +Even though we conceive the social process as characteristic and +different from the four types of natural processes mentioned above, +still there must be identified in it the two essential factors which +constitute the generic conception of the natural process. And this is, +in fact, what we find. The numberless human groups, which we assume as +the earliest beginnings of human existence, constitute the great variety +of heterogeneous ethnic elements. These have decreased with the decrease +in the number of hordes and tribes. From the foregoing explanation we +are bound to assume as certain that in this field we are concerned with +ethnically different and heterogeneous elements. + +The question now remains as to the second constitutive element of a +natural process, namely, the definite interaction of these elements, and +especially as to those interactions which are characterized by +regularity and permanency. Of course, we must avoid analogy with the +reciprocal interaction of heterogeneous elements in the domain of other +natural processes. In strict conformity with the scientific method we +take into consideration merely such interactions as the facts of common +knowledge and actual experience offer us. Thus will we be able, happily, +to formulate a principle of the reciprocal interaction of heterogeneous +ethnic, or, if you will, social elements, the mathematical certainty and +universality of which cannot be denied irrefutably, since it manifests +itself ever and everywhere in the field of history and the living +present. + +This principle may be very simply stated: Every stronger ethnic or +social group strives to subjugate and make serviceable to its purposes +every weaker element which exists or may come within the field of its +influence. This thesis of the relation of heterogeneous ethnic and +social elements to each other, with all the consequences proceeding +from it, contains within it the key to the solution of the entire riddle +of the natural process of human history. We shall see this thesis +illustrated ever and everywhere in the past and the present in the +interrelations of heterogeneous ethnic and social elements and become +convinced of its universal validity. In this latter relation it does not +correspond at all to such natural laws, as, for example, attraction and +gravitation or chemical affinity, or to the laws of vegetable and animal +life. In order better to conceive of this social natural law in its +general validity, we must study it in its different consequences and in +the various forms which it assumes according to circumstances and +conditions. + + +2. Social Interaction as the Definition of the Group in Time and +Space[137] + +Society exists wherever several individuals are in reciprocal +relationship. This reciprocity arises always from specific impulses or +by virtue of specific purposes. Erotic, religious, or merely associative +impulses, purposes of defense or of attack, of play as well as of gain, +of aid and instruction, and countless others bring it to pass that men +enter into group relationships of acting for, with, against, one +another; that is, men exercise an influence upon these conditions of +association and are influenced by them. These reactions signify that out +of the individual bearers of those occasioning impulses and purposes a +unity, that is, a "society," comes into being. + +An organic body is a unity because its organs are in a relationship of +more intimate interchange of their energies than with any external +being. A _state_ is _one_ because between its citizens the corresponding +relationship of reciprocal influences exists. We could, indeed, not call +the world _one_ if each of its parts did not somehow influence every +other, if anywhere the reciprocity of the influences, however mediated, +were cut off. That unity, or socialization, may, according to the kind +and degree of reciprocity, have very different gradations, from the +ephemeral combination for a promenade to the family; from all +relationships "at will" to membership in a state; from the temporary +aggregation of the guests in a hotel to the intimate bond of a medieval +guild. + +Everything now which is present in the individuals--the immediate +concrete locations of all historical actuality--in the nature of +impulse, interest, purpose, inclination, psychical adaptability, and +movement of such sort that thereupon or therefrom occurs influence upon +others, or the reception of influence from them--all this I designate as +the content or the material of socialization. In and of themselves, +these materials with which life is filled, these motivations which impel +it, are not social in their nature. Neither hunger nor love, neither +labor nor religiosity, neither the technique nor the functions and +results of intelligence, as they are given immediately and in their +strict sense, signify socialization. On the contrary, they constitute it +only when they shape the isolated side-by-sideness of the individuals +into definite forms of with-and-for-one-another, which belong under the +general concept of reciprocity. Socialization is thus the _form_, +actualizing itself in countless various types, in which the +individuals--on the basis of those interests, sensuous or ideal, +momentary or permanent, conscious or unconscious, casually driving or +purposefully leading--grow together into a unity, and within which these +interests come to realization. + +That which constitutes "society" is evidently types of reciprocal +influencing. Any collection of human beings whatsoever becomes +"society," not by virtue of the fact that in each of the number there is +a life-content which actuates the individual as such, but only when the +vitality of these contents attains the form of reciprocal influencing. +Only when an influence is exerted, whether immediately or through a +third party, from one upon another has society come into existence in +place of a mere spatial juxtaposition or temporal contemporaneousness or +succession of individuals. If, therefore, there is to be a science, the +object of which is to be "society" and nothing else, it can investigate +only these reciprocal influences, these kinds and forms of +socialization. For everything else found within "society" and realized +by means of it is not "society" itself, but merely a content which +builds or is built by this form of coexistence, and which indeed only +together with "society" brings into existence the real structure, +"society," in the wider and usual sense. + +The persistence of the group presents itself in the fact that, in spite +of the departure and the change of members, the group remains identical. +We say that it is the same state, the same association, the same army, +which now exists that existed so and so many decades or centuries ago; +this, although no single member of the original organization remains. +Here is one of the cases in which the temporal order of events presents +a marked analogy with the spatial order. Out of individuals existing +side by side, that is, apart from each other, a social unity is formed. +The inevitable separation which space places between men is nevertheless +overcome by the spiritual bond between them, so that there arises an +appearance of unified interexistence. In like manner the temporal +separation of individuals and of generations presents their union in our +conceptions as a coherent, uninterrupted whole. In the case of persons +spatially separated, this unity is effected by the reciprocity +maintained between them across the dividing distance. The unity of +complex being means nothing else than the cohesion of elements which is +produced by the reciprocal exercise of forces. In the case of temporally +separated persons, however, unity cannot be effected in this manner, +because reciprocity is lacking. The earlier may influence the later, but +the later cannot influence the earlier. Hence the persistence of the +social unity in spite of shifting membership presents a peculiar problem +which is not solved by explaining how the group came to exist at a given +moment. + +a) _Continuity by continuance of locality._--The first and most +obvious element of the continuity of group unity is the continuance of +the locality, of the place and soil on which the group lives. The state, +still more the city, and also countless other associations, owe their +unity first of all to the territory which constitutes the abiding +substratum for all change of their contents. To be sure, the continuance +of the locality does not of itself alone mean the continuance of the +social unity, since, for instance, if the whole population of a state is +driven out or enslaved by a conquering group, we speak of a changed +civic group in spite of the continuance of the territory. Moreover, the +unity of whose character we are speaking is psychical, and it is this +psychical factor itself which makes the territorial substratum a unity. +After this has once taken place, however, the locality constitutes an +essential point of attachment for the further persistence of the group. +But it is only one such element, for there are groups that get along +without a local substratum. On the one hand, there are the very small +groups, like the family, which continue precisely the same after the +residence is changed. On the other hand, there are the very large +groups, like that ideal community of the "republic of letters," or the +other international associations in the interest of culture, or the +groups conducting international commerce. Their peculiar character +comes from entire independence of all attachment to a definite locality. + +b) _Continuity through blood relationship._--In contrast with this +more formal condition for the maintenance of the group is the +physiological connection of the generations. Community of stock is not +always enough to insure unity of coherence for a long time. In many +cases the local unity must be added. The social unity of the Jews has +been weakened to a marked degree since the dispersion, in spite of their +physiological and confessional unity. It has become more compact in +cases where a group of Jews have lived for a time in the same territory, +and the efforts of the modern "Zionism" to restore Jewish unity on a +larger scale calculate upon concentration in one locality. On the other +hand, when other bonds of union fail, the physiological is the last +recourse to which the self-maintenance of the group resorts. The more +the German guilds declined, the weaker their inherent power of cohesion +became, the more energetically did each guild attempt to make itself +exclusive, that is, it insisted that no persons should be admitted as +guildmasters except sons or sons-in-law of masters or the husbands of +masters' widows. + +The physiological coherence of successive generations is of incomparable +significance for the maintenance of the unitary self of the group, for +the special reason that the displacement of one generation by the +following _does not take place all at once_. By virtue of this fact it +comes about that a continuity is maintained which conducts the vast +majority of the individuals who live in a given moment into the life of +the next moment. The change, the disappearance and entrance of persons, +affects in two contiguous moments a number relatively small compared +with the number of those who remain constant. Another element of +influence in this connection is the fact that human beings are not bound +to a definite mating season, but that children are begotten at any time. +It can never properly be asserted of a group, therefore, that at any +given moment a new generation begins. The departure of the older and the +entrance of the younger elements proceed so gradually and continuously +that the group seems as much like a unified self as an organic body in +spite of the change of its atoms. + +If the change were instantaneous, it is doubtful if we should be +justified in calling the group "the same" after the critical moment as +before. The circumstance alone that the transition affected in a given +moment only a minimum of the total life of the group makes it possible +for the group to retain its selfhood through the change. We may express +this schematically as follows: If the totality of individuals or other +conditions of the life of the group be represented by a, b, c, d, e; in +a later moment by m, n, o, p, q; we may nevertheless speak of the +persistence of identical selfhood if the development takes the following +course: a, b, c, d, e--m, b, c, d, e--m, n, c, d, e--m, n, o, d, e--m, +n, o, p, e--m, n, o, p, q. In this case each stage is differentiated +from the contiguous stage by only one member, and at each moment it +shares the same chief elements with its neighboring moments. + +c) _Continuity through membership in the group._--This continuity in +change of the individuals who are the vehicles of the group unity is +most immediately and thoroughly visible when it rests upon procreation. +The same form is found, however, in cases where this physical agency is +excluded, as, for example, within the Catholic clerus. Here the +continuity is secured by provision that enough persons always remain in +office to initiate the neophytes. This is an extremely important +sociological fact. It makes bureaucracies tenacious, and causes their +character and spirit to endure in spite of all shifting of individuals. +The physiological basis of self-maintenance here gives place to a +psychological one. To speak exactly, the preservation of group identity +in this case depends, of course, upon the amount of invariability in the +vehicles of this unity, but, at all events, the whole body of members +belonging in the group at any given moment only separate from the group +after they have been associated with their successors long enough to +assimilate the latter fully to themselves, i.e., to the spirit, the +form, the tendency of the group. The immortality of the group depends +upon the fact that the change is sufficiently slow and gradual. + +The fact referred to by the phrase "immortality of the group" is of the +greatest importance. The preservation of the identical selfhood of the +group through a practically unlimited period gives to the group a +significance which, _ceteris paribus_, is far superior to that of the +individual. The life of the individual, with its purposes, its +valuations, its force, is destined to terminate within a limited time, +and to a certain extent each individual must start at the beginning. +Since the life of the group has no such a priori fixed time limit, and +its forms are really arranged as though they were to last forever, the +group accomplishes a summation of the achievements, powers, experiences, +through which it makes itself far superior to the fragmentary individual +lives. Since the early Middle Ages this has been the source of the power +of municipal corporations in England. Each had from the beginning the +right, as Stubbs expresses it, "of perpetuating its existence by filling +up vacancies as they occur." The ancient privileges were given expressly +only to the burghers and their heirs. As a matter of fact, they were +exercised as a right to add new members so that, whatever fate befell +the members and their physical descendants, the corporation, as such, +was held intact. This had to be paid for, to be sure, by the +disappearance of the individual importance of the units behind their +role as vehicles of the maintenance of the group, for the group security +must suffer, the closer it is bound up with the perishable individuality +of the units. On the other hand, the more anonymous and unpersonal the +unit is, the more fit is he to step into the place of another, and so to +insure to the group uninterrupted self-maintenance. This was the +enormous advantage through which during the Wars of the Roses the +Commons repulsed the previously superior power of the upper house. A +battle that destroyed half the nobility of the country took also from +the House of Lords one-half its force, because this is attached to the +personalities. The House of Commons is in principle assured against such +weakening. That estate at last got predominance which, through the +equalizing of its members, demonstrated the most persistent power of +group existence. This circumstance gives every group an advantage in +competition with an individual. + +d) _Continuity through leadership._--On this account special +arrangements are necessary so soon as the life of the group is +intimately bound up with that of a leading, commanding individual. What +dangers to the integrity of the group are concealed in this sociological +form may be learned from the history of all interregnums--dangers which, +of course, increase in the same ratio in which the ruler actually forms +the central point of the functions through which the group preserves its +unity, or, more correctly, at each moment creates its unity anew. +Consequently a break between rulers may be a matter of indifference +where the prince only exercises a nominal sway--"reigns, but does not +govern"--while, on the other hand, we observe even in the swarm of bees +that anarchy results so soon as the queen is removed. Although it is +entirely false to explain this latter phenomenon by analogy of a human +ruler, since the queen bee gives no orders, yet the queen occupies the +middle point of the activity of the hive. By means of her antennae she +is in constant communication with the workers, and so all the signals +coursing through the hive pass through her. By virtue of this very fact +the hive feels itself a unity, and this unity dissolves with the +disappearance of the functional center. + +e) _Continuity through the hereditary principle._--In political groups +the attempt is made to guard against all the dangers of personality, +particularly those of possible intervals between the important persons, +by the principle: "The king never dies." While in the early Middle Ages +the tradition prevailed that when the king dies his peace dies with him, +this newer principle contains provision for the self-preservation of the +group. It involves an extraordinarily significant sociological +conception, viz., the king is no longer king as a person, but the +reverse is the case, that is, his person is only the in itself +irrelevant vehicle of the abstract kingship, which is as unalterable as +the group itself, of which the kingship is the apex. The group reflects +its immortality upon the kingship, and the sovereign in return brings +that immortality to visible expression in his own person, and by so +doing reciprocally strengthens the vitality of the group. That mighty +factor of social coherence which consists of loyalty of sentiment toward +the reigning power might appear in very small groups in the relation of +fidelity toward the person of the ruler. For large groups the definition +that Stubbs once gave must certainly apply, viz.: "Loyalty is a habit of +strong and faithful attachment to a person, not so much by reason of his +personal character as of his official position." By becoming objectified +in the deathless office, the princely principle gains a new +psychological power for concentration and cohesion within the group, +while the old princely principle that rested on the mere personality of +the prince necessarily lost power as the size of the group increased. + +f) _Continuity through a material symbol._--The objectification of the +coherence of the group may also do away with the personal form to such +an extent that it attaches itself to a material symbol. Thus in the +German lands in the Middle Ages the imperial jewels were looked upon as +the visible realization of the idea of the realm and of its continuity, +so that the possession of them gave to a pretender a decided advantage +over all other aspirants, and this was one of the influences which +evidently assisted the heir of the body of the deceased emperor in +securing the succession. + +In view of the destructibility of a material object, since too this +disadvantage cannot be offset, as in the case of a person, by the +continuity of heredity, it is very dangerous for the group to seek such +a support for its self-preservation. Many a regiment has lost its +coherence with the loss of its standard. Many kinds of associations have +dissolved after their palladium, their storehouse, their grail, was +destroyed. When, however, the social coherence is lost in this way, it +is safe to say that it must have suffered serious internal disorder +before, and that in this case the loss of the external symbol +representing the unity of the group is itself only the symbol that the +social elements have lost their coherence. When this last is not the +case, the loss of the group symbol not only has no disintegrating effect +but it exerts a direct integrating influence. While the symbol loses its +corporeal reality, it may, as mere thought, longing, ideal, work much +more powerfully, profoundly, indestructibly. We may get a good view of +these two opposite influences of the forms of destruction of the group +symbol upon the solidity of the group by reference to the consequences +of the destruction of the Jewish temple by Titus. The hierarchal Jewish +state was a thorn in the flesh of the Roman statecraft that aimed at the +unity of the empire. The purpose of dissolving this state was +accomplished, so far as a certain number of the Jews were concerned, by +the destruction of the temple. Such was the effect with those who cared +little, anyway, about this centralization. Thus the alienation of the +Pauline Christians from Judaism was powerfully promoted by this event. +For the Palestinian Jews, on the other hand, the breach between Judaism +and the rest of the world was deepened. By this destruction of its +symbol their national religious exclusiveness was heightened to +desperation. + +g) _Continuity through group honor._--The sociological significance of +honor as a form of cohesion is extraordinarily great. Through the appeal +to honor, society secures from its members the kind of conduct conducive +to its own preservation, particularly within the spheres of conduct +intermediate between the purview of the criminal code, on the one hand, +and the field of purely personal morality, on the other. By the demands +upon its members contained in the group standard of honor the group +preserves its unified character and its distinctness from the other +groups within the same inclusive association. The essential thing is the +specific idea of honor in narrow groups--family honor, officers' honor, +mercantile honor, yes, even the "honor among thieves." Since the +individual belongs to various groups, the individual may, at the same +time, be under the demands of several sorts of honor which are +independent of each other. One may preserve his mercantile honor, or his +scientific honor as an investigator, who has forfeited his family honor, +and vice versa; the robber may strictly observe the requirements of +thieves' honor after he has violated every other; a woman may have lost +her womanly honor and in every other respect be most honorable, etc. +Thus honor consists in the relation of the individual to a particular +circle, which in this respect manifests its separateness, its +sociological distinctness, from other groups. + +h) _Continuity through specialized organs._--From such recourse of +social self-preservation to individual persons, to a material substance, +to an ideal conception, we pass now to the cases in which social +persistence takes advantage of an organ composed of a number of persons. +Thus a religious community embodies its coherence and its life principle +in its priesthood; a political community its inner principle of union in +its administrative organization, its union against foreign power in its +military system; this latter in its corps of officers; every permanent +union in its official head; transitory associations in their committees; +political parties in their parliamentary representatives. + + +B. THE NATURAL FORMS OF COMMUNICATION + + +1. Sociology of the Senses: Visual Interaction[138] + +It is through the medium of the senses that we perceive our fellow-men. +This fact has two aspects of fundamental sociological significance: +(a) that of appreciation, and (b) that of comprehension. + +a) _Appreciation._--Sense-impressions may induce in us affective +responses of pleasure or pain, of excitement or calm, of tension or +relaxation, produced by the features of a person, or by the tone of his +voice, or by his mere physical presence in the same room. These +affective responses, however, do not enable us to understand or to +define the other person. Our emotional response to the sense-image of +the other leaves his real self outside. + +b) _Comprehension._--The sense-impression of the other person may +develop in the opposite direction when it becomes the medium for +understanding the other. What I see, hear, feel of him is only the +bridge over which I reach his real self. The sound of the voice and its +meaning, perhaps, present the clearest illustration. The speech, quite +as much as the appearance, of a person, may be immediately either +attractive or repulsive. On the other hand, what he says enables us to +understand not only his momentary thoughts but also his inner self. The +same principle applies to all sense-impressions. + +The sense-impressions of any object produce in us not only emotional and +aesthetic attitudes toward it but also an understanding of it. In the +case of reaction to non-human objects, these two responses are, in +general, widely separated. We may appreciate the emotional value of any +sense-impression of an object. The fragrance of a rose, the charm of a +tone, the grace of a bough swaying in the wind, is experienced as a joy +engendered within the soul. On the other hand, we may desire to +understand and to comprehend the rose, or the tone, or the bough. In the +latter case we respond in an entirely different way, often with +conscious endeavor. These two diverse reactions which are independent of +each other are with human beings generally integrated into a unified +response. Theoretically, our sense-impressions of a person may be +directed on the one hand to an appreciation of his emotional value, or +on the other to an impulsive or deliberate understanding of him. +Actually, these two reactions are coexistent and inextricably interwoven +as the basis of our relation to him. Of course, appreciation and +comprehension develop in quite different degrees. These two diverse +responses--to the tone of voice and to the meaning of the utterance; to +the appearance of a person and to his individuality; to the attraction +or repulsion of his personality and to the impulsive judgment upon his +character as well as many times upon his grade of culture--are present +in any perception in very different degrees and combinations. + +Of the special sense-organs, the eye has a uniquely sociological +function. The union and interaction of individuals is based upon mutual +glances. This is perhaps the most direct and purest reciprocity which +exists anywhere. This highest psychic reaction, however, in which the +glances of eye to eye unite men, crystallizes into no objective +structure; the unity which momentarily arises between two persons is +present in the occasion and is dissolved in the function. So tenacious +and subtle is this union that it can only be maintained by the shortest +and straightest line between the eyes, and the smallest deviation from +it, the slightest glance aside, completely destroys the unique character +of this union. No objective trace of this relationship is left behind, +as is universally found, directly or indirectly, in all other types of +associations between men, as, for example, in interchange of words. The +interaction of eye and eye dies in the moment in which the directness of +the function is lost. But the totality of social relations of human +beings, their self-assertion and self-abnegation, their intimacies and +estrangements, would be changed in unpredictable ways if there occurred +no glance of eye to eye. This mutual glance between persons, in +distinction from the simple sight or observation of the other, signifies +a wholly new and unique union between them. + +The limits of this relation are to be determined by the significant fact +that the glance by which the one seeks to perceive the other is itself +expressive. By the glance which reveals the other, one discloses +himself. By the same act in which the observer seeks to know the +observed, he surrenders himself to be understood by the observer. The +eye cannot take unless at the same time it gives. The eye of a person +discloses his own soul when he seeks to uncover that of another. What +occurs in this direct mutual glance represents the most perfect +reciprocity in the entire field of human relationships. + +Shame causes a person to look at the ground to avoid the glance of the +other. The reason for this is certainly not only because he is thus +spared the visible evidence of the way in which the other regards his +painful situation, but the deeper reason is that the lowering of his +glance to a certain degree prevents the other from comprehending the +extent of his confusion. The glance in the eye of the other serves not +only for me to know the other but also enables him to know me. Upon the +line which unites the two eyes, it conveys to the other the real +personality, the real attitude, and the real impulse. The "ostrich +policy" has in this explanation a real justification: who does not see +the other actually conceals himself in part from the observer. A person +is not at all completely present to another, when the latter sees him, +but only when he also sees the other. + +The sociological significance of the eye has special reference to the +expression of the face as the first object of vision between man and +man. It is seldom clearly understood to what an extent even our +practical relations depend upon mutual recognition, not only in the +sense of all external characteristics, as the momentary appearance and +attitude of the other, but what we know or intuitively perceive of his +life, of his inner nature, of the immutability of his being, all of +which colors unavoidably both our transient and our permanent relations +with him. The face is the geometric chart of all these experiences. It +is the symbol of all that which the individual has brought with him as +the pre-condition of his life. In the face is deposited what has been +precipitated from past experience as the substratum of his life, which +has become crystallized into the permanent features of his face. To the +extent to which we thus perceive the face of a person, there enters into +social relations, in so far as it serves practical purposes, a +super-practical element. It follows that a man is first known by his +countenance, not by his acts. The face as a medium of expression is +entirely a theoretical organ; it does not act, as the hand, the foot, +the whole body; it transacts none of the internal or practical relations +of the man, it only tells about him. The peculiar and important +sociological art of "knowing" transmitted by the eye is determined by +the fact that the countenance is the essential object of the +interindividual sight. This knowing is still somewhat different from +understanding. To a certain extent, and in a highly variable degree, we +know at first glance with whom we have to do. Our unconsciousness of +this knowledge and its fundamental significance lies in the fact that we +direct our attention from this self-evident intuition to an +understanding of special features which determine our practical +relations to a particular individual. But if we become conscious of this +self-evident fact, then we are amazed how much we know about a person in +the first glance at him. We do not obtain meaning from his expression, +susceptible to analysis into individual traits. We cannot unqualifiedly +say whether he is clever or stupid, good- or ill-natured, temperamental +or phlegmatic. All these traits are general characteristics which he +shares with unnumbered others. But what this first glance at him +transmits to us cannot be analyzed or appraised into any such conceptual +and expressive elements. Yet our initial impression remains ever the +keynote of all later knowledge of him; it is the direct perception of +his individuality which his appearance, and especially his face, +discloses to our glance. + +The sociological attitude of the blind is entirely different from that +of the deaf-mute. For the blind, the other person is actually present +only in the alternating periods of his utterance. The expression of the +anxiety and unrest, the traces of all past events, exposed to view in +the faces of men, escape the blind, and that may be the reason for the +peaceful and calm disposition, and the unconcern toward their +surroundings, which is so often observed in the blind. Indeed, the +majority of the stimuli which the face presents are often puzzling; in +general, what we see of a man will be interpreted by what we hear from +him, while the opposite is more unusual. Therefore the one who sees, +without hearing, is much more perplexed, puzzled, and worried, than the +one who hears without seeing. This principle is of great importance in +understanding the sociology of the modern city. + +Social life in the large city as compared with the towns shows a great +preponderance of occasions to _see_ rather than to _hear_ people. One +explanation lies in the fact that the person in the town is acquainted +with nearly all the people he meets. With these he exchanges a word or a +glance, and their countenance represents to him not merely the visible +but indeed the entire personality. Another reason of especial +significance is the development of public means of transportation. +Before the appearance of omnibuses, railroads, and street cars in the +nineteenth century, men were not in a situation where for periods of +minutes or hours they could or must look at each other without talking +to one another. Modern social life increases in ever growing degree the +role of mere visual impression which always characterizes the +preponderant part of all sense relationship between man and man, and +must place social attitudes and feelings upon an entirely changed basis. +The greater perplexity which characterizes the person who only sees, as +contrasted with the one who only hears, brings us to the problems of +the emotions of modern life: the lack of orientation in the collective +life, the sense of utter lonesomeness, and the feeling that the +individual is surrounded on all sides by closed doors. + + +2. The Expression of the Emotions[139] + +Actions of all kinds, if regularly accompanying any state of the mind, +are at once recognized as expressive. These may consist of movements of +any part of the body, as the wagging of a dog's tail, the shrugging of a +man's shoulders, the erection of the hair, the exudation of +perspiration, the state of the capillary circulation, labored breathing, +and the use of the vocal or other sound-producing instruments. Even +insects express anger, terror, jealousy, and love by their stridulation. +With man the respiratory organs are of especial importance in +expression, not only in a direct, but to a still higher degree in an +indirect, manner. + +Few points are more interesting in our present subject than the +extraordinarily complex chain of events which lead to certain expressive +movements. Take, for instance, the oblique eyebrows of a man suffering +from grief or anxiety. When infants scream loudly from hunger or pain, +the circulation is affected, and the eyes tend to become gorged with +blood; consequently the muscles surrounding the eyes are strongly +contracted as a protection. This action, in the course of many +generations, has become firmly fixed and inherited; but when, with +advancing years and culture, the habit of screaming is partially +repressed, the muscles round the eyes still tend to contract, whenever +even slight distress is felt. Of these muscles, the pyramidals of the +nose are less under the control of the will than are the others, and +their contraction can be checked only by that of the central fasciae of +the frontal muscle; these latter fasciae draw up the inner ends of the +eyebrows and wrinkle the forehead in a peculiar manner, which we +instantly recognize as the expression of grief or anxiety. Slight +movements, such as these just described, or the scarcely perceptible +drawing down of the corners of the mouth, are the last remnants or +rudiments of strongly marked and intelligible movements. They are as +full of significance to us in regard to expression as are ordinary +rudiments to the naturalist in the classification and genealogy of +organic beings. + +That the chief expressive actions exhibited by man and by the lower +animals are now innate or inherited--that is, have not been learned by +the individual--is admitted by everyone. So little has learning or +imitation to do with several of them that they are from the earliest +days and throughout life quite beyond our control; for instance, the +relaxation of the arteries of the skin in blushing, and the increased +action of the heart in anger. We may see children only two or three +years old, and even those born blind, blushing from shame; and the naked +scalp of a very young infant reddens from passion. Infants scream from +pain directly after birth, and all their features then assume the same +form as during subsequent years. These facts alone suffice to show that +many of our most important expressions have not been learned; but it is +remarkable that some, which are certainly innate, require practice in +the individual before they are performed in a full and perfect manner; +for instance, weeping and laughing. The inheritance of most of our +expressive actions explains the fact that those born blind display them, +as I hear from the Rev. R. H. Blair, equally well with those gifted with +eyesight. We can thus also understand the fact that the young and the +old of widely different races, both with man and animals, express the +same state of mind by the same movement. + +We are so familiar with the fact of young and old animals displaying +their feelings in the same manner that we hardly perceive how remarkable +it is that a young puppy should wag its tail when pleased, depress its +ears and uncover its canine teeth when pretending to be savage, just +like an old dog; or that a kitten should arch its little back and erect +its hair when frightened and angry, like an old cat. When, however, we +turn to less common gestures in ourselves, which we are accustomed to +look at as artificial or conventional--such as shrugging the shoulders +as a sign of impotence, or the raising the arms with open hands and +extended fingers as a sign of wonder--we feel perhaps too much surprise +at finding that they are innate. That these and some other gestures are +inherited we may infer from their being performed by very young +children, by those born blind, and by the most widely distinct races of +man. We should also bear in mind that new and highly peculiar tricks, in +association with certain states of the mind, are known to have arisen +in certain individuals and to have been afterward transmitted to their +offspring, in some cases for more than one generation. + +Certain other gestures, which seem to us so natural that we might easily +imagine that they were innate, apparently have been learned like the +words of a language. This seems to be the case with the joining of the +uplifted hands and the turning up of the eyes in prayer. So it is with +kissing as a mark of affection; but this is innate, in so far as it +depends on the pleasure derived from contact with a beloved person. The +evidence with respect to the inheritance of nodding and shaking the head +as signs of affirmation and negation is doubtful, for they are not +universal, yet seem too general to have been independently acquired by +all the individuals of so many races. + +We will now consider how far the will and consciousness have come into +play in the development of the various movements of expression. As far +as we can judge, only a few expressive movements, such as those just +referred to, are learned by each individual; that is, were consciously +and voluntarily performed during the early years of life for some +definite object, or in imitation of others, and then became habitual. +The far greater number of the movements of expression, and all the more +important ones, are, as we have seen, innate or inherited; and such +cannot be said to depend on the will of the individual. Nevertheless, +all those included under our first principle were at first voluntarily +performed for a definite object, namely, to escape some danger, to +relieve some distress, or to gratify some desire. For instance, there +can hardly be a doubt that the animals which fight with their teeth have +acquired the habit of drawing back their ears closely to their heads +when feeling savage from their progenitors having voluntarily acted in +this manner in order to protect their ears from being torn by their +antagonists; for those animals which do not fight with their teeth do +not thus express a savage state of mind. We may infer as highly probable +that we ourselves have acquired the habit of contracting the muscles +round the eyes whilst crying gently, that is, without the utterance of +any loud sound, from our progenitors, especially during infancy, having +experienced during the act of screaming an uncomfortable sensation in +their eyeballs. Again, some highly expressive movements result from the +endeavor to check or prevent other expressive movements; thus the +obliquity of the eyebrows and the drawing down of the corners of the +mouth follow from the endeavor to prevent a screaming-fit from coming on +or to check it after it has come on. Here it is obvious that the +consciousness and will must at first have come into play; not that we +are conscious in these or in other such cases what muscles are brought +into action, any more than when we perform the most ordinary voluntary +movements. + +The power of communication between the members of the same tribe by +means of language has been of paramount importance in the development of +man; and the force of language is much aided by the expressive movements +of the face and body. We perceive this at once when we converse on an +important subject with any person whose face is concealed. Nevertheless +there are no grounds, as far as I can discover, for believing that any +muscle has been developed or even modified exclusively for the sake of +expression. The vocal and other sound-producing organs by which various +expressive noises are produced seem to form a partial exception; but I +have elsewhere attempted to show that these organs were first developed +for sexual purposes, in order that one sex might call or charm the +other. Nor can I discover grounds for believing that any inherited +movement which now serves as a means of expression was at first +voluntarily and consciously performed for this special purpose--like +some of the gestures and the finger-language used by the deaf and dumb. +On the contrary, every true or inherited movement of expression seems to +have had some natural and independent origin. But when once acquired, +such movements may be voluntarily and consciously employed as a means of +communication. Even infants, if carefully attended to, find out at a +very early age that their screaming brings relief, and they soon +voluntarily practice it. We may frequently see a person voluntarily +raising his eyebrows to express surprise, or smiling to express +pretended satisfaction and acquiescence. A man often wishes to make +certain gestures conspicuous or demonstrative, and will raise his +extended arms with widely opened fingers above his head to show +astonishment or lift his shoulders to his ears to show that he cannot or +will not do something. + +We have seen that the study of the theory of expression confirms to a +certain limited extent the conclusion that man is derived from some +lower animal form, and supports the belief of the specific or +subspecific unity of the several races; but as far as my judgment +serves, such confirmation was hardly needed. We have also seen that +expression in itself, or the language of the emotions, as it has +sometimes been called, is certainly of importance for the welfare of +mankind. To understand, as far as is possible, the source or origin of +the various expressions which may be hourly seen on the faces of the men +around us, not to mention our domesticated animals, ought to possess +much interest for us. From these several causes we may conclude that the +philosophy of our subject has well deserved that attention which it has +already received from several excellent observers, and that it deserves +still further attention, especially from any able physiologist. + + +3. Blushing[140] + +Blushing is the most peculiar and the most human of all expressions. +Monkeys redden from passion, but it would require an overwhelming amount +of evidence to make us believe that any animal could blush. The +reddening of the face from a blush is due to the relaxation of the +muscular coats of the small arteries, by which the capillaries become +filled with blood; and this depends on the proper vasomotor center being +affected. No doubt if there be at the same time much mental agitation, +the general circulation will be affected; but it is not due to the +action of the heart that the network of minute vessels covering the face +becomes under a sense of shame gorged with blood. We can cause laughing +by tickling the skin, weeping or frowning by a blow, trembling from the +fear of pain, and so forth; but we cannot cause a blush by any physical +means--that is, by any action on the body. It is the mind which must be +affected. Blushing is not only involuntary, but the wish to restrain it, +by leading to self-attention, actually increases the tendency. + +The young blush much more freely than the old, but not during infancy, +which is remarkable, as we know that infants at a very early age redden +from passion. I have received authentic accounts of two little girls +blushing at the ages of between two and three years; and of another +sensitive child, a year older, blushing when reproved for a fault. Many +children at a somewhat more advanced age blush in a strongly marked +manner. It appears that the mental powers of infants are not as yet +sufficiently developed to allow of their blushing. Hence, also, it is +that idiots rarely blush. Dr. Crichton Browne observed for me those +under his care, but never saw a genuine blush, though he has seen their +faces flush, apparently from joy, when food was placed before them, and +from anger. Nevertheless some, if not utterly degraded, are capable of +blushing. A microcephalous idiot, for instance, thirteen years old, +whose eyes brightened a little when he was pleased or amused, has been +described by Dr. Behn as blushing and turning to one side when undressed +for medical examination. + +Women blush much more than men. It is rare to see an old man, but not +nearly so rare to see an old woman, blushing. The blind do not escape. +Laura Bridgman, born in this condition, as well as completely deaf, +blushes. The Rev. R. H. Blair, principal of the Worcester College, +informs me that three children born blind, out of seven or eight then in +the asylum, are great blushers. The blind are not at first conscious +that they are observed, and it is a most important part of their +education, as Mr. Blair informs me, to impress this knowledge on their +minds; and the impression thus gained would greatly strengthen the +tendency to blush, by increasing the habit of self-attention. + +The tendency to blush is inherited. Dr. Burgess gives the case of a +family consisting of a father, mother, and ten children, all of whom, +without exception, were prone to blush to a most painful degree. The +children were grown up; "and some of them were sent to travel in order +to wear away this diseased sensibility, but nothing was of the slightest +avail." Even peculiarities in blushing seem to be inherited. Sir James +Paget, whilst examining the spine of a girl, was struck at her singular +manner of blushing; a big splash of red appeared first on one cheek, and +then other splashes, variously scattered over the face and neck. He +subsequently asked the mother whether her daughter always blushed in +this peculiar manner and was answered, "Yes, she takes after me." Sir J. +Paget then perceived that by asking this question he had caused the +mother to blush and she exhibited the same peculiarity as her daughter. + +In most cases the face, ears, and neck are the sole parts which redden; +but many persons, whilst blushing intensely, feel that their whole +bodies grow hot and tingle; and this shows that the entire surface must +be in some manner affected. Blushes are said sometimes to commence on +the forehead, but more commonly on the cheeks, afterward spreading to +the ears and neck. In two albinos examined by Dr. Burgess, the blushes +commenced by a small circumscribed spot on the cheeks, over the +parotidean plexus of nerves, and then increased into a circle; between +this blushing circle and the blush on the neck there was an evident line +of demarcation, although both arose simultaneously. The retina, which is +naturally red in the albino, invariably increased at the same time in +redness. Every one must have noticed how easily after one blush fresh +blushes chase each other over the face. Blushing is preceded by a +peculiar sensation in the skin. According to Dr. Burgess the reddening +of the skin is generally succeeded by a slight pallor, which shows that +the capillary vessels contract after dilating. In some rare cases +paleness instead of redness is caused under conditions which would +naturally induce a blush. For instance, a young lady told me that in a +large and crowded party she caught her hair so firmly on the button of a +passing servant that it took some time before she could be extricated; +from her sensation she imagined that she had blushed crimson but was +assured by a friend that she had turned extremely pale. + +The mental states which induce blushing consist of shyness, shame, and +modesty, the essential element in all being self-attention. Many reasons +can be assigned for believing that originally self-attention directed to +personal appearance, in relation to the opinion of others, was the +exciting cause, the same effect being subsequently produced, through the +force of association, by self-attention in relation to moral conduct. It +is not the simple act of reflecting on our own appearance, but the +thinking what others think of us, which excites a blush. In absolute +solitude the most sensitive person would be quite indifferent about his +appearance. We feel blame or disapprobation more acutely than +approbation; and consequently depreciatory remarks or ridicule, whether +of our appearance or conduct, cause us to blush much more readily than +does praise. But undoubtedly praise and admiration are highly efficient: +a pretty girl blushes when a man gazes intently at her, though she may +know perfectly well that he is not depreciating her. Many children, as +well as old and sensitive persons, blush when they are much praised. +Hereafter the question will be discussed how it has arisen that the +consciousness that others are attending to our personal appearance +should have led to the capillaries, especially those of the face, +instantly becoming filled with blood. + +My reasons for believing that attention directed to personal appearance, +and not to moral conduct, has been the fundamental element in the +acquirement of the habit of blushing will now be given. They are +separately light, but combined possess, as it appears to me, +considerable weight. It is notorious that nothing makes a shy person +blush so much as any remark, however slight, on his personal appearance. +One cannot notice even the dress of a woman much given to blushing +without causing her face to crimson. It is sufficient to stare hard at +some persons to make them, as Coleridge remarks, blush--"account for +that he who can." + +With the two albinos observed by Dr. Burgess, "the slightest attempt to +examine their peculiarities" invariably caused them to blush deeply. +Women are much more sensitive about their personal appearance than men +are, especially elderly women in comparison with elderly men, and they +blush much more freely. The young of both sexes are much more sensitive +on this same head than the old, and they also blush much more freely +than the old. Children at a very early age do not blush; nor do they +show those other signs of self-consciousness which generally accompany +blushing; and it is one of their chief charms that they think nothing +about what others think of them. At this early age they will stare at a +stranger with a fixed gaze and unblinking eyes, as on an inanimate +object, in a manner which we elders cannot imitate. + +It is plain to everyone that young men and women are highly sensitive to +the opinion of each other with reference to their personal appearance; +and they blush incomparably more in the presence of the opposite sex +than in that of their own. A young man, not very liable to blush, will +blush intensely at any slight ridicule of his appearance from a girl +whose judgment on any important subject he would disregard. No happy +pair of young lovers, valuing each other's admiration and love more than +anything else in the world, probably ever courted each other without +many a blush. Even the barbarians of Tierra del Fuego, according to Mr. +Bridges, blush "chiefly in regard to women, but certainly also at their +own personal appearance." + +Of all parts of the body, the face is most considered and regarded, as +is natural from its being the chief seat of expression and the source of +the voice. It is also the chief seat of beauty and of ugliness, and +throughout the world is the most ornamented. The face, therefore, will +have been subjected during many generations to much closer and more +earnest self-attention than any other part of the body; and in +accordance with the principle here advanced we can understand why it +should be the most liable to blush. Although exposure to alternations of +temperature, etc., has probably much increased the power of dilatation +and contraction in the capillaries of the face and adjoining parts, yet +this by itself will hardly account for these parts blushing much more +than the rest of the body; for it does not explain the fact of the hands +rarely blushing. With Europeans the whole body tingles slightly when the +face blushes intensely; and with the races of men who habitually go +nearly naked, the blushes extend over a much larger surface than with +us. These facts are, to a certain extent, intelligible, as the +self-attention of primeval man, as well as of the existing races which +still go naked, will not have been so exclusively confined to their +faces, as is the case with the people who now go clothed. + +We have seen that in all parts of the world persons who feel shame for +some moral delinquency are apt to avert, bend down, or hide their faces, +independently of any thought about their personal appearance. The object +can hardly be to conceal their blushes, for the face is thus averted or +hidden under circumstances which exclude any desire to conceal shame, as +when guilt is fully confessed and repented of. It is, however, probable +that primeval man before he had acquired much moral sensitiveness would +have been highly sensitive about his personal appearance, at least in +reference to the other sex, and he would consequently have felt distress +at any depreciatory remarks about his appearance; and this is one form +of shame. And as the face is the part of the body which is most +regarded, it is intelligible that any one ashamed of his personal +appearance would desire to conceal this part of his body. The habit, +having been thus acquired, would naturally be carried on when shame from +strictly moral causes was felt; and it is not easy otherwise to see why +under these circumstances there should be a desire to hide the face more +than any other part of the body. + +The habit, so general with everyone who feels ashamed, of turning away +or lowering his eyes, or restlessly moving them from side to side, +probably follows from each glance directed toward those present, +bringing home the conviction that he is intently regarded; and he +endeavors, by not looking at those present, and especially not at their +eyes, momentarily to escape from this painful conviction. + + +4. Laughing[141] + +Sympathy, when it is not the direct cause, is conditional to the +existence of laughter. Sometimes it provokes it; always it spreads it, +sustains and strengthens it. + +First of all, it is so much the nature of laughter to communicate itself +that when it no longer communicates itself it ceases to exist. One might +say that outbursts of merriment need to be encouraged, that they are not +self-sufficient. Not to share them is to blow upon them and extinguish +them. When, in an animated and mirthful group, some one remains cold or +gloomy, the laughter immediately stops or is checked. Yet those whom the +common people call, in their picturesque language, wet blankets, +spoil-sports, or kill-joys, are not necessarily hostile to the gaiety of +the rest. They may only have, and, in fact, very often do have, nothing +but the one fault of being out of tune with this gaiety. But even their +calm appears an offense to the warmth and the high spirits of the others +and kills by itself alone this merriment. + +Not only is laughter maintained by sympathy but it is even born of +sympathy. The world is composed of two kinds of people: those who make +one laugh and those who are made to laugh, these latter being infinitely +more numerous. How many there are, indeed, who have no sense of humor, +and who, of themselves, would not think of laughing at things at which +they do nevertheless laugh heartily because they see others laugh. As +for those who have a ready wit and a sense of the comic, do they not +enjoy the success of their jokes as much, if not more, than their jokes +themselves? Their mirthfulness, then, at least, grows with the joy of +spreading it. Very often it happens that many good humorists are +temperamentally far from gay, and laugh at their jokes only on the +rebound, echoing the laughter which they provoke. To laugh, then, is to +share the gaiety of others, whether this gaiety is communicated from +them to us or from us to them. It seems that we can be moved to laughter +only by the merriment of others, that we possess ours only indirectly +when others send it to us. Human solidarity never appears more clearly +than in the case of laughter. + +Yet can one say that sympathy actually produces laughter? Is it not +enough to say that it increases it, that it strengthens its effects? All +our sentiments are without doubt in a sense revealed to us by others. +How many, as Rochefoucauld says, would be ignorant of love if they had +never read novels! How many in the same way would never have discovered +by themselves the laughable side of people and things. Yet even the +feelings which one experiences by contagion one can experience only of +one's own accord, in one's own way, and according to one's disposition. +This fact alone of their contagion proves that from one's birth one +carries the germ in himself. Sympathy would explain, then, contagion, +but not the birth, of laughter. The fact is that our feelings exist for +ourselves only when they acquire a communicative or social value; they +have to be diffused in order to manifest themselves. Sympathy does not +create them but it gives them their place in the world. It gives them +just that access of intensity without which their nature cannot develop +or even appear: thus it is that our laughter would be for us as if it +did not exist, if it did not find outside itself an echo which increases +it. + +From the fact that sympathy is the law of laughter, does it follow that +it is the cause? Not at all. It would be even contradictory to maintain +this. A laugh being given, others are born out of sympathy. But the +first laugh or one originally given, where does it get its origin? +Communicated laughter implies spontaneous laughter as the echo implies a +sound. If sympathy explains one, it is, it would seem, an antipathy or +the absence of sympathy which produces the other. "The thing at which we +laugh," says Aristotle, "is a defect or ugliness which is not great +enough to cause suffering or injury. Thus, for example, a ridiculous +face is an ugly or misshapen face, but one on which suffering has not +marked." Bain says likewise, "The laughable is the deformed or ugly +thing which is not pushed to the point where it is painful or injurious. +An occasion for laughter is the degradation of a person of dignity in +circumstances which do not arouse a strong emotion," like indignation, +anger, or pity. Descartes puts still more limits upon laughter. Speaking +of malice he says that laughter cannot be provoked except by misfortunes +not only _light_ but also _unforseen_ and _deserved_. "Derision or +mockery," he says, "is a kind of joy mixed with hate, which comes from +one's perceiving some _little misfortune_ in a person _whom one thinks +deserves it_. We hate this misfortune but are happy at seeing it in some +one who merits it, and, _when this happens unexpectedly, surprise causes +us to burst out laughing_. But this misfortune must be small, for if it +is great we cannot believe that he who meets it deserves it, unless one +has a very malicious or hateful nature." + +This fact can be established directly by analyzing the most cruel +laughter. If we enter into the feelings of the one who laughs and set +aside the disagreeable sentiments, irritation, anger, and disgust, which +at times they produce upon us, we come to understand even the savage +sneer which appears to us as an insult to suffering; the laugh of the +savage, trampling his conquered enemy under foot, or that of the child +torturing unfortunate animals. This laugh is, in fact, inoffensive in +its way, it is cruel in fact but not in intention. What it expresses is +not a perverse, satanic joy but a _heartlessness_, as is so properly +said. In the child and the savage sympathy has not been born, that is to +say, the absence of imagination for the sufferings of others is +complete. As a result we have a negative cruelty, a sort of altruistic +or social anaesthesia. + +When such an anaesthesia is not complete, when the altruistic +sensibility of one who laughs is only dull, his egotism being very keen, +his laughter might appear still less hatefully cruel. It would express +then not properly the joy of seeing others suffer but that of not having +to undergo their suffering and the power of seeing it only as a +spectacle. + +Analogous facts may be cited closer to us, easier to verify. Those who +enjoy robust health often laugh at invalids: their imagination does not +comprehend physical suffering, they are incapable of sympathizing with +those who experience it. Likewise those who possess calm and even +dispositions cannot witness without laughing an excess of mad anger or +of impotent rage. In general we do not take seriously those feelings to +which we ourselves are strangers; we consider them extravagant and +amusing. "How can one be a Persian?" To laugh is to detach one's self +from others, to separate one's self and to take pleasure in this +separation, to amuse one's self by contrasting the feelings, character, +and temperament of others and one's own feelings, character, and +temperament. _Insensibility_ has been justly noted by M. Bergson as an +essential characteristic of him who laughs. But this _insensibility_, +this heartlessness, gives very much the effect of a positive and real +ill nature, and M. Bergson had thus simply repeated and expressed in a +new way, more precise and correct, the opinion of Aristotle: the cause +of laughter is malice mitigated by insensibility or the absence of +sympathy. + +Thus defined, malice is after all essentially relative, and when one +says that the object of our laughter is the misfortune of someone else, +_known by us_ to be endurable and slight, it must be understood that +this misfortune may be _in itself_ very serious as well as undeserved, +and in this way laughter is often really cruel. + +The coarser men are, the more destitute they are of sympathetic +imagination, and the more they laugh at one another with an offensive +and brutal laugh. There are those who are not even touched by contact +with physical suffering; such ones have the heart to laugh at the +shufflings of a bandy-legged man, at the ugliness of a hunchback, or the +repulsive hideousness of an idiot. Others there are who are moved by +physical suffering but who are not at all affected by moral suffering. +These laugh at a self-love touched to the quick, at a wounded pride, at +the tortured self-consciousness of one abashed or humiliated. These are, +in their eyes, harmless, and slight pricks which they themselves, by a +coarseness of nature, or a fine moral health, would endure perhaps with +equanimity, which at any rate they do not feel in behalf of others, with +whom they do not suffer in sympathy. + +_Castigat ridendo mores._ According to M. A. Michiels, the author of a +book upon the _World of Humor and of Laughter_, this maxim must be +understood in its broadest sense. "Everything that is contrary to the +absolute ideal of human perfection," in whatever order it be, whether +physical, intellectual, moral, or social, arouses laughter. The fear of +ridicule is the most dominant of our feelings, that which controls us in +most things and with the most strength. Because of this fear one does +"what one would not do for the sake of justice, scrupulousness, honor, +or good will;" one submits to an infinite number of obligations which +morality would not dare to prescribe and which are not included in the +laws. "Conscience and the written laws," says A. Michiels, "form two +lines of ramparts against evil, the ludicrous is the third line of +defense, it stops, brands, and condemns the little misdeeds which the +guards have allowed to pass." + +Laughter is thus the great censor of vices, it spares none, it does not +even grant indulgence to the slightest imperfections, of whatever nature +they be. This mission, which M. Michiels attributes to laughter, +granting that it is fulfilled, instead of taking its place in the +natural or providential order of things, does it not answer simply to +those demands, whether well founded or not, which society makes upon +each of us? M. Bergson admits this, justly enough, it appears, when he +defines laughter as a social bromide. But then it is no longer mere +imperfection in general, it is not even immorality, properly speaking; +it is merely unsociability, well or badly understood, which laughter +corrects. More precisely, it is a special unsociability, one which +escapes all other penalties, which it is the function of laughter to +reach. What can this unsociability be? It is the self-love of each one +of us in so far as it has anything disagreeable to others in it, an +abstraction of every injurious or hateful element. It is the harmless +self-love, slight, powerless, which one does not fear but one scorns, +yet for all that does not pardon but on the contrary pitilessly pursues, +wounds, and galls. Self-love thus defined is vanity, and what is called +the moral correction administered by laughter is the wound to self-love. +"The specific remedy for vanity," says M. Bergson, "is laughter, and the +essentially ridiculous is vanity." + +One sees in what sense laughter is a "correction." Whether one considers +the jests uttered, the feelings of the jester, or of him at whom one +jests, laughter appears from the point of view of morality as a +correction most often undeserved, unjust--or at least disproportionate +to the fault--pitiless, and cruel. + +In fact, the self-love at which one laughs is, as we have said, +harmless. Besides it is often a natural failing, a weakness, not a vice. +Even if it were a vice, the jester would not be justified in laughing at +it, for it does not appear that he himself is exempt. On the contrary, +his vanity is magnified when that of others is upon the rack. Finally +the humiliation caused by laughter is not a chastisement which one +accepts but a torture to which one submits; it is a feeling of +resentment, of bitterness, not a wholesome sense of shame, nor one from +which anyone is likely to profit. Laughter may then have a social use; +but it is not an act of justice. It is a quick and summary police +measure which will not stand too close a scrutiny but which it would be +imprudent either to condemn or to approve without reserve. Society is +established and organized according to natural laws which seem to be +modeled on those of reason, but self-loves discipline themselves, they +enter into conflict and hold each other in check. + + +C. LANGUAGE AND THE COMMUNICATION OF IDEAS + + +1. Intercommunication in the Lower Animals[142] + +The foundations of intercommunication, like those of imitation, are laid +in certain instinctive modes of response, which are stimulated by the +acts of other animals of the same social group. + +Some account has already been given of the sounds made by young birds, +which seem to be instinctive and to afford an index of the emotional +state at the time of utterance. That in many cases they serve to evoke a +like emotional state and correlated expressive behavior in other birds +of the same brood cannot be questioned. The alarm note of a chick will +place its companions on the alert; and the harsh "krek" of a young +moor-hen, uttered in a peculiar crouching attitude, will often throw +others into this attitude, though the maker of the warning sound may be +invisible. That the cries of her brood influence the conduct of the hen +is a matter of familiar observation; and that her danger signal causes +them at once to crouch or run to her for protection is not less +familiar. No one who has watched a cat with her kittens, or a sheep with +her lambs, can doubt that such "dumb animals" are influenced in their +behavior by suggestive sounds. The important questions are, how they +originate, what is their value, and how far such intercommunication--if +such we may call it--extends. + +There can be but little question that in all cases of animals under +natural conditions such behavior has an instinctive basis. Though the +effect may be to establish a means of communication, such is not their +conscious purpose at the outset. They are presumably congenital and +hereditary modes of emotional expression which serve to evoke responsive +behavior in another animal--the reciprocal action being generally in its +primary origin between mate and mate, between parent and offspring, or +between members of the same family group. _And it is this reciprocal +action which constitutes it a factor in social evolution._ Its chief +interest in connection with the subject of behavior lies in the fact +that it shows the instinctive foundations on which intelligent and +eventually rational modes of intercommunication are built up. For +instinctive as the sounds are at the outset, by entering into the +conscious situation and taking their part in the association-complex of +experience, they become factors in the social life as modified and +directed by intelligence. To their original instinctive value as the +outcome of stimuli, and as themselves affording stimuli to responsive +behavior, is added a value for consciousness in so far as they enter +into those guiding situations by which intelligent behavior is +determined. And if they also serve to evoke, in the reciprocating +members of the social group, similar or allied emotional states, there +is thus added a further social bond, inasmuch as there are thus laid the +foundations of sympathy. + +"What makes the old sow grunt and the piggies sing and whine?" said a +little girl to a portly, substantial farmer. "I suppose they does it for +company, my dear," was the simple and cautious reply. So far as +appearances went, that farmer looked as guiltless of theories as man +could be. And yet he gave terse expression to what may perhaps be +regarded as the most satisfactory hypothesis as to the primary purpose +of animal sounds. They are a means by which each indicates to others the +fact of his comforting presence; and they still, to a large extent, +retain their primary function. The chirping of grasshoppers, the song of +the cicada, the piping of frogs in the pool, the bleating of lambs at +the hour of dusk, the lowing of contented cattle, the call-notes of the +migrating host of birds--all these, whatever else they may be, are the +reassuring social links of sound, the grateful signs of kindred +presence. Arising thus in close relation to the primitive feelings of +social sympathy, they would naturally be called into play with special +force and suggestiveness at times of strong emotional excitement, and +the earliest differentiations would, we may well believe, be determined +along lines of emotional expression. Thus would originate mating cries, +male and female after their kind; and parental cries more or less +differentiated into those of mother and offspring, the deeper note of +the ewe differing little save in pitch and timbre from the bleating of +her lamb, while the cluck of the hen differs widely from the peeping +note of the chick in down. Thus, too, would arise the notes of anger and +combat, of fear and distress, of alarm and warning. If we call these the +instinctive language of emotional expression, we must remember that such +"language" differs markedly from the "language" of which the sentence is +the recognized unit. + +It is, however, not improbable that, through association in the +conscious situation, sounds, having their origin in emotional expression +and evoking in others like emotional states, may acquire a new value in +suggesting, for example, the presence of particular enemies. An example +will best serve to indicate my meaning. The following is from H. B. +Medlicott: + + In the early dawn of a grey morning I was geologizing along the + base of the Muhair Hills in South Behar, when all of a sudden + there was a stampede of many pigs from the fringe of the + jungle, with porcine shrieks of _sauve qui peut_ significance. + After a short run in the open they took to the jungle again, + and in a few minutes there was another uproar, but different in + sound and in action; there was a rush, presumably of the + fighting members, to the spot where the row began, and after + some seconds a large leopard sprang from the midst of the + scuffle. In a few bounds he was in the open, and stood looking + back, licking his chops. The pigs did not break cover, but + continued on their way. They were returning to their lair after + a night's feeding on the plain, several families having + combined for mutual protection; while the beasts of prey were + evidently waiting for the occasion. I was alone, and, though + armed, I did not care to beat up the ground to see if in either + case a kill had been effected. The numerous herd covered a + considerable space, and the scrub was thick. The prompt + concerted action must in each case have been started by the + special cry. I imagine that the first assailant was a tiger, + and the case was at once known to be hopeless, the cry + prompting instant flight, while in the second case the cry was + for defense. It can scarcely be doubted that in the first case + each adult pig had a vision of a tiger, and in the second of a + leopard or some minor foe. + +If we accept Mr. Medlicott's interpretation as in the main correct, we +have in this case: (1) common action in social behavior, (2) community +of emotional state, and (3) the suggestion of natural enemies not +unfamiliar in the experience of the herd. It is a not improbable +hypothesis, therefore, that in the course of evolution the initial value +of uttered sounds is emotional; but that on this may be grafted in +further development the indication of particular enemies. If, for +example, the cry which prompts instant flight among the pigs is called +forth by a tiger, it is reasonable to suppose that this cry would give +rise to a representative generic image of that animal having its +influence on the conscious situation. But if the second cry, for +defense, was prompted sometimes by a leopard and sometimes by some other +minor foe, then this cry would not give rise to a representative image +of the same definiteness. Whether animals have the power of +intentionally differentiating the sounds they make to indicate different +objects is extremely doubtful. Can a dog bark in different tones to +indicate "cat" or "rat," as the case may be? Probably not. It may, +however, be asked why, if a pig may squeak differently, and thus, +perhaps, incidentally indicate on the one hand "tiger" and on the other +hand "leopard," should not a dog bark differently and thus indicate +appropriately "cat" or "rat"? Because it is assumed that the two +different cries in the pig are the instinctive expression of two +different emotional states, and Mr. Medlicott could distinguish them; +whereas, in the case of the dog, we can distinguish no difference +between his barking in the one case and the other, nor do the emotional +states appear to be differentiated. Of course there may be differences +which we have failed to detect. What may be regarded, however, as +improbable is the _intentional_ differentiation of sounds by barking in +different tones with the _purpose_ of indicating "cat" or "rat." + +Such powers of intercommunication as animals possess are based on direct +association and refer to the here and the now. A dog may be able to +suggest to his companion the fact that he has descried a worriable cat; +but can a dog tell his neighbor of the delightful worry he enjoyed the +day before yesterday in the garden where the man with the biscuit tin +lives? Probably not, bark he never so expressively. + +From the many anecdotes of dogs calling others to their assistance or +bringing others to those who feed them or treat them kindly, we may +indeed infer the existence of a social tendency and of the suggestive +effects of behavior, but we cannot derive conclusive evidence of +anything like descriptive communication. + +Such intentional communication as is to be found in animals, if indeed +we may properly so call it, seems to arise by an association of the +performance of some act in a conscious situation involving further +behavior for its complete development. Thus the cat which touches the +handle of the door when it wishes to leave the room has had experience +in which the performance of this act has coalesced with a specific +development of the conscious situation. The case is similar when your +dog drops a ball or stick at your feet, wishing you to throw it for him +to fetch. Still, it is clear that such an act would be the perceptual +precursor of the deliberate conduct of the rational being by whom the +sign is definitely realized as a sign, the intentional meaning of which +is distinctly present to thought. This involves a judgment concerning +the sign as an object of thought; and this is probably beyond the +capacity of the dog. For, as Romanes himself says, "It is because the +human mind is able, so to speak, to stand outside of itself and thus to +constitute its own ideas the subject-matter of its own thought that it +is capable of judgment, whether in the act of conception or in that of +predication. We have no evidence to show that any animal is capable of +objectifying its own ideas; and therefore we have no evidence that any +animal is capable of judgment." + + +2. The Concept as the Medium of Human Communication[143] + +There is a petrified philosophy in language, and if we examine the most +ancient word for "name," we find it is _naman_ in Sanskrit, _nomen_ in +Latin, _namo_ in Gothic. This _naman_ stands for _gnaman_, and is +derived from the root _gna_, to know, and meant originally that by which +we know a thing. + +And how do we know things? + +The first step toward the real knowledge, a step which, however small in +appearance, separates man forever from all other animals, is _the naming +of a thing_, or the making a thing knowable. All naming is +classification, bringing the individual under the general; and whatever +we know, whether empirically or scientifically, we know it by means of +our general ideas. + +At the very point where man parts company with the brute world, at the +first flash of reason as the manifestation of the light within us, there +we see the true genesis of language. Analyze any word you like and you +will find that it expresses a general idea peculiar to the individual to +whom the name belongs. What is the meaning of moon? The measurer. What +is the meaning of sun? The begetter. What is the meaning of earth? The +ploughed. + +If the serpent is called in Sanskrit _sarpa_, it is because it was +conceived under the general idea of creeping, an idea expressed by the +root _srip_. + +An ancient word for man was the Sanskrit _marta_, the Greek _brotos_, +the Latin _mortalis_. _Marta_ means "he who dies," and it is remarkable +that, where everything else was changing, fading, and dying, this should +have been chosen as the distinguishing name for man. + +There were many more names for man, as there were many names for all +things in ancient languages. Any feature that struck the observing mind +as peculiarly characteristic could be made to furnish a new name. In +common Sanskrit dictionaries we find 5 words for hand, 11 for light, 15 +for cloud, 20 for moon, 26 for snake, 33 for slaughter, 35 for fire, 37 +for sun. The sun might be called the bright, the warm, the golden, the +preserver, the destroyer, the wolf, the lion, the heavenly eye, the +father of light and life. Hence that superabundance of synonyms in +ancient dialects, and hence that struggle for life carried on among +these words, which led to the destruction of the less strong, the less +fertile, the less happy words, and ended in the triumph of _one_ as the +recognized and proper name for every object in every language. On a very +small scale this process of natural selection, or, as it would better be +called, elimination, may still be watched even in modern languages, that +is to say, even in languages so old and stricken in years as English and +French. What it was at the first burst of dialects we can only gather +from such isolated cases as when von Hammer counts 5,744 words all +relating to the camel. + +The fact that every word is originally a predicate--that names, though +signs of individual conceptions, are all, without exception, derived +from general ideas--is one of the most important discoveries in the +science of language. It was known before that language is the +distinguishing characteristic of man; it was known also that the having +of general ideas is that which puts a perfect distinction betwixt man +and brutes; but that these two were only different expressions of the +same fact was not known till the theory of roots had been established as +preferable to the theories both of onomatopoicia and of interjections. +But, though our modern philosophy did not know it, the ancient poets and +framers of language must have known it. For in Greek, language is +_logos_, but _logos_ means also reason, and _alogon_ was chosen as the +name and the most proper name, for brute. No animal, so far as we know, +thinks and speaks except man. Language and thought are inseparable. +Words without thought are dead sounds; thoughts without words are +nothing. To think is to speak low; to speak is to think aloud. The word +is the thought incarnate. + +What are the two problems left unsettled at the end of the _Science of +Language_: "How do mere cries become phonetic types?" and "How can +sensations be changed into concepts?" What are these two, if taken +together, but the highest problem of all philosophy, viz., "What is the +origin of reason?" + + +3. Writing as a Form of Communication[144] + +The earliest stages of writing were those in which pictographic forms +were used; that is, a direct picture was drawn upon the writing surface, +reproducing as nearly as possible the kind of impression made upon the +observer by the object itself. To be sure, the drawing used to represent +the object was not an exact reproduction or full copy of the object, but +it was a fairly direct image. The visual memory image was thus aroused +by a direct perceptual appeal to the eye. Anyone could read a document +written in this pictograph form, if he had ever seen the objects to +which the pictures referred. There was no special relation between the +pictures or visual forms at this stage of development and the sounds +used in articulate language. Concrete examples of such writing are seen +in early monuments, where the moon is represented by the crescent, a +king by the drawing of a man wearing a crown. + +The next stage of development in writing began when the pictographic +forms were reduced in complexity to the simplest possible lines. The +reduction of the picture to a few sketchy lines depended upon the +growing ability of the reader to contribute the necessary +interpretation. All that was needed in the figure was something which +would suggest the full picture to the mind. Indeed, it is probably true +that the full picture was not needed, even in the reader's +consciousness. Memory images are usually much simplified reproductions +of the perceptual facts. In writing we have a concrete expression of +this tendency of memory to lose its full reproductive form and to become +reduced to the point of the most meager contents for conscious thought. +The simplification of the written forms is attained very early, and is +seen even in the figures which are used by savage tribes. Thus, to +represent the number of an enemy's army, it is not necessary to draw +full figures of the forms of the enemy; it is enough if single straight +lines are drawn with some brief indication, perhaps at the beginning of +the series of lines, to show that these stand each for an individual +enemy. This simplification of the drawing leaves the written symbol with +very much larger possibilities of entering into new relations in the +mind of the reader. Instead, now, of being a specific drawing related to +a specific object, it invites by its simple character a number of +different interpretations. A straight line, for example, can represent +not only the number of an enemy's army but it can represent also the +number of sheep in a flock, or the number of tents in a village, or +anything else which is capable of enumeration. The use of a straight +line for these various purposes stimulates new mental developments. This +is shown by the fact that the development of the idea of the number +relation, as distinguished from the mass of possible relations in which +an object may stand, is greatly facilitated by this general written +symbol for numbers. The intimate relation between the development of +ideas on the one hand and the development of language on the other is +here very strikingly illustrated. The drawing becomes more useful +because it is associated with more elaborate ideas, while the ideas +develop because they find in the drawing a definite content which helps +to mark and give separate character to the idea. + +As soon as the drawing began to lose its significance as a direct +perceptual reproduction of the object and took on new and broader +meanings through the associations which attached to it, the written form +became a symbol, rather than a direct appeal to visual memory. As a +symbol it stood for something which, in itself, it was not. The way was +thus opened for the written symbol to enter into relation with oral +speech, which is also a form of symbolism. Articulate sounds are +simplified forms of experience capable through association with ideas of +expressing meanings not directly related to the sounds themselves. When +the written symbol began to be related to the sound symbol, there was at +first a loose and irregular relation between them. The Egyptians seem to +have established such relations to some extent. They wrote at times with +pictures standing for sounds, as we now write in rebus puzzles. In such +puzzles the picture of an object is intended to call up in the mind of +the reader, not the special group of ideas appropriate to the object +represented in the picture, but rather the sound which serves as the +name of this object. When the sound is once suggested to the reader, he +is supposed to attend to that and to connect with it certain other +associations appropriate to the sound. To take a modern illustration, we +may, for example, use the picture of the eye to stand for the first +personal pronoun. The relationship between the picture and the idea for +which it is used is in this case through the sound of the name of the +object depicted. That the early alphabets are of this type of rebus +pictures appears in their names. The first three letters of the Hebrew +alphabet, for example, are named, respectively, _aleph_ which means ox, +_beth_ which means house, and _gimmel_ which means camel. + +The complete development of a sound alphabet from this type of rebus +writing required, doubtless, much experimentation on the part of the +nations which succeeded in establishing the association. The Phoenicians +have generally been credited with the invention of the forms and +relations which we now use. Their contribution to civilization cannot be +overestimated. It consisted, not in the presentation of new material or +content to conscious experience, but rather in the bringing together by +association of groups of contents which, in their new relation, +transformed the whole process of thought and expression. They associated +visual and auditory content and gave to the visual factors a meaning +through association which was of such unique importance as to justify us +in describing the association as a new invention. + +There are certain systems of writing which indicate that the type of +relationship which we use is not the only possible type of relationship. +The Chinese, for example, have continued to use simple symbols which are +related to complex sounds, not to elementary sounds, as are our own +letters. In Chinese writing the various symbols, though much corrupted +in form, stand each for an object. It is true that the forms of Chinese +writing have long since lost their direct relationship to the pictures +in which they originated. The present forms are simplified and +symbolical. So free has the symbolism become that the form has been +arbitrarily modified to make it possible for the writer to use freely +the crude tools with which the Chinaman does his writing. These +practical considerations could not have become operative, if the direct +pictographic character of the symbols had not long since given place to +a symbolical character which renders the figure important, not because +of what it shows in itself, but rather because of what it suggests to +the mind of the reader. The relation of the symbol to elementary sounds +has, however, never been established. This lack of association with +elementary sounds keeps the Chinese writing at a level much lower and +nearer to primitive pictographic forms than is our writing. + +Whether we have a highly elaborated symbolical system, such as that +which appears in Chinese writing, or a form of writing which is related +to sound, the chief fact regarding writing, as regarding all language, +is that it depends for its value very much more upon the ideational +relations into which the symbols are brought in the individual's mind +than upon the impressions which they arouse. + +The ideational associations which appear in developed language could +never have reached the elaborate form which they have at present if +there had not been social co-operation. The tendency of the individual +when left to himself is to drop back into the direct adjustments which +are appropriate to his own life. He might possibly develop articulation +to a certain extent for his own sake, but the chief impulse to the +development of language comes through intercourse with others. As we +have seen, the development of the simplest forms of communication, as in +animals, is a matter of social imitation. Writing is also an outgrowth +of social relations. It is extremely doubtful whether even the child of +civilized parents would ever have any sufficient motive for the +development of writing, if it were not for the social encouragement he +receives. + + +4. The Extension of Communication by Human Invention[145] + +No one who is asked to name the agencies that weave the great web of +intellectual and material influences and counter-influences by which +modern humanity is combined into the unity of society will need much +reflection to give first rank to the newspaper, along with the post, +railroad, and telegraph. + +In fact, the newspaper forms a link in the chain of modern commercial +machinery; it is one of those contrivances by which in society the +exchange of intellectual and material goods is facilitated. Yet it is +not an instrument of commercial intercourse in the sense of the post or +the railway, both of which have to do with the transport of persons, +goods, and news, but rather in the sense of the letter and circular. +These make the news capable of transport only because they are enabled +by the help of writing and printing to cut it adrift, as it were, from +its originator and give it corporeal independence. + +However great the difference between letter, circular, and newspaper may +appear today, a little reflection shows that all three are essentially +similar products, originating in the necessity of communicating news and +in the employment of writing in its satisfaction. The sole difference +consists in the letter being addressed to individuals, the circular to +several specified persons, the newspaper to many unspecified persons. +Or, in other words, while letter and circular are instruments for the +private communication of news, the newspaper is an instrument for its +publication. + +Today we are, of course, accustomed to the regular printing of the +newspaper and its periodical appearance at brief intervals. But neither +of these is an essential characteristic of the newspaper as a means of +news publication. On the contrary, it will become apparent directly that +the primitive paper from which this mighty instrument of commercial +intercourse is sprung appeared neither in printed form nor periodically, +but that it closely resembled the letter from which, indeed, it can +scarcely be distinguished. To be sure, repeated appearance at brief +intervals is involved in the very nature of news publication. For news +has value only so long as it is fresh; and to preserve for it the charm +of novelty its publication must follow in the footsteps of the events. +We shall, however, soon see that the periodicity of these intervals, as +far as it can be noticed in the infancy of journalism, depended upon the +regular recurrence of opportunities to transport the news, and was in no +way connected with the essential nature of the newspaper. + +The regular collection and despatch of news presupposes a widespread +interest in public affairs, or an extensive area of trade exhibiting +numerous commercial connections and combinations of interest, or both at +once. Such interest is not realized until people are united by some more +or less extensive political organization into a certain community of +life-interest. The city republics of ancient times required no +newspaper; all their needs of publication could be met by the herald and +by inscriptions, as occasion demanded. Only when Roman supremacy had +embraced or subjected to its influence all the countries of the +Mediterranean was there need of some means by which those members of the +ruling class who had gone to the provinces as officials, tax-farmers, +and in other occupations, might receive the current news of the capital. +It is significant that Caesar, the creator of the military monarchy and +of the administrative centralization of Rome, is regarded as the founder +of the first contrivance resembling a newspaper. + +Indeed, long before Caesar's consulate it had become customary for +Romans in the provinces to keep one or more correspondents at the +capital to send them written reports on the course of political movement +and on other events of the day. Such a correspondent was generally an +intelligent slave or freedman intimately acquainted with affairs at the +capital, who, moreover, often made a business of reporting for several. +He was thus a species of primitive reporter, differing from those of +today only in writing, not for a newspaper, but directly for readers. On +recommendation of their employers, these reporters enjoyed at times +admission even to the senate discussions. Antony kept such a man, whose +duty it was to report to him not merely on the senate's resolutions but +also on the speeches and votes of the senators. Cicero, when proconsul, +received through his friend, M. Caelius, the reports of a certain +Chrestus, but seems not to have been particularly well satisfied with +the latter's accounts of gladiatorial sports, law-court proceedings, and +the various pieces of city gossip. As in this case, such correspondence +never extended beyond a rude relation of facts that required +supplementing through letters from party friends of the absent person. +These friends, as we know from Cicero, supplied the real report on +political feeling. + +The innovation made by Caesar consisted in instituting the publication +of a brief record of the transactions and resolutions of the senate, and +in his causing to be published the transactions of the assemblies of the +plebs, as well as other important matters of public concern. + +The Germanic peoples who, after the Romans, assumed the lead in the +history of Europe were neither in civilization nor in political +organization fitted to maintain a similar constitution of the news +service; nor did they require it. All through the Middle Ages the +political and social life of men was bounded by a narrow horizon; +culture retired to the cloisters and for centuries affected only the +people of prominence. There were no trade interests beyond the narrow +walls of their own town or manor to draw men together. It is only in the +later centuries of the Middle Ages that extensive social combinations +once more appear. It is first the church, embracing with her hierarchy +all the countries of Germanic and Latin civilization, next the burgher +class with its city confederacies and common trade interests, and, +finally, as a counter-influence to these, the secular territorial +powers, who succeed in gradually realizing some form of union. In the +twelfth and thirteenth centuries we notice the first traces of an +organized service for transmission of news and letters in the messengers +of monasteries, the universities, and the various spiritual dignitaries; +in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries we have advanced to a +comprehensive, almost postlike, organization of local messenger bureaus +for the epistolary intercourse of traders and of municipal authorities. +And now, for the first time, we meet with the word _Zeitung_, or +newspaper. The word meant originally that which was happening at the +time (_Zeit_ = "time"), a present occurrence; then information on such +an event, a message, a report, news. + +Venice was long regarded as the birthplace of the newspaper in the +modern acceptation of the word. As the channel of trade between the East +and the West, as the seat of a government that first organized the +political news service and the consular system in the modern sense, the +old city of lagoons formed a natural collecting center for important +news items from all lands of the known world. Even early in the +fifteenth century, as has been shown by the investigations of +Valentinelli, the librarian of St. Mark's Library, collections of news +had been made at the instance of the council of Venice regarding events +that had either occurred within the republic or been reported by +ambassadors, consuls, and officials, by ships' captains, merchants, and +the like. These were sent as circular despatches to the Venetian +representatives abroad to keep them posted on international affairs. +Such collections of news were called _fogli d'avvisi_. + +The further development of news publication in the field that it has +occupied since the more general adoption of the printing-press has been +peculiar. At the outset the publisher of a periodical printed newspaper +differed in no wise from the publisher of any other printed work--for +instance, of a pamphlet or a book. He was but the multiplier and seller +of a literary product, over whose content he had no control. The +newspaper publisher marketed the regular post-news in its printed form +just as another publisher offered the public a herbal or an edition of +an old writer. + +But this soon changed. It was readily perceived that the contents of a +newspaper number did not form an entity in the same sense as the +contents of a book or pamphlet. The news items there brought together, +taken from different sources, were of varying reliability. They needed +to be used judicially and critically: in this a political or religious +bias could find ready expression. In a still higher degree was this the +case when men began to discuss contemporary political questions in the +newspapers and to employ them as a medium for disseminating party +opinions. + +This took place first in England during the Long Parliament and the +Revolution of 1640. The Netherlands and a part of the imperial free +towns of Germany followed later. In France the change was not +consummated before the era of the great Revolution: in most other +countries it occurred in the nineteenth century. The newspaper, from +being a mere vehicle for the publication of news, became an instrument +for supporting and shaping public opinion and a weapon of party +politics. + +The effect of this upon the internal organization of the newspaper +undertaking was to introduce a third department, the _editorship_, +between news collecting and news publication. For the newspaper +publisher, however, it signified that from a mere seller of news he had +become a dealer in public opinion as well. + +At first this meant nothing more than that the publisher was placed in a +position to shift a portion of the risk of his undertaking upon a party +organization, a circle of interested persons, or a government. If the +leanings of the paper were distasteful to the readers, they ceased to +buy the paper. Their wishes thus remained, in the final analysis, the +determining factor for the contents of the newspapers. + +The gradually expanding circulation of the printed newspapers +nevertheless soon led to their employment by the authorities for making +public announcements. With this came, in the first quarter of the last +century, the extension of private announcements, which have now +attained, through the so-called advertising bureaus, some such +organization as political news-collecting possesses in the +correspondence bureaus. + +The modern newspaper is a capitalistic enterprise, a sort of +news-factory in which a great number of people (correspondents, editors, +typesetters, correctors, machine-tenders, collectors of advertisements, +office clerks, messengers, etc.) are employed on wage, under a single +administration, at very specialized work. This paper produces wares for +an unknown circle of readers, from whom it is, furthermore, frequently +separated by intermediaries, such as delivery agencies and postal +institutions. The simple needs of the reader or of the circle of patrons +no longer determine the quality of these wares; it is now the very +complicated conditions of competition in the publication market. In this +market, however, as generally in wholesale markets, the consumers of the +goods, the newspaper readers, take no direct part; the determining +factors are the wholesale dealers and the speculators in news: the +governments, the telegraph bureaus dependent upon their special +correspondents, the political parties, artistic and scientific cliques, +men on 'change, and, last but not least, the advertising agencies and +large individual advertisers. + +Each number of a great journal which appears today is a marvel of +economic division of labor, capitalistic organization, and mechanical +technique; it is an instrument of intellectual and economic intercourse, +in which the potencies of all other instruments of commerce--the +railway, the post, the telegraph, and the telephone--are united as in a +focus. + + +D. IMITATION + + +1. Definition of Imitation[146] + +The term "imitation" is used in ordinary language to designate any +repetition of any act or thought which has been noted by an observer. +Thus one imitates the facial expression of another, or his mode of +speech. The term has been brought into prominence in scientific +discussions through the work of Gabriel Tarde, who in his _Les lois de +l'imitation_ points out that imitation is a fundamental fact underlying +all social development. The customs of society are imitated from +generation to generation. The fashions of the day are imitated by large +groups of people without any consciousness of the social solidarity +which is derived from this common mode of behavior. There is developed +through these various forms of imitation a body of experiences which is +common to all of the members of a given social group. In complex society +the various imitations which tend to set themselves up are frequently +found to be in conflict; thus the tendency toward elaborate fashions in +dress is constantly limited by the counter-tendency toward simpler +fashions. The conflict of tendencies leads to individual variations from +the example offered at any given time, and, as a result, there are new +examples to be followed. Complex social examples are thus products of +conflict. + +This general doctrine of Tarde has been elaborated by a number of recent +writers. Royce calls attention to the fundamental importance of +imitation as a means of social inheritance. The same doctrine is taken +up by Baldwin in his _Mental Development in the Child and Race_, and in +_Social and Ethical Interpretations_. With these later writers, +imitation takes on a significance which is somewhat technical and +broader than the significance which it has either with Tarde or in the +ordinary use of the term. Baldwin uses the term to cover that case in +which an individual repeats an act because he has himself gone through +the act. In such a case one imitates himself and sets up what Baldwin +terms a circular reaction. The principle of imitation is thus introduced +into individual psychology as well as into general social psychology, +and the relation between the individual's acts and his own imagery is +brought under the same general principle as the individual's responses +to his social environment. The term "imitation" in this broader sense is +closely related to the processes of sympathy. + +The term "social heredity" has very frequently been used in connection +with all of the processes here under discussion. Society tends to +perpetuate itself in the new individual in a fashion analogous to that +in which the physical characteristics of the earlier generation tend to +perpetuate themselves in the physical characteristics of the new +generation. Since modes of behavior, such as acts of courtesy, cannot be +transmitted through physical structure, they would tend to lapse if they +were not maintained through imitation from generation to generation. +Thus imitation gives uniformity to social practices and consequently is +to be treated as a form of supplementary inheritance extending beyond +physical inheritance and making effective the established forms of +social practice. + + +2. Attention, Interest, and Imitation[147] + +Imitation is a process of very great importance for the development of +mental life in both men and animals. In its more complex forms it +presupposes trains of ideas; but in its essential features it is present +and operative at the perceptual level. It is largely through imitation +that the results of the experience of one generation are transmitted to +the next, so as to form the basis for further development. Where trains +of ideas play a relatively unimportant part, as in the case of animals, +imitation may be said to be the sole form of social tradition. In the +case of human beings, the thought of past generations is embodied in +language, institutions, machinery, and the like. This distinctively +human tradition presupposes trains of ideas in past generations, which +so mold the environment of a new generation that in apprehending and +adapting itself to this environment it must re-think the old trains of +thought. Tradition of this kind is not found in animal life, because the +animal mind does not proceed by way of trains of ideas. None the less, +the more intelligent animals depend largely on tradition. This tradition +consists essentially in imitation by the young of the actions of their +parents, or of other members of the community in which they are born. +The same directly imitative process, though it is very far from forming +the whole of social tradition in human beings, forms a very important +part of it. + +a) _The imitative impulse._--We must distinguish between ability to +imitate and impulse to imitate. We may be already fully able to perform +an action, and the sight of it as performed by another may merely prompt +us to reproduce it. But the sight of an act performed by another may +also have an educational influence; it may not only stimulate us to do +what we are already able to do without its aid; it may also enable us to +do what we could not do without having an example to follow. When the +cough of one man sets another coughing, it is evident that imitation +here consists only in the impulse to follow suit. The second man does +not learn how to cough from the example of the first. He is simply +prompted to do on this particular occasion what he is otherwise quite +capable of doing. But if I am learning billiards and someone shows me by +his own example how to make a particular stroke, the case is different. +It is not his example which in the first instance prompts me to the +action. He merely shows the way to do what I already desire to do. + +We have then first to discuss the nature of the imitative impulse--the +impulse to perform an action which arises from the perception of it as +performed by another. + +This impulse is an affair of attentive consciousness. The perception of +an action prompts us to reproduce it when and so far as it excites +interest or is at least intimately connected with what does excite +interest. Further, the interest must be of such a nature that it is more +fully gratified by partially or wholly repeating the interesting action. +Thus imitation is a special development of attention. Attention is +always striving after a more vivid, more definite, and more complete +apprehension of its object. Imitation is a way in which this endeavor +may gratify itself when the interest in the object is of a certain kind. +It is obvious that we do not try to imitate all manner of actions, +without distinction, merely because they take place under our eyes. What +is familiar and commonplace or what for any other reason is unexciting +or insipid fails to stir us to re-enact it. It is otherwise with what is +strikingly novel or in any way impressive, so that our attention dwells +on it with relish or fascination. It is, of course, not true that +whatever act fixes attention prompts to imitation. This is only the case +where imitation helps attention, where it is, in fact, a special +development of attention. This is so when interest is directly +concentrated on the activity itself for its own sake rather than for the +sake of its possible consequences and the like ulterior motives. But it +is not necessary that the act in itself should be interesting; in a most +important class of cases the interest centers, not directly in the +external act imitated, but in something else with which this act is so +intimately connected as virtually to form a part of it. Thus there is a +tendency to imitate not only interesting acts but also the acts of +interesting persons. Men are apt to imitate the gestures and modes of +speech of those who excite their admiration or affection or some other +personal interest. Children imitate their parents or their leaders in +the playground. Even the mannerisms and tricks of a great man are often +unconsciously copied by those who regard him as a hero. In such +instances the primary interest is in the whole personality of the model; +but this is more vividly and distinctly brought before consciousness by +reproducing his external peculiarities. Our result, then, is that +interest in an action prompts to imitation in proportion to its +intensity, provided the interest is of a kind which will be gratified or +sustained by imitative activity. + +b) _Learning by imitation._--Let us now turn to the other side of the +question. Let us consider the case in which the power of performing an +action is acquired in and by the process of imitation itself. Here there +is a general rule which is obvious when once it is pointed out. It is +part of the still more general rule that "to him that hath shall be +given." Our power of imitating the activity of another is strictly +proportioned to our pre-existing power of performing the same general +kind of action independently. For instance, one devoid of musical +faculty has practically no power of imitating the violin playing of +Joachim. Imitation may develop and improve a power which already exists, +but it cannot create it. Consider the child beginning for the first time +to write in a copybook. He learns by imitation; but it is only because +he has already some rudimentary ability to make such simple figures as +pothooks that the imitative process can get a start. At the outset, his +pothooks are very unlike the model set before him. Gradually he +improves; increased power of independent production gives step by step +increased power of imitation, until he approaches too closely the limits +of his capacity in this direction to make any further progress of an +appreciable kind. + +But this is an incomplete account of the matter. The power of learning +by imitation is part of the general power of learning by experience; it +involves mental plasticity. An animal which starts life with congenital +tendencies and aptitudes of a fixed and stereotyped kind, so that they +admit of but little modification in the course of individual +development, has correspondingly little power of learning by imitation. + +At higher levels of mental development the imitative impulse is far less +conspicuous because impulsive activity in general is checked and +overruled by activity organized in a unified system. Civilized men +imitate not so much because of immediate interest in the action imitated +as with a view to the attainment of desirable results. + + +3. The Three Levels of Sympathy[148] + +Sympathy is not an instinct or a tendency, i.e., a group of co-ordinated +movements adapted to a particular end, and showing itself in +consciousness as an emotion, such as fear, anger, sex attraction; it is, +on the contrary, a highly generalized psycho-physiological property. To +the specialized character of each emotion it opposes a character of +almost unlimited plasticity. We have not to consider it under all its +aspects but as one of the most important manifestations of emotional +life, as the basis of the tender emotions, and one of the foundations of +social and moral existence. + +a) _The first phase._--In its primitive form sympathy is reflex, +automatic, unconscious, or very slightly conscious; it is, according to +Bain, the tendency to produce in ourselves an attitude, a state, a +bodily movement which we perceive in another person. This is imitation +in its most rudimentary form. Between sympathy and imitation, at any +rate in this primitive period, I see only one difference of aspect: +sympathy everywhere marks the passive, receptive side of the phenomenon; +imitation, its active and motor side. + +It manifests itself in animals forming aggregates (not societies), such +as a flock of sheep, or a pack of dogs who run, stop, bark all at the +same time, through a purely physical impulse of imitation; in man, +infectious laughter or yawning, walking in step, imitating the movements +of a rope-walker while watching him, feeling a shock in one's legs when +one sees a man falling, and a hundred other occurrences of this kind are +cases of physiological sympathy. It plays a great part in the psychology +of crowds, with their rapid attacks and sudden panics. In nervous +diseases, there is a superfluity of examples: epidemics of hysteric +fits, convulsive barking, hiccup, etc. I omit the mental maladies +(epidemics of suicide, double or triple madness) since we are only +considering the purely physiological stage. + +To sum up, sympathy is originally a property of living matter: as there +is an organic memory and an organic sensitiveness, being those of the +tissues and ultimate elements which compose them, there is an organic +sympathy, made up of receptivity and imitative movements. + +b) _The second phase._--The next phase is that of sympathy in the +psychological sense, necessarily accompanied by consciousness; it +creates in two or more individuals analogous emotional states. Such are +the cases in which we say that fear, indignation, joy, or sorrow are +communicated. It consists in feeling an emotion existing in another, and +is revealed to us by its physiological expression. This phase consists +of two stages. + +(1) The first might be defined as psychological unison. If, during this +period of unison, we could read the minds of those who sympathize, we +should see a single emotional fact reflected in the consciousness of +several individuals. L. Noire, in his book, _Ursprung der Sprache_, has +proposed the theory that language originated in community of action +among the earliest human beings. When working, marching, dancing, +rowing, they uttered (according to this writer) sounds which became the +appellatives of these different actions, or of various objects; and +these sounds, being uttered by all, must have been understood by all. +Whether this theory be correct or not (it has been accepted as such by +Max Mueller), it will serve as an illustration. But this state of +sympathy does not by itself constitute a tie of affection or tenderness +between those who feel it; it only prepares the way for such an emotion. +It may be the basis of a certain social solidarity, because the same +internal states excite the same acts of a mechanical, exterior, +non-moral solidarity. + +(2) The second stage is that of sympathy, in the restricted and popular +sense of the word. This consists of psychological unison, _plus_ a new +element: there is added another emotional manifestation, tender emotion +(benevolence, sympathy, pity, etc.). It is no longer sympathy pure and +simple, it is a binary compound. The common habit of considering +phenomena only under their higher and complete forms often misleads us +as to their origin and constitution. Moreover, in order to understand +that this is a case of duality--the fusion of two distinct elements--and +that our analysis is not a factitious one, it is sufficient to point out +that sympathy (in the etymological sense) may exist without any tender +emotion--nay, that it may exclude instead of excite it. According to +Lubbock, while ants carry away their wounded, bees--though forming a +society--are indifferent toward each other. It is well known that +gregarious animals nearly always shun and desert a wounded member of the +herd. Among men, how many there are who, when they see suffering, hasten +to withdraw themselves from the spectacle, in order to escape the pain +which it sympathetically awakens in them. This impulse may go to the +length of aversion, as typified by Dives in the Gospel. It is therefore +a complete psychological error to consider sympathy as capable, unaided, +of delivering men from egoism; it only takes the first step, and not +always that. + +c) _The third phase._--Under its intellectual form, sympathy is an +agreement in feelings and actions, founded on unity of representation. +The law of development is summed up in Spencer's formula, "The degree +and range of sympathy depend on the clearness and extent of +representation." I should, however, add: on condition of being based on +an emotional temperament. This last is the source _par excellence_ of +sympathy, because it vibrates like an echo; the active temperament lends +itself less to such impulses, because it has so much to do in +manifesting its own individuality that it can scarcely manifest those of +others; finally, the phlegmatic temperament does so least of all, +because it presents a minimum of emotional life; like Leibnitz' monads, +it has no windows. + +In passing from the emotional to the intellectual phase, sympathy gains +in extent and stability. In fact, emotional sympathy requires some +analogy in temperament or nature; it can scarcely be established between +the timid and the daring, between the cheerful and the melancholic; it +may be extended to all human beings and to the animals nearest us, but +not beyond them. On the contrary, it is the special attribute of +intelligence to seek resemblances or analogies everywhere, to unify; it +embraces the whole of nature. By the law of transfer (which we have +already studied) sympathy follows this invading march and comprehends +even inanimate objects, as in the case of the poet, who feels himself in +communion with the sea, the woods, the lakes, or the mountains. Besides, +intellectual sympathy participates in the relative fixity of +representation; we find a simple instance of this in animal societies, +such as those of the bees, where unity or sympathy among the members is +only maintained by the perception or representation of the queen. + + +4. Rational Sympathy[149] + +As we have no immediate experience of what other men feel, we can form +no idea of the manner in which they are affected but by conceiving what +we ourselves should feel in the like situation. Though our brother is +upon the rack, as long as we ourselves are at our ease our senses will +never inform us of what he suffers. They never did, and never can, carry +us beyond our own person, and it is by the imagination only that we can +form any conception of what are his sensations. Neither can that faculty +help us to this any other way than by representing to us what would be +our own, if we were in his case. It is the impressions of our own senses +only, not those of his, which our imaginations copy. By the imagination +we place ourselves in his situation, we conceive ourselves enduring all +the same torments, we enter as it were into his body and become in some +measure the same person with him, and thence form some idea of his +sensations, and even feel something which, though weaker in degree, is +not altogether unlike them. His agonies, when they are thus brought home +to ourselves, when we have thus adopted and made them our own, begin at +last to affect us, and we then tremble and shudder at the thought of +what he feels. For, as to be in pain or distress of any kind excites the +most excessive sorrow, so to conceive or to imagine that we are in it +excites some degree of the same emotion, in proportion to the vivacity +or dulness of the conception. + +That this is the source of our fellow-feeling for the misery of others, +that it is by changing places in fancy with the sufferer that we come +either to conceive or to be affected by what he feels, may be +demonstrated by many obvious observations, if it should not be thought +sufficiently evident of itself. When we see a stroke aimed, and just +ready to fall upon the leg or arm of another person, we naturally shrink +and draw back our own leg or our own arm; and when it does fall, we feel +it in some measure and are hurt by it as well as the sufferer. The mob, +when they are gazing at a dancer on the slack rope, naturally writhe and +twist and balance their own bodies as they see him do, and as they feel +that they themselves must do if in his situation. Persons of delicate +fibers and a weak constitution of body complain that in looking on the +sores and ulcers which are exposed by beggars in the streets they are +apt to feel an itching or uneasy sensation in the corresponding part of +their own bodies. The horror which they conceive at the misery of those +wretches affects that particular part in themselves more than any other +because that horror arises from conceiving what they themselves would +suffer if they really were the wretches whom they are looking upon, and +if that particular part in themselves was actually affected in the same +miserable manner. The very force of this conception is sufficient, in +their feeble frames, to produce that itching or uneasy sensation +complained of. Men of the most robust make observe that in looking upon +sore eyes they often feel a very sensible soreness in their own, which +proceeds from the same reason; that organ, being in the strongest man +more delicate than any other part of the body, is the weakest. + +Upon some occasions sympathy may seem to arise merely from the view of a +certain emotion in another person. The passions upon some occasions may +seem to be transfused from one man to another instantaneously and +antecedent to any knowledge of what excited them in the person +principally concerned. Grief and joy, for example, strongly expressed in +the look and gestures of any person at once affect the spectator with +some degree of a like painful or agreeable emotion. A smiling face is, +to everybody that sees it, a cheerful object, as a sorrowful +countenance, on the other hand, is a melancholy one. + +This, however, does not hold universally, or with regard to every +passion. There are some passions of which the expressions excite no +sort of sympathy, but, before we are acquainted with what gave occasion +to them, serve rather to disgust and provoke us against them. The +furious behavior of an angry man is more likely to exasperate us against +himself than against his enemies. As we are unacquainted with his +provocation, we cannot bring his case home to ourselves, nor conceive +anything like the passions which it excites. But we plainly see what is +the situation of those with whom he is angry, and to what violence they +may be exposed from so enraged an adversary. We readily, therefore, +sympathize with their fear or resentment, and are immediately disposed +to take part against the man from whom they appear to be in danger. + +If the very appearances of grief and joy inspire us with some degree of +the like emotions, it is because they suggest to us the general idea of +some good or bad fortune that has befallen the person in whom we observe +them: and in these passions this is sufficient to have some little +influence upon us. The effects of grief and joy terminate in the person +who feels these emotions, of which the expressions do not, like those of +resentment, suggest to us the idea of any other person for whom we are +concerned and whose interests are opposite to his. The general idea of +good or bad fortune, therefore, creates some concern for the person who +has met with it; but the general idea of provocation excites no sympathy +with the anger of the man who has received it. Nature, it seems, teaches +us to be more averse to enter into this passion, and, till informed of +its cause, to be disposed rather to take part against it. + +Even our sympathy with the grief or joy of another, before we are +informed of the cause of either, is always extremely imperfect. General +lamentations, which express nothing but the anguish of the sufferer, +create rather a curiosity to inquire into his situation, along with some +disposition to sympathize with him, than any actual sympathy that is +very sensible. The first question which we ask is, What has befallen +you? Till this be answered, though we are uneasy both from the vague +idea of his misfortune and still more from torturing ourselves with +conjectures about what it may be, yet our fellow-feeling is not very +considerable. + +Sympathy, therefore, does not arise so much from the view of the passion +as from that of the situation which excites it. We sometimes feel for +another a passion of which he himself seems to be altogether incapable, +because, when we put ourselves in his case, that passion arises in our +breast from the imagination, though it does not in his from the reality. +We blush for the impudence and rudeness of another, though he himself +appears to have no sense of the impropriety of his own behavior, because +we cannot help feeling with what confusion we ourselves should be +covered, had we behaved in so absurd a manner. + +Of all the calamities to which the condition of mortality exposes +mankind, the loss of reason appears, to those who have the least spark +of humanity, by far the most dreadful; and they behold that last stage +of human wretchedness with deeper commiseration than any other. But the +poor wretch who is in it laughs and sings, perhaps, and is altogether +insensible to his own misery. The anguish which humanity feels, +therefore, at the sight of such an object cannot be the reflection of +any sentiment of the sufferer. The compassion of the spectator must +arise altogether from the consideration of what he himself would feel if +he was reduced to the same unhappy situation, and, what perhaps is +impossible, was at the same time able to regard it with his present +reason and judgment. + +What are the pangs of a mother when she hears the meanings of her +infant, that, during the agony of disease, cannot express what it feels? +In her idea of what it suffers, she joins to its real helplessness her +own consciousness of that helplessness and her own terrors for the +unknown consequences of its disorder; and, out of all these, forms for +her own sorrow the most complete image of misery and distress. The +infant, however, feels only the uneasiness of the present instant, which +can never be great. With regard to the future it is perfectly secure in +its thoughtlessness and want of anxiety, the great tormentors of the +human breast, from which reason and philosophy will in vain attempt to +defend it when it grows up to a man. + +But whatever may be the cause of sympathy, or however it may be excited, +nothing pleases us more than to observe in other men a fellow-feeling +with all the emotions of our own breast; nor are we ever so much shocked +as by the appearance of the contrary. Those who are fond of deducing all +our sentiments from certain refinements of self-love think themselves at +no loss to account, according to their own principles, both for this +pleasure and for this pain. Man, say they, conscious of his own weakness +and of the need which he has for the assistance of others, rejoices +whenever he observes that they adopt his own passions because he is then +assured of that assistance and grieves whenever he observes the +contrary, because he is then assured of their opposition. But both the +pleasure and the pain are always felt so instantaneously, and often upon +such frivolous occasions, that it seems evident that neither of them can +be derived from any such self-interested consideration. A man is +mortified when, after having endeavored to divert the company, he looks +round and sees that nobody laughs at his jests but himself. On the +contrary, the mirth of the company is highly agreeable to him and he +regards this correspondence of their sentiments with his own as the +greatest applause. + + +5. Art, Imitation, and Appreciation[150] + +The investigation into the psychology of masses, as well as the +experiments on suggestive therapeutics, have proved to how great an +extent mental states may be transmitted from individual to individual by +unconscious imitation of the accompanying movements. The doctrine of +universal sympathy, a clear statement of which was given long ago in the +ethical theory of Adam Smith, has thus acquired a psychological +justification in the modern theories of imitative movement. Contemporary +science has at last learned to appreciate the fundamental importance of +imitation for the development of human culture. And some authors have +even gone so far as to endeavor to deduce all sociological laws from +this one principle. At the same time natural history has begun to pay +more and more attention to the indispensability of imitation for the +full development of instincts, as well as for training in those +activities which are the most necessary in life. + +It is fortunate for the theory of art that the importance of the +imitative functions has thus been simultaneously acknowledged in various +departments of science. Whatever one may think of the somewhat audacious +generalizations which have been made in the recent application of this +new principle, it is incontestable that the aesthetic activities can be +understood and explained only by reference to the universal tendency to +imitate. It is also significant that writers on aesthetic had felt +themselves compelled to set up a theory of imitation long before +experimental psychologists had begun to turn their attention in this +direction. In Germany the enjoyment of form and form-relations has, +since Vischer's time, been interpreted as the result of the movements by +which, not only our eye, but also our whole body follows the outlines of +external things. In France Jouffroy stated the condition for the +receiving of aesthetic impressions to be a "power of internally +imitating the states which are externally manifested in living nature." +In England, finally, Vernon Lee and Anstruther Thompson have founded a +theory of beauty and ugliness upon this same psychical impulse to copy +in our own unconscious movements the forms of objects. And in the +writings of, for instance, Home, Hogarth, Dugald Stewart, and Spencer, +there can be found a multitude of isolated remarks on the influence +which is in a direct way exercised on our mental life by the perception +of lines and forms. + +In most of these theories and observations, however, the imitative +activity has been noticed only in so far as it contributes to the +aesthetic delight which may be derived from sensual impressions. But its +importance is by no means so restricted as this; on the contrary, we +believe it to be a fundamental condition for the existence of intuition +itself. Without all these imperceptible tracing movements with which our +body accompanies the adaptation of the eye-muscles to the outlines of +external objects, our notions of depth, height, and distance, and so on, +would certainly be far less distinct than they are. On the other hand, +the habit of executing such movements has, so to say, brought the +external world within the sphere of the internal. The world has been +measured with man as a standard, and objects have been translated into +the language of mental experience. The impressions have hereby gained, +not only in emotional tone, but also in intellectual comprehensibility. + +Greater still is the importance of imitation for our intuition of moving +objects. And a difficult movement itself is fully understood only when +it has been imitated, either internally or in actual outward activity. +The idea of a movement, therefore, is generally associated with an +arrested impulse to perform it. Closer introspection will show everyone +to how great a part our knowledge, even of persons, is built up of motor +elements. By unconscious and imperceptible copying in our own body the +external behavior of a man, we may learn to understand him with +benevolent or malevolent sympathy. And it will, no doubt, be admitted +by most readers that the reason why they know their friends and foes +better than they know anyone else is that they carry the remembrance of +them not only in their eyes, but in their whole body. When in idle +moments we find the memory of an absent friend surging up in our minds +with no apparent reason, we may often note, to our astonishment, that we +have just been unconsciously adopting one of his characteristic +attitudes, or imitating his peculiar gestures or gait. + +It may, however, be objected that the above-mentioned instances refer +only to a particular class of individuals. In other minds, it will be +said, the world-picture is entirely built up of visual and acoustic +elements. It is also impossible to deny that the classification of minds +in different types, which modern psychology has introduced, is as +legitimate as it is advantageous for the purposes of research. But we +can hardly believe that such divisions have in view anything more than a +relative predominance of the several psychical elements. It is easily +understood that a man in whose store of memory visual or acoustic images +occupy the foremost place may be inclined to deny that motor sensations +of unconscious copying enter to any extent into his psychical +experience. But an exclusively visual world-image, if such a thing is +possible, must evidently be not only emotionally poorer, but also +intellectually less distinct and less complete, than an intuition, in +which such motor elements are included. + +The importance of motor sensations in the psychology of knowledge is by +itself of no aesthetic interest. The question has been touched upon in +this connection only because of the illustration which it gives to the +imitation theory. If, as we believe is the case, it is really necessary, +for the purpose of acquiring a complete comprehension of things and +events, to "experience" them--that is to say, to pursue and seize upon +them, not only with that particular organ of sense to which they appeal, +but also by tracing movements of the whole body--then there is no need +to wonder at the universality of the imitative impulse. Imitation does +not only, according to this view, facilitate our training in useful +activities, and aid us in deriving an aesthetic delight from our +sensations; it serves also, and perhaps primarily, as an expedient for +the accommodating of ourselves to the external world, and for the +explaining of things by reference to ourselves. It is therefore natural +that imitative movements should occupy so great a place among the +activities of children and primitive men. And we can also understand why +this fundamental impulse, which has played so important a part in racial +as well as in individual education, may become so great as to be a +disease and dominate the whole of conscious life. As children we all +imitated before we comprehended, and we have learned to comprehend by +imitating. It is only when we have grown familiar by imitation with the +most important data of perception that we become capable of +appropriating knowledge in a more rational way. Although no adult has +any need to resort to external imitation in order to comprehend new +impressions, it is still only natural that in a pathological condition +he should relapse into the primitive imitative reaction. And it is +equally natural that an internal, i.e., arrested, imitation should take +place in all our perceptions. After this explanation of the universality +of this phenomenon we have no further need to occupy ourselves with the +general psychology of imitation. We have here only to take notice of its +importance for the communication of feeling. + +As is well known, it is only in cases of abnormally increased +sensibility--for instance, in some of the stages of hypnotism and +thought transmission--that the motor counterpart of a mental state can +be imitated with such faithfulness and completeness that the imitator is +thereby enabled to partake of all the _intellectual_ elements of the +state existing in another. The hedonic qualities, on the other hand, +which are physiologically conditioned by much simpler motor +counterparts, may of course be transmitted with far greater perfection: +it is easier to suggest a pleasure than a thought. It is also evident +that it is the most general hedonic and volitional elements which have +been considered by the German authors on aesthetic in their theories on +internal imitation ("Die innere Nachahmung"). They seem to have thought +that the adoption of the attitudes and the performance of the movements +which usually accompany a given emotional state will also succeed to +some extent in producing a similar emotional state. This assumption is +perfectly legitimate, even if the connection between feeling and +movement be interpreted in the associative way. And it needs no +justification when the motor changes are considered as the physiological +correlate of the feeling itself. + +Everyday experience affords many examples of the way in which feelings +are called into existence by the imitation of their expressive +movements. A child repeats the smiles and the laughter of its parents, +and can thus partake of their joy long before it is able to understand +its cause. Adult life naturally does not give us many opportunities of +observing this pure form of direct and almost automatic transmission. +But even in adult life we may often meet with an exchange of feeling +which seems almost independent of any intellectual communication. Lovers +know it, and intimate friends like the brothers Goncourt, to say nothing +of people who stand in so close a rapport with each other as a +hypnotiser and his subject. And even where there is no previous +sympathetic relation, a state of joy or sadness may often, if it is only +distinctly expressed, pass over, so to say, from the individual who has +been under the influence of its objective cause, to another who, as it +were, borrows the feeling, but remains unconscious of its cause. We +experience this phenomenon almost daily in the influence exerted upon us +by social intercourse, and even by those aspects of nature--for +instance, blue open sky or overhanging mountains--which naturally call +up in us the physical manifestation of emotional states. The coercive +force with which our surroundings--animate or inanimate--compel us to +adopt the feelings which are suggested by their attitudes, forms, or +movements, is perhaps as a rule too weak to be noticed by a +self-controlled, unemotional man. But if we want an example of this +influence at its strongest, we need but remember how difficult it is for +an individual to resist the contagion of collective feeling. On public +occasions the common mood, whether of joy or sorrow, is often +communicated even to those who were originally possessed by the opposite +feeling. So powerful is the infection of great excitement +that--according to M. Fere--even a perfectly sober man who takes part in +a drinking bout may often be tempted to join in the antics of his +drunken comrades in a sort of second-hand intoxication, "drunkenness by +induction." In the great mental epidemics of the Middle Ages this kind +of contagion operated with more fatal results than ever before or +afterward. But even in modern times a popular street riot may often show +us something of the same phenomenon. The great tumult in London in 1886 +afforded, it is said, a good opportunity of observing how people who had +originally maintained an indifferent attitude were gradually carried +away by the general excitement, even to the extent of joining in the +outrages. In this instance the contagious effect of expressional +movements was undoubtedly facilitated by their connection with so +primary an impulse as that of rapine and destruction. But the case is +the same with all the activities which appear as the outward +manifestations of our strongest feeling-states. They all consist of +instinctive actions with which everyone is well familiar from his own +experience. It is therefore natural that anger, hate, or love may be +communicated almost automatically from an individual to masses, and from +masses to individuals. + +Now that the principle of the interindividual diffusion of feeling has +been stated and explained, we may return to our main line of research +and examine its bearings on the expressional impulse. We have seen that +in the social surroundings of the individual there is enacted a process +resembling that which takes place within his own organism. Just as +functional modifications spread from organ to organ, just as wider and +wider zones of the system are brought into participation in the primary +enhancement or inhibition, so a feeling is diffused from an individual +to a circle of sympathisers who repeat its expressional movements. And +just as all the widened "somatic resonances" contribute to the primary +feeling-tone increased strength and increased definiteness, so must the +emotional state of an individual be enhanced by retroactive stimulation +from the expressions by which the state has, so to say, been continued +in others. By the reciprocal action of primary movements and borrowed +movements, which mutually imitate each other, the social expression +operates in the same way as the individual expression. And we are +entitled to consider it as a secondary result of the general +expressional impulse, that when mastered by an overpowering feeling we +seek enhancement or relief by retroaction from sympathisers, who +reproduce and in their expression represent the mental state by which we +are dominated. + +In point of fact, we can observe in the manifestations of all strong +feelings which have not found a satisfactory relief in individual +expression, a pursuit of social resonance. A happy man wants to see glad +faces around him, in order that from their expression he may derive +further nourishment and increase for his own feeling. Hence the +benevolent attitude of mind which as a rule accompanies all strong and +pure joy. Hence also the widespread tendency to express joy by gifts or +hospitality. In moods of depression we similarly desire a response to +our feeling from our surroundings. In the depth of despair we may long +for a universal cataclysm to extend, as it were, our own pain. As joy +naturally makes men good, so pain often makes them hard and cruel. That +this is not always the case is a result of the increased power of +sympathy which we gain by every experienced pain. Moreover, we have need +of sympathetic rapport for our motor reactions against pain. All the +active manifestations of sorrow, despair, or anger which are not wholly +painful in themselves are facilitated by the reciprocal influence of +collective excitement. Thus all strong feelings, whether pleasurable or +painful, act as socialising factors. This socialising action may be +observed at all stages of development. Even the animals seek their +fellows in order to stimulate themselves and each other by the common +expression of an overpowering feeling. As has been remarked by Espinas, +the flocking together of the male birds during the pairing season is +perhaps as much due to this craving for mutual stimulation as to the +desire to compete for the favor of the hen. The howling choirs of the +macaws and the drum concerts of the chimpanzees are still better and +unmistakable instances of collective emotional expression. In man we +find the results of the same craving for social expression in the +gatherings for rejoicing or mourning which are to be met with in all +tribes, of all degrees of development. And as a still higher development +of the same fundamental impulse, there appears in man the artistic +activity. + +The more conscious our craving for retroaction from sympathisers, the +more there must also be developed in us a conscious endeavor to cause +the feeling to be appropriated by as many as possible and as completely +as possible. The expressional impulse is not satisfied by the resonance +which an occasional public, however sympathetic, is able to afford. Its +natural aim is to bring more and more sentient beings under the +influence of the same emotional state. It seeks to vanquish the +refractory and arouse the indifferent. An echo, a true and powerful +echo--that is what it desires with all the energy of an unsatisfied +longing. As a result of this craving the expressional activities lead to +artistic production. The work of art presents itself as the most +effective means by which the individual is enabled to convey to wider +and wider circles of sympathisers an emotional state similar to that by +which he is himself dominated. + + +E. SUGGESTION + + +1. A Sociological Definition of Suggestion[151] + +The nature of suggestion manifestly consists not in any external +peculiarities whatever. It is based upon the peculiar kind of relation +of the person making the suggestion to the "ego" of the subject during +the reception and realization of the suggestion. + +Suggestion, is, in general, one of many means of influence of man on man +that is exercised with or without intention on persons, who respond +either consciously or unconsciously. + +For a closer acquaintance with what we call "suggestion," it may be +observed that our perceptive activities are divided into (a) active, +and (b) passive. + +a) _Active perception._--In the first case the "ego" of the subject +necessarily takes a part, and according to the trend of our thinking or +to the environmental circumstances directs the attention to these or +those external impressions. These, since they enter the mind through the +participation of attention and will and through reflection and judgment, +are assimilated and permanently incorporated in the personal +consciousness or in our "ego." This type of perception leads to an +enrichment of our personal consciousness and lies at the bottom of our +points of view and convictions. The organization of more or less +definite convictions is the product of the process of reflection +instituted by active perception. These convictions, before they become +the possession of our personal consciousness, may conceal themselves +awhile in the so-called subconsciousness. They are capable of being +aroused at any moment at the desire of the "ego" whenever certain +experienced representations are reproduced. + +b) _Passive perception._--In contrast to active perception we perceive +much from the environment in a passive manner without that participation +of the "ego." This occurs when our attention is diverted in any +particular direction or concentrated on a certain thought, and when its +continuity for one or another reason is broken up, which, for instance, +occurs in cases of so-called distraction. In these cases the object of +the perception does not enter into the personal consciousness, but it +makes its way into other spheres of our mind, which we call the general +consciousness. The general consciousness is to a certain degree +independent of the personal consciousness. For this reason everything +that enters into the general consciousness cannot be introduced at will +into the personal consciousness. Nevertheless products of the general +consciousness make their way into the sphere of the personal +consciousness, without awareness by it of their original derivation. + +In passive perception, without any participation of attention, a whole +series of varied impressions flow in upon us and press in past our "ego" +directly to the general consciousness. These impressions are the sources +of those influences from the outer world so unintelligible even to +ourselves, which determine our emotional attitudes and those obscure +motives and impulses which often possess us in certain situations. + +The general consciousness, in this way, plays a permanent role in the +spiritual life of the individual. Now and then an impression passively +received in the train of an accidental chain of ideas makes its way into +the sphere of the personal consciousness as a mental image, whose +novelty astounds us. In specific cases this image or illusion takes the +form of a peculiar voice, a vision, or even a hallucination, whose +origin undoubtedly lies in the general consciousness. When the personal +consciousness is in abeyance, as in sleep or in profound hypnosis, the +activity of the general consciousness comes into the foreground. The +activity of the general consciousness is limited neither by our ways of +viewing things nor by the conditions under which the personal +consciousness operates. On this account, in a dream and in profound +hypnosis acts appear feasible and possible which with our full personal +consciousness we would not dare to contemplate. + +This division of our mind into a personal and a general consciousness +affords a basis for a clear understanding of the principles of +suggestion. The personal consciousness, the so-called "ego," aided by +the will and attention, largely controls the reception of external +impressions, influences the trend of our ideas, and determines the +execution of our voluntary behavior. Every impression that the personal +consciousness transmits to the mind is usually subject to a definite +criticism and remodeling which results in the development of our points +of view and of our convictions. + +This mode of influence from the outer world upon our mind is that of +"logical conviction." As the final result of that inner reconstruction +of impressions appears always the conviction: "This is true, that +useful, inevitable, etc." We can say this inwardly when any +reconstruction of the impressions has been affected in us through the +activity of the personal consciousness. Many impressions get into our +mind without our remarking them. In case of distraction, when our +voluntary attention is in abeyance, the impression from without evades +our personal consciousness and enters the mind without coming into +contact with the "ego." Not through the front door, but--so to speak--up +the back steps, it gets, in this case, directly into the inner rooms of +the soul. + +Suggestion may now be defined as the direct infection of one person by +another of certain mental states. In other words, suggestion is the +penetration or inoculation of a strange idea into the consciousness, +without direct immediate participation of the "ego" of the subject. +Moreover, the personal consciousness in general appears quite incapable +of rejecting the suggestion, even when the "ego" detects its +irrationality. Since the suggestion enters the mind without the active +aid of the "ego," it remains outside the borders of the personal +consciousness. All further effects of the suggestion, therefore, take +place without the control of the "ego." + +By the term suggestion we do not usually understand the effect upon the +mind of the totality of external stimuli, but the influence of person +upon person which takes place through passive perception and is +therefore independent of the activity of the personal consciousness. +Suggestion is, moreover, to be distinguished from the other type of +influences operating through mental processes of attention and the +participation of the personal consciousness, which result in logical +convictions and the development of definite points of view. + +Lowenfeld emphasized a distinction between the actual process of +"suggesting" and its result, which one simply calls "suggestion." It is +self-evident that these are two different processes, which should not be +mistaken for each other. A more adequate definition might be accepted, +which embraces at once the characteristic manner of the "suggesting," +and the result of its activity. + +Therefore for suggestion it is not alone the process itself that is +characteristic, or the kind of psychic influence, but also the result +of this reaction. For that reason I do not understand under "suggesting" +alone a definite sort and manner of influence upon man but at the same +time the eventual result of it; and under "suggestion" not only a +definite psychical result but to a certain degree also the manner in +which this result was obtained. + +An essential element of the concept of suggestion is, first of all, a +pronounced directness of action. Whether a suggestion takes place +through words or through attitudes, impressions, or acts, whether it is +a case of a verbal or of a concrete suggestion, makes no difference here +so long as its effect is never obtained through logical conviction. On +the other hand, the suggestion is always immediately directed to the +mind by evading the personal consciousness, or at least without previous +recasting by the "ego" of the subject. This process represents a real +infection of ideas, feelings, emotions, or other psychophysical states. + +In the same manner there arise somewhat similar mental states known as +auto-suggestion. These do not require an external influence for their +appearance but originate immediately in the mind itself. Such is the +case, for instance, when any sort of an image forces itself into the +consciousness as something complete, whether it is in the form of an +idea that suddenly emerges and dominates consciousness, or a vision, a +premonition, or the like. + +In all these cases psychic influences which have arisen without external +stimulus have directly inoculated the mind, thereby evading the +criticism of the "ego" or of personal consciousness. + +"Suggesting" signifies, therefore, to inoculate the mind of a person +more or less directly with ideas, feelings, emotions, and other +psychical states, in order that no opportunity is left for criticism and +consideration. Under "suggestion," on the other hand, is to be +understood that sort of direct inoculation of the mind of an individual +with ideas, feelings, emotions, and other psychophysical states which +evade his "ego," his personal self-consciousness, and his critical +attitude. + +Now and then, especially in the French writers, one will find besides +"suggestion" the term "psychic contagion," under which, however, nothing +further than involuntary imitation is to be understood (compare A. +Vigouroux and P. Juquelier, _La contagion mentale_, Paris, 1905). If one +takes up the conception of suggestion in a wider sense, and considers +by it the possibility of involuntary suggestion in the way of example +and imitation, one will find that the conceptions of suggestion and of +psychic contagion depend upon each other most intimately, and to a great +extent are not definitely to be distinguished from each other. In any +case, it is to be maintained that a strict boundary between psychic +contagion and suggestion does not always exist, a fact which Vigouroux +and Juquelier in their paper have rightly emphasized. + + +2. The Subtler Forms of Suggestion[152] + +In one very particular respect hypnotism has given us a lesson of the +greatest importance to psychology: it has proved that special +precautionary measures must be taken in planning psychological +experiments. The training of hypnotics has thrown light on this source +of error. A hypnotizer may, often without knowing it, by the tone of his +voice or by some slight movement cause the hypnotic to exhibit phenomena +that at first could only be produced by explicit verbal suggestion, and +that altogether the signs used by the hypnotizer to cause suggestions +may go on increasing in delicacy. A dangerous source of error is +provided by the hypnotic's endeavor to divine and obey the +experimenter's intentions. This observation has also proved useful in +non-hypnotic experiments. We certainly knew before the days of hypnotism +that the signs by which A betrays his thoughts to B may gradually become +more delicate. We see this, for example, in the case of the schoolboy, +who gradually learns how to detect from the slightest movement made by +his master whether the answer he gave was right or not. We find the same +sort of thing in the training of animals--the horse, for instance, in +which the rough methods at first employed are gradually toned down until +in the end an extremely slight movement made by the trainer produces the +same effect that the rougher movements did originally. But even if this +lessening in the intensity of the signals exists independently of +hypnosis, it is the latter that has shown us how easily neglect of this +factor may lead to erroneous conclusions being drawn. The suggestibility +of the hypnotic makes these infinitesimal signals specially dangerous in +his case. But when once this danger was recognized, greater attention +was paid to this source of error in non-hypnotic cases than before. It +is certain that many psychological experiments are vitiated by the fact +that the subject knows what the experimenter wishes. Results are thus +brought about that can only be looked upon as the effects of suggestion; +they do not depend on the external conditions of the experiment but on +what is passing in the mind of the subject. + +An event which at the time of its occurrence created a considerable +commotion (I refer to the case of Clever Hans), will show how far we may +be led by neglecting the above lesson taught us by hypnotism. If the +Berlin psychologist Stumpf, the scientific director of the committee of +investigation, had but taken into consideration the teachings of +hypnotism, he would never have made the fiasco of admitting that the +horse, Clever Hans, had been educated like a boy, not trained like an +animal. + +Clever Hans answered questions by tapping his hoof on the stage; and the +observers, more particularly the committee presided over by Stumpf, +believed that answers tapped out were the result of due deliberation on +the part of the horse, exactly as spiritists believe that the spirits +hold intelligent intercourse with them by means of "raps." One tap +denoted a, two taps b, three taps c, etc.; or, where numbers were +concerned, one tap signified 1, two taps 2, etc. In this way the animal +answered the most complicated questions. For instance, it apparently not +only solved such problems as 3 times 4 by tapping 12 times, and 6 times +3 by tapping 18 times, but even extracted square roots, distinguished +between concords and discords, also between ten different colors, and +was able to recognize the photographs of people; altogether, Clever Hans +was supposed to be at that time about upon a level with fifth-form boys +(the fifth form is the lowest form but one in a German gymnasium). After +investigating the matter, Stumpf and the members of his committee drew +up the following conjoint report, according to which only one of two +things was possible--either the horse could think and calculate +independently, or else he was under telepathic, perhaps occult, +influence: + + The undersigned met together to decide whether there was any + trickery in the performance given by Herr v. Osten with his + horse, i.e., whether the latter was helped or influenced + intentionally. As the result of the exhaustive tests employed, + they have come to the unanimous conclusion that, apart from the + personal character of Herr v. Osten, with which most of them + were well acquainted, the precautions taken during the + investigation altogether precluded any such assumption. + Notwithstanding the most careful observation, they were well + unable to detect any gestures, movements, or other intimations + that might serve as signs to the horse. To exclude the possible + influence of involuntary movements on the part of spectators, a + series of experiments was carried out solely in the presence of + Herr Busch, councilor of commissions. In some of these + experiments, tricks of the kind usually employed by trainers + were, in his judgment as an expert, excluded. Another series of + experiments was so arranged that Herr v. Osten himself could + not know the answer to the question he was putting to the + horse. From previous personal observations, moreover, the + majority of the undersigned knew of numerous individual cases + in which other persons had received correct answers in the + momentary absence of Herr v. Osten and Herr Schillings. These + cases also included some in which the questioner was either + ignorant of the solution or only had an erroneous notion of + what it should be. Finally, some of the undersigned have a + personal knowledge of Herr v. Osten's method, which is + essentially different from ordinary "training" and is copied + from the system of instruction employed in primary schools. In + the opinion of the undersigned, the collective results of these + observations show that even unintentional signs of the kind at + present known were excluded. It is their unanimous opinion that + we have here to deal with a case that differs in principle from + all former and apparently similar cases; that it has nothing to + do with "training" in the accepted sense of the word, and that + it is consequently deserving of earnest and searching + scientific investigation. Berlin, September 12, 1904. [Here + follow the signatures, among which is that of Privy Councilor + Dr. C. Stumpf, university professor, director of the + Psychological Institute, member of the Berlin Academy of + Sciences.] + +Anyone who has done critical work in the domain of hypnotism after the +manner insisted on by the Nancy school cannot help considering Stumpf's +method of investigation erroneous from the very outset. A first source +of error that had to be considered was that someone present--it +might have been Herr v. Osten or it might have been anyone +else--unintentionally had given the horse a sign when to stop tapping. +It cannot be considered sufficient, as stated in Stumpf's report, that +Herr v. Osten did not know the answer; no one should be present who +knows it. This is the first condition to be fulfilled when making such +experiments. Anybody who has been engaged in training hypnotized +subjects knows that these insignificant signs constitute one of the +chief sources of error. Some of the leading modern investigators in the +domain of hypnotism--Charcot and Heidenhain, for instance--were misled +by them at the time they thought they had discovered new physical +reflexes in hypnosis. But in 1904, by which time suggestion had been +sufficiently investigated to prevent such an occurrence, a psychologist +should not have fallen into an error that had been sufficiently made +more than twenty years previously. But the main point is this: signs +that are imperceptible to others are nevertheless perceived by a subject +trained to do so, no matter whether that subject be a human being or an +animal. + + +3. Social Suggestion and Mass or "Corporate" Action[153] + +In most cases the crowd naturally is under leaders, who, with an +instinctive consciousness of the importance and strength of the crowd, +seek to direct it much more through the power of suggestion than by +sound conviction. + +It is conceivable, therefore, that anyone who understands how to arrest +the attention of the crowd, may always influence it to do great deeds, +as history, indeed, sufficiently witnesses. One may recall from the +history of Russia Minin, who with a slogan saved his native land from +the gravest danger. His "Pawn your wife and child, and free your +fatherland" necessarily acted as a powerful suggestion on the already +intense crowd. How the crowd and its sentiments may be controlled is +indicated in the following account by Boris Sidis: + + On the 11th of August, 1895, there took place in the open air a + meeting at Old Orchard, Maine. The business at hand was a + collection for missionary purposes. The preacher resorted to + the following suggestions: "The most remarkable remembrance + which I have of foreign lands is that of multitudes, the waves + of lost humanity who ceaselessly are shattered on the shores of + eternity. How despairing are they, how poor in love--their + religion knows no joy, no pleasure, nor song. Once I heard a + Chinaman say why he was a Christian. It seemed to him that he + lay in a deep abyss, out of which he could not escape. Have you + ever wept for the sake of the lost world, as did Jesus Christ? + If not, then woe to you. Your religion is then only a dream and + a blind. We see Christ test his disciples. Will he take them + with him? My beloved, today he will test you. [Indirect + suggestion.] He could convert a thousand millionaires, but he + gives you an opportunity to be saved. [More direct suggestion.] + Are you strong enough in faith? [Here follows a discussion + about questions of faith.] Without faith God can do no great + things. I believe that Jesus will appear to them who believe + firmly in him. My dear ones, if only you give for the sake of + God, you have become participants in the faith. [Still more + direct suggestion.] The youth with the five loaves and the two + little fishes [the story follows]. When everything was ended, + he did not lose his loaves; there were twelve baskets left + over. O my dear ones, how will that return! Sometime the King + of Kings will call to you and give you an empire of glory, and + simply because you have had a little faith in him. It is a day + of much import to you. Sometime God will show us how much + better he has guarded our treasure than we ourselves." The + suggestion had the desired effect. Money streamed from all + sides; hundreds became thousands, tens of thousands. The crowd + gave seventy thousand dollars. + +Of analogous importance are the factors of suggestions in wars, where +the armies go to brilliant victories. Discipline and the sense of duty +unite the troops into a single mighty giant's body. To develop its full +strength, however, this body needs some inspiration through a suggested +idea, which finds an active echo in the hearts of the soldiers. +Maintenance of the warlike spirit in decisive moments is one of the most +important problems for the ingenious general. + +Even when the last ray of hope for victory seems to have disappeared, +the call of an honored war chief, like a suggestive spark, may fire the +hosts to self-sacrifice and heroism. A trumpet signal, a cry "hurrah," +the melody of the national hymn, can here at the decisive moment have +incalculable effects. There is no need to recall the role of the +"Marsellaise" in the days of the French Revolution. The agencies of +suggestion in such cases make possible, provided that they are only able +to remove the feeling of hopelessness, results which a moment before are +neither to be anticipated nor expected. Where will and the sense of duty +alone seem powerless, the mechanisms of suggestion may develop +surprising effects. + +Excited masses are, it is well known, capable of the most inhuman +behavior, and indeed for the very reason that, instead of sound logic, +automatism and impulsiveness have entered in as direct results of +suggestion. The modern barbarities of the Americans in the shape of +lynch law for criminals or those who are only under a suspicion of a +crime redound to the shame of the land of freedom, but find their full +explanation in that impulsiveness of the crowd which knows no mercy. + +The multitude can, therefore, ever be led according to the content of +the ideas suggested to it, as well to sublime and noble deeds as, on the +other hand, to expressions of the lower and barbaric instincts. That is +the art of manipulating the masses. + +It is a mistake to regard popular assemblies who have adopted a certain +uniform idea simply as a sum of single elements, as is now and then +attempted. For one is dealing in such cases, not with accidental, but +with actual psychical, processes of fusion, which reciprocal suggestion +is to a high degree effective in establishing and maintaining. The +aggressiveness of the single elements of the mass arrives in this at +their high point at one and the same time, and with complete spiritual +unanimity the mass can now act as _one_ man; it moves, then, like one +enormous social body, which unites in itself the thoughts and feelings +of all by the very fact that there is a temper of mind common to all. +Easily, however, as the crowd is to excite to the highest degrees of +activity, as quickly--indeed, much more quickly--does it allow itself, +as we have already seen, to be dispersed by a panic. Here too the panic +rests entirely on suggestion, contra-suggestion, and the instinct of +imitation, not on logic and conviction. Automatism, not intelligence, is +the moving factor therein. + +Other, but quite generally favorable, conditions for suggestions are +universally at hand in the human society, whose individual members in +contrast to the crowd are physically separated from each other but stand +in a spiritual alliance to each other. Here obviously those preliminary +conditions for the dissemination of psychical infections are lacking as +they exist in the crowd, and the instruments of the voice, of mimicry, +of gestures, which often fire the passions with lightning rapidity, are +not allowed to assert themselves. There exists much rather a certain +spiritual cohesion on the ground perhaps of common impressions +(theatrical representations), a similar direction of thoughts (articles +in periodicals, etc.). These conditions are quite sufficient to prepare +the foundation on which similar feelings propagate themselves from +individual to individual by the method of suggestion and +auto-suggestion, and similar decisions for many are matured. + +Things occur here more slowly, more peacefully, without those passionate +outbreaks to which the crowd is subjected; but this slow infection +establishes itself all the more surely in the feelings, while the +infection of the crowd often only continues for a time until the latter +is broken up. + +Moreover, such contagious examples in the public do not usually lead to +such unexpected movements as they easily induce in the crowd. But here, +too, the infection frequently acts in defiance of a man's sound +intelligence; complete points of view are accepted upon trust and faith, +without further discussion, and frequently immature resolutions are +formed. On the boards representing the stage of the world there are ever +moving idols, who after the first storm of admiration which they call +out, sink back into oblivion. The fame of the people's leaders maintains +itself in quite the same way by means of psychical infection through the +similar national interest of a unified group. It has often happened that +their brightness was extinguished with the first opposition which the +masses saw setting its face against their wishes and ideals. What we, +however, see in close popular masses recurs to a certain degree in every +social milieu, in every larger society. + +Between the single elements of such social spheres there occur +uninterrupted psychical infections and contra-infections. Ever according +to the nature of the material of the infection that has been received, +the individual feels himself attracted to the sublime and the noble, or +to the lower and bestial. Is, then, the intercourse between teacher and +pupil, between friends, between lovers, uninfluenced by reciprocal +suggestion? Suicide pacts and other mutual acts present a certain +participation of interacting suggestion. Yet more. Hardly a single deed +whatever occurs that stands out over the everyday, hardly a crime is +committed, without the concurrence of third persons, direct or indirect, +not unseldom bearing a likeness to the effects of suggestion. + +We must here admit that Tarde was right when he said that it is less +difficult to find crimes of the crowd than to discover crimes which were +not such and which would indicate no sort of promotion or participation +of the environment. That is true to such a degree that one may ask +whether there are any individual crimes at all, as the question is also +conceivable whether there are any works of genius which do not have a +collective character. + +Many believe that crimes are always pondered. A closer insight into the +behavior of criminals testifies, however, in many cases that even when +there is a long period of indecision, a single encouraging word from the +environment, an example with a suggestive effect, is quite sufficient to +scatter all considerations and to bring the criminal intention to the +deed. In organized societies, too, a mere nod from the chief may often +lead with magic power to a crime. + +The ideas, efforts, and behavior of the individual may by no means be +looked on as something sharply distinct, individually peculiar, since +from the form and manner of these ideas, efforts, and behavior, there +shines forth ever, more or less, the influence of the milieu. + +In close connection with this fact there stands also the so-called +astringent effect of the milieu upon the individuals who are incapable +of rising out of their environment, of stepping out of it. In society +that bacillus for which one has found the name "suggestion" appears +certainly as a leveling element, and, accordingly, whether the +individual stands higher or lower than his environment, whether he +becomes worse or better under its influence, he always loses or gains +something from the contact with others. This is the basis of the great +importance of suggestion as a factor in imposing a social uniformity +upon individuals. + +The power of suggestion and contra-suggestion, however, extends yet +further. It enhances sentiments and aims and enkindles the activity of +the masses to an unusual degree. + +Many historical personages who knew how to embody in themselves the +emotions and the desires of the masses--we may think of Jeanne d'Arc, +Mahomet, Peter the Great, Napoleon I--were surrounded with a nimbus by +the more or less blind belief of the people in their genius; this +frequently acted with suggestive power upon the surrounding company +which it carried away with a magic force to its leaders, and supported +and aided the mission historically vested in the latter by means of +their spiritual superiority. A nod from a beloved leader of any army is +sufficient to enkindle anew the courage of the regiment and to lead them +irresistibly into sure death. + +Many, it is well known, are still inclined to deny the individual +personality any influence upon the course of historic events. The +individual is to them only an expression of the views of the mass, an +embodiment of the epoch, something, therefore, that cannot actively +strike at the course of history; he is much rather himself heaved up out +of the mass by historic events, which, unaffected by the individual, +proceed in the courses they have themselves chosen. + +We forget in such a theory the influences of the suggestive factors +which, independently of endowments and of energy, appear as a mighty +lever in the hands of the fortunately situated nature and of those +created to be the rulers of the masses. That the individual reflects his +environment and his time, that the events of world-history only take +their course upon an appropriately prepared basis and under +appropriately favorable circumstances, no one will deny. There rests, +however, in the masters of speech and writing, in the demagogues and the +favorites of the people, in the great generals and statesmen, an inner +power which welds together the masses for battle for an ideal, sweeps +them away to heroism, and fires them to do deeds which leave enduring +impressions in the history of humanity. + +I believe, therefore, that suggestion as an active agent should be the +object of the most attentive study for the historians and the +sociologists. Where this factor is not reckoned with, a whole series of +historical and social phenomena is threatened with the danger of +incomplete, insufficient, and perhaps even incorrect elucidation. + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + + +1. The Process of Interaction + +The concept of universal interaction was first formulated in philosophy. +Kant listed community or reciprocity among his dynamic categories. In +the Herbartian theory of a world of coexisting individuals, the notion +of reciprocal action was central. The distinctive contribution of Lotze +was his recognition that interaction of the parts implies the unity of +the whole since external action implies internal changes in the +interacting objects. Ormond in his book _The Foundations of Knowledge_ +completes this philosophical conception by embodying in it a conclusion +based on social psychology. Just as society is constituted by +interacting persons whose innermost nature, as a result of interaction, +is internal to each, so the universe is constituted by the totality of +interacting units internally predisposed to interaction as elements and +products of the process. + +In sociology, Gumplowicz arrived at the notions of a "natural social +process" and of "reciprocal action of heterogeneous elements" in his +study of the conflict of races. Ratzenhofer, Simmel, and Small place the +social process and socialization central in their systems of sociology. +Cooley's recent book _The Social Process_ is an intimate and sympathetic +exposition of "interaction" and the "social process." "Society is a +complex of forms or processes each of which is living and growing by +interaction with the others, the whole being so unified that what takes +place in one part affects all the rest. It is a vast tissue of +reciprocal activity, differentiated into innumerable systems, some of +them quite distinct, others not readily traceable, and all interwoven to +such a degree that you see different systems according to the point of +view you take."[154] + +This brief resume of the general literature upon the social process and +social interaction is introductory to an examination of the more +concrete material upon communication, imitation, and suggestion. + + +2. Communication + +"Many works have been written on Expression, but a greater number on +Physiognomy" wrote Charles Darwin in 1872. Physiognomy, or the +interpretation of character through the observation of the features, has +long been relegated by the scientific world to the limbo occupied by +astrology, alchemy, phrenology, and the practice of charlatans. + +While positive contributions to an appreciation of human expression were +made before Darwin, as by Sir Charles Bell, Pierre Gratiolet, and Dr. +Piderit, his volume on _The Expression of the Emotions in Man and +Animals_ marked an epoch in the thinking upon the subject. Although his +three principles of utility, antithesis, and direct nervous discharge to +explain the signs of emotions may be open to question, as the +physiological psychologist, Wilhelm Wundt, asserts, the great value of +his contribution is generally conceded. His convincing demonstration of +the universal similarity of emotional expression in the various human +races, a similarity based on a common human inheritance, prepared the +way for further study. + +Darwin assumed that the emotion was a mental state which preceded and +caused its expression. According to the findings of later observation, +popularly known as the James-Lange Theory, the emotion is the mental +sign of a behavior change whose external aspects constitute the +so-called "expression." The important point brought out by this new view +of the emotion was an emphasis upon the nature of physiological changes +involved in emotional response. Certain stimuli affect visceral +processes and thereby modify the perception of external objects. + +The impetus to research upon this subject given by Darwin was first +manifest in the reports of observation upon the expression of different +emotions. Fear, anger, joy, were made the subjects of individual +monographs. Several brilliant essays, as those by Sully, Dugas, and +Bergson, appeared in one field alone, that of laughter. In the last +decade there has been a distinct tendency toward the experimental study +of the physiological and chemical changes which constitute the inner +aspect of emotional responses, as for example, the report of Cannon upon +his studies in his book _Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear, and +Rage_. + +Simultaneous with this study of the physiological aspect of the +emotional responses went further observation of its expression, the +manifestation of the emotion. The research upon the communication of +emotions and ideas proceeded from natural signs to gesture and finally +to language. Genetic psychologists pointed out that the natural gesture +is an abbreviated act. Mallery's investigation upon "Sign Language among +North American Indians Compared with that among Other Peoples and Deaf +Mutes" disclosed the high development of communication by gestures among +Indian tribes. Wilhelm Wundt in his study of the origin of speech +indicated the intimate relation between language and gesture in his +conclusion that speech is vocal gesture. Similarly research in the +origin of writing derives it, as indicated earlier in this chapter, +through the intermediate form of pictographs from pictures. + +The significance for social life of the extension of communication +through inventions has impressed ethnologists, historians, and +sociologists. The ethnologist determines the beginnings of ancient +civilization by the invention of writing. Historians have noted and +emphasized the relation of the printing press to the transition from +medieval to modern society. Graham Wallas in his _Great Society_ +interprets modern society as a creation of the machine and of the +artificial means of communication. + +Sociological interest in language and writing is turning from studies of +origins to investigations of their function in group life. Material is +now available which indicates the extent to which the group may be +studied through its language. Accordingly the point of view for the +study of orthodox speech, or "correct" English, is that of the +continuity of society; just as the standpoint for the study of heterodox +language, or "slang," is that of the life of the group at the moment. +The significance of the fact that "every group has its own language" is +being recognized in its bearings upon research. Studies of dialects of +isolated groups, of the argot of social classes, of the technical terms +of occupational groups, of the precise terminology of scientific groups +suggest the wide range of concrete materials. The expression "different +universes of discourse" indicates how communication separates as well as +unites persons and groups. + + +3. Imitation + +Bagehot's _Physics and Politics_ published in 1872, with its chapter on +"Imitation," was the first serious account of the nature of the role of +imitation in social life. Gabriel Tarde, a French magistrate, becoming +interested in imitation as an explanation of the behavior of criminals, +undertook an extensive observation of its effects in the entire field of +human activities. In his book _Laws of Imitation_, published in 1890, he +made imitation synonymous with all intermental activity. "I have always +given it (imitation) a very precise and characteristic meaning, that of +the action at a distance of one mind upon another.... By imitation I +mean every impression of interpsychical photography, so to speak, willed +or not willed, passive or active."[155] "The unvarying characteristic of +every social fact whatsoever is that it is imitative, and this +characteristic belongs exclusively to social facts."[156] + +In this unwarranted extension of the concept of imitation Tarde +undeniably had committed the unpardonable sin of science, i.e., he +substituted for the careful study and patient observation of imitative +behavior, easy and glittering generalizations upon uniformities in +society. Contributions to an understanding of the actual process of +imitation came from psychologists. Baldwin brought forward the concept +of circular reaction to explain the interrelation of stimulus and +response in imitation. He also indicated the place of imitation in +personal development in his description of the dialectic of personal +growth where the self develops in a process of give-and-take with other +selves. Dewey, Stout, Mead, Henderson, and others, emphasizing the +futility of the mystical explanation of imitation by imitation, have +pointed out the influence of interest and attention upon imitation as a +learning process. Mead, with keen analysis of the social situation, +interprets imitation as the process by which the person practices roles +in social life. The studies of Thorndike may be mentioned as +representative of the important experimental research upon this subject. + + +4. Suggestion + +The reflective study of imitation originated in attempts at the +explanation of uniformities in the behavior of individuals. Research in +suggestion began in the narrow but mysterious field of the occult. In +1765 Mesmer secured widespread attention by advancing the theory that +heavenly bodies influence human beings by means of a subtle fluid which +he called "animal magnetism." Abbe Faria, who came to Paris from India +in 1814-15, demonstrated by experiments that the cause of the hypnotic +sleep was subjective. With the experiments in 1841 of Dr. James Braid, +the originator of the term "hypnotism," the scientific phase of the +development of hypnotism began. The acceptance of the facts of hypnotism +by the scientific world was the result of the work of Charcot and his +students of the so-called Nancy School of Psychology. + +From the study of hypnotism to observation upon the role of suggestion +in social life was a short step. Binet, Sidis, Muensterberg have +formulated psychological definitions of suggestion and indicated its +significance for an understanding of so-called crowd phenomena in human +behavior. Bechterew in his monograph _Die Bedeutung der Suggestion im +Sozialen Leben_ has presented an interpretation of distinct value for +sociological research. At the present time there are many promising +developments in the study of suggestion in special fields, such as +advertising, leadership, politics, religion. + + +SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY + + +I. INTERACTION AND SOCIAL INTERACTION + +(1) Lotze, Hermann. _Metaphysic._ Vol. I, chap, vi, "The Unity of +Things." Oxford, 1887. + +(2) Ormond, Alexander T. _Foundations of Knowledge._ Chap, vii, +"Community or Interaction." London and New York, 1900. + +(3) Gumplowicz, L. _Der Rassenkampf._ Sociologische Untersuchungen. Pp. +158-75. Innsbruck, 1883. + +(4) Simmel, Georg. "Ueber sociale Differenzierung, sociologische und +psychologische Untersuchungen." _Staats- und Socialwissenschaftliche +Forschungen_, edited by G. Schmoller. Vol. X. Leipzig, 1891. + +(5) Royce, J. _The World and the Individual._ 2d ser. "Nature, Man, and +the Moral Order," Lecture IV. "Physical and Social Reality." London and +New York, 1901. + +(6) Boodin, J. E. "Social Systems," _American Journal of Sociology_, +XXIII (May, 1918), 705-34. + +(7) Tosti, Gustavo. "Social Psychology and Sociology," _The +Psychological Review_, V (July, 1898), 348-61. + +(8) Small, Albion W. _General Sociology._ Chicago, 1905. + +(9) Cooley, Charles H. _The Social Process._ New York, 1918. + + +II. SOCIAL INTERACTION AND SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS + +(1) Marshall, Henry R. _Consciousness._ Chap, vii, "Of Consciousnesses +More Complex than Human Consciousnesses." New York and London, 1909. + +(2) Baldwin, James Mark. _Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental +Development._ A study in social psychology. New York and London, 1906. + +(3) Royce, Josiah. "Self-Consciousness, Social Consciousness and +Nature," _Philosophical Review_, IV (1895), 465-85; 577-602. + +(4) ----. "The External World and the Social Consciousness," +_Philosophical Review_, III (1894), 513-45. + +(5) Worms, Rene. _Organisme et Societe._ Chap. x, "Fonctions de +Relation." Paris, 1896. + +(6) Mead, G. H. "Social Consciousness and the Consciousness of Meaning," +_Psychological Bulletin_, VII (Dec. 15, 1910), 397-405. + +(7) ----. "Psychology of Social Consciousness Implied in Instruction," +_Science_, N. S., XXI (1910), 688-93. + +(8) Novicow, J. _Conscience et volonte sociales._ Paris, 1897. + +(9) McDougall, W. _The Group Mind._ A sketch of the principles of +collective psychology with some attempt to apply them to the +interpretation of national life and character. New York and London, +1920. + +(10) Ames, Edward S. "Religion in Terms of Social Consciousness," _The +Journal of Religion_, I (1921), 264-70. + +(11) Burgess, E. W. _The Function of Socialization in Social Evolution._ +Chicago, 1916. + +(12) Maciver, R. M. _Community._ A sociological study, being an attempt +to set out the nature and fundamental laws of social life. London, 1917. + + +III. COMMUNICATION AND INTERACTION + + +A. _The Emotions and Emotional Expression_ + +(1) James, William. _The Principles of Psychology._ Vol. II, chap. xxv. +New York, 1896. + +(2) Dewey, John. "The Theory of Emotion," _Psychological Review_, I +(1894), 553-69; II (1895), 13-32. + +(3) Wundt, Wilhelm. _Grundzuege der physiologischen Psychologie._ 3 vols. +6th ed. Leipzig, 1908-11. + +(4) Ribot, T. _The Psychology of the Emotions._ London and New York, +1898. + +(5) Darwin, Charles. _The Expression of the Emotions in Man and +Animals._ London and New York, 1873. + +(6) Rudolph, Heinrich. _Der Ausdruck der Gemuetsbewegungen des Menschen +dargestellt und erklaert auf Grund der Urformen-und der Gesetze des +Ausdrucks und der Erregungen._ Dresden, 1903. + +(7) Piderit, T. _Mimik und Physiognomik._ Rev. ed. Detmold, 1886. + +(8) Cannon, Walter B. _Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear, and Rage._ +An account of recent researches into the function of emotional +excitement. New York and London, 1915. + +(9) Hirn, Yrjoe. _The Origins of Art._ A psychological and sociological, +inquiry. London and New York, 1900. + +(10) Bergson, H. _Le Rire._ Essai sur la signification du comique. +Paris, 1900. + +(11) Sully, James. _An Essay on Laughter._ Its forms, its causes, its +development, and its value. London and New York, 1902. + +(12) Dugas, L. _Psychologie du rire._ Paris, 1902. + +(13) Groos, Karl. _The Play of Man._ Translated from the German by +Elizabeth L. Baldwin. New York, 1901. + +(14) ----. _The Play of Animals._ Translated from the German by +Elizabeth L. Baldwin. New York, 1898. + +(15) Royce, J. _The Spirit of Modern Philosophy._ An essay in the form +of lectures. Chap. xii, "Physical Law and Freedom: The World of +Description and the World of Appreciation." Boston, 1892. + +(16) Buecher, Karl. _Arbeit und Rhythmus._ Leipzig, 1902. + +(17) Mallery, Garrick. "Sign Language among North American Indians +compared with That among Other Peoples and Deaf Mutes." _United States +Bureau of American Ethnology. First Annual Report._ Washington, 1881. + + +B. _Language and the Printing Press_ + +(1) Schmoller, Gustav. _Grundriss der allgemeinen +Volkswirtschaftslehre._ Chap, ii, 2, "Die psychophysischen Mittel +menschlicher Verstaendigung: Sprache und Schrift." Leipzig, 1900. + +(2) Lazarus, Moritz. "Das Leben der Seele," _Geist und Sprache_, Vol. +II. Berlin, 1878. + +(3) Wundt, Wilhelm. "Voelkerpsychologie." Eine Untersuchung der +Entwicklungsgesetze von Sprache, Mythus, und Sitte. _Die Sprache_, Vol. +I. Part i. Leipzig, 1900. + +(4) Wuttke, Heinrich. _Die deutschen Zeitschriften und die Entstehung +der oeffentlichen Meinung._ Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des +Zeitungswesens. Leipzig, 1875. + +(5) Mason, William A. _A History of the Art of Writing._ New York, 1920. + +(6) Buecher, Carl. _Industrial Evolution._ Translated from the German by +S. M. Wickett. Chap. vi, "The Genesis of Journalism." New York, 1901. + +(7) Dibblee, G. Binney. _The Newspaper._ New York and London, 1913. + +(8) Payne, George Henry. _History of Journalism in the United States._ +New York and London, 1920. + +(9) Kawabe, Kisaburo. _The Press and Politics in Japan._ A study of +the relation between the newspaper and the political development of +modern Japan. Chicago, 1921. + +(10) Muensterberg, Hugo. _The Photoplay._ A psychological study. New +York, 1916. + +(11) Kingsbury, J. E. _The Telephone and Telephone Exchanges._ Their +invention and development. London and New York, 1915. + +(12) Borght, R. van der. _Das Verkehrswesen._ Leipzig, 1894. + +(13) Mason, O. T. _Primitive Travel and Transportation._ New York, 1897. + + +C. _Slang, Argot, and Universes of Discourse_ + +(1) Farmer, John S. _Slang and Its Analogues Past and Present._ A +dictionary, historical and comparative, of the heterodox speech of all +classes of society for more than three hundred years. With synonyms in +English, French, German, Italian, etc. London, 1890-1904. + +(2) Sechrist, Frank K. _The Psychology of Unconventional Language._ +Worcester, Mass., 1913. + +(3) Ware, J. Redding. _Passing English of the Victorian Era._ A +dictionary of heterodox English, slang and phrase. New York, 1909. + +(4) Hotten, John C. _A Dictionary of Modern Slang, Cant, and Vulgar +Words._ Used at the present day in the streets of London; the +universities of Oxford and Cambridge; the houses of Parliament; the dens +of St. Giles; and the palaces of St. James. Preceded by a history of +cant and vulgar language; with glossaries of two secret languages, +spoken by the wandering tribes of London, the costermongers, and the +patterers. London, 1859. + +(5) ----. _The Slang Dictionary._ Etymological, historical, and +anecdotal. New York, 1898. + +(6) Farmer, John S. _The Public School Word-Book._ A contribution to a +historical glossary of words, phrases, and turns of expression, obsolete +and in present use, peculiar to our great public schools, together with +some that have been or are modish at the universities. London, 1900. + +(7) _A New Dictionary of the Terms Ancient and Modern of the Canting +Crew._ In its several tribes of gypsies, beggars, thieves, cheats, etc., +with an addition of some proverbs, phrases, and figurative speeches, +etc. London, 1690. Reprinted, 19--. + +(8) Kluge, F. _Rotwelsch._ Quellen und Wortschatz der Gaunersprache und +der verwandten Geheimsprachen. Strassburg, 1901. + +(9) Barrere, Albert, and Leland, C. G., editors. _A Dictionary of Slang, +Jargon, and Cant._ Embracing English, American, and Anglo-Indian slang, +pidgin English, gypsies' jargon, and other irregular phraseology. 2 +vols. London, 1897. + +(10) Villatte, Cesaire. _Parisismen._ Alphabetisch geordnete Sammlung +der eigenartigen Ausdrucksweisen des Pariser Argot. Ein Supplement zu +allen franzoesisch-deutschen Woerterbuechern. Berlin, 1899. + +(11) Delesalle, Georges. _Dictionnaire argot-francais et +francais-argot._ Nouvelle Edition. Paris, 1899. + +(12) Villon, Francois. _Le jargon et jobelin de Francois Villon, suivi +du jargon an theatre._ Paris, 1888. + +(13) Saineanu, Lazar. _L'Argot ancien_ (1455-1850). Ses elements +constitutifs, ses rapports avec les langues secretes de l'Europe +meridionale et l'argot moderne, avec un appendice sur l'argot juge par +Victor Hugo et Balzac; par Lazare Sainean, pseud. Paris, 1907. + +(14) Dauzat, Albert. _Les argots des metiers franco-provencaux._ Paris, +1917. + +(15) Leland, Charles G. _The English Gypsies and Their Languages._ 4th +ed. New York, 1893. + +(16) _Dictionnaire des termes militaires et de l'argot poilu._ Paris, +1916. + +(17) Empey, Arthur Guy. _Over the Top._ By an American soldier who went, +Arthur Guy Empey, machine gunner, serving in France; together with +Tommy's dictionary of the trenches. New York and London, 1917. + +(18) Smith, L. N. _Lingo of No Man's Land; or, War Time Lexicon._ +Compiled by Sergt. Lorenzo N. Smith. Chicago, 1918. + +(19) Saineanu, Lazar. _L'Argot des tranchees._ D'apres les lettres +des poilus et les journaux du front. Paris, 1915. + +(20) Horn, Paul. _Die deutsche Soldatensprache._ Giessen, 1905. + + +IV. IMITATION AND SUGGESTION + +A. _Imitation_ + +(1) Bagehot, Walter. _Physics and Politics; or, Thoughts on the +Application of the Principles of "Natural Selection" and "Inheritance" +to Political Society._ New York, 1873. + +(2) Tarde, Gabriel. _The Laws of Imitation._ Translated from the 2d. +French ed. by Elsie Clews Parsons. New York, 1903. + +(3) Baldwin, James M. _Mental Development in the Child and the Race._ +Methods and processes. 3d. rev. ed. New York, 1906. + +(4) ----. _Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental Development._ A +study in social psychology. 4th ed. New York, 1906. + +(5) Royce, Josiah. _Outlines of Psychology._ An elementary treatise with +some practical applications. New York, 1903. + +(6) Henderson, Ernest N. _A Text-Book in the Principles of Education._ +Chap. xi, "Imitation." New York, 1910. + +(7) Thorndike, E. L. _Educational Psychology._ Vol. I., The Original +Nature of Man. Chap. viii, pp. 108-22. New York, 1913. + +(8) Hughes, Henry. _Die Mimik des Menschen auf Grund voluntarischer +Psychologie._ Frankfurt a. M., 1900. + +(9) Park, Robert E. _Masse und Publikum._ Eine methodologische und +soziologische Untersuchung. Chap. ii, "Der soziologische Prozess," +describes the historical development of the conception of imitation in +its relation to sympathy and mimicry in the writings of Hume, Butler, +and Dugald Stewart. Bern, 1904. + +(10) Smith, Adam. _The Theory of Moral Sentiments._ To which is added a +dissertation on the origin of languages. London, 1892. + +(11) Ribot, T. _The Psychology of the Emotions._ Part II, chap. iv, +"Sympathy and the Tender Emotions," pp. 230-38. Translated from the +French, 2d ed. London, 1911. + +(12) Dewey, John. "Imitation in Education," _Cyclopedia of Education_, +III, 389-90. + +(13) Him, Yrjoe. _The Origins of Art._ A psychological and sociological +inquiry. Chap. vi, "Social Expression." London and New York, 1900. + + +B. _Suggestion_ + +(1) Moll, Albert. _Hypnotism._ Including a study of the chief points of +psychotherapeutics and occultism. Translated from the 4th enl. ed. by A. +F. Hopkirk. London and New York, 1909. + +(2) Binet, A., and Fere, Ch. _Animal Magnetism._ New York, 1892. + +(3) Janet, Pierre. _L'Automisme psychologique._ Essai de psychologie +experimental sur les formes inferieures de l'activite humaine. Paris, +1889. + +(4) Bernheim, H. _Hypnotisme, Suggestion, Psychotherapie._ Paris, 1891. + +(5) Richet, Ch. _Experimentelle Studien auf dem Gebiete der +Gedankenuebertragung und des sogenannten Hellsehens._ Deutsch von Frhrn. +von Schrenck-Notzing. Stuttgart, 1891. + +(6) Pfungst, Oskar. _Clever Hans (The Horse of Mr. von Osten)._ A +contribution to experimental animal and human psychology. New York, +1911. [Bibliography.] + +(7) Hansen, F. C. C., and Lehmann, A. _Ueber unwillkuerliches Fluestern._ +Philosophische Studien, Leipzig, XI (1895), 471-530. + +(8) Fere, Ch. _Sensation et mouvement._ Chap, xix, pp. 120-24. Paris, +1887. + +(9) Sidis, Boris. _The Psychology of Suggestion._ A research into the +subconscious nature of man and society. New York, 1898. + +(10) Bechterew, W. v. _Die Bedeutung der Suggestion im Sozialen Leben._ +Grenzfragen des Nerven- und Seelenlebens. Wiesbaden, 1905. + +(11) Stoll, Otto. _Suggestion und Hypnotismus in der Voelkerpsychologie._ +Leipzig, 1904. + +(12) Binet, Alfred. _La Suggestibilite._ Paris, 1900. + +(13) Muensterberg, Hugo. _Psychotherapy._ Chap. v, "Suggestion and +Hypnotism," pp. 85-124. New York, 1909. + +(14) Cooley, Charles. _Human Nature and the Social Order._ Chap. ii. New +York, 1902. + +(15) Gulick, Sidney. _The American Japanese Problem._ A study of the +racial relations of the East and the West. Pp. 118-68. New York, 1914. + +(16) Fishberg, Maurice. _The Jews._ A study of race and environment. +London and New York, 1911. + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. A History of the Concept of Social Interaction. + +2. Interaction and the Atomic Theory. + +3. Interaction and Social Consciousness. + +4. Interaction and Self-Consciousness. + +5. Religion and Social Consciousness. + +6. Publicity and Social Consciousness. + +7. Interaction and the Limits of the Group. + +8. The Senses and Communication: a Comparative Study of the Role of +Touch, Smell, Sight, and Hearing in Social Intercourse. + +9. Facial Expression as a Form of Communication. + +10. Laughter and Blushing and Self-Consciousness. + +11. The Sociology of Gesture. + +12. The Subtler Forms of Interaction; "Mind-Reading," "Thought +Transference." + +13. Rapport, A Study of Mutual Influence in Intimate Associations. + +14. A History of Imitation as a Sociological Theory. + +15. Suggestion as an Explanation of Collective Behavior. + +16. Adam Smith's Theory of the Relation of Sympathy and Moral Judgment. + +17. Interest, Attention, and Imitation. + +18. Imitation and Appreciation. + +19. The History of Printing and of the Press. + +20. Modem Extensions of Communication: the Telephone, the Telegraph, +Radio, the Motion Picture, Popular Music. + +21. An Explanation of Secondary Society in Terms of Secondary Devices of +Communication. + +22. Graham Wallas' Conception of the Problem of Social Heritages in +Secondary Society. + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. What do you understand Gumplowicz to mean by a "natural process"? + +2. Do you think that the idea of a "natural process" is applicable to +society? + +3. Is Gumplowicz' principle of the interaction of social elements +valid? + +4. What do you understand Simmel to mean by society? by socialization? + +5. Do you agree with Simmel when he says, "In and of themselves, these +materials with which life is filled, these motivations which impel it, +are not social in their nature"? + +6. In what ways, according to Simmel, does interaction maintain the +mechanism of the group in time? + +7. What do you understand to be the distinction which Simmel makes +between attitudes of appreciation and comprehension? + +8. "The interaction of individuals based upon mutual glances is perhaps +the most direct and purest reciprocity which exists." Explain. + +9. Explain the sociology of the act of looking down to avoid the glance +of the other. + +10. In what way does Simmel's distinction between the reactions to other +persons of the blind and the deaf-mute afford an explanation of the +difference between the social life of the village and of the large city? + +11. In what sense are emotions expressive? To whom are they expressive? + +12. What is the relation of emotional expression to communication? + +13. Why would you say Darwin states that "blushing is the most peculiar +and the most human of all expressions"? + +14. Does a person ever blush in isolation? + +15. What in your opinion is the bearing of the phenomenon of blushing +upon interaction and communication? + +16. What is the difference between the function of blushing and of +laughing in social life? + +17. In what sense is sympathy the "law of laughter"? + +18. What determines the object of laughter? + +19. What is the sociological explanation of the role of laughter and +ridicule in social control? + +20. What are the likenesses and differences between intercommunication +among animals and language among men? + +21. What is the criterion of the difference between man and the animal, +according to Max Mueller? + +22. In your opinion, was the situation in which language arose one of +unanimity or diversity of attitude? + +23. "Language and ideational processes developed together and are +necessary to each other." Explain. + +24. What is the relation of the evolution of writing as a form of +communication (a) to the development of ideas, and (b) to social +life? + +25. What difference in function, if any, is there between communication +carried on (a) merely through expressive signs, (b) language, (c) +writing, (d) printing? + +26. How does the evolution of publicity exhibit the extension of +communication by human invention? + +27. In what ways is the extension of communication related to primary +and secondary contacts? + +28. Does the growth of communication make for or against the development +of individuality? + +29. How do you define imitation? + +30. What is the relation of attention and interest to the mechanism of +imitation? + +31. What is the relation of imitation to learning? + +32. What is the relation of imitation to the three phases of sympathy +differentiated by Ribot? + +33. What do you understand by Smith's definition of sympathy? How does +it differ from that of Ribot? + +34. Under what conditions is the sentiment aroused in the observer +likely to resemble that of the observed? When is it likely to be +different? + +35. In what sense is sympathy the basis for passing a moral judgment +upon a person or an act? + +36. What do you understand by "internal imitation"? + +37. What is the significance of imitation for artistic appreciation? + +38. What do you understand by the term "appreciation"? Distinguish +between "appreciation" and "comprehension." (Compare Hirn's distinction +with that made by Simmel.) + +39. Upon what is the nature of suggestion based? How do you define +suggestion? + +40. What do you understand by Bechterew's distinction between active +perception and passive perception? + +41. Why can we speak of suggestion as a mental automatism? + +42. How real is the analogy of suggestion to an infection or an +inoculation? + +43. What do you understand by the distinction between personal +consciousness and general consciousness? + +44. What is the significance of attention in determining the character +of suggestion? + +45. What is the relation of rapport to suggestion? + +46. How would you distinguish suggestion from other forms of stimulus +and response? + +47. Is suggestion a term of individual or of social psychology? + +48. What is the significance of the case of Clever Hans for the +interpretation of so-called telepathy? of muscle reading? + +49. How extensive, would you say, are the subtler forms of suggestion in +normal life? What illustrations would you give? + +50. What is the role of social contagion in mass action? + +51. What do you understand Bechterew to mean by "the psychological +processes of fusion"? "spiritual cohesion," etc.? + +52. What does it mean to say that historical personages "embody in +themselves the emotions and the desires of the masses"? + +53. What, in your judgment, are the differentiating criteria of +suggestion and imitation? + +54. What do you understand is meant by speaking of imitation and +suggestion as mechanisms of interaction? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[135] Pp. 70 and 72. + +[136] Translated and adapted from Ludwig Gumplowicz, _Der Rassenkampf_, +pp. 158-61. (Innsbruck: Wagnerische Univ. Buchhandlung, 1883.) + +[137] Translated from Georg Simmel, _Soziologie_, by Albion W. Small, +_American Journal of Sociology_, XV (1909), 296-98; III (1898), 667-83. + +[138] Translated and adapted from Georg Simmel, _Soziologie_, pp. +646-51. (Leipzig: Duncker und Humblot, 1908.) + +[139] Adapted from Charles Darwin, _The Expression of the Emotions_, pp. +350-67. (John Murray, 1873.) + +[140] Adapted from Charles Darwin, _The Expression of the Emotions_, pp. +310-37. (John Murray, 1873.) + +[141] Translated and adapted from L. Dugas, _Psychologie du rire_, pp. +32-153. (Felix Alcan, 1902.) + +[142] Adapted from C. Lloyd Morgan, _Animal Behaviour_, pp. 193-205. +(Edward Arnold, 1908.) + +[143] Adapted from F. Max Mueller, _The Science of Language_, I, 520-27. +(Longmans, Green & Co., 1891.) + +[144] Adapted from Charles H. Judd, _Psychology_, pp. 219-24. (Ginn & +Co., 1917.) + +[145] Adapted from Carl Buecher, _Industrial Evolution_. Translated by S. +Morley Wickett, pp. 216-43. (Henry Holt & Co., 1907.) + +[146] From Charles H. Judd, "Imitation," in _Monroe's Cyclopedia of +Education_, III, 388-89. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1912. +Reprinted by permission.) + +[147] Adapted from G. F. Stout, _A Manual of Psychology_, pp. 390-91. +(The University Tutorial Press, 1913.) + +[148] Adapted from Th. Ribot, _The Psychology of the Emotions_, pp. +230-34. (Charles Scribner's Sons, 1898.) + +[149] Adapted from Adam Smith, _The Theory of Moral Sentiments_, pp. +3-10. (G. Bell & Sons, 1893.) + +[150] From Yrjoe Hirn, _The Origins of Art_, pp. 74-85. (Published by The +Macmillan Co., 1900. Reprinted by permission.) + +[151] Translated and adapted from the German, _Die Bedeutung der +Suggestion im Sozialen Leben_, pp. 10-15, from the original Russian of +W. v. Bechterew. (J. F. Bergmann, Wiesbaden, 1905.) + +[152] Adapted from Albert Moll, _Hypnotism_, pp. 453-57. The +Contemporary Science Series. (Walter Scott, 1909.) + +[153] Translated and adapted from the German, _Die Bedeutung der +Suggestion im Sozialen Leben_, pp. 134-42, from the original Russian of +W. v. Bechterew. (Wiesbaden: J. F. Bergmann, 1905.) + +[154] _The Social Process_, p. 28. + +[155] P. xiv. + +[156] P. 41. + + + + +CHAPTER VII + +SOCIAL FORCES + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. Sources of the Notion of Social Forces + +The concept of interaction is an abstraction so remote from ordinary +experience that it seems to have occurred only to scientists and +philosophers. The idea of forces behind the manifestations of physical +nature and of society is a notion which arises naturally out of the +experience of the ordinary man. Historians, social reformers, and +students of community life have used the term in the language of common +sense to describe factors in social situations which they recognized but +did not attempt to describe or define. Movements for social reform have +usually met with unexpected obstacles. Public welfare programs have not +infrequently been received with popular antagonism instead of popular +support. Lack of success has led to the search for causes, and +investigation has revealed the obstacles, as well as the aids, to reform +embodied in influential persons, "political bosses," "union leaders," +"the local magnate," and in powerful groups such as party organizations, +unions, associations of commerce, etc. Social control, it appears, is +resident, not in individuals as individuals, but as members of +communities and social groups. Candid recognition of the role of these +persons and groups led popular writers on social, political, and +economic topics to give them the impersonal designation "social forces." + +A student made the following crude and yet illuminating analysis of the +social forces in a small community where he had lived: the community +club, "the Davidson clique," and the "Jones clique" (these two large +family groups are intensely hostile and divide village life); the +community Methodist church; the Presbyterian church group (no church); +the library; two soft-drink parlors where all kinds of beverages are +sold; the daily train; the motion-picture show; the dance hall; a +gambling clique; sex attraction; gossip; the "sporting" impulse; the +impulse to be "decent." + +"The result," he states, "is a disgrace to our modern civilization. It +is one of the worst communities I ever saw." + +The most significant type of community study has been the social survey, +with a history which antedates its recent developments. Yet the survey +movement from the _Domesday Survey_, initiated in 1085 by William the +Conqueror, to the recent _Study of Methods of Americanization_ by the +Carnegie Corporation, has been based upon an implicit or explicit +recognition of the interrelations of the community and its constituent +groups. The _Domesday Survey_, although undertaken for financial and +political purposes, gives a picture of the English nation as an +organization of isolated local units, which the Norman Conquest first of +all forced into closer unity. The surveys of the Russell Sage Foundation +have laid insistent emphasis upon the study of social problems and of +social institutions in their context within the life of the community. +The central theme of the different divisions of the Carnegie _Study of +Methods of Americanization_ is the nature and the degree of the +participation of the immigrant in our national and cultural life. In +short, the survey, wittingly or unwittingly, has tended to penetrate +beneath surface observations to discover the interrelations of social +groups and institutions and has revealed community life as a +_constellation of social forces_. + + +2. History of the Concept of Social Forces + +The concept of social forces has had a history different from that of +interaction. It was in the writings of the historians rather than of the +sociologists that the term first gained currency. The historians, in +their description and interpretation of persons and events, discerned +definite motives or tendencies, which served to give to the mere +temporal sequence of the events a significance which they did not +otherwise possess. These tendencies historians called "social forces." + +From the point of view and for the purposes of reformers social forces +were conceived as embodied in institutions. For the purposes of the +historian they are merely tendencies which combine to define the general +trend of historical change. The logical motive, which has everywhere +guided science in formulating its conceptions, is here revealed in its +most naive and elementary form. Natural science invariably seeks to +describe change in terms of process, that is to say, in terms of +interaction of tendencies. These tendencies are what science calls +forces. + +For the purposes of an adequate description, however, it is necessary +not merely to conceive change in terms of the interplay of forces, but +to think of these forces as somehow objectively embodied, as social +forces are conceived to be embodied in institutions, organizations, and +persons. These objects in which the forces are, or seem to be, resident +are not forces in any real or metaphysical sense, as the physicists tell +us. They are mere points of reference which enable us to visualize the +direction and measure the intensity of change. + +Institutions and social organizations may, in any given situation, be +regarded as social forces, but they are not ultimate nor elementary +forces. One has but to carry the analysis of the community a little +farther to discover the fact that institutions and organizations may be +further resolved into factors of smaller and smaller denominations until +we have arrived at individual men and women. For common sense the +individual is quite evidently the ultimate factor in every community or +social organization. + +Sociologists have carried the analysis a step farther. They have sought +to meet the problem raised by two facts: (1) the same individual may be +a member of different societies, communities, and social groups at the +same time; (2) under certain circumstances his interests as a member of +one group may conflict with his interests as a member of another group, +so that the conflict between different social groups will be reflected +in the mental and moral conflicts of the individual himself. +Furthermore, it is evident that the individual is, as we frequently say, +"not the same person" at different times and places. The phenomena of +moods and of dual personality has sociological significance in just this +connection. + +From all this it is quite evident that the individual is not elementary +in a sociological sense. It is for this reason that sociologists have +invariably sought the sociological element, not in the individual but in +his appetites, desires, wishes--the human motives which move him to +action. + + +3. Classification of the Materials + +The readings in this chapter are arranged in the natural order of the +development of the notion of social forces. They were first thought of +by historians as tendencies and trends. Then in the popular sociology +social forces were identified with significant social objects in which +the factors of the situations under consideration were embodied. This +was a step in the direction of a definition of the elementary social +forces. Later the terms interests, sentiments, and attitudes made their +appearance in the literature of economics, social psychology, and +sociology. Finally the concept of the wishes, first vaguely apprehended +by sociologists under the name "desires," having gained a more adequate +description and definition in the use made of it by psychoanalysis, has +been reintroduced into sociology by W. I. Thomas under the title of the +"four wishes." This brief statement is sufficient to indicate the +motives determining the order of the materials included under "Social +Forces." + +In the list of social forces just enumerated, attitudes are, for the +purposes of sociology, elementary. They are elementary because, being +tendencies to act, they are expressive and communicable. They present us +human motives in the only form in which we can know them objectively, +namely, as behavior. Human motives become social forces only so far as +they are communicable, only when they are communicated. Because +attitudes have for the purposes of sociology this elementary character, +it is desirable to define the term "attitude" before attempting to +define its relation to the wishes and sentiments. + +a) _The social element defined._--What is an attitude? Attitudes are +not instincts, nor appetites, nor habits, for these refer to specific +tendencies to act that condition attitudes but do not define them. +Attitudes are not the same as emotions or sentiments although attitudes +always are emotionally toned and frequently supported by sentiments. +Opinions are not attitudes. An opinion is rather a statement made to +justify and make intelligible an existing attitude or bias. A wish is an +inherited tendency or instinct which has been fixed by attention +directed to objects, persons, or patterns of behavior, which objects +then assume the character of values. An attitude is the tendency of the +person to react positively or negatively to the total situation. +Accordingly, attitudes may be defined as the mobilization of the will of +the person. + +Attitudes are as many and as varied as the situations to which they are +a response. It is, of course, not to be gainsaid that instincts, +appetites, habits, emotions, sentiments, opinions, and wishes are +involved in and with the attitudes. Attitudes are mobilizations and +organizations of the wishes with reference to definite situations. My +wishes may be very positive and definite in a given situation, but my +attitude may be wavering and undetermined. On the other hand, my +attitude may be clearly defined in situations where my wishes are not +greatly involved. It is characteristic of the so-called academic, as +distinguished from the "practical" and emotional, attitude that, under +its influence, the individual seeks to emphasize all the factors in the +situation and thus qualifies and often weakens the will to act. The +wishes enter into attitudes as components. How many, varied, +ill-defined, and conflicting may be and have been the wishes that have +determined at different times the attitudes and the sentiments of +individuals and nations toward the issues of war and peace? The +fundamental wishes, we may assume, are the same in all situations. The +attitudes and sentiments, however, in which the wishes of the individual +find expression are determined not merely by these wishes, but by other +factors in the situation, the wishes of other individuals, for example. +The desire for recognition is a permanent and universal trait of human +nature, but in the case of an egocentric personality, this wish may take +the form of an excessive humility or a pretentious boasting. The wish is +the same but the attitudes in which it finds expression are different. + +The attitudes which are elementary for _sociological analysis_ may be +resolved by _psychological analysis_ into smaller factors so that we may +think, if we choose, of attitudes as representing constellations of +smaller components which we call wishes. In fact it has been one of the +great contributions of psychoanalysis to our knowledge of human behavior +that it has been able to show that attitudes may be analyzed into still +more elementary components and that these components, like the +attitudes, are involved in a process of interaction among themselves. In +other words there is organization, tension, and change in the +constituent elements of the attitudes. This accounts, in part, for their +mutability. + +b) _Attitudes as behavior patterns._--If the attitude may be said to +play the role in sociological analysis that the elementary substances +play in chemical analysis, then the role of the wishes may be compared +to that of the electrons. + +The clearest way to think of attitudes is as behavior patterns or units +of behavior. The two most elementary behavior patterns are the tendency +to approach and the tendency to withdraw. Translated into terms of the +individual organism these are tendencies to expand and to contract. As +the self expands to include other selves, as in sympathy and in +fellowship, there is an extension of self-feeling to the whole group. +Self-consciousness passes over, in the rapport thus established, into +group consciousness. In the expansive movements characteristic of +individuals under the influence of crowd excitements the individual is +submerged in the mass. + +On the other hand, in movements of withdrawal or of recoil from other +persons, characteristic of fear and embarrassment, there is a +heightening of self-consciousness. The tendency to identify one's self +with other selves, to lose one's self in the ecstasy of psychic union +with others, is essentially a movement toward contact; while the +inclination to differentiate one's self, to lead a self-sufficient +existence, apart from others, is as distinctly a movement resulting in +isolation. + +The simplest and most fundamental types of behavior of individuals and +of groups are represented in these contrasting tendencies to approach an +object or to withdraw from it. If instead of thinking of these two +tendencies as unrelated, they are thought of as conflicting responses to +the same situation, where the tendency to approach is modified and +complicated by a tendency to withdraw, we get the phenomenon of _social +distance_. There is the tendency to approach, but not too near. There is +a feeling of interest and sympathy of A for B, but only when B remains +at a certain distance. Thus the Negro in the southern states is "all +right in his place." The northern philanthropist is interested in the +advancement of the Negro but wants him to remain in the South. At least +he does not want him for a neighbor. The southern white man likes the +Negro as an individual, but he is not willing to treat him as an equal. +The northern white man is willing to treat the Negro as an equal but he +does not want him too near. The wishes are in both cases essentially the +same but the attitudes are different. + +The accommodations between conflicting tendencies, so flagrantly +displayed in the facts of race prejudice, are not confined to the +relation of white men and black. The same mechanisms are involved in all +the subordinations, exclusions, privacies, social distances, and +reserves which we seek everywhere, by the subtle devices of taboo and +social ritual, to maintain and defend. Where the situation calls forth +rival or conflicting tendencies, the resulting attitude is likely to be +an accommodation, in which what has been described as distance is the +determining factor. When an accommodation takes the form of the +domination of A and the submission of B, the original tendencies of +approach and withdrawal are transformed into attitudes of +superordination and subordination. If primary attitudes of expansion and +of contraction are thought of in terms of lateral distance, then +attitudes of superiority and inferiority may be charted in the vertical +plane as illustrated by the following diagram: + +[Illustration: FIG. 4.--A = tendency to approach; B = tendency to +withdraw; 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 = distance defining levels of accommodation; X += superordination; Y = subordination.] + +This polar conception of attitudes, in which they are conceived in terms +of movements of expansion and contraction, of approach and withdrawal, +of attraction and repulsion, of domination and submission, may be +applied in an analysis of the sentiments. + +A sentiment, as defined by McDougall, is "an organized system of +emotional dispositions centered about the idea of some object." The +polarity of the sentiments is, however, one of its evident and striking +characteristics. Love and hate, affection and dislike, attachment and +aversion, self-esteem and humility have this character of polarity +because each pair of sentiments and attitudes represents a different +constellation of the same component wishes. + +A significant feature of sentiments and attitudes is inner tension and +consequent tendency to mutation. Love changes into hate, or dislike is +transformed into affection, or humility is replaced by self-assertion. +This mutability is explained by the fact, just mentioned, that the +sentiment-attitude is a complex of wishes and desires organized around a +person or object. In this complex one motive--love, for example--is for +a moment the dominant component. In this case components which tend to +excite repulsion, hostility, and disgust are for the moment suppressed. +With a change in the situation, as in the distance, these suppressed +components are released and, gaining control, convert the system into +the opposite sentiment, as hate. + +c) _Attitudes and wishes._--The wishes, as popularly conceived, are as +numerous as the objects or values toward which they are directed. As +there are positive and negative values, so there are positive and +negative wishes. Fears are negative wishes. The speculations of the +Freudian school of psychology have attempted to reduce all wishes to +one, the _libido_. In that case, the wishes, as we know them and as they +present themselves to us in consciousness, are to be regarded as +offshoots or, perhaps better, specifications of the _one wish_. As the +one wish is directed to this or that object, it makes of that object a +value and the object gives its name to the wish. In this way the one +wish becomes many wishes. + +Science demands, however, not a theory of the origin of the wishes but a +classification based on fundamental natural differences; differences +which it is necessary to take account of in explaining human behavior. +Thomas' fourfold classification fulfils this purpose. The wish for +security, the wish for new experience, the wish for response, and the +wish for recognition are the permanent and fundamental unconscious +motives of the person which find expression in the many and changing +concrete and conscious wishes. As wishes find expression in +characteristic forms of behavior they may also be thought of in spatial +terms as tendencies to move toward or away from their specific objects. +The wish for security may be represented by position, mere immobility; +the wish for new experience by the greatest possible freedom of movement +and constant change of position; the wish for response, by the number +and closeness of points of contact; the wish for recognition, by the +level desired or reached in the vertical plane of superordination and +subordination. + +The fundamental value for social research of the classification inheres +in the fact that the wishes in one class cannot be substituted for +wishes in another. The desire for response and affection cannot be +satisfied by fame and recognition or only partially so. The wholesome +individual is he who in some form or other realizes all the four +fundamental wishes. The security and permanence of any society or +association depends upon the extent to which it permits the individuals +who compose it to realize their fundamental wishes. The restless +individual is the individual whose wishes are not realized even in +dreams. + +This suggests the significance of the classification for the purposes of +social science. Human nature, and personality as we know it, requires +for its healthy growth security, new experience, response, and +recognition. In all races and in all times these fundamental longings of +human nature have manifested themselves; the particular patterns in +which the wish finds expression and becomes fixed depends upon some +special experience of the person, is influenced by individual +differences in original nature, and is circumscribed by the folkways, +the mores, the conventions, and the culture of his group. + + +II. MATERIALS + +A. TRENDS, TENDENCIES, AND PUBLIC OPINION + + +1. Social Forces in American History[157] + +That political struggles are based upon economic interests is today +disputed by few students of society. The attempt has been made in this +work to trace the various interests that have arisen and struggled in +each social stage and to determine the influence exercised by these +contending interests in the creation of social institutions. + +Back of every political party there has always stood a group or class +which expected to profit by the activity and the success of that party. +When any party has attained to power, it has been because it has tried +to establish institutions or to modify existing ones in accord with its +interests. + +Changes in the industrial basis of society--inventions, new processes, +and combinations and methods of producing and distributing goods--create +new interests with new social classes to represent them. These +improvements in the technique of production are the dynamic element that +brings about what we call progress in society. + +In this work I have sought to begin at the origin of each line of social +progress. I have first endeavored to describe the steps in mechanical +progress, then the social classes brought into prominence by the +mechanical changes, then the struggle by which these new classes sought +to gain social power, and, finally, the institutions which were created +or the alterations made in existing institutions as a consequence of the +struggle or as a result of the victory of a new class. + +It has seemed to me that these underlying social forces are of more +importance than the individuals that were forced to the front in the +process of these struggles, or even than the laws that were established +to record the results of the conflict. In short, I have tried to +describe the dynamics of history rather than to record the accomplished +facts, to answer the question, "Why did it happen?" as well as, "What +happened?" + +An inquiry into causes is manifestly a greater task than the recording +of accomplished facts. To determine causes it is necessary to spend much +time in the study of "original documents"--the newspapers, magazines, +and pamphlet literature of each period. In these, rather than in the +"musty documents" of state, do we find history in the making. Here we +can see the clash of contending interests before they are crystallized +into laws and institutions. + + +2. Social Tendencies as Social Forces[158] + +The philosophy of the eighteenth century viewed external nature as the +principal thing to be considered in a study of society, and not society +itself. The great force in society was extraneous to society. But +according to the philosophy of our times, the chief forces working in +society are truly social forces, that is to say, they are immanent in +society itself. + +Let us briefly examine the social forces which are at work, either +concentrating or diffusing the ownership of wealth. If it is true that, +necessarily, there is going forward a concentration of property, that +the rich are necessarily becoming richer, that wealth is passing into +fewer and fewer hands, this gives a strong reason for believing that +those are right who hold to the fact that every field of production must +soon be controlled by monopoly. If, on the other hand, we find that the +forces which make for diffusion are dominant, we may believe that it is +quite possible for society to control the forces of production. + +a) Forces operating in the direction of concentration of wealth: (1) +The unearned increment of land, especially in cities, is no doubt a real +force. (2) The trust movement is operating in its earlier phases, at +least, in the direction of concentration. (3) In the third place, war, +whenever it comes, carries with it forces which bring wealth to the few +rather than to the many. (4) Arrangements of one kind and another may be +mentioned by means of various trust devices to secure the ends of +primogeniture and entail. (5) Another force operating to concentrate the +ownership of wealth may be called economic inertia. According to the +principle of inertia, forces continue to operate until they are checked +by other forces coming into contact with them. + +b) Forces which operate to diffuse wealth: (1) Education, broadly +considered, should be mentioned first of all. (2) Next, mention must be +made of the public control of corporations. (3) Changes in taxation are +the third item in this enumeration of forces. (4) The development of the +idea of property as a trust is next mentioned. (5) Profit-sharing and +co-operation. (6) Sound currency is next mentioned. (7) Public ownership +of public utilities is a further force. (8) Labor organizations. (9) +Institutions, especially in the interest of the wage-earning and +economically weaker elements in the community. (10) Savings institutions +and insurance. + + +3. Public Opinion: School of Thought and Legislation in England[159] + +Public legislative opinion, as it has existed in England during the +nineteenth century, presents several noteworthy aspects or +characteristics. They may conveniently be considered under five heads: +the existence at any given period of a predominant public opinion; the +origin of such opinion; the development and continuity thereof; the +checks imposed on such opinion by the existence of counter-currents and +cross-currents of opinion; the action of laws themselves as the creators +of legislative opinion. + +_First_, there exists at any given time a body of beliefs, convictions, +sentiments, accepted principles, or firmly rooted prejudices, which, +taken together, make up the public opinion of a particular era, or what +we may call the reigning or predominant current of opinion, and, as +regards at any rate the last three or four centuries, and especially the +nineteenth century, the influence of this dominant current of opinion +has, in England, if we look at the matter broadly, determined, directly +or indirectly, the course of legislation. + +_Second_, the opinion which affects the development of the law has, in +modern England at least, often originated with some single thinker or +school of thinkers. No doubt it is at times allowable to talk of a +prevalent belief or opinion as "being in the air," by which expression +is meant that a particular way of looking at things has become the +common possession of all the world. But though a belief, when it +prevails, may at last be adopted by the whole of a generation, it rarely +happens that a widespread conviction has grown up spontaneously among +the multitude. "The initiation," it has been said, "of all wise or noble +things comes, and must come, from individuals; generally at first from +some one individual," to which it ought surely to be added that the +origination of a new folly or of a new form of baseness comes, and must +in general come, at first from individuals or from some one individual. +The peculiarity of individuals, as contrasted with the crowd, lies +neither in virtue nor in wickedness but in originality. It is idle to +credit minorities with all the good without ascribing to them +most, at least, of the evils due to that rarest of all human +qualities--inventiveness. + +The course of events in England may often, at least, be thus described: +A new and, let us assume, a true idea presents itself to some one man of +originality or genius; the discoverer of the new conception, or some +follower who has embraced it with enthusiasm, preaches it to his friends +or disciples, they in their turn become impressed with its importance +and its truth, and gradually a whole school accepts the new creed. These +apostles of a new faith are either persons endowed with special ability +or, what is quite as likely, they are persons who, owing to their +peculiar position, are freed from a bias, whether moral or intellectual, +in favor of prevalent errors. At last the preachers of truth make an +impression, either directly upon the general public or upon some person +of eminence, say a leading statesman, who stands in a position to +impress ordinary people and thus to win the support of the nation. +Success, however, in converting mankind to a new faith, whether +religious or economical or political, depends but slightly on the +strength of the reasoning by which the faith can be defended, or even +on the enthusiasm of its adherents. A change of belief arises, in the +main, from the occurrence of circumstances which incline the majority of +the world to hear with favor theories which, at one time, men of common +sense derided as absurdities or distrusted as paradoxes. The doctrine of +free trade, for instance, has in England for about half a century held +the field as an unassailable dogma of economic policy, but a historian +would stand convicted of ignorance or folly who should imagine that the +fallacies of protection were discovered by the intuitive good sense of +the people, even if the existence of such a quality as the good sense of +the people be more than a political fiction. The principle of free trade +may, as far as Englishmen are concerned, be treated as the doctrine of +Adam Smith. The reasons in its favor never have been, nor will, from the +nature of things, be mastered by the majority of any people. The apology +for freedom of commerce will always present, from one point of view, an +air of paradox. Every man feels or thinks that protection would benefit +his own business, and it is difficult to realize that what may be a +benefit for any man taken alone may be of no benefit to a body of men +looked at collectively. The obvious objections to free trade may, as +free traders conceive, be met; but then the reasoning by which these +objections are met is often elaborate and subtle and does not carry +conviction to the crowd. It is idle to suppose that belief in freedom of +trade--or indeed in any other creed--ever won its way among the majority +of converts by the mere force of reasoning. The course of events was +very different. The theory of free trade won by degrees the approval of +statesmen of special insight, and adherents to the new economic religion +were one by one gained among persons of intelligence. Cobden and Bright +finally became potent advocates of truths of which they were in no sense +the discoverers. This assertion in no way detracts from the credit due +to these eminent men. They performed to admiration the proper function +of popular leaders; by prodigies of energy and by seizing a favorable +opportunity, of which they made the very most use that was possible, +they gained the acceptance by the English people of truths which have +rarely, in any country but England, acquired popularity. Much was due to +the opportuneness of the time. Protection wears its most offensive guise +when it can be identified with a tax on bread, and therefore can, +without patent injustice, be described as the parent of famine and +starvation. The unpopularity, moreover, inherent in a tax on corn is +all but fatal to a protective tariff when the class which protection +enriches is comparatively small, whilst the class which would suffer +keenly from dearness of bread and would obtain benefit from free trade +is large, and, having already acquired much, is certain soon to acquire +more political power. Add to all this that the Irish famine made the +suspension of the corn laws a patent necessity. It is easy, then, to see +how great in England was the part played by external circumstances--one +might almost say by accidental conditions--in determining the overthrow +of protection. A student should further remark that after free trade +became an established principle of English policy, the majority of the +English people accepted it mainly on authority. Men who were neither +land-owners nor farmers perceived with ease the obtrusive evils of a tax +on corn, but they and their leaders were far less influenced by +arguments against protection generally than by the immediate and almost +visible advantage of cheapening the bread of artisans and laborers. +What, however, weighed with most Englishmen, above every other +consideration, was the harmony of the doctrine that commerce ought to be +free, with that disbelief in the benefits of state intervention which in +1846 had been gaining ground for more than a generation. + +It is impossible, indeed, to insist too strongly upon the consideration +that whilst opinion controls legislation, public opinion is itself far +less the result of reasoning or of argument than of the circumstances in +which men are placed. Between 1783 and 1861 negro slavery was +abolished--one might almost say ceased of itself to exist--in the +northern states of the American Republic; in the South, on the other +hand, the maintenance of slavery developed into a fixed policy, and +before the War of Secession the "peculiar institution" had become the +foundation stone of the social system. But the religious beliefs and, +except as regards the existence of slavery, the political institutions +prevalent throughout the whole of the United States were the same. The +condemnation of slavery in the North, and the apologies for slavery in +the South, must therefore be referred to difference of circumstances. +Slave labor was obviously out of place in Massachusetts, Vermont, or New +York; it appeared to be, even if in reality it was not, economically +profitable in South Carolina. An institution, again, which was utterly +incompatible with the social condition of the northern states +harmonized, or appeared to harmonize, with the social conditions of the +southern states. The arguments against the peculiar institution were in +themselves equally strong in whatever part of the Union they were +uttered, but they carried conviction to the white citizens of +Massachusetts, whilst, even when heard or read, they did not carry +conviction to the citizens of South Carolina. Belief, and, to speak +fairly, honest belief, was to a great extent the result, not of +argument, nor even of direct self-interest, but of circumstances. What +was true in this instance holds good in others. There is no reason to +suppose that in 1830 the squires of England were less patriotic than the +manufacturers, or less capable of mastering the arguments in favor of or +against the reform of Parliament. But everyone knows that, as a rule, +the country gentlemen were Tories and anti-reformers, whilst the +manufacturers were Radicals and reformers. Circumstances are the +creators of most men's opinions. + +_Third_, the development of public opinion generally, and therefore of +legislative opinion, has been in England at once gradual, or slow, and +continuous. The qualities of slowness and continuity may conveniently be +considered together, and are closely interconnected, but they are +distinguishable and essentially different. + +Legislative public opinion generally changes in England with unexpected +slowness. Adam Smith's _Wealth of Nations_ was published in 1776; the +policy of free exchange was not completely accepted by England till +1846. All the strongest reasons in favor of Catholic emancipation were +laid before the English world by Burke between 1760 and 1797; the Roman +Catholic Relief Act was not carried till 1829. + +The opinion which changes the law is in one sense the opinion of the +time when the law is actually altered; in another sense it has often +been in England the opinion prevalent some twenty or thirty years before +that time; it has been as often as not in reality the opinion, not of +today, but of yesterday. + +Legislative opinion must be the opinion of the day, because, when laws +are altered, the alteration is of necessity carried into effect by +legislators who act under the belief that the change is an amendment; +but this law-making opinion is also the opinion of yesterday, because +the beliefs which have at last gained such hold on the legislature as to +produce an alteration in the law have generally been created by +thinkers or writers who exerted their influence long before the change +in the law took place. Thus it may well happen that an innovation is +carried through at a time when the teachers who supplied the arguments +in its favor are in their graves, or even--and this is well worth +noting--when in the world of speculation a movement has already set in +against ideas which are exerting their full effect in the world of +action and of legislation. + +Law-making in England is the work of men well advanced in life; the +politicians who guide the House of Commons, to say nothing of the peers +who lead the House of Lords, are few of them below thirty, and most of +them are above forty, years of age. They have formed or picked up their +convictions, and, what is of more consequence, their prepossessions, in +early manhood, which is the one period of life when men are easily +impressed with new ideas. Hence English legislators retain the +prejudices or modes of thinking which they acquired in their youth; and +when, late in life, they take a share in actual legislation, they +legislate in accordance with the doctrines which were current, either +generally or in the society to which the law-givers belonged, in the +days of their early manhood. The law-makers, therefore, of 1850 may give +effect to the opinions of 1830, whilst the legislators of 1880 are +likely enough to impress upon the statute book the beliefs of 1860, or +rather the ideas which in the one case attracted the young men of 1830 +and in the other the youth of 1860. We need not therefore be surprised +to find that a current of opinion may exert its greatest legislative +influence just when its force is beginning to decline. The tide turns +when at its height; a school of thought or feeling which still governs +law-makers has begun to lose its authority among men of a younger +generation who are not yet able to influence legislation. + +_Fourth_, the reigning legislative opinion of the day has never, at any +rate during the nineteenth century, exerted absolute or despotic +authority. Its power has always been diminished by the existence of +counter-currents or cross-currents of opinion which were not in harmony +with the prevalent opinion of the time. + +A counter-current here means a body of opinion, belief, or sentiment +more or less directly opposed to the dominant opinion of a particular +era. Counter-currents of this kind have generally been supplied by the +survival of ideas or convictions which are gradually losing their hold +upon a given generation, and particularly the youthful part thereof. +This kind of "conservatism" which prompts men to retain convictions +which are losing their hold upon the mass of the world is found, it +should be remarked, as much among the adherents of one religious or +political creed as of another. Any Frenchman who clung to Protestantism +during the reign of Louis the Fourteenth; any north-country squire who +in the England of the eighteenth century adhered to the Roman +Catholicism of his fathers; Samuel Johnson, standing forth as a Tory and +a High Churchman amongst Whigs and Free Thinkers; the Abbe Gregoire, +retaining in 1830 the attitude and the beliefs of a bishop of that +constitutional church of France whereof the claims have been repudiated +at once by the Church and by the State; James Mill, who, though the +leader in 1832 of philosophic Radicals, the pioneers as they deemed +themselves of democratic progress, was in truth the last "of the +eighteenth century"--these are each and all of them examples of that +intellectual and moral conservatism which everywhere, and especially in +England, has always been a strong force. The past controls the present. + +Counter-currents, again, may be supplied by new ideals which are +beginning to influence the young. The hopes or dreams of the generation +just coming into the field of public life undermine the energy of a +dominant creed. + +Counter-currents of opinion, whatever their source, have one certain and +one possible effect. The certain effect is that a check is imposed upon +the action of the dominant faith. + +_Fifth_, laws foster or create law-making opinion. This assertion may +sound, to one who has learned that laws are the outcome of public +opinion, like a paradox; when properly understood, it is nothing but an +undeniable, though sometimes neglected, truth. + + +B. INTERESTS, SENTIMENTS, AND ATTITUDES + + +1. Social Forces and Interaction[160] + +We must guard at the outset against an illusion that has exerted a +confusing influence. There are no social forces which are not at the +same time forces lodged in individuals, deriving their energy from +individuals and operating in and through individuals. There are no +social forces that lurk in the containing ether, and affect persons +without the agency of other persons. There are, to be sure, all the +physical conditions that affect persons just as they affect all other +forms of matter. So far, these are not social forces at all. They do not +get to be social forces until they get into persons, and in these +persons they take the form of feelings which impel them to react upon +other persons. Persons are thus transmuters of physical forces into +social forces; but all properly designated social forces are essentially +personal. They are within some persons, and stimulate them to act upon +other persons; or they are in other persons, and exert themselves as +external stimuli upon otherwise inert persons. In either case social +forces are personal influences passing from person to person and +producing activities that give content to the association. + +The conception of social forces was never challenged so long as it was +merely an everyday commonplace. When it passed into technical forms of +expression, doubts began to be urged. If anyone in the United States had +questioned the existence of Mrs. Grundy fifty years ago, he would have +been pitied and ignored as a harmless "natural." Social forces in the +form of gossip, and personified in Mrs. Grundy, were real to everybody. +But the particular species of social forces which Mrs. Grundy +represented were neither more nor less real than the other social forces +which had no name in folklore. Persons incessantly influence persons. +The modes of this influence are indescribably varied. They are conscious +and unconscious, accidental and momentary, or deliberate and persistent; +they are conventional and continuous, the result of individual habit, or +of customs crystallized into national or racial institutions. + +The simple fact which the concept "social forces" stands for is that +every individual acts and is acted upon in countless ways by the other +persons with whom he associates. These modes of action and reaction +between persons may be classified, and the more obvious and recurrent +among them may be enumerated. More than this, the action of these social +forces may be observed, and the results of observation may be organized +into social laws. Indeed, there would be only two alternatives, if we +did not discover the presence and action of social forces. On the one +hand, social science would at most be a subdivision of natural science; +on the other hand, the remaining alternative would be the impossibility +of social science altogether. + +But social forces are just as distinctly discernible as chemical forces. +The fact that we are not familiar with them no more makes against their +existence and their importance than general ignorance of the pressure of +the atmosphere takes that phenomenon out of the physical world. They are +not only the atmosphere but they are a very large part of the moral +world in general. If we could compose a complete account of the social +forces, we should at the same time have completed, from one point of +attention at least, a science of everything involved in human society. + +"All beings which can be said to perform actions do so in obedience to +those mental states which are denominated desires." But we have gone +back a step beyond the desires and have found it necessary to assume the +existence of underlying interests. These have to desires very nearly the +relation of substance to attribute, or, in a different figure, of genus +to species. Our interests may be beyond or beneath our ken; our desires +are strong and clear. I may not be conscious of my health interests in +any deep sense, but the desires that my appetites assert are specific +and concrete and real. The implicit interests, of which we may be very +imperfectly aware, move us to desires which may correspond well or ill +with the real content of the interests. At all events, it is these +desires which make up the active social forces, whether they are more or +less harmonious with the interests from which they spring. The desires +that the persons associating actually feel are practically the elemental +forces with which we have to reckon. They are just as real as the +properties of matter. They have their ratios of energy, just as +certainly as though they were physical forces. They have their peculiar +modes of action, which may be formulated as distinctly as the various +modes of chemical action. + +Every desire that any man harbors is a force making or marring, +strengthening or weakening, the structure and functions of the society +of which he is a part. What the human desires are, what their relations +are to each other, what their peculiar modifications are under different +circumstances--these are questions of detail which must be answered in +general by social psychology, and in particular by specific analysis of +each social situation. The one consideration to be urged at this point +is that the concept "social forces" has a real content. It represents +reality. There are social forces. They are the desires of persons. They +range in energy from the vagrant whim that makes the individual a +temporary discomfort to his group, to the inbred feelings that whole +races share. It is with these subtle forces that social arrangements and +the theories of social arrangements have to deal. + + +2. Interests[161] + +During the past generation, the conception of the "atom" has been of +enormous use in physical discovery. Although no one has ever seen an +atom, the supposition that there are ultimate particles of matter in +which the "promise and potency" of all physical properties and actions +reside has served as a means of investigation during the most intensive +period of research in the history of thought. Without the hypothesis of +the atom, physics and chemistry, and in a secondary sense biology, would +have lacked chart and compass upon their voyages of exploration. +Although the notion of the atom is rapidly changing, and the tendency of +physical science is to construe physical facts in terms of motion rather +than of the traditional atom, it is probably as needless as it is +useless for us to concern ourselves as laymen with this refinement. +Although we cannot avoid speaking of the smallest parts into which +matter can be divided, and although we cannot imagine, on the other +hand, how any portions of matter can exist and not be divisible into +parts, we are probably quite as incapable of saving ourselves from +paradox by resort to the vortex hypothesis in any form. That is, these +subtleties are too wonderful for most minds. Without pushing analysis +too far, and without resting any theory upon analogy with the atom of +physical theory, it is necessary to find some starting-place from which +to trace up the composition of sentient beings, just as the physicists +assumed that they found their starting-place in the atom. The notion of +interests is accordingly serving the same purpose in sociology which the +notion of atoms has served in physical science. Interests are the stuff +that men are made of. More accurately expressed, the last elements to +which we can reduce the actions of human beings are units which we may +conveniently name "interests." It is merely inverting the form of +expression to say: _Interests are the simplest modes of motion which we +can trace in the conduct of human beings._ + +To the psychologist the individual is interesting primarily as a center +of knowing, feeling, and willing. To the sociologist the individual +begins to be interesting when he is thought as knowing, feeling, and +willing _something_. In so far as a mere trick of emphasis may serve to +distinguish problems, this ictus indicates the sociological +starting-point. The individual given in experience is thought to the +point at which he is available for sociological assumption, when he is +recognized as a center of activities which make for something outside of +the psychical series in which volition is a term. These activities must +be referred primarily to desires, but the desires themselves may be +further referred to certain universal interests. In this character the +individual becomes one of the known or assumed terms of sociology. The +individual as a center of active interests may be thought both as the +lowest term in the social equation and as a composite term whose factors +must be understood. These factors are either the more evident desires, +or the more remote interests which the individual's desires in some way +represent. At the same time, we must repeat the admission that these +assumed interests are like the atom of physics. They are the +metaphysical recourse of our minds in accounting for concrete facts. We +have never seen or touched them. They are the hypothetical substratum of +those regularities of conduct which the activities of individuals +display. + +We may start with the familiar popular expressions, "the farming +interest," "the railroad interest," "the packing interest," "the milling +interest," etc., etc. Everyone knows what the expressions mean. Our use +of the term "interest" is not co-ordinate with these, but it may be +approached by means of them. All the "interests" that are struggling for +recognition in business and in politics are highly composite. The owner +of a flour mill, for example, is a man before he is a miller. He becomes +a miller at last because he is a man; i.e., because he has interests--in +a deeper sense than that of the popular expressions--which impel him to +act in order to gain satisfactions. The clue to all social activity is +in this fact of individual interests. Every act that every man performs +is to be traced back to an interest. We eat because there is a desire +for food; but the desire is set in motion by a bodily interest in +replacing exhausted force. We sleep because we are tired; but the +weariness is a function of the bodily interest in rebuilding used-up +tissue. We play because there is a bodily interest in use of the +muscles. We study because there is a mental interest in satisfying +curiosity. We mingle with our fellow-men because there is a mental +interest in matching our personality against that of others. We go to +market to supply an economic interest, and to war because of some social +interest of whatever mixed or simple form. + +With this introduction, we may venture an extremely abstract definition +of our concept "interest." In general, _an interest is an unsatisfied +capacity, corresponding to an unrealized condition, and it is +predisposition to such rearrangement as would tend to realize the +indicated condition_. Human needs and human wants are incidents in the +series of events between the latent existence of human interest and the +achievement of partial satisfaction. Human interests, then, are the +ultimate terms of calculation in sociology. _The whole life-process, so +far as we know it, whether viewed in its individual or in its social +phase, is at last the process of developing, adjusting, and satisfying +interests._ + +No single term is of more constant use in recent sociology than this +term "interests." We use it in the plural partly for the sake of +distinguishing it from the same term in the sense which has become so +familiar in modern pedagogy. The two uses of the term are closely +related, but they are not precisely identical. The pedagogical emphasis +is rather on the voluntary attitude toward a possible object of +attention. The sociological emphasis is on attributes of persons which +may be compared to the chemical affinities of different elements. + +To distinguish the pedagogical from the sociological use of the term +"interest," we may say pedagogically of a supposed case: "The boy has no +_interest_ in physical culture, or in shopwork, or in companionship with +other boys, or in learning, or in art, or in morality." That is, +attention and choice are essential elements of interest in the +pedagogical sense. On the other hand, we may say of the same boy, in the +sociological sense: "He has not discovered his health, wealth, +sociability, knowledge, beauty, and rightness _interests_." We thus +imply that interests, in the sociological sense, are not necessarily +matters of attention and choice. They are affinities, latent in persons, +pressing for satisfaction, whether the persons are conscious of them +either generally or specifically, or not; they are indicated spheres of +activity which persons enter into and occupy in the course of realizing +their personality. + +Accordingly, we have virtually said that interests are merely +specifications in the make-up of the personal units. We have several +times named the most general classes of interests which we find +serviceable in sociology, viz.: _health_, _wealth_, _sociability_, +_knowledge_, _beauty_, and _rightness_. + +We need to emphasize, in addition, several considerations about these +interests which are the motors of all individual and social action. +First, there is a subjective and an objective aspect of them all. It +would be easy to use terms of these interests in speculative arguments +in such a way as to shift the sense fallaciously from the one aspect to +the other; e.g., moral conduct, as an actual adjustment of the person in +question with other persons, is that person's "interest," in the +objective sense. On the other hand, we are obliged to think of something +in the person himself impelling him, however unconsciously, toward that +moral conduct, i.e., interest as "unsatisfied capacity" in the +subjective sense. So with each of the other interests. The fact that +these two senses of the term are always concerned must never be ignored; +but, until we reach refinements of analysis which demand use for these +discriminations, they may be left out of sight. Second, human interests +pass more and more from the latent, subjective, unconscious state to the +active, objective, conscious form. That is, before the baby is +self-conscious, the baby's essential interest in bodily well-being is +operating in performance of the organic functions. A little later the +baby is old enough to understand that certain regulation of his diet, +certain kinds of work or play, will help to make and keep him well and +strong. Henceforth there is in him a co-operation of interest in the +fundamental sense, and interest in the derived, secondary sense, +involving attention and choice. If we could agree upon the use of terms, +we might employ the word "desire" for this development of interest; +i.e., physiological performance of function is, strictly speaking, the +health interest; the desires which men actually pursue within the realm +of bodily function may be normal or perverted, in an infinite scale of +variety. So with each of the other interests. Third, with these +qualifications provided for, resolution of human activities into pursuit +of differentiated interests becomes the first clue to the combination +that unlocks the mysteries of society. For our purposes in this +argument we need not trouble ourselves very much about nice metaphysical +distinctions between the aspects of interest, because we have mainly to +do with interests in the same sense in which the man of affairs uses the +term. The practical politician looks over the lobby at Washington and he +classifies the elements that compose it. He says: "Here is the railroad +interest, the sugar interest, the labor interest, the army interest, the +canal interest, the Cuban interest, etc." He uses the term "interest" +essentially in the sociological sense but in a relatively concrete form, +and he has in mind little more than variations of the wealth interest. +He would explain the legislation of a given session as the final balance +between these conflicting pecuniary interests. He is right, in the main; +and every social action is, in the same way, an accommodation of the +various interests which are represented in the society concerned. + + +3. Social Pressures[162] + +The phenomena of government are from start to finish phenomena of force. +But force is an objectionable word. I prefer to use the word pressure +instead of force, since it keeps the attention closely directed upon the +groups themselves, instead of upon any mystical "realities" assumed to +be underneath and supporting them, and since its connotation is not +limited to the narrowly "physical." We frequently talk of "bringing +pressure to bear" upon someone, and we can use the word here with but +slight extension beyond this common meaning. + +Pressure, as we shall use it, is always a group phenomenon. It indicates +the push and resistance between groups. The balance of the group +pressures _is_ the existing state of society. Pressure is broad enough +to include all forms of the group influence upon group, from battle and +riot to abstract reasoning and sensitive morality. It takes up into +itself "moral energy" and the finest discriminations of conscience as +easily as bloodthirsty lust of power. It allows for humanitarian +movements as easily as for political corruption. The tendencies to +activity are pressures, as well as the more visible activities. + +All phenomena of government are phenomena of groups pressing one +another, forming one another, and pushing out new groups and group +representatives (the organs or agencies of government) to mediate the +adjustments. It is only as we isolate these group activities, determine +their representative values, and get the whole process stated in terms +of them that we approach to a satisfactory knowledge of government. + +When we take such an agency of government as a despotic ruler, we cannot +possibly advance to an understanding of him except in terms of the group +activities of his society which are most directly represented through +him, along with those which almost seem not to be represented through +him at all, or to be represented to a different degree or in a different +manner. And it is the same with democracies, even in their "purest" and +simplest forms, as well as in their most complicated forms. We cannot +fairly talk of despotisms or of democracies as though they were +absolutely distinct types of government to be contrasted offhand with +each other or with other types. All depends for each despotism and each +democracy and each other form of government on the given interests, +their relations, and their methods of interaction. The interest groups +create the government and work through it; the government, as activity, +works "for" the groups; the government, from the viewpoint of certain of +the groups, may at times be their private tool; the government, from the +viewpoint of others of the groups, seems at times their deadly enemy; +but the process is all one, and the joint participation is always +present, however it may be phrased in public opinion or clamor. + +It is convenient most of the time in studying government to talk of +these groups as interests. But I have already indicated with sufficient +clearness that the interest is nothing other than the group activity +itself. The words by which we name the interests often give the best +expression to the value of the group activities in terms of other group +activities: if I may be permitted that form of phrasing, they are more +qualitative than quantitative in their implications. But that is +sometimes a great evil as well as sometimes an advantage. We must always +remember that there is nothing in the interests purely because of +themselves and that we can depend on them only as they stand for groups +which are acting or tending toward activity or pressing themselves along +in their activity with other groups. + +When we get the group activities on the lower planes worked out and show +them as represented in various forms of higher groups, culminating in +the political groups, then we make progress in our interpretations. +Always and everywhere our study must be a study of the interests that +work through government; otherwise we have not got down to facts. Nor +will it suffice to take a single interest group and base our +interpretation upon it, not even for a special time and a special place. +No interest group has meaning except with reference to other interest +groups; and those other interest groups are pressures; they count in the +government process. The lowest of despised castes, deprived of rights to +the protection of property and even life, will still be found to be a +factor in the government, if only we can sweep the whole field and +measure the caste in its true degree of power, direct or represented, in +its potentiality of harm to the higher castes, and in its identification +with them for some important purposes, however deeply hidden from +ordinary view. No slaves, not the worst abused of all, but help to form +the government. They are an interest group within it. + +Tested by the interest groups that function through them, legislatures +are of two general types. First are those which represent one class or +set of classes in the government as opposed to some other class, which +is usually represented in a monarch. Second are those which are not the +exclusive stronghold of one class or set of classes, but are instead the +channel for the functioning of all groupings of the population. The +borders between the two types are of course indistinct, but they +approximate closely to the borders between a society with class +organization and one with classes broken down into freer and more +changeable group interests. + +Neither the number of chambers in the legislative body nor the +constitutional relations of the legislature to the executive can serve +to define the two types. The several chambers may represent several +classes, or again the double-chamber system may be in fact merely a +technical division, with the same interests present in both chambers. +The executive may be a class representative, or merely a co-ordinate +organ, dividing with the legislature the labor of providing channels +through which the same lot of manifold interest groups can work. + +It lies almost on the surface that a legislature which is a class agency +will produce results in accordance with the class pressure behind it. +Its existence has been established by struggle, and its life is a +continual struggle against the representatives of the opposite class. Of +course there will be an immense deal of argument to be heard on both +sides, and the argument will involve the setting forth of "reasons" in +limitless number. It is indeed because of the advantages (in group +terms, of course) of such argument as a technical means of adjustment +that the legislative bodies survive. Argument under certain conditions +is a greater labor-saver than blows, and in it the group interests more +fully unfold themselves. But beneath all the argument lies the strength. +The arguments go no farther than the strength goes. What the new Russian +duma will get, if it survives, will be what the people it solidly +represents are strong enough to make it get, and no more and no less, +with bombs and finances, famine and corruption funds alike in the scale. + +But the farther we advance among legislatures of the second type, and +the farther we get away from the direct appeal to muscle and weapon, the +more difficult becomes the analysis of the group components, the greater +is the prominence that falls to the process of argumentation, the more +adroitly do the group forces mask themselves in morals, ideals, and +phrases, the more plausible becomes the interpretation of the +legislature's work as a matter of reason, not of pressure, and the more +common it is to hear condemnations of those portions of the process at +which violence shows through the reasoning as though they were per se +perverted, degenerate, and the bearers of ruin. There is, of course, a +strong, genuine group opposition to the technique of violence, which is +an important social fact; but a statement of the whole legislative +process in terms of the discussion forms used by that anti-violence +interest group is wholly inadequate. + + +4. Idea-Forces[163] + +The principle that I assume at the outset is that every idea tends to +act itself out. If it is an isolated idea, or if it is not +counterbalanced by a stronger force, its realization must take place. +Thus the principle of the struggle for existence and of selection, +taking the latter word in its broadest sense, is in my opinion as +applicable to ideas as to individuals and living species; a selection +takes place in the brain to the advantage of the strongest and most +exclusive idea, which is thus able to control the whole organism. In +particular, the child's brain is an arena of conflict for ideas and the +impulses they include; in the brain the new idea is a new force which +encounters the ideas already installed, and the impulses already +developed therein. Assume a mind, as yet a blank, and suddenly introduce +into it the representation of any movement, the idea of any action--such +as raising the arm. This idea being isolated and unopposed, the wave of +disturbance arising in the brain will take the direction of the arm, +because the nerves terminating in the arm are disturbed by the +representation of the arm. The arm will therefore be lifted. Before a +movement begins, we must think of this; now no movement that has taken +place is lost; it is necessarily communicated from the brain to the +organs if unchecked by any other representation or impulse. The +transmission of the idea to the limbs is inevitable as long as the idea +is isolated or unopposed. This I have called the law of idea-forces, and +I think I have satisfactorily explained the curious facts in connection +with the impulsive actions of the idea. + +The well-known experiments of Chevreul on the "pendule explorateur," and +on the divining rod, show that if we represent to ourselves a movement +in a certain direction, the hand will finally execute this movement +without our consciousness, and so will transmit it to the instrument. +Table-turning is the realization of the expected movement by means of +the unconscious motion of the hands. Thought-reading is the +interpretation of imperceptible movements, in which the thought of the +subject betrays itself, even without his being conscious of it. In the +process that goes on when we are fascinated or on the point of fainting, +a process more obvious in children than in adults, there is an inchoate +movement which the paralysis of the will fails to check. When I was a +lad, I was once running over a plank across the weir of a river, it +never entering my head that I ran any risk of falling; suddenly this +idea came into play like a force obliquely compounded with the straight +course of thought which had up to that moment been guiding my footsteps. +I felt as if an invisible arm had seized me and was dragging me down. I +shrieked and stood trembling above the foaming water until assistance +came. Here the mere idea of vertigo produced vertigo. A plank on the +ground may be crossed without arousing any idea of falling; but if it is +above a precipice, and we think of the distance below, the impulse to +fall is very strong. Even when we are in perfect safety we may feel what +is known as the "fascination" of a precipice. The sight of the gulf +below, becoming a fixed idea, produces a resultant inhibition on all +other ideas. Temptation, which is always besetting a child because +everything is new to it, is nothing but the power of an idea and its +motor impulse. + +The power of an idea is the greater, the more prominently it is singled +out from the general content of consciousness. This selection of an +idea, which becomes so exclusive that the whole consciousness is +absorbed in it, is called _monoideism_. This state is precisely that of +a person who has been hypnotized. What is called hypnotic suggestion is +nothing but the artificial selection of one idea to the exclusion of all +others, so that it passes into action. Natural somnambulism similarly +exhibits the force of ideas; whatever idea is conceived by the +somnambulist, he carries into action. The kind of dream in which +children often live is not without analogy to somnambulism. The fixed +idea is another instance of the same phenomenon, which is produced in +the waking state, and which, when exaggerated, becomes monomania, a kind +of morbid monoideism; children, having very few ideas, would very soon +acquire fixed ideas, if it were not for the mobility of attention which +the ceaseless variation of the surrounding world produces in them. Thus +all the facts grouped nowadays under the name of auto-suggestion may, in +my opinion, be explained. Here we shall generalize the law in this form: +every idea conceived by the mind is an auto-suggestion, the selective +effect of which is only counterbalanced by other ideas producing a +different auto-suggestion. This is especially noticeable in the young, +who so rapidly carry into action what is passing through their minds. + +The philosophers of the seventeenth century, with Descartes and Pascal, +considered sentiments and passions as indistinct thoughts, as "thoughts, +as it were, in process of precipitation." This is true. Beneath all our +sentiments lies a totality of imperfectly analyzed ideas, a swelling +stream of crowded and indistinct reasons by the momentum of which we are +carried away and swept along. Inversely, sentiments underlie all our +ideas; they smoulder in the dying embers of abstractions. Even language +has a power because it arouses all the sentiments which it condenses in +a formula; the mere names "honor" and "duty" arouse infinite echoes in +the consciousness. At the name of "honor" alone, a legion of images is +on the point of surging up; vaguely, as with eyes open in the dark, we +see all the possible witnesses of our acts, from father and mother to +friends and fellow-countrymen; further, if our imagination is vivid +enough, we can see those great ancestors who did not hesitate under +similar circumstances. "We must; forward!" We feel that we are enrolled +in an army of gallant men; the whole race, in its most heroic +representatives, is urging us on. There is a social and even a +historical element beneath moral ideas. Besides, language, a social +product, is also a social force. The pious mind goes farther still; duty +is personified as a being--the living Good whose voice we hear. + +Some speak of lifeless formulas; of these there are very few. A word, an +idea, is a formula of possible action and of sentiments ready to pass +into acts; they are "verbs." Now, every sentiment, every impulse which +becomes formulated with, as it were, a _fiat_, acquires by this alone a +new and quasi-creative force; it is not merely rendered visible by its +own light to itself but it is defined, specified, and selected from the +rest, and _ipso facto_ directed in its course. That is why formulas +relative to action are so powerful for good or evil; a child feels a +vague temptation, a tendency for which it cannot account. Pronounce in +its hearing the formula, change the blind impulse into the luminous +idea, and this will be a new suggestion which may, perhaps, cause it to +fall in the direction to which it was already inclined. On the other +hand, some formulas of generous sentiments will carry away a vast +audience immediately they are uttered. The genius is often the man who +translates the aspirations of his age into ideas; at the sound of his +voice a whole nation is moved. Great moral, religious, and social +revolutions ensue when the sentiments, long restrained and scarcely +conscious of their own existence, become formulated into ideas and +words; the way is then opened, the means and the goal are visible alike, +selection takes place, all the volitions are simultaneously guided in +the same direction, like a torrent which has found the weakest point in +the dam. + + +5. Sentiments[164] + +We seldom experience the primary emotions in the pure or unmixed forms +in which they are commonly manifested by the animals. Our emotional +states commonly arise from the simultaneous excitement of two or more of +the instinctive dispositions; and the majority of the names currently +used to denote our various emotions are the names of such mixed, +secondary, or complex emotions. That the great variety of our emotional +states may be properly regarded as the result of the compounding of a +relatively small number of primary or simple emotions is no new +discovery. Descartes, for example, recognized only six primary emotions, +or passions as he termed them, namely--admiration, love, hatred, desire, +joy, and sadness, and he wrote, "All the others are composed of some out +of these six and derived from them." He does not seem to have formulated +any principles for the determination of the primaries and the +distinction of them from the secondaries. + +The compounding of the primary emotions is largely, though not wholly, +due to the existence of sentiments, and some of the complex emotional +processes can only be generated from sentiments. Before going on to +discuss the complex emotions, we must therefore try to understand as +clearly as possible the nature of a sentiment. + +The word "sentiment" is still used in several different senses. M. Ribot +and other French authors use its French equivalent as covering all the +feelings and emotions, as the most general name for the affective aspect +of mental processes. We owe to Mr. A. F. Shand the recognition of +features of our mental constitution of a most important kind that have +been strangely overlooked by other psychologists, and the application of +the word "sentiments" to denote features of this kind. Mr. Shand points +out that our emotions, or, more strictly speaking, our emotional +dispositions, tend to become organized in systems about the various +objects and classes of objects that excite them. Such an organized +system of emotional tendencies is not a fact or mode of experience, but +is a feature of the complexly organized structure of the mind that +underlies all our mental activity. To such an organized system of +emotional tendencies centered about some object Mr. Shand proposes to +apply the name "sentiment." This application of the word is in fair +accordance with its usage in popular speech, and there can be little +doubt that it will rapidly be adopted by psychologists. + +The organization of the sentiments in the developing mind is determined +by the course of experience; that is to say, the sentiment is a growth +in the structure of the mind that is not natively given in the inherited +constitution. This is certainly true in the main, though the maternal +sentiment might almost seem to be innate; but we have to remember that +in the human mother this sentiment may, and generally does, begin to +grow up about the idea of its object, before the child is born. + +The growth of the sentiments is of the utmost importance for the +character and conduct of individuals and of societies; it is the +organization of the affective and conative life. In the absence of +sentiments our emotional life would be a mere chaos, without order, +consistency, or continuity of any kind; and all our social relations and +conduct, being based on the emotions and their impulses, would be +correspondingly chaotic, unpredictable, and unstable. It is only through +the systematic organization of the emotional dispositions in sentiments +that the volitional control of the immediate promptings of the emotions +is rendered possible. Again, our judgments of value and of merit are +rooted in our sentiments; and our moral principles have the same source, +for they are formed by our judgments of moral value. + +The sentiments may be classified according to the nature of their +objects; they then fall into three main classes: the concrete +particular, the concrete general, and the abstract sentiments--e.g., the +sentiment of love for a child, of love for children in general, of love +for justice or virtue. Their development in the individual follows this +order, the concrete particular sentiments being, of course, the earliest +and most easily acquired. The number of sentiments a man may acquire, +reckoned according to the number of objects in which they are centered, +may, of course, be very large; but almost every man has a small number +of sentiments--perhaps one only--that greatly surpass all the rest in +strength and as regards the proportion of his conduct that springs from +them. + +Each sentiment has a life-history, like every other vital organization. +It is gradually built up, increasing in complexity and strength and may +continue to grow indefinitely, or may enter upon a period of decline, +and may decay slowly or rapidly, partially or completely. + +When any one of the emotions is strongly or repeatedly excited by a +particular object, there is formed the rudiment of a sentiment. Suppose +that a child is thrown into the company of some person given to frequent +outbursts of violent anger, say, a violent-tempered father who is +otherwise indifferent to the child and takes no further notice of him +than to threaten, scold, and, perhaps, beat him. At first the child +experiences fear at each exhibition of violence, but repetition of these +incidents very soon creates the habit of fear, and in the presence of +his father, even in his mildest moods, the child is timorous; that is to +say, the mere presence of the father throws the child's fear-disposition +into a condition of sub-excitement, which increases on the slightest +occasion until it produces all the subjective and objective +manifestations of fear. As a further stage, the mere idea of the father +becomes capable of producing the same effects as his presence; this idea +has become associated with the emotion; or, in stricter language, the +psychophysical disposition whose excitement involves the rise to +consciousness of this idea, has become associated or intimately +connected with the psychophysical disposition whose excitement produces +the bodily and mental symptoms of fear. Such an association constitutes +a rudimentary sentiment that we can only call a sentiment of fear. + +In a similar way, a single act of kindness done by A to B may evoke in B +the emotion of gratitude; and if A repeats his kindly acts, conferring +benefits on B, the gratitude of B may become habitual, may become an +enduring emotional attitude of B towards A--a sentiment of gratitude. +Or, in either case, a single act--one evoking very intense fear or +gratitude--may suffice to render the association more or less durable +and the attitude of fear, or gratitude, of B toward A more or less +permanent. + + +6. Social Attitudes[165] + +"Consciousness," says Jacques Loeb, "is only a metaphysical term for +phenomena which are determined by associative memory. By associative +memory I mean that mechanism by which a stimulus brings about not only +the effects which its nature and the specific structure of the irritable +organ call for, but by which it brings about also the effects of other +stimuli which formerly acted upon the organism almost or quite +simultaneously with the stimulus in question. If an animal can be +trained, if it can learn, it possesses associative memory." In short, +because we have memories we are able to profit by experiences. + +It is the memories that determine, on the whole, what objects shall mean +to us, and how we shall behave toward them. We cannot say, however, that +a perception or an object is ever wholly without meaning to us. The +flame to which the child stretches out its hand means, even before he +has any experience of it, "something to be reached for, something to be +handled." After the first experience of touching it, however, it means +"something naturally attractive but still to be avoided." Each new +experience, so far as it is preserved in memory, adds new meanings to +the objects with which it is associated. + +Our perceptions and our ideas embody our experiences of objects and so +serve as signs of what we may expect of them. They are the means by +which we are enabled to control our behavior toward them. On the other +hand, if we lose our memories, either temporarily or permanently, we +lose at the same time our control over our actions and are still able to +respond to objects, but only in accordance with our inborn tendencies. +After all our memories are gone, we still have our original nature to +fall back upon. + +There is a remarkable case reported by Sidis and Goodhart which +illustrates the role that memory plays in giving us control over our +inherited tendencies. It is that of Rev. Thomas C. Hanna, who, while +attempting to alight from a carriage, lost his footing, fell to the +ground and was picked up unconscious. When he awoke it was found that he +had not only lost the faculty of speech but he had lost all voluntary +control of his limbs. He had forgotten how to walk. He had not lost his +senses. He could feel and see, but he was not able to distinguish +objects. He had no sense of distance. He was in a state of complete +"mental blindness." At first he did not distinguish between his own +movements and those of other objects. "He was as much interested in the +movements of his own limbs as in that of external things." He had no +conception of time. "Seconds, minutes, and hours were alike to him." He +felt hunger but he did not know how to interpret the feeling and had no +notion of how to satisfy it. When food was offered him he did not know +what to do with it. In order to get him to swallow food it had to be +placed far back in his throat, in order to provoke reflex swallowing +movements. In their report of the case the authors say: + + Like an infant, he did not know the meaning of the simplest + words, nor did he understand the use of language. Imitation was + the factor in his first education. He learned the meaning of + words by imitating definite articulate sounds made in + connection with certain objects and activities. The + pronunciation of words and their combination into whole phrases + he acquired in the same imitative way. At first he simply + repeated any word and sentence heard, thinking that this meant + something to others. This manner of blind repetition and + unintelligent imitation was, however, soon given up, and he + began systematically to learn the meaning of words in + connection with the objective content they signified. As in the + case of children who, in their early developmental stage, use + one word to indicate many objects different in their nature, + but having some common point of superficial resemblance, so was + it in the case of Mr. Hanna: the first word he acquired was + used by him to indicate all the objects he wanted. + +The first word he learned was "apple" and for a time apple was the only +word he knew. At first he learned only the names of particular objects. +He did not seem able to learn words with an abstract or general +significance. But although he was reduced to a state of mental infancy, +his "intelligence" remained, and he learned with astonishing rapidity. +"His faculty of judgment, his power of reasoning, were as sound and +vigorous as ever," continues the report. "The content of knowledge +seemed to have been lost, but the form of knowledge remained as active +as before the accident and was perhaps even more precise and definite." + +One reason why man is superior to the brutes is probably that he has a +better natural memory. Another reason is that there are more things that +he can do, and so he has an opportunity to gain a wider and more varied +experience. Consider what a man can do with his hands! To this he has +added tools and machinery, which are an extension of the hand and have +multiplied its powers enormously. It is now pretty well agreed, however, +that the chief advantage which mankind has over the brutes is in the +possession of speech by which he can communicate his ideas. In +comparatively recent times he has supplemented this means of +communication by the invention of the printing press, the telegraph, and +the telephone. In this way he has been able not only to communicate his +experiences but to fund and transmit them from one generation to +another. + +As soon as man began to point out objects and associate them with vocal +sounds, he had obtained possession of a symbol by which he was able to +deliberately communicate his desires and his intentions to other men in +a more precise and definite way than he had been able to do through the +medium of spontaneous emotional expression. + +The first words, we may suppose, were onomatopoetic, that is to say, +vocal imitations of the objects to which they referred. At any rate they +arose spontaneously in connection with the situation that inspired them. +They were then imitated by others and thus became the common and +permanent possession of the group. Language thus assumed for the group +the role of perception in the individual. It became the sign and symbol +of those meanings which were the common possession of the group. + +As the number of such symbols was relatively small in comparison to the +number of ideas, words inevitably came to have different meanings in +different contexts. In the long run the effect of this was to detach the +words from the particular contexts in which they arose and loosen their +connections with the particular sentiments and attitudes with which they +were associated. They came to have thus a more distinctively symbolic +and formal character. It was thus possible to give them more precise +definitions, to make of them abstractions and mental toys, which the +individual could play with freely and disinterestedly. Like the child +who builds houses with blocks, he was able to arrange them in orders and +systems, create ideal structures, like the constructions of mathematics, +which he was then able to employ as means of ordering and systematizing +his more concrete experiences. + +All this served to give the individual a more complete control over his +own experience and that of the group. It made it possible to analyze and +classify his own experiences and compare them with those of his fellows +and so, eventually, to erect the vast structure of formal and scientific +knowledge on the basis of which men are able to live and work together +in co-operation upon the structure of a common civilization. + +The point is that the breadth of the experience over which man has +control and the disinterestedness with which he is able to view it is +the basis of the intellectual attainment of the individual, as of the +race. + +If human beings were thoroughly rational creatures, we may presume that +they would act, at every instant, on the basis of all their experience +and all the knowledge that they were able to obtain from the experience +of others. The truth is, however, that we are never able, at any one +time, to mobilize, control, and use all the experience and all the +knowledge that we now possess and which, if we were less human than we +are, might serve to guide and control our actions. It is precisely the +function of science to collect, organize, and make available for our +practical uses the fund of experience and of knowledge we do possess. + +Not only do we already have more knowledge than we can use, but much of +our personal and individual experience drops out and is lost in the +course of a lifetime. Meanwhile, later experiences are constantly adding +themselves to the earlier ones. In this way the meaning of the world is +constantly changing for us, much as the surface of the earth is +constantly under the influence of the weather. + +The actual constellation of our memories and ideas is determined at any +given moment not merely by processes of association but also by +processes of dissociation. Practical interests, sentiments, and +emotional outbursts--love, fear, and anger--are constantly interrupting +the logical and constructive processes of the mind. These forces tend to +dissolve established connections between ideas and disintegrate our +memories so that they rarely function as a whole or as a unit, but +rather as more or less dissociated systems. + +The mere act of attention, for example, so far as it focuses the +activities upon a single object, tends to narrow the range of +associations, check deliberation, and, by isolating one idea or system +of ideas, prepares us to act in accordance with them without regard to +the demands of other ideas in the wider but now suppressed context of +our experience. The isolation of one group of ideas implies the +suppression of other groups which are inconsistent with them or hinder +the indicated action. + +When the fundamental instinct-emotions are aroused, they invariably have +the effect of isolating the ideas with which they are associated and of +inhibiting the contrary emotions. This is the explanation of war. When +the fighting instincts are stirred, men lose the fear of death and the +horror of killing. + +When an idea, particularly one that is associated with some original +tendency of human nature, is thus isolated in consciousness, the +tendency is to respond to it automatically, just as one would respond to +a simple reflex. This explains the phenomena of suggestion. A state of +suggestibility is always a pre-condition of suggestion, and +suggestibility means just such an isolation and dissociation of the +suggested idea as has been described. Hypnotic trance may be defined as +a condition of abnormal suggestibility, in which the subject tends to +carry out automatically the commands of the experimenter, "as if," as +the familiar phrase puts it, "he had no will of his own," or rather, as +if the will of the experimenter had been substituted for that of the +subject. In fact the phenomena of auto-suggestion, in which one obeys +his own suggestion, seems to differ from other forms of the same +phenomena only in the fact that the subject obeys his own commands +instead of those of the experimenter. Not only suggestion and +auto-suggestion, but imitation, which is nothing more than another form +of suggestion, are made possible by the existence of mental mechanisms +created by dissociation. + +Hypnotism represents an extreme but temporary form of dissociation of +the memories, artificially produced. Fascination and abstraction +(absent-mindedness) are milder forms of the same phenomena with this +difference, that they occur "in nature" and without artificial +stimulation. + +A more permanent dissociation is represented in moods. The memories +which connect themselves with moods are invariably such as will support +the dominant emotion. At the same time memories which tend in any way to +modify the prevailing tone of the mood are spontaneously suppressed. + +It is a familiar fact that persons whose occupations or whose mode of +life brings them habitually into different worlds, so that the +experiences in one have little or nothing in common with those of the +other, inevitably develop something akin to a dual personality. The +business man, for example, is one person in the city and another at his +home in the suburbs. + +The most striking and instructive instances of dissociation, however, +are the cases of dual or multiple personality in which the same +individual lives successively or simultaneously two separate lives, each +of which is wholly oblivious of the other. The classic instance of this +kind is the case of the Rev. Ansel Bourne reported by William James in +his _Principles of Psychology_. Ansel Bourne was an itinerant preacher +living at Greene, Rhode Island. On January 19, 1887, he drew $551.00 +from a bank in Providence and entered a Pawtucket horse car and +disappeared. He was advertised as missing, foul play being suspected. + +On the morning of March 24, at Norristown, Pennsylvania, a man calling +himself A. J. Brown awoke in a fright and called on the people of the +house to tell him who he was. Later he said he was Ansel Bourne. Nothing +was known of him in Norristown except that six weeks before he had +rented a small shop, stocked it with stationery, confectionery, and +other small articles, and was carrying on a quiet trade "without seeming +to anyone unnatural or eccentric." At first it was thought he was +insane, but his story was confirmed and he was returned to his home. It +was then deemed that he had lost all memory of the period which had +elapsed since he boarded the Pawtucket car. What he had done or where he +had been between the time he left Providence and arrived in Norristown, +no one had the slightest information. + +In 1890 he was induced by William James to submit to hypnotism in order +to see whether in his trance state his "Brown" memories would come back. +The experiment was so successful that, as James remarks, "it proved +quite impossible to make him, while in hypnosis, remember any of the +facts of his normal life." The report continues: + + He had heard of Ansel Bourne, but "didn't know as he had ever + met the man." When confronted with Mrs. Bourne he said that he + had "never seen the woman before," etc. On the other hand, he + told of his peregrinations during the lost fortnight, and gave + all sorts of details about the Norristown episode. The whole + thing was prosaic enough; and the Brown-personality seems to be + nothing but a rather shrunken, dejected, and amnesic extract of + Mr. Bourne himself. He gave no motive for the wandering except + that there was "trouble back there" and he "wanted rest." + During the trance he looks old, the corners of his mouth are + drawn down, his voice is slow and weak, and he sits screening + his eyes and trying vainly to remember what lay before and + after the two months of the Brown experience. "I'm all hedged + in," he says, "I can't get out at either end. I don't know what + set me down in that Pawtucket horse-car, and I don't know how I + ever left that store or what became of it." His eyes are + practically normal, and all his sensibilities (save for tardier + response) about the same in hypnosis as in waking. I had hoped + by suggestion to run the two personalities into one, and make + the memories continuous, but no artifice would avail to + accomplish this, and Mr. Bourne's skull today still covers two + distinct personal selves. + +An interesting circumstance with respect to this case and others is that +the different personalities, although they inhabit the same body and +divide between them the experiences of a single individual, not only +regard themselves as distinct and independent persons but they exhibit +marked differences in character, temperament, and tastes, and frequently +profess for one another a decided antipathy. The contrasts in +temperament and character displayed by these split-off personalities are +illustrated in the case of Miss Beauchamp, to whose strange and +fantastic history Morton Prince has devoted a volume of nearly six +hundred pages. + +In this case, the source of whose morbidity was investigated by means of +hypnotism, not less than three distinct personalities in addition to +that of the original and real Miss Beauchamp were evolved. Each one of +these was distinctly different and decidedly antipathetic to the others. + +Pierre Janet's patient, Madam B, however, is the classic illustration of +this dissociated personality. From the time she was sixteen years of +age, Leonie, as she was called, had been so frequently hypnotized and +subjected to so much clinical experimentation that a well-organized +secondary personality was elaborated, which was designated as Leontine. +Leonie was a poor peasant woman, serious, timid, and melancholy. +Leontine was gay, noisy, restless, and ironical. Leontine did not +recognize that she had any relationship with Leonie, whom she referred +to as "that good woman," "the other," who "is not I, she is too stupid." +Eventually a third personality, known as Leonore, appeared who did not +wish to be mistaken for either that "good but stupid woman" Leonie, nor +for the "foolish babbler" Leontine. + +Of these personalities Leonie possessed only her own memories, Leontine +possessed the memories of Leonie and her own, while the memories of +Leonore, who was superior to them both, included Madam B's whole life. + +What is particularly interesting in connection with this phenomenon of +multiple personality is the fact that it reveals in a striking way the +relation of the subconscious to the conscious. The term subconscious, as +it occurs in the literature of psychology, is a word of various +meanings. In general, however, we mean by subconscious a region of +consciousness in which the dissociated memories, the "suppressed +complexes," as they are called, maintain some sort of conscious +existence and exercise an indirect though very positive influence upon +the ideas in the focus of consciousness, and so upon the behavior of the +individual. The subconscious, in short, is the region of the suppressed +memories. They are suppressed because they have come into conflict with +the dominant complex in consciousness which represents the personality +of the individual. + +"Emotional conflicts" have long been the theme of literary analysis and +discussion. In recent years they have become the subject of scientific +investigation. In fact a new school of medical psychology with a vast +literature has grown up around and out of the investigations of the +effects of the suppression of a single instinct--the sexual impulse. A +whole class of nervous disorders, what are known as psychoneuroses, are +directly attributed by Dr. Sigmund Freud and the psychoanalytic school, +as it is called, to these suppressions, many of which consist of +memories that go back to the period of early childhood before the sexual +instinct had attained the form that it has in adults. + +The theory of Freud, stated briefly, amounts to this: As a result of +emotional conflicts considerable portions of the memories of certain +individuals, with the motor impulses connected with them, are thrust +into the background of the mind, that is to say, the subconscious. Such +suppressed memories, with the connected motor dispositions, he first +named "suppressed complexes." Now it is found that these suppressed +complexes, which no longer respond to stimulations as they would under +normal conditions, may still exercise an indirect influence upon the +ideas which are in the focus of consciousness. Under certain conditions +they may not get into consciousness at all but manifest themselves, for +example, in the form of hysterical tics, twitchings, and muscular +convulsions. + +Under other circumstances the ideas associated with the suppressed +complexes tend to have a dominating and controlling place in the life of +the individual. All our ideas that have a sentimental setting are of +this character. We are all of us a little wild and insane upon certain +subjects or in regard to certain persons or objects. In such cases a +very trivial remark or even a gesture will fire one of these loaded +ideas. The result is an emotional explosion, a sudden burst of weeping, +a gust of violent, angry, and irrelevant emotion, or, in case the +feelings are more under control, merely a bitter remark or a chilling +and ironical laugh. It is an interesting fact that a jest may serve as +well to give expression to the "feelings" as an expletive or any other +emotional expression. All forms of fanaticism, fixed ideas, phobias, +ideals, and cherished illusions may be explained as the effects of +mental mechanisms created by the suppressed complexes. + +From what has been said we are not to assume that there is any necessary +and inevitable conflict among ideas. In our dreams and day-dreams, as in +fairyland, our memories come and go in the most disorderly and fantastic +way, so that we may seem to be in two places at the same time, or we may +even be two persons, ourselves and someone else. Everything trips +lightly along, in a fantastic pageant without rhyme or reason. We +discover something of the same freedom when we sit down to speculate +about any subject. All sorts of ideas present themselves; we entertain +them for a moment, then dismiss them and turn our attention to some +other mental picture which suits our purpose better. At such times we do +not observe any particular conflict between one set of ideas and +another. The lion and the lamb lie down peacefully together, and even if +the lamb happens to be inside we are not particularly disturbed. + +Conflict arises between memories when our personal interests are +affected, when our sentiments are touched, when some favorite opinion is +challenged. Conflict arises between our memories when they are connected +with some of our motor dispositions, that is to say, when we begin to +act. Memories which are suppressed as a result of emotional conflicts, +memories associated with established motor dispositions, inevitably tend +to find some sort of direct or symbolic expression. In this way they +give rise to the symptoms which we meet in hysteria and +psychasthenia--fears, phobias, obsessions, and tics, like stammering. + +The suppressed complexes do not manifest themselves in the pathological +forms only, but neither do the activities of the normal complexes give +any clear and unequivocal evidence of themselves in ordinary +consciousness. We are invariably moved to act by motives of which we are +only partially conscious or wholly unaware. Not only is this true, but +the accounts we give to ourselves and others of the motives upon which +we acted are often wholly fictitious, although they may be given in +perfect good faith. + +A simple illustration will serve, however, to indicate how this can be +effected. In what is called post-hypnotic suggestion we have an +illustration of the manner in which the waking mind may be influenced by +impulses of whose origin and significance the subject is wholly unaware. +In a state of hypnotic slumber the suggestion is given that after +awaking the subject will, upon a certain signal, rise and open the +window or turn out the light. He is accordingly awakened and, at the +signal agreed upon while he was in the hypnotic slumber but of which he +is now wholly unconscious, he will immediately carry out the command as +previously given. If the subject is then asked why he opened the window +or turned out the light, he will, in evident good faith, make some +ordinary explanation, as that "it seemed too hot in the room," or that +he "thought the light in the room was disagreeable." In some cases, when +the command given seems too absurd, the subject may not carry it out, +but he will then show signs of restlessness and discomfort, just for +instance as one feels when he is conscious that he has left something +undone which he intended to do, although he can no longer recall what it +was. Sometimes when the subject is not disposed to carry out the command +actually given, he will perform some other related act as a substitute, +just as persons who have an uneasy conscience, while still unwilling to +make restitution or right the wrong which they have committed, will +perform some other act by way of expiation. + +Our moral sentiments and social attitudes are very largely fixed and +determined by our past experiences of which we are only vaguely +conscious. + +"This same principle," as Morton Prince suggests, "underlies what is +called the 'social conscience,' the 'civic' and 'national conscience,' +'patriotism,' 'public opinion,' what the Germans call 'Sittlichkeit,' +the war attitude of mind, etc. All these mental attitudes may be reduced +to common habits of thought and conduct derived from mental experiences +common to a given community and conserved as complexes in the +unconscious of the several individuals of the community." + +Sentiments were first defined and distinguished from the emotions by +Shand, who conceived of them as organizations of the emotions about some +particular object or type of object. Maternal love, for example, +includes the emotions of fear, anger, joy, or sorrow, all organized +about the child. This maternal love is made up of innate tendencies but +is not itself a part of original nature. It is the mother's fostering +care of the child which develops her sentiments toward it, and the +sentiment attaches to any object that is bound up with the life of the +child. The cradle is dear to the mother because it is connected with her +occupation in caring for the child. The material fears for its welfare, +her joy in its achievements, her anger with those who injure or even +disparage it, are all part of the maternal sentiment. + +The mother's sentiment determines her attitude toward her child, toward +other children, and toward children in general. Just as back of every +sensation, perception, or idea there is some sort of motor disposition, +so our attitudes are supported by our sentiments. Back of every +political opinion there is a political sentiment and it is the sentiment +which gives force and meaning to the opinion. + +Thus we may think of opinions merely as representative of a +psycho-physical mechanism, which we may call the sentiment-attitude. +These sentiment-attitudes are to be regarded in turn as organizations of +the original tendencies, the instinct-emotions, about some memory, idea, +or object which is, or once was, the focus and the end for which the +original tendencies thus organized exist. In this way opinions turn out, +in the long run, to rest on original nature, albeit original nature +modified by experience and tradition. + + +C. THE FOUR WISHES: A CLASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL FORCES + + +1. The Wish, the Social Atom[166] + +The Freudian psychology is based on the doctrine of the "wish," just as +physical science is based, today, on the concept of function. Both of +these are what may be called dynamic concepts, rather than static; they +envisage natural phenomena not as things but as processes and largely to +this fact is due their pre-eminent explanatory value. Through the "wish" +the "thing" aspect of mental phenomena, the more substantive "content of +consciousness," becomes somewhat modified and reinterpreted. This +"wish," which as a concept Freud does not analyze, includes all that +would commonly be so classed, and also whatever would be called impulse, +tendency, desire, purpose, attitude, and the like, not including, +however, any emotional components thereof. Freud also acknowledges the +existence of what he calls "negative wishes," and these are not fears +but negative purposes. An exact definition of the "wish" is that it is +_a course of action_ which some mechanism of the body is _set_ to carry +out, whether it actually does so or does not. All emotions, as well as +the feelings of pleasure and displeasure, are separable from the +"wishes," and this precludes any thought of a merely hedonistic +psychology. The wish is any purpose of project for _a course of action_, +whether it is being merely entertained by the mind or is being actually +executed--a distinction which is really of little importance. We shall +do well if we consider this to be, as in fact it is, dependent on a +_motor attitude_ of the physical body, which goes over into overt action +and _conduct_ when the wish is carried into execution. + +It is this "wish" which transforms the principal doctrines of psychology +and recasts the science, much as the "atomic theory" and later the +"ionic theory" have reshaped earlier conceptions of chemistry. This +so-called "wish" becomes the unit of psychology, replacing the older +unit commonly called "sensation," which latter, it is to be noted, was a +_content_ of consciousness unit, whereas the "wish" is a more dynamic +affair. + +Unquestionably the mind is somehow "embodied" in the body. But how? +Well, if the unit of mind and character is a "wish," it is easy enough +to perceive how it is incorporated. It is, this "wish," something which +the body as a piece of mechanism can do--a course of action with regard +to the environment which the machinery of the body is capable of +carrying out. This capacity resides clearly in the parts of which the +body consists and in the way in which these are put together, not so +much in the matter of which the body is composed, as in the forms which +this matter assumes when organized. + +In order to look at this more closely we must go a bit down the +evolutionary series to the fields of biology and physiology. Here we +find much talk of nerves and muscles, sense-organs, reflex arcs, +stimulation, and muscular response, and we feel that somehow these +things do not reach the core of the matter, and that they never can; +that spirit is not nerve or muscle; and that intelligent conduct, to say +nothing of conscious thought, can never be reduced to reflex arcs and +the like--just as a printing press is not merely wheels and rollers, +and still less is it chunks of iron. The biologist has only himself to +thank if he has overlooked a thing which lay directly under his nose. He +has overlooked the _form of organization_ of these his reflex arcs, has +left out of account that step which assembles wheels and rollers into a +printing press, and that which organizes reflex arcs, as we shall +presently see, into an intelligent, conscious creature. Evolution took +this important little step of organization ages ago, and thereby +produced the rudimentary "wish." + +Now in the reflex arc a sense-organ is stimulated and the energy of +stimulation is transformed into nervous energy, which then passes along +an afferent nerve to the central nervous system, passes through this and +out by an efferent or motor nerve to a muscle, where the energy is again +transformed and the muscle contracts. Stimulation at one point of the +animal organism produces contraction at another. The principles of +irritability and of motility are involved, but all further study of +_this_ process will lead us only to the physics and chemistry of the +energy transformations--will lead us, that is, in the direction of +_analysis_. If, however, we inquire in what way such reflexes are +combined or "integrated" into more complicated processes, we shall be +led in exactly the opposite direction, that of _synthesis_, and here we +soon come, as is not surprising, to a synthetic novelty. This is +_specific response_ or _behavior_. + +In this single reflex something is done to a sense-organ and the process +within the organ is comparable to the process in any unstable substance +when the foreign energy strikes it; it is strictly a chemical process, +and so for the conducting nerve, likewise for the contracting muscle. It +happens, as a physiological fact, that in this process stored energy is +released so that a reflex contraction is literally comparable to the +firing of a pistol. But the reflex arc is not "aware" of anything, and +indeed there is nothing more to say about the process unless we should +begin to analyze it. But even two such processes going on together in +one organism are a very different matter. Two such processes require two +sense-organs, two conduction paths, and two muscles; and since we are +considering the result of the two in combination, the relative +anatomical location of these six members is of importance. For +simplicity I will take a hypothetical but strictly possible case. A +small water animal has an eyespot located on each side of its anterior +end; each spot is connected by a nerve with a vibratory silium or fin +on the side of the posterior end; the thrust exerted by each fin is +toward the rear. If, now, light strikes one eye, say the right, the left +fin is set in motion and the animal's body is set rotating toward the +right like a rowboat with one oar. This is all that one such reflex arc +could do for the animal. Since, however, there are now two, when the +animal comes to be turned far enough toward the right so that some of +the light strikes the second eyespot (as will happen when the animal +comes around facing the light), the second fin, on the right side, is +set in motion, and the two together propel the animal forward in a +straight line. The direction of this line will be that in which the +animal lies when its two eyes receive equal amounts of light. In other +words, by the combined operation of two reflexes the animal swims +_toward the light_, while either reflex alone would only have set it +spinning like a top. It now responds specifically in the direction of +the light, whereas before it merely spun when lashed. + +Suppose, now, that it possess a _third_ reflex arc--a "heat spot" so +connected with the same or other fins that when stimulated by a certain +intensity of heat it initiates a nervous impulse which stops the forward +propulsion. The animal is still "lashed," but nevertheless no light can +force it to swim "blindly to its death" by scalding. It has the +rudiments of "intelligence." But so it had before. For as soon as two +reflex arcs capacitate it mechanically to swim _toward light_, it was no +longer exactly like a pinwheel; it could respond specifically toward at +least one thing in its environment. + +It is this objective reference of a process of release that is +significant. The mere reflex does not refer to anything beyond itself; +if it drives an organism in a certain direction, it is only as a rocket +ignited at random shoots off in some direction, depending on how it +happened to lie. But specific response is not merely in some random +direction, it is _toward an object_, and if this object is moved, the +responding organism changes its direction and still moves after it. And +the objective reference is that the organism is _moving with reference +to some object or fact of the environment_. For the organism, while a +very interesting mechanism in itself, is one whose movements turn on +objects outside of itself, much as the orbit of the earth turns upon the +sun; and these external, and sometimes very distant, objects are as much +_constituents_ of the behavior process as is the organism which does +the turning. It is this _pivotal outer object_, the object of specific +response, which seems to me to have been overneglected. + +It is not surprising, then, that in animals as highly organized reflexly +as are many of the invertebrates, even though they should possess no +other principle of action than that of specific response, the various +life-activities should present an appearance of considerable +intelligence. And I believe that in fact this intelligence is solely the +product of accumulated specific responses. Our present point is that the +specific response and the "wish" as Freud uses the term, are one and the +same thing. + + +2. The Freudian Wish[167] + +"If wishes were horses, beggars would ride" is a nursery saw which, in +the light of recent developments in psychology, has come to have a much +more universal application than it was formerly supposed to have. If the +followers of the Freudian school of psychologists can be believed--and +there are many reasons for believing them--all of us, no matter how +apparently contented we are and how well we are supplied with the good +things of the earth, are "beggars," because at one time or another and +in one way or another we are daily betraying the presence of unfulfilled +wishes. Many of these wishes are of such a character that we ourselves +cannot put them into words. Indeed, if they were put into words for us, +we should straightway deny that such a wish is or was ever harbored by +us in our waking moments. But the stretch of time indicated by "waking +moments" is only a minor part of the twenty-four hours. Even during the +time we are not asleep we are often abstracted, day-dreaming, letting +moments go by in reverie. Only during a limited part of our waking +moments are we keenly and alertly "all there" in the possession of our +faculties. There are thus, even apart from sleep, many unguarded moments +when these so-called "repressed wishes" may show themselves. + +In waking moments we wish only for the conventional things which will +not run counter to our social traditions or code of living. But these +open and above-board wishes are not very interesting to the +psychologist. Since they are harmless and call for the kinds of things +that everybody in our circle wishes for, we do not mind admitting them +and talking about them. Open and uncensored wishes are best seen in +children (though children at an early age begin to show repressions). +Only tonight I heard a little girl of nine say: "I wish I were a boy and +were sixteen years old--I'd marry Ann" (her nine-year old companion). +And recently I heard a boy of eight say to his father: "I wish you would +go away forever; then I could marry mother." The spontaneous and +uncensored wishes of children gradually disappear as the children take +on the speech conventions of the adult. But even though the crassness of +the form of expression of the wish disappears with age, there is no +reason to suppose that the human organism ever gets to the point where +wishes just as unconventional as the above do not rise to trouble it. +Such wishes, though, are immediately repressed; we never harbor them nor +do we express them clearly to ourselves in our waking moments. + +The steps by which repression takes place in the simpler cases are not +especially difficult to understand. When the child wants something it +ought not to have, its mother hands it something else and moves the +object about until the child reaches out for it. When the adult strives +for something which society denies him, his environment offers him, if +he is normal, something which is "almost as good," although it may not +wholly take the place of the thing he originally strove for. This in +general is the process of substitution or sublimation. It is never +complete from the first moment of childhood. Consequently it is natural +to suppose that many of the things which have been denied us should at +times beckon to us. But since they are banned they must beckon in +devious ways. These sometime grim specters both of the present and of +the past cannot break through the barriers of our staid and sober waking +moments, so they exhibit themselves, at least to the initiated, in +shadowy form in reverie, and in more substantial form in the slips we +make in conversation and in writing, and in the things we laugh at; but +clearest of all in dreams. I say the meaning is clear to the initiated +because it does require special training and experience to analyze these +seemingly nonsensical slips of tongue and pen, these highly elaborated +and apparently meaningless dreams, into the wishes (instinct and habit +impulses) which gave them birth. It is fortunate for us that we are +protected in this way from having to face openly many of our own wishes +and the wishes of our friends. + +We get our clue to the dream as being a wish fulfilment by taking the +dreams of children. Their dreams are as uncensored as is their +conversation. Before Christmas my own children dreamed nightly that they +had received the things they wanted for Christmas. The dreams were +clear, logical, and open wishes. Why should the dreams of adults be less +logical and less open unless they are to act as concealers of the wish? +If the dream processes in the child run in an orderly and logical way, +would it indeed not be curious to find the dream processes of the adult +less logical and full of meaning? + +This argument gives us good a priori grounds for supposing that the +dreams of adults too are full of meaning and are logical; that there is +a wish in every dream and that the wish is fulfilled in the dream. The +reason dreams appear illogical is due to the fact that if the wish were +to be expressed in its logical form it would not square with our +everyday habits of thought and action. We should be disinclined to admit +even to ourselves that we have such dreams. Immediately upon waking only +so much of the dream is remembered, that is, put into ordinary speech, +as will square with our life at the time. The dream is "censored," in +other words. + +The question immediately arises, who is the censor or what part of us +does the censoring? The Freudians have made more or less of a +"metaphysical entity" out of the censor. They suppose that when wishes +are repressed, they are repressed into the "unconscious," and that this +mysterious censor stands at the trapdoor lying between the conscious and +the unconscious. Many of us do not believe in a world of the unconscious +(a few of us even have grave doubts about the usefulness of the term +consciousness), hence we try to explain censorship along ordinary +biological lines. We believe that one group of habits can "down" another +group of habits--or instincts. In this case our ordinary system of +habits--those which we call expressive of our "real selves"--inhibit or +quench (keep inactive or partially inactive) those habits and +instinctive tendencies which belong largely in the past. + +This conception of the dream as having both censored and uncensored +features has led us to divide the dream into its specious or manifest +content (face value, which is usually nonsensical) and its latent or +logical content. We should say that while the manifest content of the +dream is nonsensical, its true or latent content is usually logical and +expressive of some wish that has been suppressed in the waking state. + +On examination the manifest content of dreams is found to be full of +symbols. As long as the dream does not have to be put into customary +language, it is allowed to stand as it is dreamed--the symbolic features +are uncensored. Symbolism is much more common than is ordinarily +supposed. All early language was symbolic. The language of children and +of savages abounds in symbolism. Symbolic modes of expression both in +art and in literature are among the earliest forms of treating difficult +situations in delicate and inoffensive ways. In other words, symbols in +art are a necessity and serve the same purpose as does the censor in the +dreams. Even those of us who have not an artistic education, however, +have become familiar with the commoner forms of symbolism through our +acquaintance with literature. In the dream, when the more finely +controlled physiological processes are in abeyance, there is a tendency +to revert to the symbolic modes of expression. This has its use, because +on awaking the dream does not shock us, since we make no attempt to +analyze or trace back in the dream the symbol's original meaning. Hence +we find that the manifest content is often filled with symbols which +occasionally give us the clue to the dream analysis. + +The dream then brings surcease from our maladjustments: If we are denied +power, influence, or love by society or by individuals, we can obtain +these desiderata in our dreams. We can possess in dreams the things +which we cannot have by day. In sleep the poor man becomes a Midas, the +ugly woman handsome, the childless woman surrounded by children, and +those who in daily life live upon a crust in their dreams dine like +princes (after living upon canned goods for two months in the Dry +Tortugas, the burden of my every dream was food). Where the wished-for +things are compatible with our daily code, they are remembered on +awaking as they were dreamed. Society, however, will not allow the +unmarried woman to have children, however keen her desire for them. +Hence her dreams in which the wish is gratified are remembered in +meaningless words and symbols. + +Long before the time Freud's doctrine saw the light of day, William +James gave the key to what I believed to be the true explanation of the +wish. Thirty years ago he wrote: + + I am often confronted by the necessity of standing by one of my + selves and relinquishing the rest. Not that I would not, if I + could, be both handsome and fat and well dressed, and a great + athlete, and make a million a year, be a wit, a _bon vivant_, + and a lady-killer, as well as a philosopher, a philanthropist, + a statesman, a warrior, and African explorer, as well as a + "tone-poet" and a saint. But the thing is simply impossible. + The millionaire's work would run counter to the saint's; the + _bon vivant_ and the philanthropist would trip each other up; + the philosopher and the lady-killer could not well keep house + in the same tenement of clay. Such different characters may + conceivably at the outset of life be alike possible to a man. + But to make any one of them actual, the rest must more or less + be suppressed. + +What James is particularly emphasizing here is that the human organism +is instinctively capable of developing along many different lines, but +that due to the stress of civilization some of these instinctive +capacities must be thwarted. In addition to these impulses which are +instinctive, and therefore hereditary, there are many habit impulses +which are equally strong and which for similar reasons must be given up. +The systems of habits we form (i.e., the acts we learn to perform) at +four years of age will not serve us when we are twelve, and those formed +at the age of twelve will not serve us when we become adults. As we pass +from childhood to man's estate, we are constantly having to give up +thousands of activities which our nervous and muscular systems have a +tendency to perform. Some of these instinctive tendencies born with use +are poor heritages; some of the habits we early develop are equally poor +possessions. But, whether they are "good" or "bad," they must give way +as we put on the habits required of adults. Some of them yield with +difficulty and we often get badly twisted in attempting to put them +away, as every psychiatric clinic can testify. It is among these +frustrated impulses that I would find the biological basis of the +unfulfilled wish. Such "wishes" need never have been "conscious" and +_need never have been suppressed into Freud's realm of the unconscious_. +It may be inferred from this that there is no particular reason for +applying the term "wish" to such tendencies. What we discover then in +dreams and in conversational slips and other lapses are really at heart +"reaction tendencies"--tendencies which we need never have faced nor put +into words at any time. On Freud's theory these "wishes" have at one +time been faced and put into words by the individual, and when faced +they were recognized as not squaring with his ethical code. They were +then immediately "repressed into the unconscious." + +A few illustrations may help in understanding how thwarted tendencies +may lay the basis for the so-called unfulfilled wish which later appears +in the dream. One individual becomes a psychologist in spite of his +strong interest in becoming a medical man, because at the time it was +easier for him to get the training along psychological lines. Another +pursues a business career, when, if he had had his choice, he would have +become a writer of plays. Sometimes on account of the care of a mother +or of younger brothers and sisters, a young man cannot marry, even +though the mating instinct is normal; such a course of action +necessarily leaves unfulfilled wishes and frustrated impulses in its +train. Again a young man will marry and settle down when mature +consideration would show that his career would advance much more rapidly +if he were not burdened with a family. Again, an individual marries and +without even admitting to himself that his marriage is a failure he +gradually shuts himself off from any emotional expression--protects +himself from the married state by sublimating his natural domestic ties, +usually in some kind of engrossing work, but often in questionable +ways--by hobbies, speed manias, and excesses of various kinds. In +connection with this it is interesting to note that the automobile, +quite apart from its utilitarian value, is coming to be a widely used +means of repression or wish sublimation. I have been struck by the +enormously increasing number of women drivers. Women in the present +state of society have not the same access to absorbing kinds of works +that men have (which will shortly come to be realized as a crime far +worse than that of the Inquisition). Hence their chances of normal +sublimation are limited. For this reason women seek an outlet by rushing +to the war as nurses, in becoming social workers, pursuing aviation, +etc. Now if I am right in this analysis these unexercised tendencies to +do things other than we are doing are never quite got rid of. We cannot +get rid of them unless we could build ourselves over again so that our +organic machinery would work only along certain lines and only for +certain occupations. Since we cannot completely live these tendencies +down, we are all more or less "unadjusted" and ill adapted. These +maladjustments are exhibited whenever the brakes are off, that is, +whenever our higher and well-developed habits of speech and action are +dormant, as in sleep, in emotional disturbances, etc. + +Many but not all of these "wishes" can be traced to early childhood or +to adolescence, which is a time of stress and strain and a period of +great excitement. In childhood the boy often puts himself in his +father's place; he wishes that he were grown like his father and could +take his father's place, for then his mother would notice him more and +he would not have to feel the weight of authority. The girl likewise +often becomes closely attached to her father and wishes her mother would +die (which in childhood means to disappear or go away) so that she could +be all in all to her father. These wishes, from the standpoint of +popular morality, are perfectly innocent; but as the children grow older +they are told that such wishes are wrong and that they should not speak +in such a "dreadful" way. Such wishes are, then, gradually +suppressed--replaced by some other mode of expression. But the +replacement is often imperfect. The apostle's saying, "When we become +men we put away childish things" was written before the days of +psychoanalysis. + + +3. The Person and His Wishes[168] + +The human being has a great variety of "wishes," ranging from the desire +to have food to the wish to serve humanity. + +Anything capable of being appreciated (wished for) is a "value." Food, +money, a poem, a political doctrine, a religious creed, a member of the +other sex, etc., are values. + +There are also negative values--things which exist but which the +individual does not want, which he may even despise. Liquor or the +Yiddish language may be a positive value for one person and a negative +value for another. + +The state of mind of the individual toward a value is an "attitude." +Love of money, desire for fame, appreciation of a given poem, reverence +for God, hatred of the Jew, are attitudes. + +We divide wishes into four classes: (1) the desire for new experience; +(2) the desire for security; (3) the desire for recognition; (4) the +desire for response. + +1. The desire for new experience is seen in simple forms in the prowling +and meddling activities of the child, and the love of adventure and +travel in the boy and the man. It ranges in moral quality from the +pursuit of game and the pursuit of pleasure to the pursuit of knowledge +and the pursuit of ideals. It is found equally in the vagabond and the +scientific explorer. Novels, theaters, motion pictures, etc., are means +of satisfying this desire vicariously, and their popularity is a sign of +the elemental force of this desire. + +In its pure form the desire for new experience implies motion, change, +danger, instability, social irresponsibility. The individual dominated +by it shows a tendency to disregard prevailing standards and group +interests. He may be a complete failure, on account of his instability; +or a conspicuous success, if he converts his experiences into social +values--puts them in the form of a poem, makes of them a contribution to +science, etc. + +2. The desire for security is opposed to the desire for new experience. +It implies avoidance of danger and death, caution, conservatism. +Incorporation in an organization (family, community, state) provides the +greatest security. In certain animal societies (e.g., the ants) the +organization and co-operation are very rigid. Similarly among the +peasants of Europe, represented by our immigrant groups, all lines of +behavior are predetermined for the individual by tradition. In such a +group the individual is secure as long as the group organization is +secure, but evidently he shows little originality or creativeness. + +3. The desire for recognition expresses itself in devices for securing +distinction in the eyes of the public. A list of the different modes of +seeking recognition would be very long. It would include courageous +behavior, showing off through ornament and dress, the pomp of kings, the +display of opinions and knowledge, the possession of special +attainments--in the arts, for example. It is expressed alike in +arrogance and in humility, even in martyrdom. Certain modes of seeking +recognition we define as "vanity," others as "ambition." The "will to +power" belongs here. Perhaps there has been no spur to human activity so +keen and no motive so naively avowed as the desire for "undying fame," +and it would be difficult to estimate the role the desire for +recognition has played in the creation of social values. + +4. The desire for response is a craving, not for the recognition of the +public at large, but for the more intimate appreciation of individuals. +It is exemplified in mother-love (touch plays an important role in this +connection), in romantic love, family affection, and other personal +attachments. Homesickness and loneliness are expressions of it. Many of +the devices for securing recognition are used also in securing response. + +Apparently these four classes comprehend all the positive wishes. Such +attitudes as anger, fear, hate, and prejudice are attitudes toward those +objects which may frustrate a wish. + +Our hopes, fears, inspirations, joys, sorrows are bound up with these +wishes and issue from them. There is, of course, a kaleidoscopic +mingling of wishes throughout life, and a single given act may contain a +plurality of them. Thus when a peasant emigrates to America he may +expect to have a good time and learn many things (new experience), to +make a fortune (greater security), to have a higher social standing on +his return (recognition), and to induce a certain person to marry him +(response). + +The "character" of the individual is determined by the nature of the +organization of his wishes. The dominance of any one of the four types +of wishes is the basis of our ordinary judgment of his character. Our +appreciation (positive or negative) of the character of the individual +is based on his display of certain wishes as against others, and on his +modes of seeking their realization. + +The individual's attitude toward the totality of his attitudes +constitutes his conscious "personality." The conscious personality +represents the conception of self, the individual's appreciation of his +own character. + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + +Literature on the concept of social forces falls under four heads: (1) +popular notions of social forces; (2) social forces and history; (3) +interests, sentiments, and attitudes as social forces; and (4) wishes as +social forces. + + +1. Popular Notions of Social Forces + +The term "social forces" first gained currency in America with the rise +of the "reformers," so called, and with the growth of popular interest +in the problems of city life; that is, labor and capital, municipal +reform and social welfare, problems of social politics. + +In the rural community the individual had counted; in the city he is +likely to be lost. It was this declining weight of the individual in the +life of great cities, as compared with that of impersonal social +organizations, the parties, the unions, and the clubs, that first +suggested, perhaps, the propriety of the term social forces. In 1897 +Washington Gladden published a volume entitled _Social Facts and Forces: +the Factory, the Labor Union, the Corporation, the Railway, the City, +the Church_. The term soon gained wide currency and general acceptance. + +At the twenty-eighth annual National Conference of Charities and +Correction, at Washington, D.C., Mary E. Richmond read a paper upon +"Charitable Co-operation" in which she presented a diagram and a +classification of the social forces of the community from the point of +view of the social worker[169] given on page 492. + +Beginning in October, 1906, there appeared for several years in the +journal of social workers, _Charities and Commons_, now _The Survey_, +editorial essays upon social, industrial, and civic questions under the +heading "Social Forces." In the first article E. T. Devine made the +following statement: "In this column the editor intends to have his say +from month to month about the persons, books, and events which have +significance as social forces.... Not all the social forces are +obviously forces of good, although they are all under the ultimate +control of a power which makes for righteousness." + +[Illustration: DIAGRAM OF FORCES WITH WHICH THE CHARITY WORKER MAY +CO-OPERATE + +A. Family Forces B. Personal Forces C. Neighborhood Forces D. Civic +Forces E. Private Charitable Forces F. Public Relief Forces + + +A.--_Family Forces._ + Capacity of each member for + Affection + Training + Endeavor + Social development. +B.--_Personal Forces._ + Kindred. + Friends. +C.--_Neighborhood Forces._ + Neighbors, landlords, tradesmen. + Former and present employers. + Clergymen, Sunday-school teachers, fellow church members. + Doctors. + Trade-unions, fraternal and benefit societies, social clubs, + fellow-workmen. + Libraries, educational clubs, classes, settlements, etc. + Thrift agencies, savings-banks, stamp-savings, building and + loan associations. +D.--_Civic Forces._ + School-teachers, truant officers. + Police, police magistrates, probation officers, reformatories. + Health department, sanitary inspectors, factory inspectors. + Postmen. + Parks, baths, etc. +E.--_Private Charitable Forces._ + Charity organization society. + Church of denomination to which family belongs. + Benevolent individuals. + National, special, and general relief societies. + Charitable employment agencies and work-rooms. + Fresh-air society, children's aid society, society for protection of +children, children's homes, etc. + District nurses, sick-diet kitchens, dispensaries, hospitals, etc. + Society for suppression of vice, prisoner's aid society, etc. +F.--_Public Relief Forces._ + Almshouses. + Outdoor poor department. + Public hospitals and dispensaries.] + +Ten years later a group of members in the National Conference of Social +Work formed a division under the title "The Organization of the Social +Forces of the Community." The term community, in connection with that of +social forces, suggests that every community may be conceived as a +definite constellation of social forces. In this form the notion has +been fruitful in suggesting a more abstract, intelligible, and, at the +same time, sounder conception of the community life. + +Most of the social surveys made in recent years are based upon this +conception of the community as a complex of social forces embodied in +institutions and organizations. It is the specific task of every +community survey to reveal the community in its separated and often +isolated organs. The references to the literature on the community +surveys at the conclusion of chapter iii, "Society and the Group,"[170] +will be of service in a further study of the application of the concept +of social forces to the study of the community. + + +2. Social Forces and History + +Historians, particularly in recent years, have frequently used the +expression "social forces" although they have nowhere defined it. Kuno +Francke, in the Preface of his book entitled _A History of German +Literature as Determined by Social Forces_, states that it "is an honest +attempt to analyze the social, religious, and moral forces which +determined the growth of German literature as a whole." Taine in the +Preface to _The Ancient Regime_ says: "Without taking any side, +curiosity becomes scientific and centres on the secret forces which +direct the wonderful process. These forces consist of the situations, +the passions, the ideas, and the wills of each group of actors, and +which can be defined and almost measured."[171] + +It is in the writings of historians, like Taine in France, Buckle in +England, and Karl Lamprecht in Germany, who started out with the +deliberate intention of writing history as if it were natural history, +that we find the first serious attempts to use the concept of social +forces in historical analysis. Writers of this school are quite as much +interested in the historical process as they are in historical fact, and +there is a constant striving to treat the individual as representative +of the class, and to define historical tendencies in general and +abstract terms. + +But history conceived in those terms tends to become sociology. +"History," says Lamprecht, "is a _socio-psychological science_. In the +conflict between the old and the new tendencies in historical +investigation, the main question has to do with social-psychic, as +compared and contrasted with individual-psychic factors; or to speak +somewhat generally, the understanding on the one hand of conditions, on +the other of heroes, as the motive powers in the course of +history."[172] It was Carlyle--whose conception of history is farthest +removed from that of Lamprecht--who said, "Universal history is at +bottom the history of great men." + +The criticism of history by historians and the attempts, never quite +successful, to make history positive furnish further interesting comment +on this topic.[173] + + +3. Interest, Sentiments, and Attitudes as Social Forces + +More had been written, first and last, about human motives than any +other aspect of human life. Only in very recent years, however, have +psychologists and social psychologists had either a point of view or +methods of investigation which enabled them to analyze and explain the +facts. The tendency of the older introspective psychology was to refer +in general terms to the motor tendencies and the will, but in the +analysis of sensation and the intellectual processes, will disappeared. + +The literature on this subject covers all that has been written by the +students of animal behavior and instinct, Lloyd Morgan, Thorndike, +Watson, and Loeb. It includes the interesting studies of human behavior +by Bechterew, Pavlow, and the so-called objective school of psychology +in Russia. It should include likewise writers like Graham Wallas in +England, Carleton Parker and Ordway Tead in America, who are seeking to +apply the new science of human nature to the problems of society.[174] + +Every social science has been based upon some theory, implicit or +explicit, of human motives. Economics, political science, and ethics, +before any systematic attempt had been made to study the matter +empirically, had formulated theories of human nature to justify their +presuppositions and procedures. + +In classical political economy the single motive of human action was +embodied in the abstraction "the economic man." The utilitarian school +of ethics reduced all human motives to self-interest. Disinterested +conduct was explained as enlightened self-interest. This theory was +criticized as reducing the person to "an intellectual calculating +machine." The theory of evolution suggested to Herbert Spencer a new +interpretation of human motives which reasserted their individualistic +origin, but explained altruistic sentiments as the slowly accumulated +products of evolution. Altruism to Spencer was the enlightened +self-interest of the race. + +It was the English economists of the eighteenth century who gave us the +first systematic account of modern society in deterministic terms. The +conception of society implicit in Adam Smith's _Wealth of Nations_ +reflects at once the temper of the English people and of the age in +which he lived.[175] The eighteenth century was the age of +individualism, laissez faire and freedom. Everything was in process of +emancipation except woman. + +The attention of economists at this time was directed to that region of +social life in which the behavior of the individual is most +individualistic and least controlled, namely, the market place. The +economic man, as the classical economists conceived him, is more +completely embodied in the trader in the auction pit, than in any other +figure in any other situation in society. And the trader in that +position performs a very important social function.[176] + +There are, however, other social situations which have created other +social types, and the sociologists have, from the very first, directed +their attention to a very different aspect of social life, namely, its +unity and solidarity. Comte conceived humanity in terms of the family, +and most sociologists have been disposed to take the family as +representative of the type of relations they are willing to call social. +Not the auction pit but the family has been the basis of the +sociological conception of society. Not competition but control has been +the central fact and problem of sociology. + +Socialization, when that word is used as a term of appreciation rather +than of description, sets up as the goal of social effort a world in +which conflict, competition, and the externality of individuals, if they +do not disappear altogether, will be so diminished that all men may live +together as members of one family. This, also, is the goal of progress +according to our present major prophet, H. G. Wells.[177] + +It is intelligible, therefore, that sociologists should conceive of +social forces in other terms than self-interest. If there had been no +other human motives than those attributed to the economic man there +would have been economics but no sociology, at least in the sense in +which we conceive it today. + +In the writings of Ratzenhofer and Small human interests are postulated +as both the unconscious motives and the conscious ends of behavior. +Small's classification of interests--health, wealth, sociability, +knowledge, beauty, rightness--has secured general acceptance. + +"Sentiment" was used by French writers, Ribot, Binet, and others, as a +general term for the entire field of affective life. A. F. Shand in two +articles in _Mind_, "Character and the Emotions" and "Ribot's Theory of +the Passions," has made a distinct contribution by distinguishing the +sentiments from the emotions. Shand pointed out that the sentiment, as a +product of social experience, is an organization of emotions around the +idea of an object. McDougall in his _Social Psychology_ adopted Shand's +definition and described the organization of typical sentiments, as love +and hate. + +Thomas was the first to make fruitful use of the term attitude, which he +defined as a "tendency to act." Incidentally he points out that +attitudes are social, that is, the product of interaction. + + +4. Wishes and Social Forces + +Ward had stated that "The social forces are wants seeking satisfaction +through efforts, and are thus social motives or motors inspiring +activities which either create social structures through social synergy +or modify the structures already created through innovation and +conation."[178] Elsewhere Ward says that "desire is the only motive to +action."[179] + +The psychoanalytic school of psychiatrists have attempted to reduce all +motives to one--the wish, or _libido_. Freud conceived that sex appetite +and memories connected with it were the unconscious sources of some if +not all of the significant forms of human behavior. Freud's +interpretation of sex, however, seemed to include the whole field of +desires that have their origin in touch stimulations. To Jung the +_libido_ is vital energy motivating the life-adjustments of the person. +Adler from his study of organic inferiority interpreted the _libido_ as +the wish for completeness or perfection. Curiously enough, these critics +of Freud, while not accepting his interpretation of the unconscious +wish, still seek to reduce all motives to a single unit. To explain all +behavior by one formula, however, is to explain nothing. + +On the other hand, interpretation by a multitude of unrelated conscious +desires in the fashion of the older sociological literature is no great +advance beyond the findings of common sense. The distinctive value of +the definition, and classification, of Thomas lies in the fact that it +reduces the multitude of desires to four. These four wishes, however, +determine the simplest as well as the most complex behavior of persons. +The use made of this method in his study of the Polish peasant indicated +its possibilities for the analysis of the organization of the life of +persons and of social groups. + + +SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY + + +I. POPULAR NOTION OF SOCIAL FORCES + +(1) Patten, Simon N. _The Theory of Social Forces._ Philadelphia, 1896. + +(2) Gladden, Washington. _Social Facts and Forces._ The factory, the +labor union, the corporation, the railway, the city, the church. New +York, 1897. + +(3) Richmond, Mary. "Charitable Co-operation," _Proceedings of the +National Conference of Charities and Correction_, 1901, pp. 298-313. +(Contains "Diagram of Forces with which Charity Worker may Co-operate.") + +(4) Devine, Edward T. _Social Forces._ From the editor's page of _The +Survey_. New York, 1910. + +(5) Edie, Lionel D., Editor. _Current Social and Industrial Forces._ +Introduction by James Harvey Robinson. New York, 1920. + +(6) Burns, Allen T. "Organization of Community Forces for the Promotion +of Social Programs," _Proceedings of the National Conference of +Charities and Correction_, 1916, pp. 62-78. + +(7) _Social Forces._ A topical outline with bibliography. Wisconsin +Woman's Suffrage Association, Educational Committee. Madison, Wis., +1915. + +(8) Wells, H. G. _Social Forces in England and America._ London and New +York, 1914. + + +II. HISTORICAL TENDENCIES AS SOCIAL FORCES + +(1) Lamprecht, Karl. _What Is History?_ Five lectures on the modern +science of history. Translated from the German by E. A. Andrews. London +and New York, 1905. + +(2) Loria, A. _The Economic Foundations of Society._ Translated from the +2d French ed. by L. M. Keasbey. London and New York, 1899. + +(3) Beard, Charles A. _An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of +the United States._ New York, 1913. + +(4) Brandes, Georg. _Main Currents in Nineteenth-Century Literature._ 6 +vols. London, 1906. + +(5) Taine, H. A. _The Ancient Regime._ Translated from the French by +John Durand. New York, 1891. + +(6) Buckle, Henry Thomas. _History of Civilization in England._ 2 vols. +New York, 1892. + +(7) Lacombe, Paul. _De l'histoire consideree comme science._ Paris, +1894. + +(8) Francke, Kuno. _Social Forces in German Literature._ A study in the +history of civilization. New York, 1896. + +(9) Hart, A. B. _Social and Economic Forces in American History._ From +_The American Nation, A History_. London and New York, 1904. + +(10) Turner, Frederick J. _Social Forces in American History, The +American Historical Review_, XVI (1910-11), 217-33. + +(11) Woods, F. A. _The Influence of Monarchs._ Steps in a new science of +history. New York, 1913. + + +III. INTERESTS AND WANTS + + +A. _Interests, Desires, and Wants as Defined by the Sociologist_ + +(1) Ward, Lester F. _Dynamic Sociology, or Applied Social Science._ As +based upon statical sociology and the less complex sciences. "The Social +Forces," I, 468-699. New York, 1883. + +(2) ----. _Pure Sociology._ A treatise on the origin and spontaneous +development of society. Chap. xii, "Classification of the Social +Forces," pp. 256-65. New York, 1903. + +(3) ----. _The Psychic Factors of Civilization._ Chap. ix, "The +Philosophy of Desire," pp. 50-58, chap. xviii, "The Social Forces," pp. +116-24. Boston, 1901. + +(4) Small, Albion W. _General Sociology._ Chaps. xxvii and xxxi, pp. +372-94; 425-42. Chicago, 1905. + +(5) Ross, Edward A. _The Principles of Sociology._ Part II, "Social +Forces," pp. 41-73. New York, 1920. + +(6) Blackmar, F. W., and Gillin, J. L. _Outlines of Sociology._ Part +III, chap ii, "Social Forces," pp. 283-315. New York, 1915. + +(7) Hayes, Edward C. "The 'Social Forces' Error," _American Journal of +Sociology_, XVI (1910-11), 613-25; 636-44. + +(8) Fouillee, Alfred. _Education from a National Standpoint._ Translated +from the French by W. J. Greenstreet. Chap. i, pp. 10-27. New York, +1892. + +(9) ----. _Morale des idees-forces._ 2d ed. Paris, 1908. [Book II, Part +II, chap. iii, pp. 290-311, describes opinion, custom, law, education +from the point of view of "Idea-Forces."] + + +B. _Interests and Wants as Defined by the Economist_ + +(1) Hermann, F. B. W. v. _Staatswirthschaftliche Untersuchungen._ Chap. +ii. Muenchen, 1870. [First of the modern attempts to classify wants.] + +(2) Walker, F. A. _Political Economy._ 3d ed. New York, 1888. [See +discussion of competition, pp. 91-111.] + +(3) Marshall, Alfred. _Principles of Economics._ An introductory volume. +Chap. ii, "Wants in Relation to Activities," pp. 86-91. 6th ed. London, +1910. + +(4) ----. "Some Aspects of Competition," _Journal of the Royal +Statistical Society._ Sec. VII, "Modern Analysis of the Motives of +Business Competition," LIII (1890), 634-37. [See also Sec. VIII, +"Growing Importance of Public Opinion as an Economic Force," pp. +637-41.] + +(5) Menger, Karl. _Grundsatze der Volkswirthschaftslehre._ Chap. ii, +Wien, 1871. + +(6) ----. _Untersuchungen ueber die Methode der Socialwissenschaften und +der politischen Oekonomie insbesondere._ Chap. vii, "Ueber das Dogma," +etc. Leipzig, 1883. + +(7) Jevons, W. S. _The Theory of Political Economy._ Chap. ii, "Theory +of Pleasure and Pain," pp. 28-36; "The Laws of Human Wants," pp. 39-43. +4th ed. London, 1911. + +(8) Bentham, Jeremy. "A Table of the Springs of Action." Showing the +several species of pleasures and pains of which man's nature is +susceptible; together with the several species of _interests_, _desires_ +and _motives_ respectively corresponding to them; and the several sets +of appellatives, _neutral_, _eulogistic_, and _dyslogistic_, by which +each species of _motive_ is wont to be designated. [First published in +1817.] _The Works of Jeremy Bentham_, I, 195-219. London, 1843. + + +C. _Wants and Values_ + +(1) Kreibig, Josef K. _Psychologische Grundlegung eines Systems der +Wert-Theorie._ Wien, 1902. + +(2) Simmel, Georg. _Einleitung in die Moralwissenschaft._ Eine Kritik +der ethischen Grundbegriffe. Vol. I, chap. iv, "Die Glueckseligkeit." 2 +vols. Berlin, 1904-05. + +(3) Meinong, Alexius. _Psychologische-ethische Untersuchungen zur +Wert-Theorie._ Graz, 1894. + +(4) Ehrenfels, Chrn. v. _System der Wert-Theorie._ 2 vols. Leipzig, +1897-98. + +(5) Brentano, Franz. _Psychologie vom empirischen Standpunkte._ Chap. +vi-ix, pp. 256-350. Leipzig, 1874. + +(6) Urban, Wilbur Marshall. _Valuation, Its Nature and Laws._ Being an +introduction to the general theory of value. London, 1909. + +(7) Cooley, Charles H. _Social Process._ Part VI, "Valuation," pp. +283-348. New York, 1918. + + +IV. SENTIMENTS, ATTITUDES, AND WISHES + +(1) White, W. A. _Mechanisms of Character Formation._ An introduction to +psychoanalysis. New York, 1916. + +(2) Pfister, Oskar. _The Psychoanalytic Method._ Translated from the +German by Dr. C.R. Payne. New York, 1917. + +(3) Jung, Carl G. _Analytical Psychology._ Translated from the German by +Dr. Constance E. Long. New York, 1916. + +(4) Adler, Alfred. _The Neurotic Constitution._ Outlines of a +comparative individualistic psychology and psychotherapy. Translated +from the German by Bernard Glueck. New York, 1917. + +(5) Freud, Sigmund. _General Introduction to Psychoanalysis._ New York, +1920. + +(6) Tridon, Andre. _Psychoanalysis and Behavior._ New York, 1920. + +(7) Holt, Edwin B. _The Freudian Wish and Its Place in Ethics._ New +York, 1915. + +(8) Mercier, C.A. _Conduct and Its Disorders Biologically Considered._ +London, 1911. + +(9) Bechterew, W. v. _La psychologie objective._ Translated from the +Russian. Paris, 1913. + +(10) Kostyleff, N. _Le mecanisme cerebral de la pensee._ Paris, 1914. + +(11) Bentley, A. F. _The Process of Government._ A study of social +pressures. Chicago, 1908. + +(12) Veblen, T. _The Theory of the Leisure Class._ An economic study in +the evolution of institutions. New York, 1899. [Discusses the wish for +recognition.] + +(13) ----. _The Instinct of Workmanship._ And the state of the +industrial arts. New York, 1914. [Discusses the wish for recognition.] + +(14) McDougall, William. _An Introduction to Social Psychology._ Chaps. +v-vi, pp. 121-73. 13th ed. Boston, 1918. + +(15) Shand, A. F. "Character and the Emotions," _Mind._, n. s., V +(1896), 203-26. + +(16) ----. "M. Ribot's Theory of the Passions," _Mind._, n. s., XVI +(1907), 477-505. + +(17) ----. _The Foundations of Character._ Being a study of the +tendencies of the emotions and sentiments. Chaps. iv-v, "The Systems of +the Sentiments," pp. 35-63. London, 1914. + +(18) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and +America._ III, 5-81. Boston, 1919. + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. The Concept of Forces in the Natural Sciences. + +2. Historical Interpretation and Social Forces. + +3. The Concept of Social Forces in Recent Studies of the Local +Community. + +4. Institutions as Social Forces: The Church, the Press, the School, +etc. + +5. Institutions as Organizations of Social Forces: Analysis of a Typical +Institution, Its Organization, Dominant Personalities, etc. + +6. Persons as Social Forces: Analysis of the Motives determining the +Behavior of a Dominant Personality in a Typical Social Group. + +7. Group Opinion as a Social Force. + +8. Tendencies, Trends, and the Spirit of the Age. + +9. History of the Concepts of Attitudes, Sentiments, and Wishes as +Defined in Psychology, Psychoanalysis, and Sociology. + +10. Attitudes as the Organizations of Wishes. + +11. The Freudian Wish. + +12. Personal and Social Disorganization from the Standpoint of the Four +Wishes. + +13. The Law of the Four Wishes: All the Wishes Must Be Realized. A Wish +of One Type, Recognition, Is Not a Substitute for a Wish of Another +Type, Response. + +14. The Dominant Wish: Its Role in the Organization of the Person and of +the Group. + +15. Typical Attitudes: Familism, Individualism, "Oppressed Nationality +Psychosis," Race Prejudice. + +16. The Mutability of the Sentiment-Attitude: Love and Hate, Self-esteem +and Humility, etc. + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. Make a list of the outstanding social forces affecting social life in +a community which you know. What is the value of such an analysis? + +2. How does Simons use the term "social forces" in analyzing the course +of events in American history? + +3. In what sense do you understand Ely to use the term "social forces"? + +4. Would there be, in your opinion, a social tendency without conflict +with other tendencies? + +5. How far is it correct to predict from present tendencies what the +future will be? + +6. What do you understand by _Zeitgeist_, "trend of the times," "spirit +of the age"? + +7. What do you understand by public opinion? How does it originate? + +8. Is legislation in the United States always a result of public +opinion? + +9. Does the trend of public opinion determine corporate action? + +10. Is public opinion the same as the sum of the opinion of the members +of the group? + +11. What is the relation of social forces to interaction? + +12. Is it possible to study trends, tendencies, and public opinion as +integrations of interests, sentiments, and attitudes? + +13. Are desires the fundamental "social elements"? + +14. What do you understand Small to mean when he says, "The last +elements to which we can reduce the actions of human beings are units +which we may conveniently name 'interests'"? + +15. What is Small's classification of interests? Do you regard it as +satisfactory? + +16. What do you think is the difference between an impulse and an +interest? + +17. Do people behave according to their interests or their impulses? + +18. Make a chart showing the difference in interests of six persons with +whom you are acquainted. + +19. Make a chart indicating the variations in interests of six selected +groups. + +20. What difference is there, in your opinion, between interests and +social pressures? + +21. Do you consider the following statement of Bentley's correct: "No +slaves, not the worst abused of all, but help to form the government"? + +22. Does the group exert social pressure upon its members? Give +illustrations. + +23. What do you understand to be the differences between an idea and an +idea-force? + +24. Give illustrations of idea-forces. + +25. Are there any ideas that are not idea-forces? + +26. What do you understand by a sentiment? + +27. What is the difference between an interest and a sentiment? Give an +illustration of each. + +28. Are sentiments or interests more powerful in influencing the +behavior of a person or of a group? + +29. What do you understand by a social attitude? + +30. What is a mental conflict? + +31. To what extent does unconsciousness rather than consciousness +determine the behavior of a person? Give an illustration where the +behavior of a person was inconsistent with his rational determination. + +32. What do you understand by mental complexes? + +33. What is the relation of memory to mental complexes? + +34. What do you understand by personality? What is its relation to +mental complexes? + +35. What is meant by common sense? + +36. How does Holt define the Freudian wish? + +37. What distinction does he make between the wish and the motor +attitude? + +38. How would you illustrate the difference between an attitude and a +wish as defined in the introduction? + +39. How far would you say that the attitude may be described as an +organization of the wishes? + +40. How far is the analogy between the wish as the social atom and the +attitude as the social element justified? + +41 What is the "psychic censor"? + +42. What is the Freudian theory of repression? Is repression conscious +or unconscious? + +43. What is the relation of wishes to occupational selection? + +44. Give illustrations of the "four wishes." + +45. Describe a person in terms of the type of expression of these four +wishes. + +46. What social problems arise because of the repression of certain +wishes? + +47. "Wishes in one class cannot be substituted for wishes in another." +Do you agree? Elaborate your position. + +48. Analyze the organization of a group from the standpoint of the four +wishes. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[157] Adapted from A. M. Simons, in the Preface to _Social Forces in +American History_, pp. vii-viii. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1912. +Reprinted by permission.) + +[158] Adapted from Richard T. Ely, _Evolution of Industrial Society_, +pp. 456-84. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1903. Reprinted by +permission.) + +[159] Adapted from A. V. Dicey, _Law and Public Opinion in England_, pp. +19-41. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1905. Reprinted by permission.) + +[160] Adapted from Albion W. Small, _General Sociology_, pp. 532-36. +(The University of Chicago Press, 1905.) + +[161] Adapted from Albion W. Small, _General Sociology_, pp. 425-36. +(The University of Chicago Press, 1905.) + +[162] Adapted from Arthur F. Bentley, _The Process of Government_, pp. +258-381. (The University of Chicago Press, 1908.) + +[163] Adapted from Alfred Fouillee, _Education from a National +Standpoint_, pp. 10-16. (D. Appleton & Co., 1897.) + +[164] Adapted from William McDougall, _An Introduction to Social +Psychology_, pp. 121-64. (John W. Luce & Co., 1916.) + +[165] From Robert E. Park, _Principles of Human Behavior_, pp. 18-34. +(The Zalaz Corporation, 1915.) + +[166] Adapted from Edwin B. Holt, _The Freudian Wish and Its Place in +Ethics_, pp. 3-56. (Henry Holt & Co., 1915.) + +[167] Adapted from John B. Watson, "The Psychology of Wish Fulfillment," +in the _Scientific Monthly_, III (1916), 479-86. + +[168] A restatement from a paper by William I. Thomas, "The Persistence +of Primary-Group Norms in Present-Day Society," in Jennings, Watson, +Meyer, and Thomas, _Suggestions of Modern Science Concerning Education_. +(Published by The Macmillan Co., 1917. Reprinted by permission.) + +[169] _Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and +Correction_, 1901, p. 300. + +[170] See p. 219. + +[171] H. A. Taine, _The Ancient Regime_, Preface, p. viii. (New York, +1891.) + +[172] Karl Lamprecht, _What Is History?_ p. 3. (New York, 1905.) + +[173] See chap. i, _Sociology and the Social Sciences_, pp. 6-12. + +[174] See references, chap. ii, "Human Nature," p. 149. + +[175] For a discussion of the philosophical background of Adam Smith's +political philosophy see Wilhelm Hasbach, _Untersuchungen ueber Adam +Smith_. (Leipzig, 1891.) + +[176] "The science of Political Economy as we have it in England may be +defined as the science of business, such as business is in large +productive and trading communities. It is an analysis of that world so +familiar to many Englishmen--the 'great commerce' by which England has +become rich. It assumes the principal facts which make that commerce +possible, and as is the way of an abstract science it isolates and +simplifies them: it detaches them from the confusion with which they are +mixed in fact. And it deals too with the men who carry on that commerce, +and who make it possible. It assumes a sort of human nature such as we +see everywhere around us, and again it simplifies that human nature; it +looks at one part of it only. Dealing with matters of 'business,' it +assumes that man is actuated only by motives of business. It assumes +that every man who makes anything, makes it for money, that he always +makes that which brings him in most at least cost, and that he will make +it in the way that will produce most and spend least; it assumes that +every man who buys, buys with his whole heart, and that he who sells, +sells with his whole heart, each wanting to gain all possible advantage. +Of course we know that this is not so, that men are not like this; but +we assume it for simplicity's sake, as an hypothesis."--Walter Bagehot, +_The Postulates of English Political Economy_. (New York and London, +1885.) + +[177] H. G. Wells, _The Outline of History_, Vol. II, pp. 579-95. (New +York, 1920.) + +[178] _Pure Sociology_, p. 261. (New York, 1903.) + +[179] _Dynamic Sociology_, II, 90.(New York, 1883.) + + + + +CHAPTER VIII + +COMPETITION + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. Popular Conception of Competition + +Competition, as a universal phenomenon, was first clearly conceived and +adequately described by the biologists. As defined in the evolutionary +formula "the struggle for existence" the notion captured the popular +imagination and became a commonplace of familiar discourse. Prior to +that time competition had been regarded as an economic rather than a +biological phenomenon. + +It was in the eighteenth century and in England that we first find any +general recognition of the new role that commerce and the middleman were +to play in the modern world. "Competition is the life of trade" is a +trader's maxim, and the sort of qualified approval that it gives to the +conception of competition contains the germ of the whole philosophy of +modern industrial society as that doctrine was formulated by Adam Smith +and the physiocrats. + +The economists of the eighteenth century were the first to attempt to +rationalize and justify the social order that is based on competition +and individual freedom. They taught that there was a natural harmony in +the interests of men, which once liberated would inevitably bring about, +in the best of all possible worlds, the greatest good to the greatest +number. + +The individual man, in seeking his own profit, will necessarily seek to +produce and sell that which has most value for the community, and so "he +is in this, as in many other cases," as Adam Smith puts it, "led by an +invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention." + +The conception has been stated with even greater unction by the French +writer, Frederic Bastiat. + + Since goods which seem at first to be the exclusive property of + individuals become by the estimable decrees of a wise + providence [competition] the common possession of all; since + the natural advantages of situation, the fertility, + temperature, mineral richness of the soil and even industrial + skill do not accrue to the producers, because of competition + among themselves, but contribute so much the more to the profit + of the consumer; it follows that there is no country that is + not interested in the advancement of all the others.[180] + +The freedom which commerce sought and gained upon the principle of +laissez faire has enormously extended the area of competition and in +doing so has created a world-economy where previously there were only +local markets. It has created at the same time a division of labor that +includes all the nations and races of men and incidentally has raised +the despised middleman to a position of affluence and power undreamed of +by superior classes of any earlier age. And now there is a new demand +for the control of competition in the interest, not merely of those who +have not shared in the general prosperity, but in the interest of +competition itself. + +"Unfair competition" is an expression that is heard at the present time +with increasing frequency. This suggests that there are rules governing +competition by which, in its own interest, it can and should be +controlled. The same notion has found expression in the demand for +"freedom of competition" from those who would safeguard competition by +controlling it. Other voices have been raised in denunciation of +competition because "competition creates monopoly." In other words, +competition, if carried to its logical conclusion, ends in the +annihilation of competition. In this destruction of competition by +competition we seem to have a loss of freedom by freedom, or, to state +it in more general terms, unlimited liberty, without social control, +ends in the negation of freedom and the slavery of the individual. But +the limitation of competition by competition, it needs to be said, means +simply that the process of competition tends invariably to establish an +equilibrium. + +The more fundamental objection is that in giving freedom to economic +competition society has sacrificed other fundamental interests that are +not directly involved in the economic process. In any case economic +freedom exists in an order that has been created and maintained by +society. Economic competition, as we know it, presupposes the existence +of the right of private property, which is a creation of the state. It +is upon this premise that the more radical social doctrines, communism +and socialism, seek to abolish competition altogether. + + +2. Competition a Process of Interaction + +Of the four great types of interaction--competition, conflict, +accommodation, and assimilation--competition is the elementary, +universal and fundamental form. Social contact, as we have seen, +initiates interaction. But competition, strictly speaking, is +_interaction without social contact_. If this seems, in view of what has +already been said, something of a paradox, it is because in human +society competition is always complicated with other processes, that is +to say, with conflict, assimilation, and accommodation. + +It is only in the plant community that we can observe the process of +competition in isolation, uncomplicated with other social processes. The +members of a plant community live together in a relation of mutual +interdependence which we call social probably because, while it is close +and vital, it is not biological. It is not biological because the +relation is a merely external one and the plants that compose it are not +even of the same species. They do not interbreed. The members of a plant +community adapt themselves to one another as all living things adapt +themselves to their environment, but there is no conflict between them +because they are not conscious. Competition takes the form of conflict +or rivalry only when it becomes conscious, when competitors identify one +another as rivals or as enemies. + +This suggests what is meant by the statement that competition is +interaction _without social contact_. It is only when minds meet, only +when the meaning that is in one mind is communicated to another mind so +that these minds mutually influence one another, that social contact, +properly speaking, may be said to exist. + +On the other hand, social contacts are not limited to contacts of touch +or sense or speech, and they are likely to be more intimate and more +pervasive than we imagine. Some years ago the Japanese, who are brown, +defeated the Russians, who are white. In the course of the next few +months the news of this remarkable event penetrated, as we afterward +learned, uttermost ends of the earth. It sent a thrill through all Asia +and it was known in the darkest corners of Central Africa. Everywhere it +awakened strange and fantastic dreams. This is what is meant by social +contact. + +a) _Competition and competitive co-operation._--Social contact, which +inevitably initiates conflict, accommodation, or assimilation, +invariably creates also sympathies, prejudices, personal and moral +relations which modify, complicate, and control competition. On the +other hand, within the limits which the cultural process creates, and +custom, law, and tradition impose, competition invariably tends to +create an impersonal social order in which each individual, being free +to pursue his own profit, and, in a sense, compelled to do so, makes +every other individual a means to that end. In doing so, however, he +inevitably contributes through the mutual exchange of services so +established to the common welfare. It is just the nature of the trading +transaction to isolate the motive of profit and make it the basis of +business organization, and so far as this motive becomes dominant and +exclusive, business relations inevitably assume the impersonal character +so generally ascribed to them. + +"Competition," says Walker, "is opposed to sentiment. Whenever any +economic agent does or forbears anything under the influence of any +sentiment other than the desire of giving the least and gaining the most +he can in exchange, be that sentiment patriotism, or gratitude, or +charity, or vanity, leading him to do otherwise than as self interest +would prompt, in that case also, the rule of competition is departed +from. Another rule is for the time substituted."[181] + +This is the significance of the familiar sayings to the effect that one +"must not mix business with sentiment," that "business is business," +"corporations are heartless," etc. It is just because corporations are +"heartless," that is to say impersonal, that they represent the most +advanced, efficient, and responsible form of business organization. But +it is for this same reason that they can and need to be regulated in +behalf of those interests of the community that cannot be translated +immediately into terms of profit and loss to the individual. + +The plant community is the best illustration of the type of social +organization that is created by competitive co-operation because in the +plant community competition is unrestricted. + +b) _Competition and freedom._--The economic organization of society, +so far as it is an effect of free competition, is an ecological +organization. There is a human as well as a plant and an animal ecology. + +If we are to assume that the economic order is fundamentally ecological, +that is, created by the struggle for existence, an organization like +that of the plant community in which the relations between individuals +are conceivably at least wholly external, the question may be very +properly raised why the competition and the organization it has created +should be regarded as social at all. As a matter of fact sociologists +have generally identified the social with the moral order, and Dewey, in +his _Democracy and Education_, makes statements which suggest that the +purely economic order, in which man becomes a means rather than an end +to other men, is unsocial, if not anti-social. + +The fact is, however, that this character of _externality_ in human +relations is a fundamental aspect of society and social life. It is +merely another manifestation of what has been referred to as the +distributive aspect of society. Society is made up of individuals +spatially separated, territorially distributed, and capable of +independent locomotion. This capacity of independent locomotion is the +basis and the symbol of every other form of independence. Freedom is +fundamentally freedom to move and individuality is inconceivable without +the capacity and the opportunity to gain an individual experience as a +result of independent action. + +On the other hand, it is quite as true that society may be said to exist +only so far as this independent activity of the individual is +_controlled_ in the interest of the group as a whole. That is the reason +why the problem of control, using that term in its evident significance, +inevitably becomes the central problem of sociology. + +c) _Competition and control._--Conflict, assimilation and +accommodation as distinguished from competition are all intimately +related to control. Competition is the process through which the +distributive and ecological organization of society is created. +Competition determines the distribution of population territorially and +vocationally. The division of labor and all the vast organized economic +interdependence of individuals and groups of individuals characteristic +of modern life are a product of competition. On the other hand, the +moral and political order, which imposes itself upon this competitive +organization, is a product of conflict, accommodation and assimilation. + +Competition is universal in the world of living things. Under ordinary +circumstances it goes on unobserved even by the individuals who are most +concerned. It is only in periods of crisis, when men are making new and +conscious efforts to control the conditions of their common life, that +the forces with which they are competing get identified with persons, +and competition is converted into conflict. It is in what has been +described as the _political process_ that society consciously deals with +its crises.[182] War is the political process par excellence. It is in +war that the great decisions are made. Political organizations exist for +the purpose of dealing with conflict situations. Parties, parliaments +and courts, public discussion and voting are to be considered simply as +substitutes for war. + +d) _Accommodation, assimilation, and competition._--Accommodation, on +the other hand, is the process by which the individuals and groups make +the necessary internal adjustments to social situations which have been +created by competition and conflict. War and elections change +situations. When changes thus effected are decisive and are accepted, +conflict subsides and the tensions it created are resolved in the +process of accommodation into profound modifications of the competing +units, i.e., individuals and groups. A man once thoroughly defeated is, +as has often been noted, "never the same again." Conquest, subjugation, +and defeat are psychological as well as social processes. They establish +a new order by changing, not merely the status, but the attitudes of the +parties involved. Eventually the new order gets itself fixed in habit +and custom and is then transmitted as part of the established social +order to succeeding generations. Neither the physical nor the social +world is made to satisfy at once all the wishes of the natural man. The +rights of property, vested interests of every sort, the family +organization, slavery, caste and class, the whole social organization, +in fact, represent accommodations, that is to say, limitations of the +natural wishes of the individual. These socially inherited +accommodations have presumably grown up in the pains and struggles of +previous generations, but they have been transmitted to and accepted by +succeeding generations as part of the natural, inevitable social order. +All of these are forms of control in which competition is limited by +status. + +Conflict is then to be identified with the political order and with +conscious control. Accommodation, on the other hand, is associated with +the social order that is fixed and established in custom and the mores. + +Assimilation, as distinguished from accommodation, implies a more +thoroughgoing transformation of the personality--a transformation which +takes place gradually under the influence of social contacts of the most +concrete and intimate sort. + +Accommodation may be regarded, like religious conversion, as a kind of +mutation. The wishes are the same but their organization is different. +Assimilation takes place not so much as a result of changes in the +organization as in the content, i.e., the memories, of the personality. +The individual units, as a result of intimate association, +interpenetrate, so to speak, and come in this way into possession of a +common experience and a common tradition. The permanence and solidarity +of the group rest finally upon this body of common experience and +tradition. It is the role of history to preserve this body of common +experience and tradition, to criticise and reinterpret it in the light +of new experience and changing conditions, and in this way to preserve +the continuity of the social and political life. + +The relation of social structures to the processes of competition, +conflict, accommodation, and assimilation may be represented +schematically as follows: + + SOCIAL PROCESS SOCIAL ORDER + + Competition The economic equilibrium + Conflict The political order + Accommodation Social organization + Assimilation Personality and the cultural heritage + + +3. Classification of the Materials + +The materials in this chapter have been selected to exhibit (1) the role +which competition plays in social life and all life, and (2) the types +of organization that competition has everywhere created as a result of +the division of labor it has everywhere enforced. These materials fall +naturally under the following heads: (a) the struggle for existence; +(b) competition and segregation; and (c) economic competition. + +This order of the materials serves the purpose of indicating the stages +in the growth and extension of man's control over nature and over man +himself. The evolution of society has been the progressive extension of +control over nature and the substitution of a moral for the natural +order. + +Competition has its setting in the struggle for existence. This struggle +is ordinarily represented as a chaos of contending individuals in which +the unfit perish in order that the fit may survive. This conception of +the natural order as one of anarchy, "the war of each against all," +familiar since Hobbes to the students of society, is recent in biology. +Before Darwin, students of plant and animal life saw in nature, not +disorder, but order; not selection, but design. The difference between +the older and the newer interpretation is not so much a difference of +fact as of point of view. Looking at the plant and animal species with +reference to their classification they present a series of relatively +fixed and stable types. The same thing may be said of the plant and +animal communities. Under ordinary circumstances the adjustment between +the members of the plant and animal communities and the environment is +so complete that the observer interprets it as an order of co-operation +rather than a condition of competitive anarchy. + +Upon investigation it turns out, however, that the plant and animal +communities are in a state of unstable equilibrium, such that any change +in the environment may destroy them. Communities of this type are not +organized to resist or adapt themselves as communities to changes in the +environment. The plant community, for example, is a mere product of +segregation, an aggregate without nerves or means of communication that +would permit the individuals to be controlled in the interest of the +community as a whole.[183] + +The situation is different in the so-called animal societies. Animals +are adapted in part to the situation of competition, but in part also to +the situation of co-operation. With the animal, maternal instinct, +gregariousness, sex attraction restrict competition to a greater or less +extent among individuals of the same family, herd, or species. In the +case of the ant community competition is at a minimum and co-operation +at a maximum. + +With man the free play of competition is restrained by sentiment, +custom, and moral standards, not to speak of the more conscious control +through law. + +It is a characteristic of competition, when unrestricted, that it is +invariably more severe among organisms of the same than of different +species. Man's greatest competitor is man. On the other hand, man's +control over the plant and animal world is now well-nigh complete, so +that, generally speaking, only such plants and animals are permitted to +exist as serve man's purpose. + +Competition among men, on the other hand, has been very largely +converted into rivalry and conflict. The effect of conflict has been to +extend progressively the area of control and to modify and limit the +struggle for existence within these areas. The effect of war has been, +on the whole, to extend the area over which there is peace. Competition +has been restricted by custom, tradition, and law, and the struggle for +existence has assumed the form of struggle for a livelihood and for +status. + +Absolute free play of competition is neither desirable nor even +possible. On the other hand, from the standpoint of the individual, +competition means mobility, freedom, and, from the point of view of +society, pragmatic or experimental change. Restriction of competition is +synonymous with limitation of movement, acquiescence in control, and +telesis, Ward's term for changes ordained by society in distinction from +the natural process of change. + +The political problem of every society is the practical one: how to +secure the maximum values of competition, that is, personal freedom, +initiative, and originality, and at the same time to control the +energies which competition has released in the interest of the +community. + + +II. MATERIALS + +A. THE STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE + + +1. Different Forms of the Struggle for Existence[184] + +The formula "struggle for existence," familiar in human affairs, was +used by Darwin in his interpretation of organic life, and he showed +that we gain clearness in our outlook on animate nature if we recognize +there, in continual process, a struggle for existence not merely +analogous to, but fundamentally the same as, that which goes on in human +life. He projected on organic life a sociological idea, and showed that +it fitted. But while he thus vindicated the relevancy and utility of the +sociological idea within the biological realm, he declared explicitly +that the phrase "struggle for existence" was meant to be a shorthand +formula, summing up a vast variety of strife and endeavor, of thrust and +parry, of action and reaction. + +Some of Darwin's successors have taken pains to distinguish a great many +different forms of the struggle for existence, and this kind of analysis +is useful in keeping us aware of the complexities of the process. Darwin +himself does not seem to have cared much for this logical mapping out +and defining; it was enough for him to insist that the phrase was used +"in a large and metaphorical sense," and to give full illustrations of +its various modes. For our present purpose it is enough for us to follow +his example. + +a) _Struggle between fellows._--When the locusts of a huge swarm have +eaten up every green thing, they sometimes turn on one another. This +cannibalism among fellows of the same species--illustrated, for +instance, among many fishes--is the most intense form of the struggle +for existence. The struggle does not need to be direct to be real; the +essential point is that the competitors seek after the same desiderata, +of which there is a limited supply. + +As an instance of keen struggle between nearly related species, Darwin +referred to the combats of rats. The black rat was in possession of many +European towns before the brown rat crossed the Volga in 1727; whenever +the brown rat arrived, the black rat had to go to the wall. Thus at the +present day there are practically no black rats in Great Britain. Here +the struggle for existence is again directly competitive. It is +difficult to separate the struggle for food and foothold from the +struggle for mates, and it seems clearest to include here the battles of +the stags and the capercailzies, or the extraordinary lek of the +blackcock, showing off their beauty at sunrise on the hills. + +b) _Struggle between foes._--In the locust swarm and in the rats' +combats there is competition between fellows of the same or nearly +related species, but the struggle for existence includes much wider +antipathies. We see it between foes of entirely different nature, +between carnivores and herbivores, between birds of prey and small +mammals. In both these cases there may be a stand-up fight, for instance +between wolf and stag, or between hawk and ermine; but neither the logic +nor the biology of the process is different when all the fight is on one +side. As the lemmings, which have overpopulated the Scandinavian +valleys, go on the march they are followed by birds and beasts of prey, +which thin their ranks. Moreover, the competition between species need +not be direct; it will come to the same result if both types seek after +the same things. The victory will be with the more effective and the +more prolific. + +c) _Struggle with fate._--Our sweep widens still further, and we pass +beyond the idea of competition altogether to cases where the struggle +for existence is between the living organism and the inanimate +conditions of its life--for instance, between birds and the winter's +cold, between aquatic animals and changes in the water, between plants +and drought, between plants and frost--in a wide sense, between Life and +Fate. + +We cannot here pursue the suggestive idea that, besides struggle between +individuals, there is struggle between groups of individuals--the latter +most noticeably developed in mankind. Similarly, working in the other +direction, there is struggle between parts or tissues in the body, +between cells in the body, between equivalent germ-cells, and, perhaps, +as Weismann pictures, between the various multiplicate items that make +up our inheritance. + + +2. Competition and Natural Selection[185] + +The term "struggle for existence" is used in a large and metaphorical +sense, including dependence of one being on another, and including +(which is more important) not only the life of the individual but +success in leaving progeny. Two canine animals in a time of dearth may +be truly said to struggle with each other which shall get food and live. +But a plant on the edge of a desert is said to struggle for life against +the drought, though more properly it should be said to be dependent on +the moisture. A plant which annually produces a thousand seeds, of which +only one of an average comes to maturity, may be more truly said to +struggle with the plants of the same and other kinds which already +clothe the ground. The mistletoe is dependent on the apple and a few +other trees, but can only in a far-fetched sense be said to struggle +with these trees, for, if too many of these parasites grow on the same +tree, it languishes and dies. But several seedling mistletoes growing +close together on the same branch may more truly be said to struggle +with each other. As the mistletoe is disseminated by birds, its +existence depends on them; and it may metaphorically be said to struggle +with other fruit-bearing plants in tempting the birds to devour and thus +disseminate its seeds. In these several senses which pass into each +other, I use for convenience' sake the general term of "struggle for +existence." + +A struggle for existence inevitably follows from the high rate at which +all organic beings tend to increase. Every being which during its +natural lifetime produces several eggs or seeds must suffer destruction +during some period of its life, and during some season or occasional +year, otherwise, on the principle of geometrical increase, its numbers +would quickly become so inordinately great that no country could support +the product. Hence, as more individuals are produced than can possibly +survive, there must in every case be a struggle for existence, either +one individual with another of the same species, or with the individuals +of distinct species, or with the physical conditions of life. It is the +doctrine of Malthus applied with manifold force to the whole animal and +vegetable kingdoms; for in this case there can be no artificial increase +of food, and no prudential restraint from marriage. Although some +species may be now increasing more or less rapidly in numbers, all +cannot do so, for the world would not hold them. + +There is no exception to the rule that every organic being naturally +increases at so high a rate that, if not destroyed, the earth would soon +be covered by the progeny of a single pair. Even slow-breeding man has +doubled in twenty-five years, and at this rate in less than a thousand +years there would literally not be standing-room for his progeny. +Linnaeus has calculated that if an annual plant produced only two +seeds--and there is no plant so unproductive as this--and their +seedlings next year produced two, and so on, then in twenty years there +would be a million plants. The elephant is reckoned the slowest breeder +of all known animals, and I have taken some pains to estimate its +probable minimum rate of natural increase; it will be safest to assume +that it begins breeding when thirty years old and goes on breeding till +ninety years old, bringing forth six young in the interval and surviving +till one hundred years old; if this be so, after a period of from 740 to +750 years there would be nearly nineteen million elephants alive, +descended from the first pair. + +The struggle for life is most severe between individuals and varieties +of the same species. As the species of the same genus usually have, +though by no means invariably, much similarity in habits and +constitution, and always similarity in structure, the struggle will +generally be more severe between them if they come into competition with +each other than between the species of distinct genera. We see this in +the recent extension over parts of the United States of one species of +swallow having caused the decrease of another species. The recent +increase of the missel-thrush in parts of Scotland has caused the +decrease of the song-thrush. How frequently we hear of one species of +rat taking the place of another species under the most different +climates! In Russia the small Asiatic cockroach has everywhere driven +before it its great congener. In Australia the imported hive-bee is +rapidly exterminating the small, stingless native bee. We can dimly see +why the competition should be most severe between allied forms which +fill nearly the same place in the economy of nature; but probably in no +one case could we precisely say why one species has been victorious over +another in the great battle of life. + +A corollary of the highest importance may be deduced from the foregoing +remarks, namely, that the structure of every organic being is related, +in the most essential yet often hidden manner, to that of all the other +organic beings with which it comes into competition for food or +residence or from which it has to escape or on which it preys. This is +obvious in the structure of the teeth and talons of the tiger; and in +that of the legs and claws of the parasite which clings to the hair on +the tiger's body. But in the beautifully plumed seed of the dandelion, +and in the flattened and fringed legs of the water-beetle, the relation +seems at first confined to the elements of air and water. Yet the +advantage of plumed seeds no doubt stands in the closest relations to +the land being already thickly clothed with other plants; so that the +seeds may be widely distributed and fall on unoccupied ground. In the +water beetle, the structure of its legs, so well adapted for diving, +allows it to compete with other aquatic insects, to hunt for its own +prey, and to escape serving as prey to other animals. + +The store of nutriment laid up within the seeds of many plants seems at +first sight to have no sort of relation to other plants. But from the +strong growth of young plants produced from such seeds, as peas and +beans, when sown in the midst of long grass, it may be suspected that +the chief use of the nutriment in the seed is to favor the growth of +seedlings whilst struggling with other plants growing vigorously all +around. + +Look at a plant in the midst of its range; why does it not double or +quadruple its numbers? We know that it can perfectly well withstand a +little more heat or cold, dampness or dryness, for elsewhere it ranges +into slightly hotter or colder, damper or drier, districts. In this case +we can clearly see that if we wish in imagination to give the plant the +power of increasing in number, we should have to give it some advantage +over its competitors, or over the animals which prey upon it. On the +confines of its geographical range, a change of constitution with +respect to climate would clearly be an advantage to our plant; but we +have reason to believe that only a few plants or animals range so far, +that they are destroyed exclusively by the rigor of the climate. Not +until we reach the extreme confines of life, in the Arctic regions or on +the borders of an utter desert, will competition cease. The land may be +extremely cold or dry, yet there will be competition between some few +species, or between the individuals of the same species, for the warmest +or dampest spots. + +Hence we can see that when a plant or an animal is placed in a new +country amongst new competitors, the conditions of its life will +generally be changed in an essential manner, although the climate may be +exactly the same as in its former home. If its average numbers are to +increase in its new home, we should have to modify it in a different way +to what we should have had to do in its native country; for we should +have to give it some advantage over a different set of competitors or +enemies. + +It is good thus to try in imagination to give to any one species an +advantage over another. Probably in no single instance should we know +what to do. This ought to convince us of our ignorance on the mutual +relations of all organic beings, a conviction as necessary as it is +difficult to acquire. All that we can do is to keep steadily in mind +that each organic being is striving to increase in a geometrical ratio; +that each at some period of its life, during some season of the year, +during each generation or at intervals, has to struggle for life and to +suffer great destruction. When we reflect on this struggle, we may +console ourselves with the full belief that the war of nature is not +incessant, that no fear is felt, that death is generally prompt, and +that the vigorous, the healthy, and the happy survive and multiply. + + +3. Competition, Specialization, and Organization[186] + +Natural selection acts exclusively by the preservation and accumulation +of variations, which are beneficial under the organic and inorganic +conditions to which each creature is exposed at all periods of life. The +ultimate result is that each creature tends to become more and more +improved in relation to its conditions. This improvement inevitably +leads to the gradual advancement of the organization of the greater +number of living beings throughout the world. + +But here we enter on a very intricate subject, for naturalists have not +defined to each other's satisfaction what is meant by an advance in +organization. Amongst the vertebrata the degree of intellect and an +approach in structure to man clearly come into play. It might be thought +that the amount of change which the various parts and organs pass +through in their development from the embryo to maturity would suffice +as a standard of comparison; but there are cases, as with certain +parasitic crustaceans, in which several parts of the structure become +less perfect, so that the mature animal cannot be called higher than its +larva. Von Baer's standard seems the most widely applicable and the +best, namely, the amount of differentiation of the parts of the same +organic being, in the adult state, as I should be inclined to add, and +their specialization for different functions; or, as Milne Edwards would +express it, the completeness of the division of physiological labor. But +we shall see how obscure this subject is if we look, for instance, to +fishes, amongst which some naturalists rank those as highest which, like +the sharks, approach nearest to amphibians; whilst other naturalists +rank the common bony or teleostean fishes as the highest, inasmuch as +they are most strictly fishlike and differ most from the other +vertebrate classes. We see still more plainly the obscurity of the +subject by turning to plants, amongst which the standard of intellect +is, of course, quite excluded; and here some botanists rank those plants +as highest which have every organ, as sepals, petals, stamens, and +pistils, fully developed in each flower; whereas other botanists, +probably with more truth, look at the plants which have their several +organs much modified and reduced in number as the highest. + +If we take as the standard of high organization the amount of +differentiation and specialization of the several organs in each being +when adult (and this will include the advancement of the brain for +intellectual purposes), natural selection clearly leads toward this +standard; for all physiologists admit that the specialization of organs, +inasmuch as in this state they perform their functions better, is an +advantage to each being; and hence the accumulation of variations +tending toward specialization is within the scope of natural selection. +On the other hand, we can see, bearing in mind that all organic beings +are striving to increase at a high ratio and to seize on every +unoccupied or less well-occupied place in the economy of nature, that it +is quite possible for natural selection gradually to fit a being to a +situation in which several organs would be superfluous or useless: in +such cases there would be retrogression in the scale of organization. + +But it may be objected that if all organic beings thus tend to rise in +the scale, how is it that throughout the world a multitude of the lowest +forms still exist; and how is it that in each great class some forms are +far more highly developed than others? Why have not the more highly +developed forms everywhere supplanted and exterminated the lower? On our +theory the continued existence of lowly organisms offers no difficulty +for natural selection, or the survival of the fittest does not +necessarily include progressive development--it only takes advantage of +such variations as arise and are beneficial to each creature under its +complex relations of life. And it may be asked what advantage, as far as +we can see, would it be to an infusorian animalcule--to an intestinal +worm, or even to an earthworm--to be highly organized. If it were no +advantage, these forms would be left, by natural selection, unimproved +or but little improved, and might remain for indefinite ages in their +present lowly condition. And geology tells us that some of the lowest +forms, as the infusoria and rhizopods, have remained for an enormous +period in nearly their present state. But to suppose that most of the +many low forms now existing have not in the least advanced since the +first dawn of life would be extremely rash; for every naturalist who has +dissected some of the beings now ranked as very low in the scale must +have been struck with their really wondrous and beautiful organization. + +Nearly the same remarks are applicable if we look to the different +grades of organization within the same great group; for instance, in the +vertebrata to the coexistence of mammals and fish; amongst mammalia to +the coexistence of man and the ornithorhynchus; amongst fishes to the +coexistence of the shark and the lancelet (Amphioxus), which later fish +in the extreme simplicity of its structure approaches the invertebrate +classes. But mammals and fish hardly come into competition with each +other; the advancement of the whole class of mammals, or of certain +members in this class, to the highest grade would not lead to their +taking the place of fishes. Physiologists believe that the brain must be +bathed by warm blood to be highly active, and this requires aerial +respiration; so that warm-blooded mammals when inhabiting the water lie +under a disadvantage in having to come continually to the surface to +breathe. With fishes, members of the shark family would not tend to +supplant the lancelet; for the lancelet, as I hear from Fritz Mueller, +has as sole companion and competitor on the barren sandy shore of South +Brazil an anomalous annelid. The three lowest orders of mammals, namely, +marsupials, edentata, and rodents, coexist in South America in the same +region with numerous monkeys, and probably interfere little with each +other. + +Although organization, on the whole, may have advanced and may be still +advancing throughout the world, yet the scale will always present many +degrees of perfection; for the high advancement of certain whole +classes, or of certain members of each class, does not at all +necessarily lead to the extinction of those groups with which they do +not enter into close competition. In some cases, lowly organized forms +appear to have been preserved to the present day from inhabiting +confined or peculiar stations, where they have been subjected to less +severe competition and where their scanty numbers have retarded the +chance of favorable variations arising. + +Finally, I believe that many lowly organized forms now exist throughout +the world from various causes. In some cases variations or individual +differences of a favorable nature may never have arisen for natural +selection to act on and accumulate. In no case, probably, has time +sufficed for the utmost possible amount of development. In some few +cases there has been what we must call retrogression of organization. +But the main cause lies in the fact that under very simple conditions of +life a high organization would be of no service--possibly would be of +actual disservice, as being of a more delicate nature and more liable to +be put out of order and injured. + + +4. Man: An Adaptive Mechanism[187] + +Everything in nature, living or not living, exists and develops at the +expense of some other thing, living or not living. The plant borrows +from the soil; the soil from the rocks and the atmosphere; men and +animals take from the plants and from each other the elements which they +in death return to the soil, the atmosphere, and the plants. Year after +year, century after century, eon after eon, the mighty, immeasurable, +ceaseless round of elements goes on, in the stupendous process of +chemical change, which marks the eternal life of matter. + +To the superficial observer, nature in all her parts seems imbued with a +spirit of profound peace and harmony; to the scientist it is obvious +that every infinitesimal particle of the immense concourse is in a state +of desperate and ceaseless struggle to obtain such share of the +available supply of matter and energy as will suffice to maintain its +present ephemeral form in a state of equilibrium with its surroundings. +Not only is this struggle manifest among living forms, among birds and +beasts and insects in their competition for food and habitat, but--if we +may believe the revelations of the science of radio-activity--a process +of transmutation, of disintegration of the atoms of one element with +simultaneous formation of another element, is taking place in every +fragment of inanimate matter, a process which parallels in character the +more transitory processes of life and death in organisms and is +probably a representation of the primary steps in that great process of +evolution by which all terrestrial forms, organic and inorganic, have +been evolved from the original ether by an action inconceivably slow, +continuous, and admitting of no break in the series from inanimate to +animate forms. + +From colloidal slime to man is a long road, the conception of which +taxes our imaginations to the utmost, but it is an ascent which is now +fairly well demonstrated. Indeed, the problems of the missing links are +not so difficult as is the problem of the origin of the organs and +functions which man has acquired as products of adaptation. For whether +we look upon the component parts of our present bodies as useful or +useless mechanisms, we must regard them as the result of age-long +conflicts between environmental forces and organisms. + +Everywhere something is pursuing and something is escaping another +creature. It is a constant drama of getting food and of seeking to +escape being made food, evolving in the conflict structures fitted to +accomplish both reactions. Everywhere the strong prey upon the weak, the +swift upon the slow, the clever upon the stupid; and the weak, the slow, +the stupid, retaliate by evolving mechanisms of defense, which more or +less adequately repel or render futile the oppressor's attack. For each +must live, and those already living have proved their right to existence +by a more or less complete adaptation to their environment. The result +of this twofold conflict between living beings is to evolve the manifold +structures and functions--teeth, claws, skin, color, fur, feathers, +horns, tusks, wily instincts, strength, stealth, deceit, and +humility--which make up character in the animal world. According to the +nature and number of each being's enemies has its own special mechanism +been evolved, distinguishing it from its fellows and enabling it to get +a living in its particular environment. + +In every case the fate of each creature seems to have been staked upon +one mechanism. The tiger by its teeth and claws, the elephant and the +rhinoceros by their strength, the bird by its wings, the deer by its +fleetness, the turtle by its carapace--all are enabled to counter the +attacks of enemies and to procreate. Where there is a negative defense, +such as a shell or quills, there is little need and no evidence of +intelligence: where a rank odor, no need and no presence of claws or +carapace; where sting or venom, no need and no possession of odor, +claws, shell, extraordinary strength, or sagacity. Where the struggle is +most bitter, there exist the most complex and most numerous contrivances +for living. + +Throughout its whole course the process of evolution, where it is +visible in the struggle of organisms, has been marked by a progressive +victory of brain over brawn. And this, in turn, may be regarded as but a +manifestation of the process of survival by _lability_ rather than by +_stability_. Everywhere the organism that exhibits the qualities of +quick response, of extreme sensibility to stimuli, of capacity to +change, is the individual that survives, "conquers," "advances." The +quality most useful in nature, from the point of view of the domination +of a wider environment, is the quality of _changeableness_, +_plasticity_, _mobility_, or _versatility_. Man's particular means of +adaptation to his environment is this quality of versatility. By means +of this quality expressed through the manifold reactions of his highly +organized central nervous system, man has been able to dominate the +beasts and to maintain himself in an environment many times more +extensive than theirs. Like the defensive mechanisms of shells, poisons, +and odors, man's particular defensive mechanism--his versatility of +nervous response (mind)--was acquired automatically as a result of a +particular combination of circumstances in his environment. + +In the Tertiary era--some twenty millions of years ago--the earth, +basking in the warmth of a tropical climate, had produced a luxuriant +vegetation and a swarming progeny of gigantic small-brained animals for +which the exuberant vegetation provided abundant and easily acquired +sustenance. They were a breed of huge, clumsy, and grotesque monsters, +vast in bulk and strength, but of little intelligence, that wandered +heavily on the land and gorged lazily on the abundant food at hand. With +the advance of the carnivora, the primitive forerunners of our tigers, +wolves, hyenas, and foxes, came a period of stress, comparable to a +seven years of famine following a seven years of plenty, which subjected +the stolid herbivorous monsters to a severe selective struggle. + +Before the active onslaught of lighter, lither, more intelligent foes, +the clumsy, inelastic types succumbed, those only surviving which, +through the fortunate possession of more varied reactions, were able to +evolve modes of defense equal to the modes of attack possessed by their +enemies. Many, unable to evolve the acute senses and the fleet limbs +necessary for the combat on the ground, shrank from the fray and +acquired more negative and passive means of defense. Some, like the bat, +escaped into the air. Others, such as the squirrel and the ape, took +refuge in the trees. + +It was in this concourse of weak creatures which fled to the trees +because they lacked adequate means of offense, defense, or escape on the +ground that the lineaments of man's ancient ancestor might have been +discerned. One can imagine what must have been the pressure from the +carnivora that forced a selective transformation of the feet of the +progenitor of the anthropoids into grasping hands. Coincidentally with +the tree life, man's special line of adaptation--_versatility_--was +undoubtedly rapidly evolved. Increased versatility and the evolution of +hands enabled man to come down from the trees millions of years +thereafter, to conquer the world by the further evolution and exercise +of his organ of strategy--the brain. Thus we may suppose have arisen the +intricate reactions we now call mind, reason, foresight, invention, etc. + +Man's claim to a superior place among animals depends less upon +_different_ reactions than upon a _greater number_ of reactions as +compared with the reactions of "lower" animals. Ability to respond +adaptively to more elements in the environment gives a larger dominion, +that is all. + +The same measure applies within the human species--the number of nervous +reactions of the artist, the financier, the statesman, the scientist, +being invariably greater than the reactions of the stolid savage. That +man alone of all animals should have achieved the degree of versatility +sufficient for such advance is no more remarkable than that the elephant +should have evolved a larger trunk and tusks than the boar; that the +legs of the deer should be fleeter than those of the ox; that the wings +of the swallow should outfly those of the bat. Each organism, in +evolving the combination of characters commensurate with safety in its +particular environment, has touched the limit of both its necessity and +its power to "advance." There exists abundant and reliable evidence of +the fact that wherever man has been subjected to the stunting influences +of an unchanging environment fairly favorable to life, he has shown no +more disposition to progress than the most stolid animals. Indeed, he +has usually retrograded. The need to fight for food and home has been +the spur that has ever driven man forward to establish the manifold +forms of physical and mental life which make up human existence today. +Like the simple adaptive mechanisms of the plant by which it gets air, +and of the animal by which it overcomes its rivals in battle, the +supremely differentiated functions of thought and human relations are +the outcome of the necessity of the organism to become adapted to +entities in its environment. + + +B. COMPETITION AND SEGREGATION + + +1. Plant Migration, Competition, and Segregation[188] + +Invasion is the complete or complex process of which migration, ecesis +(the adjustment of a plant to a new home), and competition are the +essential parts. It embraces the whole movement of a plant or group of +plants from one area into another and their colonization in the latter. +From the very nature of migration, invasion is going on at all times and +in all directions. + +Effective invasion is predominantly local. It operates in mass only +between bare areas and adjacent communities which contain species +capable of pioneering, or between contiguous communities which offer +somewhat similar conditions or contain species of wide range of +adjustment. Invasion into a remote region rarely has any successional +effect (effect tending to transform the character of a plant community), +as the invaders are too few to make headway against the plants in +possession or against those much nearer a new area. Invasion into a new +area or a plant community begins with migration when this is followed by +ecesis. In new areas, ecesis produces reaction (the effect which a plant +or a community exerts upon its habitat) at once, and this is followed by +aggregation and competition, with increasing reaction. In an area +already occupied by plants, ecesis and competition are concomitant and +quickly produce reactions. Throughout the development migrants are +entering and leaving, and the interactions of the various processes come +to be complex in the highest degree. + +Local invasion in force is essentially _continuous_ or _recurrent_. +Between contiguous communities it is _mutual_, unless they are too +dissimilar. The result is a transition area or ecotone which epitomizes +the next stage in development. By far the greater amount of invasion +into existing vegetation is of this sort. The movement into a bare area +is likewise continuous, though it is necessarily not mutual, and hence +there is no ecotone during the earlier stages. The significant feature +of continuous invasion is that an outpost may be repeatedly reinforced, +permitting rapid aggregation and ecesis, and the production of new +centers from which the species may be extended over a wide area. +Contrasted with continuous invasion is intermittent or periodic movement +into distant regions, but this is rarely concerned in succession. When +the movement of invaders into a community is so great that the original +occupants are driven out, the invasion is _complete_. + +A topographic feature or a physical or a biological agency that +restricts or prevents invasions is a barrier. Topographic features are +usually permanent and produce permanent barriers. Biological ones are +often temporary and exist for a few years or even a single season. +Temporary barriers are often recurrent, however. Barriers are complete +or incomplete with respect to the thoroughness of their action. They may +affect invasion either by limiting migration or by preventing ecesis. + +Biological barriers comprise plant communities, man and animals, and +parasitic plants. The limiting effect of a plant community is exhibited +in two ways. In the first place, an association acts as a barrier to the +ecesis of species invading it from associations of another type, on +account of the physical differences of the habitats. Whether such a +barrier be complete or partial will depend upon the relative unlikeness +of the two areas. Shade plants are unable to invade a prairie, though +the species of open thickets or woodland may do so to a certain degree. +Closed communities (one in which all the soil is occupied) likewise +exert a marked influence in decreasing invasion by reason of the intense +and successful competition which all invaders must meet. Closed +associations usually act as complete barriers, while more open ones +restrict invasion in direct proportion to the degree of occupation. To +this fact may be traced the fundamental law of succession (the law by +which one type of community or formation is succeeded by another) that +the number of stages is determined largely by the increasing difficulty +of invasion as the area becomes stabilized. Man and animals affect +invasion by the destruction of germules. Both in bare areas and in seral +stages the action of rodents and birds is often decisive to the extent +of altering the whole course of development. Man and animals operate as +marked barriers to ecesis wherever they alter conditions unfavorably to +invaders or where they turn the scale in competition by cultivating, +grazing, camping, parasitism, etc. The absence of pollinating insects is +sometimes a curious barrier to the complete ecesis of species far out of +their usual habitat or region. Parasitic fungi decrease migration in so +far as they affect seed production. They restrict or prevent ecesis +either by the destruction of invaders or by placing them at a +disadvantage with respect to the occupants. + +By the term _reaction_ is understood the effect which a plant or a +community exerts upon its habitat. In connection with succession, the +term is restricted to this special sense alone. It is entirely distinct +from the response of the plant or group, i.e., its adjustment and +adaptation to the habitat. In short, the habitat causes the plant to +function and grow, and the plant then reacts upon the habitat, changing +one or more of its factors in decisive or appreciable degree. The two +processes are mutually complementary and often interact in most complex +fashion. + +The reaction of a community is usually more than the sum of the +reactions of the component species and individuals. It is the individual +plant which produces the reaction, though the latter usually becomes +recognizable through the combined action of the group. In most cases the +action of the group accumulates or emphasizes an effect which would +otherwise be insignificant or temporary. A community of trees casts less +shade than the same number of isolated individuals, but the shade is +constant and continuous, and hence controlling. The significance of the +community reaction is especially well shown in the case of leaf mold and +duff. The leaf litter is again only the total of the fallen leaves of +all the individuals but its formation is completely dependent upon the +community. The reaction of plants upon wind-borne sand and silt-laden +waters illustrates the same fact. + + +2. Migration and Segregation[189] + +All prehistoric investigation, as far as it relates to the phenomena of +the animate world, necessarily rests upon the hypothesis of migration. +The distribution of plants, of the lower animals, and of men over the +surface of the earth; the relationships existing between the different +languages, religious conceptions, myths and legends, customs and social +institutions--all these seem in this one assumption to find their common +explanation. + +Each fresh advance in culture commences, so to speak, with a new period +of wandering. The most primitive agriculture is nomadic, with a yearly +abandonment of the cultivated area; the earliest trade is migratory +trade; the first industries that free themselves from the household +husbandry and become the special occupations of separate individuals are +carried on itinerantly. The great founders of religion, the earliest +poets and philosophers, the musicians and actors of past epochs, are all +great wanderers. Even today, do not the inventor, the preacher of a new +doctrine, and the virtuoso travel from place to place in search of +adherents and admirers--notwithstanding the immense recent development +in the means of communicating information? + +As civilization grows older, settlement becomes more permanent. The +Greek was more settled than the Phoenician, the Roman than the Greek, +because one was always the inheritor of the culture of the other. +Conditions have not changed. The German is more migratory than the +Latin, the Slav than the German. The Frenchman cleaves to his native +soil; the Russian leaves it with a light heart to seek in other parts of +his broad fatherland more favorable conditions of living. Even the +factory workman is but a periodically wandering peasant. + +To all that can be adduced from experience in support of the statement +that in the course of history mankind has been ever growing more +settled, there comes a general consideration of a twofold nature. In the +first place, the extent of fixed capital grows with advancing culture; +the producer becomes stationary with his means of production. The +itinerant smith of the southern Slav countries and the Westphalian iron +works, the pack-horses of the Middle Ages and the great warehouses of +our cities, the Thespian carts and the resident theater mark the +starting and the terminal points of this evolution. In the second place, +the modern machinery of transportation has in a far higher degree +facilitated the transport of goods than of persons. The distribution of +labor determined by locality thereby attains greater importance than the +natural distribution of the means of production; the latter in many +cases draws the former after it, where previously the reverse occurred. + +The migrations occurring at the opening of the history of European +peoples are migrations of whole tribes, a pushing and pressing of +collective units from east to west, which lasted for centuries. The +migrations of the Middle Ages ever affect individual classes alone; the +knights in the crusades, the merchants, the wage-craftsmen, the +journeymen hand-workers, the jugglers and minstrels, the villeins +seeking protection within the walls of a town. Modern migrations, on the +contrary, are generally a matter of private concern, the individuals +being led by the most varied motives. They are almost invariably without +organization. The process repeating itself daily a thousand times is +united only through the one characteristic, that it is everywhere a +question of change of locality by persons seeking more favorable +conditions of life. + +Among all the phenomena of masses in social life suited to statistical +treatment, there is without doubt scarcely one that appears to fall of +itself so completely under the general law of causality as migrations; +and likewise hardly one concerning whose real cause such misty +conceptions prevail. + +The whole department of migrations has never yet undergone systematic +statistical observation; exclusive attention has hitherto been centered +upon remarkable individual occurrences of such phenomena. Even a +rational classification of migrations in accord with the demand of +social science is at the present moment lacking. + +Such a classification would have to take as its starting-point the +result of migrations from the point of view of population. On this basis +they would fall into these groups: (1) migrations with continuous change +of locality; (2) migrations with temporary change of settlement; (3) +migrations with permanent settlement. + +To the _first_ group belong gypsy life, peddling, the carrying on of +itinerant trades, tramp life; to the _second_, the wandering of +journeymen craftsmen, domestic servants, tradesmen seeking the most +favorable spots for temporary undertakings, officials to whom a definite +office is for a time entrusted, scholars attending foreign institutions +of learning; to the _third_, migration from place to place within the +same country or province and to foreign parts, especially across the +ocean. + +An intermediate stage between the first and second group is found in the +_periodical migrations_. To this stage belong the migrations of farm +laborers at harvest time, of the sugar laborers at the time of the +_campagne_, of the masons of Upper Italy and the Ticino district, common +day-laborers, potters, chimney-sweeps, chestnut-roasters, etc., which +occur at definite seasons. + +In this division the influence of the natural and political insulation +of the different countries is, it is true, neglected. It must not, +however, be overlooked that in the era of nationalism and protection of +national labor political allegiance has a certain importance in +connection with the objective point of the migrations. It would, +therefore, in our opinion, be more just to make another division, taking +as a basis the politico-geographical extent of the migrations. From this +point of view migrations would fall into _internal_ and _foreign_ types. + +Internal migrations are those whose points of departure and destination +lie within the same national limits; foreign, those extending beyond +these. The foreign may again be divided into _continental_ and +_extra-European_ (generally transmaritime) emigration. One can, however, +in a larger sense designate all migrations that do not leave the limits +of the Continent as internal, and contrast with them real emigration, or +transfer of domicile to other parts of the globe. + +Of all these manifold kinds of migration, the transmaritime alone has +regularly been the subject of official statistics; and even it has been +but imperfectly treated, as every student of this subject knows. The +periodic emigrations of labor and the peddling trade have occasionally +been also subjected to statistical investigation--mostly with the +secondary aim of legislative restriction. Yet these migrations from +place to place within the same country are vastly more numerous and in +their consequences vastly more important than all other kinds of +migration put together. + +Of the total population of the kingdom of Belgium there were, according +to the results of the census of December 31, 1880, not less than 32.8 +per cent who were born outside the municipality in which they had their +temporary domicile; of the population of Austria (1890), 34.8 per cent. +In Prussia, of 27,279,111 persons, 11,552,033, or 42.4 per cent, were +born outside the municipality where they were domiciled. More than +two-fifths of the population had changed their municipality at least +once. + +If we call the total population born in a given place and domiciled +anywhere within the borders of the country that locality's _native_ +population, then according to the conditions of interchange of +population just presented the native population of the country places is +greater than their actual population; that of the cities, smaller. + +A balancing of the account of the internal migrations in the grand duchy +of Oldenburg gives the cities a surplus, and country municipalities a +deficit, of 15,162 persons. In the economy of population one is the +complement of the other, just as in the case of two brothers of +different temperament, one of whom regularly spends what the other has +laboriously saved. To this extent, then, we are quite justified from the +point of view of population in designating the cities man-consuming and +the country municipalities man-producing social organisms. + +There is a very natural explanation for this condition of affairs in the +country. Where the peasant, on account of the small population of his +place of residence, is much restricted in his local choice of help, +adjoining communities must supplement one another. In like manner the +inhabitants of small places will intermarry more frequently than the +inhabitants of larger places where there is a greater choice among the +native population. Here we have the occasion for very numerous +migrations to places not far removed. Such migrations, however, only +mean a local exchange of socially allied elements. + +This absorption of the surplus of emigration over immigration is the +characteristic of modern cities. If in our consideration of this problem +we pay particular attention to this urban characteristic and to a like +feature of the factory districts--where the conditions as to internal +migrations are almost similar--we shall be amply repaid by the +discovery that in such settlements the result of internal shiftings of +population receives its clearest expression. Here, where the immigrant +elements are most numerous, there develops between them and the native +population a social struggle--a struggle for the best conditions of +earning a livelihood or, if you will, for existence, which ends with the +adaptation of one part to the other, or perhaps with the final +subjugation of the one by the other. Thus, according to Schliemann, the +city of Smyrna had in the year 1846 a population of 80,000 Turks and +8,000 Greeks; in the year 1881, on the contrary, there were 23,000 Turks +and 76,000 Greeks. The Turkish portion of the population had thus in +thirty-five years decreased by 71 per cent, while the Greeks had +increased ninefold. + +Not everywhere, to be sure, do those struggles take the form of such a +general process of displacement; but in individual cases it will occur +with endless frequency within a country that the stronger and +better-equipped element will overcome the weaker and less well-equipped. + +Thus we have here a case similar to that occurring so frequently in +nature: on the same terrain where a more highly organized plant or +animal has no longer room for subsistence, others less exacting in their +demands take up their position and flourish. The coming of the new is in +fact not infrequently the cause of the disappearance of those already +there and of their withdrawal to more favorable surroundings. + +If these considerations show that by no means the majority of internal +migrations find their objective point in the cities, they at the same +time prove that the trend toward the great centers of population can, in +itself be looked upon as having an extensive social and economic +importance. It produces an alteration in the distribution of population +throughout the state; and at its originating and objective points it +gives rise to difficulties which legislative and executive authority has +hitherto labored, usually with but very moderate success, to overcome. +It transfers large numbers of persons almost directly from a sphere of +life where barter predominates into one where money and credit exchange +prevail, thereby affecting the social conditions of life and the social +customs of the manual laboring classes in a manner to fill the +philanthropist with grave anxiety. + + +3. Demographic Segregation and Social Selection[190] + +There are two ways in which demographic crystallization may have taken +place. A people may have become rigid horizontally, divided into castes, +or social strata; or it may be geographically segregated into localized +communities, varying in size all the way from the isolated hamlet to the +highly individualized nation. Both of these forms of crystallization are +breaking down today under the pressure of modern industrialism and +democracy, in Europe as well as in America. + +The sudden growth of great cities is the first result of the phenomenon +of migration which we have to note. We think of this as essentially an +American problem. We comfort ourselves in our failures of municipal +administration with that thought. This is a grievous deception. Most of +the European cities have increased in population more rapidly than in +America. This is particularly true of great German urban centers. Berlin +has outgrown our own metropolis, New York, in less than a generation, +having in twenty-five years added as many actual new residents as +Chicago, and twice as many as Philadelphia. Hamburg has gained twice as +many in population since 1875 as Boston; Leipzig has distanced St. +Louis. The same demographic outburst has occurred in the smaller German +cities as well. Beyond the confines of the German Empire, from Norway to +Italy, the same is true. + +Contemporaneously with this marvellous growth of urban centers we +observe a progressive depopulation of the rural districts. What is going +on in our New England states, especially in Massachusetts, is entirely +characteristic of large areas in Europe. Take France, for example. The +towns are absorbing even more than the natural increment of country +population; they are drawing off the middle-aged as well as the young. +Thus great areas are being actually depopulated. + +A process of selection is at work on a grand scale. The great majority +today who are pouring into the cities are those who, like the emigrants +to the United States in the old days of natural migration, come because +they have the physical equipment and the mental disposition to seek a +betterment of their fortunes away from home. Of course, an appreciable +contingent of such migrant types is composed of the merely discontented, +of the restless, and the adventurous; but, in the main, the best blood +of the land it is which feeds into the arteries of city life. + +Another more certain mode of proof is possible for demonstrating that +the population of cities is largely made up either of direct immigrants +from the country or of their immediate descendants. In German cities, +Hansen found that nearly one-half their residents were of direct country +descent. In London it has been shown that over one-third of its +population are immigrants; and in Paris the same is true. For thirty of +the principal cities of Europe it has been calculated that only about +one-fifth of their increase is from the loins of their own people, the +overwhelming majority being of country birth. + +The first physical characteristic of urban populations, as compared with +those of country districts, which we have to note, is their tendency +toward that shape of head characteristic of two of our racial types, +Teutonic and Mediterranean respectively. It seems as if for some reason +the broad-headed Alpine race was a distinctly rural type. Thirty years +ago an observer in the ethnically Alpine district of south central +France noted an appreciable difference between town and country in the +head form of the people. In a half-dozen of the smaller cities his +observations pointed to a greater prevalence of the long-headed type +than in the country roundabout. Dr. Ammon of Carlsruhe, working upon +measurements of thousands of conscripts of the Grand Duchy of Baden, +discovered radical differences here between the head form in city and +country, and between the upper and lower classes in the larger towns. +Several explanations for this were possible. The direct influence of +urban life might conceivably have brought it about, acting through +superior education, habits of life, and the like. There was no +psychological basis for this assumption. Another tenable hypothesis was +that in these cities, situated, as we have endeavored to show, in a land +where two racial types of population were existing side by side, the +city for some reason exerted superior powers of attraction upon the +long-headed race. If this were true, then by a combined process of +social and racial selection, the towns would be continually drawing unto +themselves that tall and blond Teutonic type of population which, as +history teaches us, has dominated social and political affairs in Europe +for centuries. This suggested itself as the probable solution of the +question; and investigations all over Europe during the last five years +have been directed to the further analysis of the matter. + +Is this phenomenon, the segregation of a long-headed physical type in +city populations, merely the manifestation of a restless tendency on the +part of the Teutonic race to reassert itself in the new phases of +nineteenth-century competition? All through history this type has been +characteristic of the dominant classes, especially in military and +political, perhaps rather than purely intellectual, affairs. All the +leading dynasties of Europe have long been recruited from its ranks. The +contrast of this type, whose energy has carried it all over Europe, with +the persistently sedentary Alpine race is very marked. A certain +passivity, or patience, is characteristic of the Alpine peasantry. As a +rule, not characterized by the domineering spirit of the Teuton, this +Alpine type makes a comfortable and contented neighbor, a resigned and +peaceful subject. Whether this rather negative character of the Alpine +race is entirely innate, or whether it is in part, like many of its +social phenomena, merely a reflection from the almost invariably +inhospitable habitat in which it has long been isolated, we may not +pretend to decide. + +Let us now for a moment take up the consideration of a second physical +characteristic of city populations--viz., stature. If there be a law at +all in respect of average statures, it demonstrates rather the +depressing effects of city life than the reverse. For example, Hamburg +is far below the average for Germany. All over Britain there are +indications of this law, that town populations are, on the average, +comparatively short of stature. Dr. Beddoe, the great authority upon +this subject, concludes his investigation of the population of Great +Britain thus: "It may therefore be taken as _proved_ that the stature of +men in the large towns of Britain is lowered considerably below the +standard of the nation, and as _probable_ that such degradation is +hereditary and progressive." + +A most important point in this connection is the great variability of +city populations in size. All observers comment upon this. It is of +profound significance. The people of the west and east ends in each city +differ widely. The population of the aristocratic quarters is often +found to exceed in stature the people of the tenement districts. We +should expect this, of course, as a direct result of the depressing +influence of unfavorable environment. Yet there is apparently another +factor underlying that--viz., social selection. While cities contain so +large a proportion of degenerate physical types as on the average to +fall below the surrounding country in stature, nevertheless they also +are found to include an inordinately large number of very tall and +well-developed individuals. In other words, compared with the rural +districts, where all men are subject to the same conditions of life, we +discover in the city that the population has differentiated into the +very tall and the very short. + +The explanation for this phenomenon is simple. Yet it is not direct, as +in Topinard's suggestion that it is a matter of race or that a change of +environment operates to stimulate growth. Rather does it appear that it +is the growth which suggests the change. The tall men are in the main +those vigorous, mettlesome, presumably healthy individuals who have +themselves, or in the person of their fathers, come to the city in +search of the prizes which urban life has to offer to the successful. On +the other hand, the degenerate, the stunted, those who entirely +outnumber the others so far as to drag the average for the city as a +whole below the normal, are the grist turned out by the city mill. They +are the product of the tenement, the sweat shop, vice, and crime. Of +course, normally developed men, as ever, constitute the main bulk of the +population, but these two widely divergent classes attain a very +considerable representation. + +We have seen thus far that evidence seems to point to an aggregation of +the Teutonic long-headed population in the urban centers of Europe. +Perhaps a part of the tall stature in some cities may be due to such +racial causes. A curious anomaly now remains, however, to be noted. City +populations appear to manifest a distinct tendency toward +brunetness--that is to say, they seem to comprise an abnormal proportion +of brunet traits, as compared with the neighboring rural districts. This +tendency was strikingly shown to characterize the entire German Empire +when its six million school children were examined under Virchow's +direction. In twenty-five out of thirty-three of the larger cities were +the brunet traits more frequent than in the country. + +Austria offers confirmation of the same tendency toward brunetness in +twenty-four out of its thirty-three principal cities. Farther south, in +Italy, it was noted much earlier that cities contained fewer blonds than +were common in the rural districts roundabout. In conclusion let us add, +not as additional testimony, for the data are too defective, that among +five hundred American students at the Institute of Technology in Boston, +roughly classified, there were 9 per cent of pure brunet type among +those of country birth and training, while among those of urban birth +and parentage the percentage of such brunet type rose as high as 15. + +It is not improbable that there is in brunetness, in the dark hair and +eye, some indication of vital superiority. If this were so, it would +serve as a partial explanation for the social phenomena which we have +been at so much pains to describe. If in the same community there were a +slight vital advantage in brunetness, we should expect to find that type +slowly aggregating in the cities; for it requires energy and courage, +physical as well as mental, not only to break the ties of home and +migrate, but also to maintain one's self afterward under the stress of +urban life. + +From the preceding formidable array of testimony it appears that the +tendency of urban populations is certainly not toward the pure blond, +long-headed, and tall Teutonic type. The phenomenon of urban selection +is something more complex than a mere migration of a single racial +element in the population toward the cities. The physical +characteristics of townsmen are too contradictory for ethnic +explanations alone. To be sure, the tendencies are slight; we are not +even certain of their universal existence at all. We are merely watching +for their verification or disproof. There is, however, nothing +improbable in the phenomena we have noted. Naturalists have always +turned to the environment for the final solution of many of the great +problems of nature. In this case we have to do with one of the most +sudden and radical changes of environment known to man. Every condition +of city life, mental as well as physical, is at the polar extreme from +those which prevail in the country. To deny that great modifications in +human structure and functions may be effected by a change from one to +the other is to gainsay all the facts of natural history. + + +4. Inter-racial Competition and Race Suicide[191] + +I have thus far spoken of the foreign arrivals at our ports, as +estimated. Beginning with 1820, however, we have custom-house statistics +of the numbers of persons annually landing upon our shores. Some of +these, indeed, did not remain here; yet, rudely speaking, we may call +them all immigrants. Between 1820 and 1830, population grew to +12,866,020. The number of foreigners arriving in the ten years was +151,000. Here, then, we have for forty years an increase, substantially +all out of the loins of the four millions of our own people living in +1790, amounting to almost nine millions, or 227 per cent. Such a rate of +increase was never known before or since, among any considerable +population over any extensive region. + +About this time, however, we reach a turning-point in the history of our +population. In the decade 1830-40 the number of foreign arrivals greatly +increased. Immigration had not, indeed, reached the enormous dimensions +of these later days. Yet, during the decade in question, the foreigners +coming to the United States were almost exactly fourfold those coming in +the decade preceding, or 599,000. The question now of vital importance +is this: Was the population of the country correspondingly increased? I +answer, No! The population of 1840 was almost exactly what, by +computation, it would have been had no increase in foreign arrivals +taken place. Again, between 1840 and 1850, a still further access of +foreigners occurred, this time of enormous dimensions, the arrivals of +the decade amounting to not less than 1,713,000. Of this gigantic total, +1,048,000 were from the British Isles, the Irish famine of 1846-47 +having driven hundreds of thousands of miserable peasants to seek food +upon our shores. Again we ask, Did this excess constitute a net gain to +the population of the country? Again the answer is, No! Population +showed no increase over the proportions established before immigration +set in like a flood. In other words, as the foreigners began to come in +larger numbers, the native population more and more withheld their own +increase. + +Now this correspondence might be accounted for in three different ways: +(1) It might be said that it was a mere coincidence, no relation of +cause and effect existing between the two phenomena. (2) It might be +said that the foreigners came because the native population was +relatively declining, that is, failing to keep up its pristine rate of +increase. (3) It might be said that the growth of the native population +was checked by the incoming of the foreign elements in such large +numbers. + +The view that the correspondence referred to was a mere coincidence, +purely accidental in origin, is perhaps that most commonly taken. If +this be the true explanation, the coincidence is a most remarkable one. +In the June number of this magazine, I cited the predictions as to the +future population of the country made by Elkanah Watson, on the basis of +the censuses of 1790, 1800, and 1810, while immigration still remained +at a minimum. Now let us place together the actual census figures for +1840 and 1850, Watson's estimates for those years, and the foreign +arrivals during the preceding decade: + + 1840 1850 +The census 17,069,453 23,191,876 +Watson's estimates 17,116,526 23,185,368 + ___________ ___________ +The difference -47,073 +6,508 + +Foreign arrivals during the preceding +decade 599,000 1,713,000 + +Here we see that, in spite of the arrival of 500,000 foreigners during +the period 1830-40, four times as many as had arrived during any +preceding decade, the figures of the census coincided closely with the +estimate of Watson, based on the growth of population in the +pre-immigration era, falling short of it by only 47,073 in a total of +17,000,000; while in 1850 the actual population, in spite of the arrival +of 1,713,000 more immigrants, exceeded Watson's estimates by only 6,508 +in a total of 23,000,000. Surely, if this correspondence between the +increase of the foreign element and the relative decline of the native +element is a mere coincidence, it is one of the most astonishing in +human history. The actuarial degree of improbability as to a coincidence +so close, over a range so vast, I will not undertake to compute. + +If, on the other hand, it be alleged that the relation of cause and +effect existed between the two phenomena, this might be put in two +widely different ways: either that the foreigners came in increasing +numbers because the native element was relatively declining, or that the +native element failed to maintain its previous rate of increase because +the foreigners came in such swarms. What shall we say of the former of +these explanations? Does anything more need to be said than that it is +too fine to be the real explanation of a big human fact like this we are +considering? To assume that at such a distance in space, in the then +state of news-communication and ocean-transportation, and in spite of +the ignorance and extreme poverty of the peasantries of Europe from +which the immigrants were then generally drawn, there was so exact a +degree of knowledge not only of the fact that the native element here +was not keeping up its rate of increase but also of the precise ratio of +that decline as to enable those peasantries, with or without a mutual +understanding, to supply just the numbers necessary to bring our +population up to its due proportions, would be little less than +laughable. Today, with quick passages, cheap freights, and ocean +transportation there is not a single wholesale trade in the world +carried on with this degree of knowledge, or attaining anything like +this point of precision in results. + +The true explanation of the remarkable fact we are considering I believe +to be the last of the three suggested. The access of foreigners, at the +time and under the circumstances, constituted a shock to the principle +of population among the native element. That principle is always acutely +sensitive alike to sentimental and to economic conditions. And it is to +be noted, in passing, that not only did the decline in the native +element, as a whole, take place in singular correspondence with the +excess of foreign arrivals, but it occurred chiefly in just those +regions to which the newcomers most freely resorted. + +But what possible reason can be suggested why the incoming of the +foreigner should have checked the disposition of the native toward the +increase of population at the traditional rate? I answer that the best +of good reasons can be assigned. Throughout the northeastern and +northern middle states, into which, during the period under +consideration, the newcomers poured in such numbers, the standard of +material living, of general intelligence, of social decency, had been +singularly high. Life, even at its hardest, had always had its luxuries; +the babe had been a thing of beauty, to be delicately nurtured and +proudly exhibited; the growing child had been decently dressed, at +least for school and church; the house had been kept in order, at +whatever cost, the gate hung, the shutters in place, while the front +yard had been made to bloom with simple flowers; the village church, the +public schoolhouse, had been the best which the community, with great +exertions and sacrifices, could erect and maintain. Then came the +foreigner, making his way into the little village, bringing--small blame +to him!--not only a vastly lower standard of living, but too often an +actual present incapacity even to understand the refinements of life and +thought in the community in which he sought a home. Our people had to +look upon houses that were mere shells for human habitations, the gate +unhung, the shutters flapping or falling, green pools in the yard, babes +and young children rolling about half naked or worse, neglected, dirty, +unkempt. Was there not in this a sentimental reason strong enough to +give a shock to the principle of population? But there was, besides, an +economic reason for a check to the native increase. The American shrank +from the industrial competition thus thrust upon him. He was unwilling +himself to engage in the lowest kind of day labor with these new +elements of the population; he was even more unwilling to bring sons and +daughters into the world to enter into that competition. For the first +time in our history, the people of the free states became divided into +classes. Those classes were natives and foreigners. Politically, the +distinction had only a certain force, which yielded more or less readily +under partisan pressure; but socially and industrially that distinction +has been a tremendous power, and its chief effects have been wrought +upon population. Neither the social companionship nor the industrial +competition of the foreigner has, broadly speaking, been welcome to the +native. + +It hardly needs to be said that the foregoing descriptions are not +intended to apply to all of the vast body of immigrants during this +period. Thousands came over from good homes; many had all the advantages +of education and culture; some possessed the highest qualities of +manhood and citizenship. + +But let us proceed with the census. By 1860 the causes operating to +reduce the growth of the native element--to which had then manifestly +been added the force of important changes in the manner of living, the +introduction of more luxurious habits, the influence of city life, and +the custom of "boarding"--had reached such a height as, in spite of a +still-increasing immigration, to leave the population of the country +310,503 below the estimate. The fearful losses of the Civil War and the +rapid extension of habits unfavorable to increase of numbers make any +further use of Watson's computations uninstructive; yet still the great +fact protrudes through all the subsequent history of our population that +the more rapidly foreigners came into the United States, the smaller was +the rate of increase, not merely among the native population separately, +but throughout the population of the country, as a whole, including the +foreigners. The climax of this movement was reached when, during the +decade 1880-90, the foreign arrivals rose to the monstrous total of five +and a quarter millions (twice what had ever before been known), while +the population, even including this enormous re-enforcement, increased +more slowly than in any other period of our history except, possibly, +that of the great Civil War. + +If the foregoing views are true, or contain any considerable degree of +truth, foreign immigration into this country has, from the time it first +assumed large proportions, amounted, not to a reinforcement of our +population, but to a replacement of native by foreign stock. That if the +foreigners had not come the native element would long have filled the +places the foreigners usurped, I entertain not a doubt. The competency +of the American stock to do this it would be absurd to question, in the +face of such a record as that for 1790 to 1830. During the period from +1830 to 1860 the material conditions of existence in this country were +continually becoming more and more favorable to the increase of +population from domestic sources. The old man-slaughtering medicine was +being driven out of civilized communities; houses were becoming larger; +the food and clothing of the people were becoming ampler and better. Nor +was the cause which, about 1840 or 1850, began to retard the growth of +population here to be found in the climate which Mr. Clibborne +stigmatizes so severely. The climate of the United States has been +benign enough to enable us to take the English shorthorn and greatly to +improve it, as the re-exportation of that animal to England at monstrous +prices abundantly proves; to take the English race-horse and to improve +him to a degree of which the startling victories of Parole, Iroquois, +and Foxhall afford but a suggestion; to take the Englishman and to +improve him, too, adding agility to his strength, making his eye keener +and his hand steadier, so that in rowing, in riding, in shooting, and in +boxing, the American of pure English stock is today the better animal. +No! Whatever were the causes which checked the growth of the native +population, they were neither physiological nor climatic. They were +mainly social and economic; and chief among them was the access of vast +hordes of foreign immigrants, bringing with them a standard of living at +which our own people revolted. + + +C. ECONOMIC COMPETITION + + +1. Changing Forms of Economic Competition[192] + +There is a sense in which much of the orthodox system of political +economy is eternally true. Conclusions reached by valid reasoning are +always as true as the hypotheses from which they are deduced. It will +remain forever true that if unlimited competition existed, most of the +traditional laws would be realized in the practical world. It will also +be true that in those corners of the industrial field which still show +an approximation to Ricardian competition there will be seen as much of +correspondence between theory and fact as candid reasoners claim. If +political economy will but content itself with this kind of truth, it +need never be disturbed by industrial revolutions. The science need not +trouble itself to progress. + +This hypothetical truth, or science of what would take place if society +were fashioned after an ideal pattern, is not what Ricardo believed that +he had discovered. His system was positive; actual life suggested it by +developing tendencies for which the scientific formulas which at that +time were traditional could not account. It was a new industrial world +which called for a modernized system of economic doctrine. Ricardo was +the first to understand the situation, to trace the new tendencies to +their consummation, and to create a scientific system by insight and +foresight. He outran history in the process, and mentally created a +world more relentlessly competitive than any which has existed; and yet +it was fact and not imagination that lay at the basis of the whole +system. Steam had been utilized, machines were supplanting hand labor, +workmen were migrating to new centers of production, guild regulations +were giving way, and competition of a type unheard of before was +beginning to prevail. + +A struggle for existence had commenced between parties of unequal +strength. In manufacturing industries the balance of power had been +disturbed by steam, and the little shops of former times were +disappearing. The science adapted to such conditions was an economic +Darwinism; it embodied the laws of a struggle for existence between +competitors of the new and predatory type and those of the peaceable +type which formerly possessed the field. Though the process was savage, +the outlook which it afforded was not wholly evil. The survival of crude +strength was, in the long run, desirable. Machines and factories meant, +to every social class, cheapened goods and more comfortable living. +Efficient working establishments were developing; the social organism +was perfecting itself for its contest with crude nature. It was a fuller +and speedier dominion over the earth which was to result from the +concentration of human energy now termed centralization. + +The error unavoidable to the theorists of the time lay in basing a +scientific system on the facts afforded by a state of revolution. This +was attempting to derive permanent principles from transient phenomena. +Some of these principles must become obsolete; and the work demanded of +modern economists consists in separating the transient from the +permanent in the Ricardian system. How much of the doctrine holds true +when the struggle between unequal competitors is over, and when a few of +the very strongest have possession of the field? + +In most branches of manufacturing, and in other than local +transportation, the contest between the strong and the weak is either +settled or in process of rapid settlement. The survivors are becoming so +few, so powerful, and so nearly equal that if the strife were to +continue, it would bid fair to involve them all in a common ruin. What +has actually developed is not such a battle of giants but a system of +armed neutralities and federations of giants. The new era is distinctly +one of consolidated forces; rival establishments are forming +combinations, and the principle of union is extending itself to the +labor and the capital in each of them. Laborers who once competed with +each other are now making their bargains collectively with their +employers. Employers who under the old regime would have worked +independently are merging their capital in corporations and allowing it +to be managed as by a single hand. + +Predatory competition between unequal parties was the basis of the +Ricardian system. This process was vaguely conceived and never fully +analyzed; what was prominent in the thought of men in connection with it +was the single element of struggle. Mere effort to survive, the +Darwinian feature of the process, was all that, in some uses, the term +"competition" was made to designate. Yet the competitive action of an +organized society is systematic; each part of it is limited to a +specific field, and tends, within these limits, to self-annihilation. + +An effort to attain a conception of competition that should remove some +of the confusion was made by Professor Cairnes. His system of +"non-competing groups" is a feature of his value theory, which is a +noteworthy contribution to economic thought. Mr. Mill had followed +Ricardo in teaching that the natural price of commodities is governed by +the cost of producing them. Professor Cairnes accepts this statement, +but attaches to it a meaning altogether new. He says, in effect: + + Commodities do indeed exchange according to their cost of + production; but cost is something quite different from what + currently passes by that name. That is merely the outlay + incurred by the capitalist-employer for raw materials, labor, + etc. The real cost is the personal sacrifice made by the + producing parties, workmen as well as employers. It is not a + mercantile but a psychological phenomenon, a reaction upon the + men themselves occasioned by the effort of the laborer and the + abstinence of the capitalist. These personal sacrifices gauge + the market value of commodities within the fields in which, in + the terms of the theory, competition is free. The adjustment + takes place through the spontaneous movement of capital and + labor from employments that yield small returns to those that + give larger ones. Capital migrates freely from place to place + and from occupation to occupation. If one industry is + abnormally profitable, capital seeks it, increases and cheapens + its product, and reduces its profits to the prevailing level. + Profits tend to a general uniformity. + +Wages are said to tend to equality only within limits. The transfer of +labor from one employment to another is checked by barriers. + + What we find, in effect [continues Professor Cairnes], is not a + whole population competing indiscriminately for all + occupations, but a series of industrial layers, superimposed on + one another, within each of which the various candidates for + employment possess a real and effective power of selection, + while those occupying the several strata are, for all purposes + of effective competition, practically isolated from each other. + We may perhaps venture to arrange them in some such order as + this: first, at the bottom of the scale there would be the + large group of unskilled or nearly unskilled laborers, + comprising agricultural laborers, laborers engaged in + miscellaneous occupations in towns, or acting in attendance on + skilled labor. Secondly, there would be the artisan group, + comprising skilled laborers of the secondary order--carpenters, + joiners, smiths, masons, shoemakers, tailors, hatters, etc., + etc.--with whom might be included the very large class of small + retail dealers, whose means and position place them within the + reach of the same industrial opportunities as the class of + artisans. The third layer would contain producers and dealers + of a higher order, whose work would demand qualifications only + obtainable by persons of substantial means and fair educational + opportunities; for example, civil and mechanical engineers, + chemists, opticians, watchmakers, and others of the same + industrial grade, in which might also find a place the superior + class of retail tradesmen; while above these there would be a + fourth, comprising persons still more favorably circumstanced, + whose ampler means would give them a still wider choice. This + last group would contain members of the learned professions, as + well as persons engaged in the various careers of science and + art, and in the higher branches of mercantile business. + +It is essential to the theory that not only workmen but their children +should be confined to a producing group. The equalizing process may take +place even though men do not actually abandon one occupation and enter +another; for there exists, in the generation of young men not yet +committed to any occupation, a disposable fund of labor which will +gravitate naturally to the occupations that pay the largest wages. It is +not necessary that blacksmiths should ever become shoemakers, or vice +versa, but only that the children of both classes of artisans should be +free to enter the trade that is best rewarded. + +Professor Cairnes does not claim that his classification is exhaustive, +nor that the demarcation is absolute: + + No doubt the various ranks and classes fade into each other by + imperceptible gradations, and individuals from all classes are + constantly passing up or dropping down; but while this is so, + it is nevertheless true that the average workman, from whatever + rank he be taken, finds his power of competition limited for + practical purposes to a certain range of occupations, so that, + however high the rates of remuneration in those which lie + beyond may rise, he is excluded from sharing them. We are thus + compelled to recognize the existence of non-competing + industrial groups as a feature of our social economy. + +It will be seen that the competition which is here under discussion is +of an extraordinary kind; and the fact that the general term is applied +to it without explanation is a proof of the vagueness of the conceptions +of competition with which acute writers have contented themselves. +Actual competition consists invariably in an effort to undersell a rival +producer. A carpenter competes with a carpenter because he creates a +similar utility and offers it in the market. In the theory of Professor +Cairnes the carpenter is the competitor of the blacksmith, because his +children may enter the blacksmith's calling. In the actual practice of +his own trade, the one artisan in no wise affects the other. It is +potential competition rather than actual that is here under discussion; +and even this depends for its effectiveness on the action of the rising +generation. + +Modern methods of production have obliterated Professor Cairnes's +dividing lines. Potential competition extends to every part of the +industrial field in which men work in organized companies. Throwing out +of account the professions, a few trades of the highest sort, and the +class of labor which is performed by employers themselves and their +salaried assistants, it is practically true that labor is in a universal +ebb and flow; it passes freely to occupations which are, for the time +being, highly paid, and reduces their rewards to the general level. + +This objection to the proposed grouping is not theoretical. The question +is one of fact; it is the development of actual industry that has +invalidated the theory which, in the seventies, expressed an important +truth concerning economic relations in England. Moreover, the author of +the theory anticipated one change which would somewhat lessen its +applicability to future conditions. He recorded his belief that +education would prove a leveler, and that it would merge to some extent +the strata of industrial society. The children of hod-carriers might +become machinists, accountants, or lawyers when they could acquire the +needed education. He admitted also that new countries afford conditions +in which the lines of demarcation are faint. He was not in a position to +appreciate the chief leveling agency, namely, the machine method of +production as now extended and perfected. Education makes the laborer +capable of things relatively difficult, and machines render the +processes which he needs to master relatively easy. The so-called +unskilled workmen stand on a higher personal level than those of former +times; and the new methods of manufacturing are reducing class after +class to that level. Mechanical labor is resolving itself into processes +so simple that anyone may learn them. An old-time shoemaker could not +become a watchmaker, and even his children would have found difficulties +in their way had they attempted to master the higher trade; but a laster +in a Lynn shoe factory can, if he will, learn one of the minute trades +that are involved in the making of a Waltham watch. His children may do +so without difficulty; and this is all that is necessary for maintaining +the normal balance between the trades. + +The largest surviving differences between workmen are moral. Bodily +strength still counts for something, and mental strength for more; but +the consideration which chiefly determines the value of a workman to the +employer who intrusts to him costly materials and a delicate machine is +the question of fidelity. Character is not monopolized by any social +class; it is of universal growth, and tends by the prominent part which +it plays in modern industry, to reduce to their lowest terms the class +differences of the former era. + +The rewards of professional life are gauged primarily by character and +native endowment, and are, to this extent, open to the children of +workmen. New barriers, however, arise here in the ampler education +which, as time advances, is demanded of persons in these pursuits; and +these barriers give to a part of the fourth and highest class in the +scheme that we are criticising a permanent basis of existence. Another +variety of labor retains a pre-eminence based on native adaptations and +special opportunities. It is the work of the employer himself. It is an +organizing and directing function, and in large industries is performed +only in part by the owners. A portion of this work is committed to hired +assistants. Strictly speaking, the entrepreneur, or employer, of a great +establishment is not one man, but many, who work in a collective +capacity, and who receive a reward that, taken in the aggregate, +constitutes the "wages of superintendence." To some members of this +administrative body the returns come in the form of salaries, while to +others they come partly in the form of dividends; but if we regard their +work in its entirety, and consider their wages in a single sum, we must +class it with entrepreneur's profits rather than with ordinary wages. It +is a different part of the product from the sum distributed among day +laborers; and this fact separates the administrative group from the +class considered in our present inquiry. Positions of the higher sort +are usually gained either through the possession of capital or through +relations to persons who possess it. Though clerkships of the lower +grade demand no attainments which the children of workmen cannot gain, +and though promotion to the higher grades is still open, the tendency of +the time is to make the transition from the ranks of labor to those of +administration more and more difficult. The true laboring class is +merging its subdivisions, while it is separating more sharply from the +class whose interests, in test questions, place them on the side of +capital. + + +2. Competition and the Natural Harmony of Individual Interests[193] + +The general industry of the society never can exceed what the capital of +the society can employ. As the number of workmen that can be kept in +employment by any particular person must bear a certain proportion to +his capital, so the number of those that can be continually employed by +all the members of a great society must bear a certain proportion to the +whole capital of that society and never can exceed that proportion. No +regulation of commerce can increase the quantity of industry in any +society beyond what its capital can maintain. It can only divert a part +of it into a direction into which it might not otherwise have gone; and +it is by no means certain that this artificial direction is likely to be +more advantageous to the society than that into which it would have gone +of its own accord. + +Every individual is continually exerting himself to find out the most +advantageous employment for whatever capital he can command. It is his +own advantage, indeed, and not that of the society, which he has in +view. But the study of his own advantage naturally, or rather +necessarily, leads him to prefer that employment which is most +advantageous to the society. + +As every individual, therefore, endeavors as much as he can both to +employ his capital in the support of domestic industry and so to direct +that industry that its product may be of the greatest value; every +individual necessarily labors to render the annual revenue of the +society as great as he can. He generally, indeed, neither intends to +promote the public interest nor knows how much he is promoting it. By +preferring the support of domestic to that of foreign industry, he +intends only his own security; and by directing that industry in such a +manner that its product may be of the greatest value, he intends only +his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an +invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention. Nor +is it always worse for the society that it was no part of it. By +pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the society +more effectually than when he really intends to promote it. I have never +known much good done by those who affected to trade for the public good. +It is an affectation, indeed, not very common among merchants, and very +few words need be employed in dissuading them from it. + +What is the species of domestic industry which his capital can employ, +and of which the product is likely to be of the greatest value, every +individual, it is evident, can, in his local situation, judge much +better than any statesman or lawgiver can do for him. The statesman who +should attempt to direct private people in what manner they ought to +employ their capitals would not only load himself with a most +unnecessary attention but assume an authority which could safely be +trusted, not only to no single person, but to no council or senate +whatever, and which would nowhere be so dangerous as in the hands of a +man who had folly and presumption enough to fancy himself fit to +exercise it. + + +3. Competition and Freedom[194] + +What, after all, is competition? Is it something that exists and acts of +itself, like the cholera? No, competition is simply the absence of +oppression. In reference to the matters that interest me, I _prefer_ to +choose for myself and I do not want anyone else to choose for me against +my will; that's all. And if anyone undertakes to substitute his judgment +for mine in matters that concern me I shall demand the privilege of +substituting my wishes for his in matters which concern him. What +guaranty is there that this arrangement will improve matters? It is +evident that competition is liberty. To destroy liberty of action is to +destroy the possibility and consequently the faculty of choosing, +judging, comparing; it is to kill intelligence, to kill thought, to kill +man himself. Whatever the point of departure, there is where modern +reforms always end; in order to improve society it is necessary to +annihilate the individual, upon the assumption that the individual is +the source of all evil, and as if the individual was not likewise the +source of all good. + + +4. Money and Freedom[195] + +Money not only makes the relation of individuals to the group a more +independent one, but the content of the special forms of associations +and the relations of the participants to these associations is subject +to an entirely new process of differentiation. + +The medieval corporations included in themselves all the human +interests. A guild of cloth-makers was not an association of individuals +which cultivated the interests of cloth-making exclusively. It was a +community in a vocational, personal, religious, political sense and in +many other respects. And however technical the interests that might be +grouped together in such an association, they had an immediate and +lively interest for all members. Members were wholly bound up in the +association. + +In contrast to this form of organization the capitalistic system has +made possible innumerable associations which either require from their +members merely money contributions or are directed toward mere money +interests. In the case of the business corporation, especially, the +basis of organization of members is exclusively an interest in the +dividends, so exclusively that it is a matter of entire indifference to +the individual what the society (enterprise) actually produces. + +The independence of the person of the concrete objects, in which he has +a mere money interest, is reflected, likewise, in his independence, in +his personal relations, of the other individuals with whom he is +connected by an exclusive money interest. This has produced one of the +most effective cultural formations--one which makes it possible for +individuals to take part in an association whose objective aim it will +promote, use, and enjoy without this association bringing with it any +further personal connection or imposing any further obligation. Money +has brought it about that one individual may unite himself with others +without being compelled to surrender any of his personal freedom or +reserve. That is the fundamental and unspeakably significant difference +between the medieval form of organization which made no difference +between the association of men as men and the association of men as +members of an organization. The medieval form or organization united +equally in one circle the entire business, religious, political, and +friendly interests of the individuals who composed it. + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + +1. Biological Competition + +The conception of competition has had a twofold origin: in the notions +(a) of the struggle for existence and (b) of the struggle for +livelihood. Naturally, then, the concept of competition has had a +parallel development in biology and in economics. The growth of the +notion in these two fields of thought, although parallel, is not +independent. Indeed, the fruitful process of interaction between the +differing formulations of the concept in biology and economics is a +significant illustration of the cross-fertilization of the sciences. +Although Malthus was a political economist, his principle of population +is essentially biological rather than economic. He is concerned with the +struggle for existence rather than for livelihood. Reacting against the +theories of Condorcet and of Godwin concerning the natural equality, +perfectability, and inevitable progress of man, Malthus in 1798 stated +the dismal law that population tends to increase in geometrical +progression and subsistence in arithmetical progression. In the preface +to the second edition of his _Essay on the Principle of Population_ +Malthus acknowledged his indebtedness to "Hume, Wallace, Dr. Adam Smith +and Dr. Price." Adam Smith no doubt anticipated and perhaps suggested to +Malthus his thesis in such passages in the _Wealth of Nations_ as, +"Every species of animals naturally multiplies in proportion to the +means of their subsistence," "The demand for men necessarily regulates +the production of men." These statements of the relation of population +to food supply, however, are incidental to Smith's general theories of +economics; the contribution of Malthus lay in taking this principle out +of its limited context, giving it the character of scientific +generalization, and applying it to current theories and programs of +social reform. + +The debt of biology to Malthus is acknowledged both by Darwin and by +Wallace. Fifteen months after Darwin had commenced his inquiry a chance +reading of Malthus' _Essay on the Principle of Population_ gave him the +clue to the explanation of the origin of species through the struggle +for existence. During an attack of intermittent fever Wallace recalled +Malthus' theory which he had read twelve years before and in it found +the solution of the problem of biological evolution. + +Although the phrase "the struggle for existence" was actually used by +Malthus: Darwin, Wallace, and their followers first gave it a general +application to all forms of life. Darwin in his _The Origin of Species_, +published in 1859, analyzed with a wealth of detail the struggle for +existence, the nature and forms of competition, natural selection, the +survival of the fittest, the segregation and consequent specialization +of species. + +Biological research in recent years has directed attention away from the +theory of evolution to field study of plant and animal communities. +Warming, Adams, Wheeler, and others have described, in their plant and +animal ecologies, the processes of competition and segregation by which +communities are formed. Clements in two studies, _Plant Succession_ and +_Plant Indicators_, has described in detail the life-histories of some +of these communities. His analysis of the succession of plant +communities within the same geographical area and of the relations of +competitive co-operation of the different species of which these +communities are composed might well serve as a model for similar studies +in human ecology. + + +2. Economic Competition + +Research upon competition in economics falls under two heads: (a) the +natural history of competition, and (b) the history of theories of +competition. + +a) Competition on the economic level, i.e., of struggle for +livelihood, had its origins in the market place. Sir Henry Maine, on the +basis of his study of village communities, states in effect that the +beginnings of economic behavior are first to be seen in neutral meeting +places of strangers and foes. + + In order to understand what a market originally was, you must + try to picture to yourselves a territory occupied by + village-communities, self-acting and as yet autonomous, each + cultivating its arable land in the middle of its waste, and + each, I fear I must add, at perpetual war with its neighbour. + But at several points, points probably where the domains of two + or three villages converged, there appear to have been spaces + of what we should now call neutral ground. These were the + Markets. They were probably the only places at which the + members of the different primitive groups met for any purpose + except warfare, and the persons who came to them were doubtless + at first persons especially empowered to exchange the produce + and manufactures of one little village-community for those of + another. But, besides the notion of neutrality, another idea + was anciently associated with markets. This was the idea of + sharp practice and hard bargaining. + + What is the real origin of the feeling that it is not + creditable to drive a hard bargain with a near relative or + friend? It can hardly be that there is any rule of morality to + forbid it. The feeling seems to me to bear the traces of the + old notion that men united in natural groups do not deal with + one another on principles of trade. The only natural group in + which men are now joined is the family; and the only bond of + union resembling that of the family is that which men create + for themselves by friendship. + + The general proposition which is the basis of Political + Economy, made its first approach to truth under the only + circumstances which admitted of men meeting at arm's length, + not as members of the same group, but as strangers. Gradually + the assumption of the right to get the best price has + penetrated into the interior of these groups, but it is never + completely received so long as the bond of connection between + man and man is assumed to be that of family or clan connection. + The rule only triumphs when the primitive community is in + ruins. What are the causes which have generalized a Rule of the + Market until it has been supposed to express an original and + fundamental tendency of human nature, it is impossible to state + fully, so multifarious have they been. Everything which has + helped to convert a society into a collection of individuals + from being an assemblage of families has helped to add to the + truth of the assertion made of human nature by the Political + Economists.[196] + +The extension of the relations of the market place to practically all +aspects of life having to do with livelihood has been the outcome of the +industrial revolution and the growth of Great Society. Standardization +of commodities, of prices, and of wages, the impersonal nature of +business relations, the "cash-nexus" and the credit basis of all human +relations has greatly extended the external competitive forms of +interaction. Money, with its abstract standards of value, is not only a +medium of exchange, but at the same time symbol par excellence of the +economic nature of modern competitive society. + +The literature describing change from the familial communism, typical of +primitive society, to the competitive economy of modern capitalistic +society is indicated in the bibliography. + +b) The history of competition as a concept in political economy goes +back to the Physiocrats. This French school of economists, laying stress +upon the food supply as the basis and the measure of the wealth of the +nation, demanded the abolition of restrictions upon agricultural +production and commerce. The Physiocrats based their theories upon the +natural rights of individuals to liberty. + + The miserable state of the nation seemed to demand a _volte + face_. Taxes were many and indirect. Let them be single and + direct. Liberty of enterprise was shackled. Let it be free. + State-regulation was excessive. _Laissez-faire!_ Their economic + plea for liberty is buttressed by an appeal to Nature, greater + than kings or ministers, and by an assertion of the natural, + inherent rights of man to be unimpeded in his freedom except so + far as he infringes upon that of others.[197] + +While the Physiocrats emphasized the beneficent effects of freedom in +industry to which the individual has a natural right, Adam Smith, in his +book _The Wealth of Nations_, emphasized the advantages of competition. +To him competition was a protection against monopoly. "It [competition] +can never hurt either the consumer or the producer; on the contrary it +must tend to make the retailers both sell cheaper and buy dearer than if +the whole trade was monopolized by one or two persons!"[198] It was at +the same time of benefit to both producer and consumer. "Monopoly is a +great enemy to good management which can never be universally +established but in consequence of that free and universal competition +which forces everybody to have recourse to it for the sake of +self-defence."[199] + +Before Darwin, competition had been conceived in terms of freedom and of +the natural harmony of interests. His use of the term introduced into +competition the notion of struggle for existence and the survival of the +fittest. This new conception, in which competition appears as a +fundamental process in all life, has been a powerful prop to the laissez +faire policy and has led to its continuance regardless of the misery and +destitution which, if it did not create, it certainly did not remedy. +The works of Herbert Spencer, the greatest expounder of the doctrine of +evolution, contain a powerful massing of evidence in favor of laissez +faire as a conclusion to be drawn from a scientific study of human +behavior. "Nothing but the slow modifications of human nature by the +discipline of social life," he said, "can produce permanently +advantageous changes. A fundamental error pervading the thinking of +nearly all parties, political and social, is that evils admit of +immediate and radical remedies."[200] + +With the growth of large-scale production with the tendency to the +formation of combinations and monopolies, as a result of freedom of +competition, works began to appear on the subject of unrestricted +competition. The expressions "unfair" and "cut-throat" competition, +which occur frequently in recent literature, suggest the new point of +view. Another euphemism under which other and more far-reaching +proposals for the limitation of competition and laissez faire have been +proposed is "social justice." In the meantime the trend of legislation +in England for a hundred years, as Mr. A. V. Dicey[201] has pointed out, +has been, in spite of Herbert Spencer, away from the individualistic and +in the direction of a collectivistic social order. This means more +legislation, more control, and less individual liberty. + +The full meaning of this change in law and opinion can only be fully +understood, however, when it is considered in connection with the growth +of communication, economic organization, and cities, all of which have +so increased the mutual interdependence of all members of society as to +render illusory and unreal the old freedoms and liberties which the +system of laissez faire was supposed to guarantee. + + +3. Competition and Human Ecology + +The ecological conception of society is that of a society created by +competitive co-operation. Adam Smith's _Wealth of Nations_ was a +description of society in so far as it is a product of economic +competition. David Ricardo, in his _Principles of Political Economy_, +defined the process of competition more abstractly and states its +consequences with more ruthless precision and consistency. "His theory," +says Kolthamer in his introduction, "seems to be an everlasting +justification of the _status quo_. As such at least it was used." + +But Ricardo's doctrines were both "a prop and a menace to the middle +classes," and the errors which they canonized have been the +presuppositions of most of the radical and revolutionary programs since +that time. + + The socialists, adopting his theories of value and wages, + interpreted Ricardo's crude expressions to their own advantage. + To alter the Ricardian conclusions, they said, alter the social + conditions upon which they depend: to improve upon subsistence + wage, deprive capital of what it steals from labour--the value + which labour creates. The land-taxers similarly used the + Ricardian theory of rent: rent is a surplus for the existence + of which no single individual is responsible--take it therefore + for the benefit of all, whose presence creates it.[202] + +The anarchistic, socialistic, and communistic doctrines, to which +reference is made in the bibliography, are to be regarded as themselves +sociological phenomena, without reference to their value as programs. +They are based on ecological and economic conceptions of society in +which competition is the fundamental fact and, from the point of view of +these doctrines, the fundamental evil of society. What is sociologically +important in these doctrines is the wishes that they express. They +exhibit among other things, at any rate, the character which the hopes +and the wishes of men take in this vast, new, restless world, the Great +Society, in which men find themselves but in which they are not yet, and +perhaps never will be, at home. + + +4. Competition and the "Inner Enemies": the Defectives, the Dependents, +and the Delinquents + +Georg Simmel, referring, in his essay on "The Stranger," to the poor and +the criminal, bestowed upon them the suggestive title of "The Inner +Enemies." The criminal has at all times been regarded as a rebel against +society, but only recently has the existence of the dependent and the +defective been recognized as inimical to the social order.[203] + +Modern society, so far as it is free, has been organized on the basis of +competition. Since the status of the poor, the criminal, and the +dependent, has been largely determined by their ability or willingness +to compete, the literature upon defectiveness, dependency, and +delinquency may be surveyed in its relation to the process of +competition. For the purposes of this survey the dependent may be +defined as one who is unable to compete; the defective as the person who +is, if not unable, at least handicapped, in his efforts to compete. The +criminal, on the other hand, is one who is perhaps unable, but at any +rate refuses, to compete according to the rules which society lays down. + +Malthus' _Essay on the Principle of Population_ first called attention +to the pathological effects of the struggle for existence in modern +society and emphasized the necessity of control, not merely in the +interest of the defeated and rejected members of society, but in the +interest of society itself. Malthus sought a mitigation, if not a +remedy, for the evils of overpopulation by what he called "moral +restraint," that is, "a restraint from marriage, from prudential +motives, with a conduct strictly moral during the period of restraint." +The alternatives were war, famine, and pestilence. These latter have, in +fact, been up to very recent times the effective means through which the +problem of overpopulation has been solved. + +The Neo-Malthusian movement, under the leadership of Francis Place, +Richard Carlile, and Robert Dale Owen in the decade of 1820-30 and of +Charles Bradlaugh and Annie Besant in the decade of 1870-80, advocated +the artificial restriction of the family. The differential decline in +the birth-rate, that is, the greater decrease in the number of children +in the well-to-do and educated classes as compared with the poor and +uneducated masses, was disclosed through investigations by the Galton +Eugenics Laboratory in England and characterized as a national menace. +In the words of David Heron, a study of districts in London showed that +"one-fourth of the married population was producing one-half of the next +generation." In United States less exhaustive investigation showed the +same tendency at work and the alarm which the facts created found a +popular expression in the term "race-suicide." + +It is under these circumstances and as a result of investigations and +agitations of the eugenists, that the poor, the defective, and the +delinquent have come to be regarded as "inner enemies" in a sense that +would scarcely have been understood a hundred years ago. + +Poverty and dependency in modern society have a totally different +significance from that which they have had in societies in the past. The +literature descriptive of primitive communities indicated that in the +economic communism of a society based on kinship, famines were frequent +but poverty was unknown. In ancient and medieval societies the +dependency, where it was not professional, as in the case of the +mendicant religious orders, was intimate and personal. In this respect +it differed widely from the organized, official, and supervised +philanthropy of our modern cities. + +With the abolition of serfdom, the break-up of the medieval guilds, and +the inauguration of a period of individual freedom and relatively +unrestricted competition (laissez faire) which ushered in the modern +industrial order, the struggle for existence ceased to be communal, and +became individual. The new order based on individual freedom, as +contrasted with the old order based on control, has been described as a +system in which every individual was permitted to "go to hell in his own +individual way." "The only purpose for which power can be rightfully +exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will," +said Mill, "is to prevent harm to others. His own good either physical +or moral is not a sufficient warranty." Only when the individual became +a criminal or a pauper did the state or organized society attempt to +control or assist him in the competitive struggle for existence.[204] + +Since competitive industry has its beginnings in England, the study of +the English poor laws is instructive. Under the influence of Malthus +and of the classical economists the early writers upon poverty regarded +it as an inevitable and natural consequence of the operation of the +"iron laws" of political economy. For example, when Harriet Martineau +was forced to admit, by the evidence collected by the Factory +Commissioners in 1833, that "the case of these wretched factory children +seems desperate," she goes on to add "the only hope seems to be that the +race will die out in two or three generations." + +Karl Marx, accepting the Ricardian economics, emphasized the misery and +destitution resulting from the competitive process, and demanded the +abolition of competition and the substitution therefor of the absolute +control of a socialistic state. + +Recent studies treat poverty and dependency as a disease and look to its +prevention and cure. Trade unions, trade associations, and social +insurance are movements designed to safeguard industry and the worker +against the now generally recognized consequences of unlimited +competition. The conceptions of industrial democracy and citizenship in +industry have led to interesting and promising experiments. + +In this connection, the efforts of employers to protect themselves as +well as the community from accidents and occupational diseases may be +properly considered. During and since the Great War efforts have been +made on a grand scale to rehabilitate, re-educate, and restore to +usefulness the war's wounded soldiers. This interest in the former +soldiers and the success of the efforts already made has led to an +increased interest in all classes of the industrially handicapped. A +number of surveys have been made, in different parts of the country, of +the crippled, and efforts are in progress to discover occupations and +professions in which the deaf, the blind, and otherwise industrially +handicapped can be employed and thus restored to usefulness and relative +independence. + +The wide extension of the police power in recent times in the interest +of public health, sanitation, and general public welfare represents the +effort of the government, in an individualistic society in which the +older sanctions and securities no longer exist, to protect the +individual as well as the community from the effects of unrestricted +competition. + +The literature of criminology has sought an answer to the enigma of the +criminal. The writings of the European criminologists run the gamut of +explanation from Lombroso, who explained crime as an inborn tendency of +the criminal, to Tarde, who defines the criminal as a purely social +product. + +W. A. Bonger,[205] a socialist, has sought to show that criminality is a +direct product of the modern economic system. Without accepting either +the evidence or the conclusions of Bonger, it cannot be gainsaid that +the modern offender must be studied from the standpoint of his failure +to participate in a wholesome and normal way in our competitive, +secondary society which rests upon the institution of private property +and individual competition. + +The failure of the delinquent to conform to the social code may be +studied from two standpoints: (a) that of the individual as an +organization of original mental and temperamental traits, and (b) that +of a person with a status and a role in the social group. The book _The +Individual Delinquent_, by William Healy, placed the study of the +offender as an individual upon a sound scientific basis. That the person +can and should be regarded as part and parcel of his social milieu has +been strikingly illustrated by T. M. Osborne in two books, _Within +Prison Walls_ and _Society and Prisons_. The fact seems to be that the +problem of crime is essentially like that of the other major problems of +our social order, and its solution involves three elements, namely: +(a) the analysis of the aptitudes of the individual and the wishes of +the person; (b) the analysis of the activities of our society with its +specialization and division of labor; and (c) the accommodation or +adjustment of the individual to the social and economic environment. + + +SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY + + +I. BIOLOGICAL COMPETITION + +(1) Crile, George W. _Man an Adaptive Mechanism._ New York, 1901. + +(2) Darwin, Charles. _The Origin of Species._ London, 1859. + +(3) Wallace, Alfred Russel. _Studies Scientific and Social._ 2 vols. New +York, 1900. + +(4) ----. _Darwinism._ An exposition of the theory of natural selection +with some of its applications. Chap. iv, "The Struggle for Existence," +pp. 14-40; chap. v, "Natural Selection by Variation and Survival of the +Fittest," pp. 102-25. 3d ed. London, 1901. + +(5) Weismann, August. _On Germinal Selection as a Source of Definite +Variation._ Translated from the German. Chicago, 1896. + +(6) Malthus, T. R. _An Essay on the Principle of Population._ Or a view +of its past and present effects on human happiness, with an inquiry into +our prospects respecting the future removal or mitigation of the evils +which it occasions. 2d ed. London, 1803. [1st ed., 1798.] + +(7) Knapp, G. F. "Darwin und Socialwissenschaften," _Jahrbuecher fuer +Nationaloekonomie und Statistik_. Erste Folge, XVIII (1872), 233-47. + +(8) Thomson, J. Arthur. _Darwinism and Human Life._ New York, 1918. + + +II. ECONOMIC COMPETITION + +(1) Wagner, Adolf. _Grundlegung der politischen Oekonomie._ Pp. 794-828. +[The modern private industrial system of free competition.] Pp. 71-137. +[The industrial nature of men.] Leipzig, 1892-94. + +(2) Effertz, Otto. _Arbeit und Boden._ System der politischen Oekonomie. +Vol. II, chaps, xix, xx, xxi, xxiii, xxiv, pp. 237-320. Berlin, 1897. + +(3) Marshall, Alfred. _Principles of Economics._ Appendix A, "The Growth +of Free Industry and Enterprise," pp. 723-54. London, 1910. + +(4) Seligman, E. R. A. _Principles of Economics._ Chap, x, pp. 139-53. +New York, 1905. + +(5) Schatz, Albert. _L'Individualisme economique et social, ses +origines, son evolution, ses formes contemporaines._ Paris, 1907. + +(6) Cunningham, William. _An Essay on Western Civilization in Its +Economic Aspects._ Medieval and modern times. Cambridge, 1913. + + +III. FREEDOM AND LAISSEZ FAIRE + +(1) Simmel, Georg. _Philosophie des Geldes._ Chap. iv, "Die individuelle +Freiheit," pp. 279-364. Leipzig, 1900. + +(2) Bagehot, Walter. _Postulates of English Political Economics._ With a +preface by Alfred Marshall. New York and London, 1885. + +(3) Oncken, August. _Die Maxime Laissez Faire et Laissez Passer, ihr +Ursprung, ihr Werden._ Bern, 1886. + +(4) Bastiat, Frederic. _Harmonies economiques._ 9th ed. Paris, 1884. + +(5) Cunningham, William. _The Growth of English Industry and Commerce in +Modern Times._ Vol. III, "Laissez Faire." 3 vols. 3d ed. Cambridge, +1903. + +(6) Ingram, John K. _A History of Political Economy._ Chap. v, "Third +Modern Phase; System of Natural Liberty." 2d ed. New York, 1908. + +(7) Hall, W. P. "Certain Early Reactions against Laissez Faire," _Annual +Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1913._ I, +127-38. Washington, 1915. + +(8) Adams, Henry C. "Relation of the State to Industrial Action," +_Publications of the American Economic Association_, I (1887), 471-549. + + +IV. THE MARKETS + +(1) Walker, Francis A. _Political Economy._ Chap. ii, pp. 97-102. 3d ed. +New York, 1887. [Market defined.] + +(2) Grierson, P. J. H. _The Silent Trade._ A contribution to the early +history of human intercourse. Edinburgh, 1903. [Bibliography.] + +(3) Maine, Henry S. _Village Communities in the East and West._ Lecture +VI, "The Early History of Price and Rent," pp. 175-203. New York, 1885. + +(4) Walford, Cornelius. _Fairs, Past and Present._ A chapter in the +history of commerce. London, 1883. + +(5) Bourne, H. R. F. _English Merchants._ Memoirs in illustration of the +progress of British commerce. New ed. London, 1898. + +(6) Webb, Sidney and Beatrice. _Industrial Democracy._ Part III, chap. +ii, "The Higgling of the Market," pp. 654-702. New ed. London, 1902. + +(7) Bagehot, Walter. _Lombard Street._ A description of the money +market. New York, 1876. + + +V. COMPETITION AND INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION + +(1) Crowell, John F. _Trusts and Competition._ Chicago, 1915. +[Bibliography.] + +(2) Macrosty, Henry W. _Trusts and the State._ A sketch of competition. +London, 1901. + +(3) Carter, George R. _The Tendency toward Industrial Combination._ A +study of the modern movement toward industrial combination in some +spheres of British industry; its forms and developments, their causes, +and their determinant circumstances. London, 1913. + +(4) Levy, Hermann. _Monopoly and Competition._ A study in English +industrial organization. London, 1911. + +(5) Haney, Lewis H. _Business Organization and Combination._ An analysis +of the evolution and nature of business organization in the United +States and a tentative solution of the corporation and trust problems. +New York, 1914. + +(6) Van Hise, Charles R. _Concentration and Control._ A solution of the +trust problem in the United States. New York, 1912. + +(7) Kohler, Josef. _Der unlautere Wettbewerb._ Darstellung des +Wettbewerbsrechts. Berlin und Leipzig, 1914. + +(8) Nims, Harry D. _The Law of Unfair Business Competition._ Including +chapters on trade secrets and confidential business relations; unfair +interference with contracts; libel and slander of articles of +merchandise, trade names and business credit and reputation. New York, +1909. + +(9) Stevens, W. H. S. _Unfair Competition._ A study of certain practices +with some reference to the trust problem in the United States of +America. Chicago, 1917. + +(10) Eddy, Arthur J. _The New Competition._ An examination of the +conditions underlying the radical change that is taking place in the +commercial and industrial world; the change from a competitive to a +co-operative basis. New York, 1912. + +(11) Willoughby, W. W. _Social Justice._ A critical essay. Chap. ix, +"The Ethics of the Competitive Process," pp. 269-315. New York, 1900. + +(12) Rogers, Edward S. _Good Will, Trade-Marks and Unfair Trading._ +Chicago, 1914. + + +VI. SOCIALISM AND ANARCHISM + +(1) Stirner, Max. (Kaspar Schmidt). _The Ego and His Own._ Translated +from the German by S. T. Byington. New York, 1918. + +(2) Godwin, William. _An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and Its +Influence on General Virtue and Happiness._ Book V, chap. xxiv. London, +1793. + +(3) Proudhon, Pierre Joseph. _What Is Property?_ An inquiry into the +principle of right and of government. Translated from the French by B. +R. Tucker. New York, 189-? + +(4) Zenker, E. V. _Anarchism._ A criticism and history of the anarchist +theory. Translated from the German. New York, 1897. [With +bibliographical references.] + +(5) Bailie, William. _Josiah Warren, the First American Anarchist._ A +sociological study. Boston, 1906. + +(6) Russell, B. A. W. _Proposed Roads to Freedom._ Socialism, anarchism, +and syndicalism. New York, 1919. + +(7) Mackay, Thomas, editor. _A Plea for Liberty._ An argument against +socialism and socialistic legislation. New York, 1891. + +(8) Spencer, Herbert. "The Man _versus_ the State," Appendix to _Social +Statics_. New York, 1897. + +(9) Marx, Karl, and Engels, Frederick. _Manifesto of the Communist +Party._ Authorized English translation edited and annotated by Frederick +Engels. London, 1888. + +(10) Stein, L. _Der Socialismus und Communismus des heutigen +Frankreichs._ Ein Beitrag zur Zeitgeschichte. Leipzig, 1848. + +(11) Guyot, Edouard. _Le Socialisme et l'evolution de l'Angleterre +contemporaine_ (1880-1911). Paris, 1913. + +(12) Flint, Robert. _Socialism._ 2d ed. London, 1908. + +(13) Beer, M. _A History of British Socialism._ Vol. I, "From the Days +of the Schoolmen to the Birth of Chartism." Vol. II, "From Chartism to +1920." London, 1919-21. + +(14) Levine, Louis. _Syndicalism in France._ 2d ed. New York, 1914. + +(15) Brissenden, Paul F. _The I. W. W._ A study of American syndicalism. +New York, 1919. [Bibliography.] + +(16) Brooks, John Graham. _American Syndicalism._ New York, 1913. + +(17) ----. _Labor's Challenge to the Social Order._ Democracy its own +critic and educator. New York, 1920. + + +VII. COMPETITION AND "THE INNER ENEMIES" + + +A. _The Struggle for Existence and Its Social Consequences_ + +(1) Henderson, Charles R. _Introduction to the Study of the Dependent, +Defective, and Delinquent Classes, and of Their Social Treatment._ 2d +ed. Boston, 1908. + +(2) Grotjahn, Alfred. _Soziale Pathologie._ Versuch einer Lehre von den +sozialen Beziehungen der menschlichen Krankheiten als Grundlage der +sozialen Medizin und der sozialen Hygiene. Berlin, 1912. + +(3) Lilienfeld, Paul de. _La Pathologie sociale._ Avec une preface de +Rene Worms. Paris, 1896. + +(4) Thompson, Warren S. _Population._ A study in Malthusianism. New +York, 1915. + +(5) Field, James A. "The Early Propagandist Movement in English +Population Theory," _American Economic Association Bulletin_, 4th Ser., +I (1911), 207-36. + +(6) Heron, David. _On the Relation of Fertility in Man to Social +Status._ And on the changes in this relation that have taken place +during the last fifty years. London, 1906. + +(7) Elderton, Ethel M. "Report on the English Birthrate." University of +London, Francis Galton Laboratory for National Eugenics. _Eugenics +Laboratory Memoirs_, XIX-XX. London, 1914. + +(8) D'Ambrosio, Manlio A. _Passivita Economica._ Primi principi di una +teoria sociologica della popolazione economicamente passiva. Napoli, +1909. + +(9) Ellwood, Charles A. _Sociology and Modern Social Problems._ Rev. ed. +New York, 1913. + + +B. _Poverty, Labor, and the Proletariat_ + +(1) Woods, Robert A., Elsing, W. T., and others. _The Poor in Great +Cities._ Their problems and what is being done to solve them. New York, +1895. + +(2) Rowntree, B. Seebohm. _Poverty, a Study of Town Life._ London, 1901. + +(3) Devine, Edward T. _Misery and Its Causes._ New York, 1909. + +(4) Marx, Karl. _Capital._ A critical analysis of capitalist production. +Chap. xv, "Machinery and Modern Industry." Translated from the third +German edition by Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling, and edited by +Frederick Engels. London, 1908. + +(5) Hobson, John A. _Problems of Poverty._ An inquiry into the +industrial condition of the poor. London, 1891. + +(6) Kydd, Samuel [Alfred, pseud.] _The History of the Factory Movement._ +From the year 1802 to the enactment of the ten hours' bill in 1847. 2 +vols. London, 1857. + +(7) Rowntree, B. S., and Lasker, Bruno. _Unemployment, a Social Study._ +London, 1911. + +(8) Beveridge, William Henry. _Unemployment._ A problem of industry. 3d +ed. London, 1912. + +(9) Parmelee, Maurice. _Poverty and Social Progress._ New York, 1916. + +(10) Gillin, John L. _Poverty and Dependency._ Their relief and +prevention. New York, 1921. + +(11) Sombart, Werner. _Das Proletariat; Bilder und Studien._ Frankfurt +am Main, 1906. + +(12) Riis, Jacob A. _How the Other Half Lives._ Studies among the +tenements of New York. New York, 1890. + +(13) Nevinson, Margaret W. _Workhouse Characters and Other Sketches of +the Life of the Poor._ London, 1918. + +(14) Sims, George R. _How the Poor Live; and Horrible London._ London, +1898. + + +C. _The Industrially Handicapped_ + +(1) Best, Harry. _The Deaf._ Their position in society and the provision +for their education in the United States. New York, 1914. + +(2) ----. _The Blind._ Their condition and the work being done for them +in the United States. New York, 1919. + +(3) United States Bureau of the Census. _The Blind and the Deaf, 1900._ +Washington, 1906. + +(4) ----. _Deaf-Mutes in the United States._ Analysis of the census of +1910 with summary of state laws relating to the deaf as of January 1, +1918. Washington, 1918. + +(5) ----. _The Blind in the United States 1910._ Washington, 1917. + +(6) Niceforo, Alfredo. _Les Classes pauvres._ Recherches +anthropologiques et sociales. Paris, 1905. + +(7) Goddard, Henry H. _Feeble-mindedness, Its Causes and Consequences._ +Chap. i, "Social Problems," pp. 1-20. New York, 1914. + +(8) Popenoe, Paul B., and Johnson, Roswell H. _Applied Eugenics._ Chap. +ix, "The Dysgenic Classes," pp. 176-83. New York, 1918. + +(9) Pintner, Rudolph, and Toops, Herbert A. "Mental Test of Unemployed +Men," _Journal of Applied Psychology_, I (1917), 325-41; II (1918), +15-25. + +(10) Oliver, Thomas. _Dangerous Trades._ The historical, social, and +legal aspects of industrial occupations affecting health, by a number of +experts. New York, 1902. + +(11) Jarrett, Mary C. "The Psychopathic Employee: a Problem of +Industry," _Bulletin of the Massachusetts Commission on Mental +Diseases_, I (1917-18), Nos. 3-4, 223-38. Boston, 1918. + +(12) Thompson, W. Gilman. _The Occupational Diseases._ Their causation, +treatment, and prevention. New York, 1914. + +(13) Kober, George M., and Hanson, William C., editors. _Diseases of +Occupation and Vocational Hygiene._ Philadelphia, 1916. + +(14) Great Britain. Ministry of Munitions. _Health of Munition Workers +Committee._ Hours, fatigue, and health in British munition factories. +Reprints of the memoranda of the British Health of Munition Workers +Committee, April, 1917. Washington, 1917. + +(15) Great Britain Home Department. _Report of the Committee on +Compensation for Industrial Diseases._ London, 1907. + +(16) McMurtrie, Douglas C. _The Disabled Soldier._ With an introduction +by Jeremiah Milbank. New York, 1919. + +(17) Rubinow, I. M. "A Statistical Consideration of the Number of Men +Crippled in War and Disabled in Industry," _Publication of Red Cross +Institute for Crippled and Disabled Men_. Series I, No. 4, Feb. 14, +1918. + +(18) Love, Albert G., and Davenport, C. B. _Defects Found in Drafted +Men._ Statistical information compiled from the draft records showing +the physical condition of the men registered and examined in pursuance +of the requirements of the selective-service act. War Department, U.S. +Surgeon General's Office, Washington, 1920. + + +D. _Alcoholism and Drug Addiction_ + +(1) Partridge, George E. _Studies in the Psychology of Intemperance._ +New York, 1912. + +(2) Kelynack, T. N. _The Drink Problem of Today in Its +Medicosociological Aspects._ New York, 1916. + +(3) Kerr, Norman S. _Inebriety or Narcomania._ Its etiology, pathology, +treatment, and jurisprudence. 3d ed. London, 1894. + +(4) Elderton, Ethel M. "A First Study of the Influence of Parental +Alcoholism on the Physique and Ability of the Offspring." _Eugenics +Laboratory Memoirs_, University of London, Francis Galton Laboratory for +National Eugenics. London, 1910. + +(5) Koren, John. _Economic Aspects of the Liquor Problem._ An +investigation made for the Committee of Fifty under the direction of +Henry W. Farnam. Boston, 1899. + +(6) Towns, Charles B. _Habits that Handicap._ The menace of opium, +alcohol, and tobacco, and the remedy. New York, 1916. + +(7) Wilbert, Martin I. "The Number and Kind of Drug Addicts," _U.S. +Public Health Reprint_, No. 294. Washington, 1915. + +(8) Rowntree, B. Seebohm. _Land and Labour: Lessons from Belgium._ Chap. +xxvi, "The Drink Problem." London, 1910. + +(9) McIver, J., and Price, G. F. "Drug Addiction," _Journal of the +American Medical Association_, LXVI (1915), 476-80. [A study of 147 +cases.] + +(10) Stanley, L. L. "Drug Addictions," _Journal of the American +Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology_, X (1919), 62-70. [Four case +studies.] + + +E. _Crime and Competition_ + +(1) Parmelee, Maurice. _Criminology._ Chap. vi, pp. 67-91. New York, +1918. + +(2) Bonger, William A. _Criminality and Economic Conditions._ Translated +from the French by H. P. Horton, with editorial preface by Edward +Lindsey and with an introduction by Frank H. Norcross. Boston, 1916. + +(3) Tarde, G. "La Criminalite et les phenomenes economiques," _Archives +d'anthropologie criminelle_, XVI (1901), 565-75. + +(4) Van Kan, J. _Les Causes economiques de la criminalite._ Etude +historique et critique d'etiologie criminelle. Lyon, 1903. + +(5) Fornasari di Verce, E. _La Criminalita e le vicende economiche +d'Italia, dal 1873 al 1890, con prefazione di Ces. Lombroso._ Torino, +1894. + +(6) Devon, J. _The Criminal and the Community._ London and New York, +1912. + +(7) Breckinridge, Sophonisba, and Abbott, Edith. _The Delinquent Child +and the Home._ Chap. iv, "The Poor Child: The Problem of Poverty," pp. +70-89. New York, 1912. + +(8) Donovan, Frances. _The Woman Who Waits._ Boston, 1920. + +(9) Fernald, Mabel R., Hayes, Mary H. S., and Dawley, Almena. _A Study +of Women Delinquents in New York State._ With statistical chapter by +Beardsley Ruml; preface by Katharine Bement Davis. Chap. xi, +"Occupational History and Economic Efficiency," pp. 304-79. New York, +1920. + +(10) Miner, Maude. _The Slavery of Prostitution._ A plea for +emancipation. Chap. iii, "Social Factors Leading to Prostitution," pp. +53-88. New York, 1916. + +(11) Ryckere, Raymond de. _La Servante criminelle._ Etude de +criminologie professionelle. Paris, 1908. + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. The Struggle for Existence and the Survival of the Fittest. + +2. Economic Competition and the Economic Equilibrium. + +3. "Unfair" Competition and Social Control. + +4. Competition versus Sentiment. + +5. The History of the Market, the Exchange, the Board of Trade. + +6. The Natural History of the Laissez-Faire Theory in Economics and +Politics. + +7. Competition, Money, and Freedom. + +8. Competition and Segregation in Industry and in Society. + +9. The Neo-Malthusian Movement and Race Suicide. + +10. The Economic Order of Competition and "the Inner Enemies." + +11. The History of the English Poor Law. + +12. Unemployment and Poverty in a Competitive, Secondary Society. + +13. Modern Economy and the Psychology of Intemperance. + +14. Modern Industry, the Physically Handicapped and Programs of +Rehabilitation. + +15. Crime in Relation to Economic Conditions. + +16. Methods of Social Amelioration: Philanthropy, Welfare Work in +Industry, Social Insurance, etc. + +17. Experiments in the Limitation of Competition: Collective Bargaining, +Trade Associations, Trade Boards, etc. + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. In what fields did the popular conceptions of competition originate? + +2. In what way does competition as a form of interaction differ from +conflict, accommodation, and assimilation? + +3. What do you understand to be the difference between struggle, +conflict, competition, and rivalry? + +4. What are the different forms of the struggle for existence? + +5. In what different meanings do you understand Darwin to use the term +"the struggle for existence"? How many of these are applicable to human +society? + +6. What do you understand Darwin to mean when he says: "The structure of +every organic being is related, in the most essential yet often hidden +manner, to that of all the other organic beings with which it comes into +competition for food or residence, or from which it has to escape, or on +which it preys"? Does his principle, in your opinion, also apply to the +structure of social groups? + +7. What examples of competition occur to you in human or social +relations? In what respects are they (a) alike, (b) different, from +competition in plant communities? + +8. To what extent is biological competition present in modern human +society? + +9. Does competition always lead to increased specialization and higher +organization? + +10. What evidences are there in society of the effect of competition +upon specialization and organization? + +11. What do you understand Crile to mean by the sentence: "In every case +the fate of each creature seems to have been staked upon one mechanism"? +What is this mechanism with man? + +12. Do you think that Crile has given an adequate explanation of the +evolution of mind? + +13. Is there a difference in the character of the struggle for existence +of animals and of man? + +14. What is the difference in competition within a community based on +likenesses and one based on diversities? + +15. Compare the ecological concept "reaction" with the sociological +conception "control." + +16. What do you understand by the expression "the reaction of a +community is usually more than the sum of the reaction of the component +species and individuals"? Explain. + +17. How far can the terms migration, ecesis, and competition, as used by +Clements in his analysis of the invasion of one plant community by +another, be used in the analysis of the process by which immigrants +"invade" this country, i.e., migrate, settle, and are assimilated, +"Americanized"? + +18. What are the social forces involved in (a) internal, (b) +foreign, migrations? + +19. What do you understand by the term segregation? To what extent are +the social forces making for segregation (a) economic, (b) +sentimental? Illustrate. + +20. In what ways has immigration to the United States resulted in +segregation? + +21. Does the segregation of the immigrant in our American cities make +for or against (a) competition, (b) conflict, (c) social control, +(d) accommodation, and (e) assimilation? + +22. What are the factors producing internal migration in the United +States? + +23. In what sense is the drift to the cities a result of competition? + +24. What is Ripley's conclusion in regard to urban selection and the +ethnic composition of cities? + +25. What are the outstanding results of demographic segregation and +social selection in the United States? + +26. What, in your judgment, are the chief characteristics of +inter-racial competition? + +27. To what extent do you agree with Walker's analysis of the social +forces involved in race suicide in the United States? + +28. In what specific ways is competition now a factor in race suicide? + +29. What will be the future effects of inter-racial competition upon the +ethnic stock of the American people? + +30. "There is a sense in which much of the orthodox system of political +economy is eternally true." Explain. + +31. To what extent and in what sense is economic competition +unconscious? + +32. What differences other than innate mental ability enter into +competition between different social groups and different persons? + +33. Who are your competitors? + +34. Of the existence (as identified persons) of what proportion of these +competitors are you unconscious? + +35. What is meant by competitive co-operation? Illustrate. (See pp. 508, +558.) + +36. What do you understand by the term "economic equilibrium"? + +37. Is "economic equilibrium" identical with "social solidarity"? What +is the relation, if any, between the two concepts? + +38. To what extent does competition make for a natural harmony of +individual interests? + +39. What did Adam Smith mean by "an invisible hand"? + +40. "Civilization is the resultant not of conscious co-operation but of +the unconscious competition of individuals." Do you agree or disagree +with this statement? + +41. "By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the +society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it." +What is the argument for and against this position? + +42. Why has the laissez-faire theory in economics been largely +abandoned? + +43. What do you understand by the term "freedom"? How far may freedom be +identified with freedom of competition? + +44. Do you accept the conception of Bastiat that "competition is +liberty"? + +45. How does money make for freedom? Does it make for or against +co-operation? Are co-operation and competition mutually antagonistic +terms? + +46. Under what circumstances do you have competition between individuals +and competition between groups? + +47. What do you understand by the statement that anarchism, socialism, +and communism are based upon the ecological conceptions of society? + +48. What is the difference between an opinion or a doctrine taken (a) +as a datum, and (b) as a value? + +49. From what point of view may the dependent, the delinquent, and the +defective be regarded as "inner enemies"? Is this notion +individualistic, socialistic, or how would you characterize it? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[180] Bastiat, Frederic, _Oeuvres completes_, tome VI, "Harmonies +economiques," 9e edition, p. 381. (Paris, 1884.) + +[181] Walker, Francis A., _Political Economy_, p. 92. (New York, 1887.) + +[182] See chap. i, pp. 51-54. + +[183] The introduction of the rabbit into Australia, where predatory +competitors are absent, has resulted in so great a multiplication of the +members of this species that their numbers have become an economic +menace. The appearance of the boll weevil, an insect which attacks the +cotton boll, has materially changed the character of agriculture in +areas of cotton culture in the South. Scientists are now looking for +some insect enemy of the boll weevil that will restore the equilibrium. + +[184] Adapted from J. Arthur Thomson, _Darwinism and Human Life_, pp. +72-75. (Henry Holt & Co., 1910.) + +[185] Adapted from Charles Darwin, _The Origin of Species_, pp. 50-61. +(D. Appleton & Co., 1878.) + +[186] Adapted from Charles Darwin, _The Origin of Species_, pp. 97-100. +(D. Appleton & Co., 1878.) + +[187] Adapted from George W. Crile, _Man: An Adaptive Mechanism_, pp. +17-39. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1916. Reprinted by permission.) + +[188] Adapted from F. E. Clements, _Plant Succession_. An analysis of +the development of vegetation, pp. 75-79. (Carnegie Institution of +Washington, 1916.) + +[189] Adapted from Carl Buecher, _Industrial Evolution_, pp. 345-69. +(Henry Holt & Co., 1907.) + +[190] From William Z. Ripley, _The Races of Europe_, pp. 537-59. (D. +Appleton & Co., 1899.) + +[191] Adapted from Francis A. Walker, _Economics and Statistics_, II, +421-26. (Henry Holt & Co., 1899.) + +[192] Adapted from John B. Clark, "The Limits of Competition," in Clark +and Giddings, _The Modern Distributive Process_, pp. 2-8. (Ginn & Co., +1888.) + +[193] Adapted from Adam Smith, _An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of +the Wealth of Nations_, I (1904), 419, 421. (By kind permission of +Messrs. Methuen & Co., Ltd.) + +[194] Translated from Frederic Bastiat, _Oeuvres completes_, tome VI, +"Harmonies economiques," 9e edition, p. 350. (Paris, 1884.) + +[195] Translated from Georg Simmel, _Philosophie des Geldes_, pp. +351-52. (Duncker und Humblot, 1900.) + +[196] Henry S. Maine, _Village-Communities in the East and West_, pp. +192-97. (New York, 1889.) + +[197] Henry Higgs, _The Physiocrats_, p. 142. (London, 1897.) + +[198] Adam Smith, _Wealth of Nations_ (Cannan's edition), I, 342. +London, 1904. + +[199] _Ibid._ I, 148. + +[200] Thomas Mackay, _A Plea for Liberty_. An argument against socialism +and socialistic legislation, consisting of an introduction by Herbert +Spencer and essays by various writers, p. 24. (New York, 1891.) + +[201] _Lectures on the Relation between Law and Opinion in England, +during the Nineteenth Century._ 2d ed. (London, 1914). + +[202] _The Principles of Taxation._ Everyman's Library. Preface by F. W. +Kolthamer, p. xii. + +[203] _Soziologie_, p. 686. (Leipzig, 1908.) + +[204] John Stuart Mill, _On Liberty_. (London, 1859.) + +[205] _Criminality and Economic Conditions._ (Boston, 1916.) + + + + +CHAPTER IX + +CONFLICT + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. The Concept of Conflict + +The distinction between competition and conflict has already been +indicated. Both are forms of interaction, but competition is a struggle +between individuals, or groups of individuals, who are not necessarily +in contact and communication; while conflict is a contest in which +contact is an indispensable condition. Competition, unqualified and +uncontrolled as with plants, and in the great impersonal life-struggle +of man with his kind and with all animate nature, is unconscious. +Conflict is always conscious, indeed, it evokes the deepest emotions and +strongest passions and enlists the greatest concentration of attention +and of effort. Both competition and conflict are forms of struggle. +Competition, however, is continuous and impersonal, conflict is +intermittent and personal. + +Competition is a struggle for position in an economic order. The +distribution of populations in the world-economy, the industrial +organization in the national economy, and the vocation of the individual +in the division of labor--all these are determined, in the long run, by +competition. The status of the individual, or a group of individuals, in +the social order, on the other hand, is determined by rivalry; by war, +or by subtler forms of conflict. + +"Two is company, three is a crowd" suggests how easily the social +equilibrium is disturbed by the entrance of a new factor in a social +situation. The delicate nuances and grades of attention given to +different individuals moving in the same social circle are the +superficial reflections of rivalries and conflicts beneath the smooth +and decorous surfaces of polite society. + +In general, we may say that competition determines the position of the +individual in the community; conflict fixes his place in society. +Location, position, ecological interdependence--these are the +characteristics of the community. Status, subordination and +superordination, control--these are the distinctive marks of a society. + +The notion of conflict, like the fact, has its roots deep in human +interest. Mars has always held a high rank in the hierarchy of the gods. +Whenever and wherever struggle has taken the form of conflict, whether +of races, of nations, or of individual men, it has invariably captured +and held the attention of spectators. And these spectators, when they +did not take part in the fight, always took sides. It was this conflict +of the non-combatants that made public opinion, and public opinion has +always played an important role in the struggles of men. It is this that +has raised war from a mere play of physical forces and given it the +tragic significance of a moral struggle, a conflict of good and evil. + +The result is that war tends to assume the character of litigation, a +judicial procedure, in which custom determines the method of procedure, +and the issue of the struggle is accepted as a judgment in the case. + +The duello, as distinguished from the wager of battle, although it never +had the character of a judicial procedure, developed a strict code which +made it morally binding upon the individual to seek redress for wrongs, +and determined in advance the methods of procedure by which such redress +could and should be obtained. The penalty was a loss of status in the +particular group of which the individual was a member. + +It was the presence of the public, the ceremonial character of the +proceedings, and the conviction that the invisible powers were on the +side of truth and justice that gave the trial by ordeal and the trial by +battle a significance that neither the duello nor any other form of +private vengeance ever had. + +It is interesting in this connection, also, that political and judicial +forms of procedure are conducted on a conflict pattern. An election is a +contest in which we count noses when we do not break heads. A trial by +jury is a contest in which the parties are represented by champions, as +in the judicial duels of an earlier time. + +In general, then, one may say competition becomes conscious and personal +in conflict. In the process of transition competitors are transformed +into rivals and enemies. In its higher forms, however, conflict becomes +impersonal--a struggle to establish and maintain rules of justice and a +moral order. In this case the welfare not merely of individual men but +of the community is involved. Such are the struggles of political +parties and religious sects. Here the issues are not determined by the +force and weight of the contestants immediately involved, but to a +greater or less extent, by the force and weight of public opinion of the +community, and eventually by the judgment of mankind. + + +2. Classification of the Materials + +The materials on conflict have been organized in the readings under four +heads: (a) conflict as conscious competition; (b) war, instincts, +and ideals; (c) rivalry, cultural conflicts, and social organization; +and (d) race conflicts. + +a) _Conscious competition._--Self-consciousness in the individual +arises in the contacts and conflicts of the person with other persons. +It manifests itself variously in pride and in humility, vanity and +self-respect, modesty and arrogance, pity and disdain, as well as in +race prejudice, chauvinism, class and caste distinctions, and in every +other social device by which the social distances are maintained. + +It is in these various responses called forth by social contacts and +intercourse that the personality of the individual is developed and his +status defined. It is in the effort to maintain this status or improve +it; to defend this personality, enlarge its possessions, extend its +privileges, and maintain its prestige that conflicts arise. This applies +to all conflicts, whether they are personal and party squabbles, +sectarian differences, or national and patriotic wars, for the +personality of the individual is invariably so bound up with the +interests and order of his group and clan, that, in a struggle, he makes +the group cause his own. + +Much has been said and written about the economic causes of war, but +whatever may be the ultimate sources of our sentiments, it is probably +true that men never go to war for economic reasons merely. It is because +wealth and possessions are bound up with prestige, honor, and position +in the world, that men and nations fight about them. + +b) _War, instincts, and ideals._--War is the outstanding and the +typical example of conflict. In war, where hostility prevails over +every interest of sentiment or utility which would otherwise unite the +contending parties or groups, the motives and the role of conflict in +social life present themselves in their clearest outline. There is, +moreover, a practical reason for fixing upon war as an illustration of +conflict. The tremendous interest in all times manifested in war, the +amazing energies and resources released in peoples organized for +military aggression or defense, the colossal losses and sacrifices +endured for the glory, the honor, or the security of the fatherland have +made wars memorable. Of no other of the larger aspects of collective +life have we such adequate records. + +The problem of the relation of war to human instincts, on the one hand, +and to human ideals, on the other, is the issue about which most recent +observation and discussion has centered. It seems idle to assert that +hostility has no roots in man's original nature. The concrete materials +given in this chapter show beyond question how readily the wishes and +the instincts of the person may take the form of the fighting pattern. +On the other hand, the notion that tradition, culture, and collective +representations have no part in determining the attitudes of nations +toward war seems equally untenable. The significant sociological inquiry +is to determine just in what ways a conjunction of the tendencies in +original nature, the forces of tradition and culture, and the exigencies +of the situation determine the organization of the fighting pattern. We +have historical examples of warlike peoples becoming peaceful and of +pacific nations militaristic. An understanding of the mechanism of the +process is a first condition to any exercise of control. + +c) _Rivalry, cultural conflicts, and social organization._--Rivalry is +a sublimated form of conflict where the struggle of individuals is +subordinated to the welfare of the group. In the rivalry of groups, +likewise, conflict or competition is subordinated to the interests of an +inclusive group. Rivalry may then be defined as conflict controlled by +the group in its interest. A survey of the phenomena of rivalry brings +out its role as an organizing force in group life. + +In the study of conflict groups it is not always easy to apply with +certainty the distinction between rivalry and conflict made here. The +sect is a conflict group. In its struggle for survival and success with +other groups, its aim is the highest welfare of the inclusive society. +Actually, however, sectarian warfare may be against the moral, social, +and religious interests of the community. The denomination, which is an +accommodation group, strives through rivalry and competition, not only +to promote the welfare of the inclusive society, but also of its other +component groups. + +In cultural and political conflict the function of conflict in social +life becomes understandable and reasonable. The role of mental conflicts +in the life of the individual is for the purpose of making adjustments +to changing situations and of assimilating new experiences. It is +through this process of conflict of divergent impulses to act that the +individual arrives at decisions--as we say, "makes up his mind." Only +where there is conflict is behavior conscious and self-conscious; only +here are the conditions for rational conduct. + +d) _Race conflicts._--Nowhere do social contacts so readily provoke +conflicts as in the relations between the races, particularly when +racial differences are re-enforced, not merely by differences of +culture, but of color. Nowhere, it might be added, are the responses to +social contact so obvious and, at the same time, so difficult to analyze +and define. + +Race prejudice, as we call the sentiments that support the racial +taboos, is not, in America at least, an obscure phenomenon. But no one +has yet succeeded in making it wholly intelligible. It is evident that +there is in race prejudice, as distinguished from class and caste +prejudice, an instinctive factor based on the fear of the unfamiliar and +the uncomprehended. Color, or any other racial mark that emphasizes +physical differences, becomes the symbol of moral divergences which +perhaps do not exist. We at once fear and are fascinated by the +stranger, and an individual of a different race always seems more of a +stranger to us than one of our own. This naive prejudice, unless it is +re-enforced by other factors, is easily modified, as the intimate +relations of the Negroes and white man in slavery show. + +A more positive factor in racial antagonism is the conflict of cultures: +the unwillingness of one race to enter into personal competition with a +race of a different or inferior culture. This turns out, in the long +run, to be the unwillingness of a people or a class occupying a superior +status to compete on equal terms with a people of a lower status. Race +conflicts like wars are fundamentally the struggles of racial groups for +status. In this sense and from this point of view the struggles of the +European nationalities and the so-called "subject peoples" for +independence and self-determination are actually struggles for status in +the family of nations. + +Under the conditions of this struggle, racial or national consciousness +as it manifests itself, for example, in Irish nationalism, Jewish +Zionism, and Negro race consciousness, is the natural and obvious +response to a conflict situation. The nationalistic movements in Europe, +in India, and in Egypt are, like war, rivalry and more personal forms of +conflict, mainly struggles for recognition--that is, honor, glory, and +prestige. + + +II. MATERIALS + +A. CONFLICT AS CONSCIOUS COMPETITION + + +1. The Natural History of Conflict[206] + +All classes of society, and the two sexes to about the same degree, are +deeply interested in all forms of contest involving skill and chance, +especially where the danger or risk is great. Everybody will stop to +watch a street fight, and the same persons would show an equal interest +in a prize fight or a bull fight, if certain scruples did not stand in +the way of their looking on. Our socially developed sympathy and pity +may recoil from witnessing a scene where physical hurt is the object of +the game, but the depth of our interest in the conflict type of activity +is attested by the fascination which such a game as football has for the +masses, where our instinctive emotional reaction to a conflict situation +is gratified to an intense degree by a scene of the conflict pattern. + +If we examine, in fact, our pleasures and pains, our moments of elation +and depression, we find that they go back for the most part to instincts +developed in the struggle for food and rivalry for mates. The structure +of the organism has been built up gradually through the survival of the +most efficient structures. Corresponding with a structure mechanically +adapted to successful movements, there is developed on the psychic side +an interest in the conflict situation as complete and perfect as is the +structure itself. The emotional states are, indeed, organic preparations +for action, corresponding broadly with a tendency to advance or +retreat; and a connection has even been made out between pleasurable +states and the extensor muscles, and painful states and the flexor +muscles. We can have no adequate idea of the time consumed and the +experiments made in nature before the development of these types of +structure and interest of the conflict pattern, but we know from the +geological records that the time and experiments were long and many, and +the competition so sharp that finally, not in man alone, but in all the +higher classes of animals, body and mind, structure and interest, were +working perfectly in motor actions of the violent type involved in a +life of conflict, competition, and rivalry. There could not have been +developed an organism depending on offensive and defensive movements for +food and life without an interest in what we call a dangerous or +precarious situation. A type without this interest would have been +defective, and would have dropped out in the course of development. + +The fact that our interests and enthusiasms are called out in situations +of the conflict type is shown by a glance at the situations which arouse +them most readily. War is simply an organized form of fight, and as such +is most attractive, or, to say the least, arouses the interests +powerfully. With the accumulation of property and the growth of +sensibility and intelligence it becomes apparent that war is a wasteful +and unsafe process, and public and personal interests lead us to avoid +it as much as possible. But, however genuinely war may be deprecated, it +is certainly an exciting game. The Rough Riders in this country +recently, and more recently the young men of the aristocracy of England, +went to war from motives of patriotism, no doubt, but there are +unmistakable evidences that they also regarded it as the greatest sport +they were likely to have a chance at in a lifetime. And there is +evidence in plenty that the emotional attitude of women toward war is no +less intense. Grey relates that half a dozen old women among the +Australians will drive the men to war with a neighboring tribe over a +fancied injury. The Jewish maidens went out with music and dancing and +sang that Saul had slain his thousands, but David his ten thousands. The +young women of Havana are alleged, during the late Spanish War, to have +sent pieces of their wardrobe to young men of their acquaintance who +hesitated to join the rebellion, with the suggestion that they wear +these until they went to the war. + +The feud is another mode of reaction of the violent, instinctive, and +attractive type. The feud was originally of defensive value to the +individual and to the tribe, since in the absence of criminal law the +feeling that retaliation would follow was a deterrent from acts of +aggression. But it was an expensive method of obtaining order in early +society, since response to stimulus reinstated the stimulus, and every +death called for another death; so, finally, after many experiments and +devices, the state has forbidden the individual to take justice into his +own hands. In out-of-the-way places, however, where governmental control +is weak, men still settle their disputes personally, and one who is +familiar with the course of a feud cannot avoid the conclusion that this +practice is kept up, not because there is no law to resort to, but +because the older mode is more immediate and fascinating. I mean simply +that the emotional possibilities and actual emotional reactions in the +feud are far more powerful than in due legal process. + +Gladiatorial shows, bear baiting, bull fighting, dog and cock fighting, +and prize fighting afford an opportunity to gratify the interest in +conflict. The spectator has by suggestion emotional reactions analogous +to those of the combatant, but without personal danger; and vicarious +contests between slaves, captives, and animals, whose blood and life are +cheap, are a pleasure which the race allowed itself until a higher stage +of morality was reached. Pugilism is the modification of the fight in a +slightly different way. The combatants are members of society, not +slaves or captives, but the conflict is so qualified as to safeguard +their lives, though injury is possible and is actually planned. The +intention to do hurt is the point to which society and the law object. +But the prize fight is a fight as far as it goes, and the difficulties +which men will surmount to "pull off" and to witness these contests are +sufficient proof of their fascination. A football game is also a fight, +with the additional qualification that no injury is planned, and with an +advantage over the prize fight in the fact that it is not a +single-handed conflict, but an organized melee--a battle where the +action is more massive and complex and the strategic opportunities are +multiplied. It is a fact of interest in this connection that, unless +appearances are deceptive, altogether the larger number of visitors to a +university during the year are visitors to the football field. It is the +only phase of university life which appeals directly and powerfully to +the instincts, and it is consequently the only phase of university life +which appeals equally to the man of culture, the artist, the business +man, the man about town, the all-round sport, and, in fact, to all the +world. + +The instincts of man are congenital; the arts and industries are +acquired by the race and must be learned by the individual after birth. +We have seen why the instinctive activities are pleasurable and the +acquired habits irksome. The gambler represents a class of men who have +not been weaned from their instincts. There are in every species +biological "sports" and reversions, and there are individuals of this +kind among sporting men who are not reached by ordinary social +suggestion and stimuli. But granting that what we may call the +instinctive interests are disproportionately strong in the sporting +class, as compared with, say, the merchant class, yet these instincts +are also strongly marked in what may roughly be called the artist class +and in spite of a marked psychic disposition for stimuli of the +emotional type; and precisely because of this disposition, the artist +class has a very high social value. Art products are, indeed, perhaps +more highly esteemed than any other products whatever. The artist class +is not, therefore, socially unmanageable because of its instinctive +interest, though perhaps we may say that some of its members are saved +from social vagabondage only because their emotional predisposition has +found an expression in emotional activities to which some social value +can be attached. + + +2. Conflict as a Type of Social Interaction[207] + +That conflict has sociological significance inasmuch as it either +produces or modifies communities of interest, unifications, +organizations, is in principle never contested. On the other hand, it +must appear paradoxical to the ordinary mode of thinking to ask whether +conflict itself, without reference to its consequences or its +accompaniments, is not a form of socialization. This seems, at first +glance, to be merely a verbal question. If every reaction among men is a +socialization, of course conflict must count as such, since it is one of +the most intense reactions and is logically impossible if restricted to +a single element. The actually dissociating elements are the causes of +the conflict--hatred and envy, want and desire. If, however, from these +impulses conflict has once broken out, it is in reality the way to +remove the dualism and to arrive at some form of unity, even if through +annihilation of one of the parties. The case is, in a way, illustrated +by the most violent symptoms of disease. They frequently represent the +efforts of the organism to free itself from disorders and injuries. This +is by no means equivalent merely to the triviality, _si vis pacem para +bellum_, but it is the wide generalization of which that special case is +a particular. Conflict itself is the resolution of the tension between +the contraries. That it eventuates in peace is only a single, specially +obvious and evident, expression of the fact that it is a conjunction of +elements. + +As the individual achieves the unity of his personality, not in such +fashion that its contents invariably harmonize according to logical or +material, religious or ethical, standards, but rather as contradiction +and strife not merely precede that unity but are operative in it at +every moment of life; so it is hardly to be expected that there should +be any social unity in which the converging tendencies of the elements +are not incessantly shot through with elements of divergence. A group +which was entirely centripetal and harmonious--that is, "unification" +merely--is not only impossible empirically, but it would also display no +essential life-process and no stable structure. As the cosmos requires +_Liebe und Hass_, attraction and repulsion, in order to have a form, +society likewise requires some quantitative relation of harmony and +disharmony, association and dissociation, liking and disliking, in order +to attain to a definite formation. Society, as it is given in fact, is +the result of both categories of reactions, and in so far both act in a +completely positive way. The misconception that the one factor tears +down what the other builds up, and that what at last remains is the +result of subtracting the one from the other (while in reality it is +much rather to be regarded as the addition of one to the other), +doubtless springs from the equivocal sense of the concept of unity. + +We describe as unity the agreement and the conjunction of social +elements in contrast with their disjunctions, separations, disharmonies. +We also use the term unity, however, for the total synthesis of the +persons, energies, and forms in a group, in which the final wholeness +is made up, not merely of those factors which are unifying in the +narrower sense, but also of those which are, in the narrower sense, +dualistic. We associate a corresponding double meaning with disunity or +opposition. Since the latter displays its nullifying or destructive +sense _between the individual elements_, the conclusion is hastily drawn +that it must work in the same manner upon the _total relationship_. In +reality, however, it by no means follows that the factor which is +something negative and diminutive in its action between individuals, +considered in a given direction and separately, has the same working +throughout the totality of its relationships. In this larger circle of +relationships the perspective may be quite different. That which was +negative and dualistic may, after deduction of its destructive action in +particular relationships, on the whole, play an entirely positive role. +This visibly appears especially in those instances where the social +structure is characterized by exactness and carefully conserved purity +of social divisions and gradations. + +The social system of India rests not only upon the hierarchy of the +castes but also directly upon the reciprocal repulsion. Enmities not +merely prevent gradual disappearance of the boundaries within the +society--and for this reason these enmities may be consciously promoted, +as guaranty of the existing social constitution--but more than this, the +enmities are directly productive sociologically. They give classes and +personalities their position toward each other, which they would not +have found if these objective causes of hostility had been present and +effective in precisely the same way but had not been accompanied by the +feeling of enmity. It is by no means certain that a secure and complete +community life would always result if these energies should disappear +which, looked at in detail, seem repulsive and destructive, just as a +qualitatively unchanged and richer property results when unproductive +elements disappear; but there would ensue rather a condition as changed, +and often as unrealizable, as after the elimination of the forces of +co-operation--sympathy, assistance, harmony of interests. + +The opposition of one individual element to another in the same +association is by no means merely a negative social factor, but it is in +many ways the only means through which coexistence with individuals +intolerable in themselves could be possible. If we had not power and +right to oppose tyranny and obstinacy, caprice and tactlessness, we +could not endure relations with people who betray such characteristics. +We should be driven to deeds of desperation which would put the +relationships to an end. This follows not alone for the self-evident +reason--which, however, is not here essential--that such disagreeable +circumstances tend to become intensified if they are endured quietly and +without protest; but, more than this, opposition affords us a subjective +satisfaction, diversion, relief, just as under other psychological +conditions, whose variations need not here be discussed, the same +results are brought about by humility and patience. Our opposition gives +us the feeling that we are not completely crushed in the relationship. +It permits us to preserve a consciousness of energy, and thus lends a +vitality and a reciprocity to relationships from which, without this +corrective, we should have extricated ourselves at any price. In case +the relationships are purely external, and consequently do not reach +deeply into the practical, the latent form of conflict discharges this +service, i.e., aversion, the feeling of reciprocal alienation and +repulsion, which in the moment of a more intimate contact of any sort is +at once transformed into positive hatred and conflict. Without this +aversion life in a great city, which daily brings each into contact with +countless others, would have no thinkable form. The activity of our +minds responds to almost every impression received from other people in +some sort of a definite feeling, all the unconsciousness, transience, +and variability of which seem to remain only in the form of a certain +indifference. In fact, this latter would be as unnatural for us as it +would be intolerable to be swamped under a multitude of suggestions +among which we have no choice. Antipathy protects us against these two +typical dangers of the great city. It is the initial stage of practical +antagonism. It produces the distances and the buffers without which this +kind of life could not be led at all. The mass and the mixtures of this +life, the forms in which it is carried on, the rhythm of its rise and +fall--these unite with the unifying motives, in the narrower sense, to +give to a great city the character of an indissoluble whole. Whatever in +this whole seems to be an element of division is thus in reality only +one of its elementary forms of socialization. + +A struggle for struggle's sake seems to have its natural basis in a +certain formal impulse of hostility, which forces itself sometimes upon +psychological observation, and in various forms. In the first place, it +appears as that natural enmity between man and man which is often +emphasized by skeptical moralists. The argument is: Since there is +something not wholly displeasing to us in the misfortune of our best +friends, and, since the presupposition excludes, in this instance, +conflict of material interests, the phenomenon must be traced back to an +a priori hostility, to that _homo homini lupus_, as the frequently +veiled, but perhaps never inoperative, basis of all our relationships. + + +3. Types of Conflict Situations[208] + +a) _War._--The reciprocal relationship of primitive groups is +notoriously, and for reasons frequently discussed almost invariably, one +of hostility. The decisive illustration is furnished perhaps by the +American Indians, among whom every tribe on general principles was +supposed to be on a war footing toward every other tribe with which it +had no express treaty of peace. It is, however, not to be forgotten that +in early stages of culture war constitutes almost the only form in which +contact with an alien group occurs. So long as inter-territorial trade +was undeveloped, individual tourneys unknown, and intellectual community +did not extend beyond the group boundaries, there was, outside of war, +no sociological relationship whatever between the various groups. In +this case the relationship of the elements of the group to each other +and that of the primitive groups to each other present completely +contrasted forms. Within the closed circle hostility signifies, as a +rule, the severing of relationships, voluntary isolation, and the +avoidance of contact. Along with these negative phenomena there will +also appear the phenomena of the passionate reaction of open struggle. +On the other hand, the group as a whole remains indifferently side by +side with similar groups so long as peace exists. The consequence is +that these groups become significant for each other only when war breaks +out. That the attitude of hostility, considered likewise from this point +of view, may arise independently in the soul is the less to be doubted +since it represents here, as in many another easily observable +situation, the embodiment of an impulse which is in the first place +quite general, but which also occurs in quite peculiar forms, namely, +_the impulse to act in relationships with others_. + +In spite of this spontaneity and independence, which we may thus +attribute to the antagonistic impulse, there still remains the question +whether it suffices to account for the total phenomena of hostility. +This question must be answered in the negative. In the first place, the +spontaneous impulse does not exercise itself upon every object but only +upon those that are in some way promising. Hunger, for example, springs +from the subject. It does not have its origin in the object. +Nevertheless, it will not attempt to satisfy itself with wood or stone +but it will select only edible objects. In the same way, love and +hatred, however little their impulses may depend upon external stimuli, +will yet need some sort of opposing object, and only with such +co-operation will the complete phenomena appear. On the other hand, it +seems to me probable that the hostile impulse, on account of its formal +character, in general intervenes, only as a reinforcement of conflicts +stimulated by material interest, and at the same time furnishes a +foundation for the conflict. And where a struggle springs up from sheer +formal love of fighting, which is also entirely impersonal and +indifferent both to the material at issue and to the personal opponent, +hatred and fury against the opponent as a person unavoidably increase in +the course of the conflict, and probably also the interest in the stake +at issue, because these affections stimulate and feed the psychical +energy of the struggle. It is advantageous to hate the opponent with +whom one is for any reason struggling, as it is useful to love him with +whom one's lot is united and with whom one must co-operate. The +reciprocal attitude of men is often intelligible only on the basis of +the perception that actual adaptation to a situation teaches us those +feelings which are appropriate to it; feelings which are the most +appropriate to the employment or the overcoming of the circumstances of +the situation; feelings which bring us, through psychical association, +the energies necessary for discharging the momentary task and for +defeating the opposing impulses. + +Accordingly, no serious struggle can long continue without being +supported by a complex of psychic impulses. These may, to be sure, +gradually develop into effectiveness in the course of the struggle. The +purity of conflict merely for conflict's sake, accordingly, undergoes +adulteration, partly through the admixture of objective interests, +partly by the introduction of impulses which may be satisfied otherwise +than by struggle, and which, in practice, form a bridge between struggle +and other forms of reciprocal relationship. I know in fact only a single +case in which the stimulus of struggle and of victory in itself +constitutes the exclusive motive, namely, the war game, and only in the +case that no further gain is to arise than is included in the outcome of +the game itself. In this case the pure sociological attraction of +self-assertion and predominance over another in a struggle of skill is +combined with purely individual pleasure in the exercise of purposeful +and successful activity, together with the excitement of taking risks +with the hazard of fortune which stimulates us with a sense of mystic +harmony of relationship to powers beyond the individual, as well as the +social occurrences. At all events, the war game, _in its sociological +motivation_, contains absolutely nothing but struggle itself. The +worthless markers, for the sake of which men often play with the same +earnestness with which they play for gold pieces, indicate the formalism +of this impulse which, even in the play for gold pieces, often far +outweighs the material interest. The thing to be noticed, however, is +that, in order that the foregoing situations may occur, certain +sociological forms--in the narrower sense, unifications--are +presupposed. There must be agreement in order to struggle, and the +struggle occurs under reciprocal recognition of norms and rules. In the +motivation of the whole procedure these unifications, as said above, do +not appear, but the whole transaction shapes itself under the forms +which these explicit or implicit agreements furnish. They create the +technique. Without this, such a conflict, excluding all heterogeneous or +objective factors, would not be possible. Indeed, the conduct of the war +game is often so rigorous, so impersonal, and observed on both sides +with such nice sense of honor that unities of a corporate order can +seldom in these respects compare with it. + +b) _Feud and faction._--The occasion for separate discussion of the +feud is that here, instead of the consciousness of difference, an +entirely new motive emerges--the peculiar phenomenon of social hatred, +that is, of hatred toward a member of a group, not from personal +motives, but because he threatens the existence of the group. In so far +as such a danger threatens through feud within the group, the one party +hates the other, not alone on the material ground which instigated the +quarrel, but also on the sociological ground, namely, that we hate the +enemy of the group as such; that is, the one from whom danger to its +unity threatens. Inasmuch as this is a reciprocal matter, and each +attributes the fault of endangering the whole to the other, the +antagonism acquires a severity which does not occur when membership in a +group-unity is not a factor in the situation. Most characteristic in +this connection are the cases in which an actual dismemberment of the +group has not yet occurred. If this dismemberment has already taken +place, it signifies a certain termination of the conflict. The +individual difference has found its sociological termination, and the +stimulus to constantly renewed friction is removed. To this result the +tension between antagonism and still persisting unity must directly +work. As it is fearful to be at enmity with a person to whom one is +nevertheless bound, from whom one cannot be freed, whether externally or +subjectively, even if one will, so there is increased bitterness if one +will not detach himself from the community because he is not willing to +give up the value of membership in the containing unity, or because he +feels this unity as an objective good, the threatening of which deserves +conflict and hatred. From such a correlation as this springs the +embittering with which, for example, quarrels are fought out within a +political faction or a trade union or a family. + +The individual soul offers an analogy. The feeling that a conflict +between sensuous and ascetic feelings, or selfish and moral impulses, or +practical and intellectual ambitions, within us not merely lowers the +claims of one or both parties and permits neither to come to quite free +self-realization but also threatens the unity, the equilibrium, and the +total energy of the soul as a whole--this feeling may in many cases +repress conflict from the beginning. In case the feeling cannot avail to +that extent, it, on the contrary, impresses upon the conflict a +character of bitterness and desperation, an emphasis as though a +struggle were really taking place for something much more essential than +the immediate issue of the controversy. The energy with which each of +these tendencies seeks to subdue the others is nourished not only by +their egoistic interest but by the interest which goes much farther than +that and attaches itself to the unity of the ego, for which this +struggle means dismemberment and destruction if it does not end with a +victory for unity. Accordingly, struggle within a closely integrated +group often enough grows beyond the measure which its object and its +immediate interest for the parties could justify. The feeling +accumulates that this struggle is an affair not merely of the party but +of the group as a whole; that each party must hate in its opponent, not +an opponent merely, but at the same time the enemy of its higher +sociological unity. + +c) _Litigation._--Moreover, what we are accustomed to call the joy and +passion of conflict in the case of a legal process is probably, in most +cases, something quite different, namely, the energetic sense of +justice, the impossibility of tolerating an actual or supposed invasion +of the sphere of right with which the ego feels a sense of solidarity. +The whole obstinacy and uncompromising persistence with which parties in +such struggles often maintain the controversy to their own hurt has, +even in the case of the aggressive party, scarcely the character of an +attack in the proper sense, but rather of a defense in a deeper +significance. The point at issue is the self-preservation of the +personality which so identifies itself with its possessions and its +rights that any invasion of them seems to be a destruction of the +personality; and the struggle to protect them at the risk of the whole +existence is thoroughly consistent. This individualistic impulse, and +not the sociological motive of struggle, will consequently characterize +such cases. + +With respect to the form of the struggle itself, however, judicial +conflict is, to be sure, of an absolute sort; that is, the reciprocal +claims are asserted with a relentless objectivity and with employment of +all available means, without being diverted or modified by personal or +other extraneous considerations. The judicial conflict is, therefore, +absolute conflict in so far as nothing enters the whole action which +does not properly belong in the conflict and which does not serve the +ends of conflict; whereas, otherwise, even in the most savage struggles, +something subjective, some pure freak of fortune, some sort of +interposition from a third side, is at least possible. In the legal +struggle everything of the kind is excluded by the matter-of-factness +with which the contention, and absolutely nothing outside the +contention, is kept in view. This exclusion from the judicial +controversy of everything which is not material to the conflict may, to +be sure, lead to a formalism of the struggle which may come to have an +independent character in contrast with the content itself. This occurs, +on the one hand, when real elements are not weighed against each other +at all but only quite abstract notions maintain controversy with each +other. On the other hand, the controversy is often shifted to elements +which have no relation whatever to the subject which is to be decided by +the struggle. Where legal controversies, accordingly, in higher +civilizations are fought out by attorneys, the device serves to abstract +the controversy from all personal associations which are essentially +irrelevant. If, on the other hand, Otto the Great ordains that a legal +controversy shall be settled by judicial duel between professional +fighters, there remains of the whole struggle of interests only the bare +form, namely, that there shall be struggle and victory. + +This latter case portrays, in the exaggeration of caricature, the +reduction of the judicial conflict to the mere struggle element. But +precisely through its pure objectivity because it stands quite beyond +the subjective antitheses of pity and cruelty, this unpitying type of +struggle, as a whole, rests on the presupposition of a unity and a +community of the parties never elsewhere so severely and constantly +maintained. The common subordination to the law, the reciprocal +recognition that the decision can be made only according to the +objective weight of the evidence, the observance of forms which are held +to be inviolable by both parties, the consciousness throughout the whole +procedure of being encompassed by a social power and order which are the +means of giving to the procedure its significance and security--all this +makes the legal controversy rest upon a broad basis of community and +consensus between the opponents. It is really a unity of a lesser degree +which is constituted by the parties to a compact or to a commercial +transaction, a presupposition of which is the recognition, along with +the antithesis of interests, that they are subject to certain common, +constraining, and obligatory rules. The common presuppositions, which +exclude everything that is merely personal from the legal controversy, +have that character of pure objectivity to which, on its side, the +sharpness, the inexorableness, and the absoluteness of the species of +struggle correspond. The reciprocity between the dualism and the unity +of the sociological relationship is accordingly shown by the judicial +struggle not less than by the war game. Precisely the most extreme and +unlimited phases of struggle occur in both cases, since the struggle is +surrounded and maintained by the severe unity of common norms and +limitations. + +d) _The conflict of impersonal ideals._--Finally, there is the +situation in which the parties are moved by an objective interest; that +is, where the interest of the struggle, and consequently the struggle +itself, is differentiated from the personality. The consciousness of +being merely the representative of superindividual claims--that is, of +fighting not for self but only for the thing itself--may lend to the +struggle a radicalism and mercilessness which have their analogy in the +total conduct of many very unselfish and high-minded men. Because they +grant themselves no consideration, they likewise have none for others +and hold themselves entirely justified in sacrificing everybody else to +the idea to which they are themselves a sacrifice. Such a struggle, into +which all the powers of the person are thrown, while victory accrues +only to the cause, carries the character of respectability, for the +reputable man is the wholly personal, who, however, understands how to +hold his personality entirely in check. Hence objectivity operates as +_noblesse_. When, however, this differentiation is accomplished, and +struggle is objectified, it is not subjected to a further reserve, which +would be quite inconsistent; indeed, that would be a sin against the +content of the interest itself upon which the struggle had been +localized. On the basis of this common element between the +parties--namely, that each defends merely the issue and its right, and +excludes from consideration everything selfishly personal--the struggle +is fought out without the sharpness, but also without the mollifyings, +which come from intermingling of the personal element. Merely the +immanent logic of the situation is obeyed with absolute precision. This +form of antithesis between unity and antagonism intensifies conflict +perhaps most perceptibly in cases where both parties actually pursue one +and the same purpose; for example, in the case of scientific +controversies, in which the issue is the establishment of the truth. In +such a case, every concession, every polite consent to stop short of +exposing the errors of the opponent in the most unpitying fashion, every +conclusion of peace previous to decisive victory, would be treason +against that reality for the sake of which the personal element is +excluded from the conflict. + +With endless varieties otherwise, the social struggles since Marx have +developed themselves in the above form. Since it is recognized that the +situation of laborers is determined by the objective organization and +formulas of the productive system, independent of the will and power of +individual persons, the personal embitterment incident to the struggle +in general and to local conflicts exemplifying the general conflict +necessarily diminishes. The entrepreneur is no longer, as such, a +blood-sucker and damnable egotist; the laborer is no longer universally +assumed to act from sinful greed; both parties begin, at least, to +abandon the program of charging the other with demands and tactics +inspired by personal malevolence. This literalizing of the conflict has +come about in Germany rather along the lines of theory; in England, +through the operation of the trade unions, in the course of which the +individually personal element of the antagonism has been overcome. In +Germany this was effected largely through the more abstract +generalization of the historical and class movement. In England it came +about through the severe superindividual unity in the actions of the +unions and of the combinations of employers. The intensity of the +struggle, however, has not on that account diminished. On the contrary, +it has become much more conscious of its purpose, more concentrated, and +at the same time more aggressive, through the consciousness of the +individual that he is struggling not merely, and often not at all, for +himself but rather for a vast superpersonal end. + +A most interesting symptom of this correlation was presented by the +boycotting of the Berlin breweries by the labor body in the year 1894. +This was one of the most intense local struggles of the last decade. It +was carried on by both sides with extraordinary energy, yet without any +personal offensiveness on either side toward the other, although the +stimulus was close at hand. Indeed, two of the party leaders, in the +midst of the struggle, published their opinions about it in the same +journal. They agreed in their formulation of the objective facts, and +disagreed in a partisan spirit only in the practical conclusions drawn +from the facts. Inasmuch as the struggle eliminated everything +irrelevantly personal, and thereby restricted antagonism quantitatively, +facilitating an understanding about everything personal, producing a +recognition of being impelled on both sides by historical necessities, +this common basis did not reduce but rather increased, the intensity, +the irreconcilability, and the obstinate consistency of the struggle. + + +B. WAR, INSTINCTS, AND IDEALS + + +1. War and Human Nature[209] + +What can be said of the causes of war--not its political and economic +causes, nor yet the causes that are put forth by the nations engaged in +the conflict, but its psychological causes? + +The fact that war to no small extent removes cultural repressions and +allows the instincts to come to expression in full force is undoubtedly +a considerable factor. In his unconscious man really takes pleasure in +throwing aside restraints and permitting himself the luxury of the +untrammeled expression of his primitive animal tendencies. The social +conventions, the customs, the forms, and institutions which he has built +up in the path of his cultural progress represent so much energy in the +service of repression. Repression represents continuous effort, while a +state of war permits a relaxation of this effort and therefore relief. + +We are familiar, in other fields, with the phenomena of the unconscious, +instinctive tendencies breaking through the bounds imposed upon them by +repression. The phenomena of crime and of so-called "insanity" represent +such examples, while drunkenness is one instance familiar to all. _In +vino veritas_ expresses the state of the drunken man when his real, that +is, his primitive, self frees itself from restraint and runs riot. The +psychology of the crowd shows this mechanism at work, particularly in +such sinister instances as lynching, while every crowd of college +students marching yelling and howling down the main street of the town +after a successful cane rush exhibits the joy of unbottling the emotions +in ways that no individual would for a moment think of availing himself. + +In addition to these active demonstrations of the unconscious there are +those of a more passive sort. Not a few men are only too glad to step +aside from the burden of responsibilities which they are forced to carry +and seek refuge in a situation in which they no longer have to take the +initiative but must only do as they are directed by a superior +authority. The government in some of its agencies takes over certain of +their obligations, such as the support of wife and children, and they +clear out, free from the whole sordid problem of poverty, into a +situation filled with dramatic interest. Then, too, if anything goes +wrong at home they are not to blame, they have done their best, and what +they have done meets with public approval. Is it any wonder that an +inhabitant of the slums should be glad to exchange poverty and dirt, a +sick wife and half-starved children, for glorious freedom, especially +when he is urged by every sort of appeal to patriotism and duty to do +so? + +But all these are individual factors that enter into the causes of war. +They represent some of the reasons why men like to fight, for it is +difficult not to believe that if no one wanted to fight war would be +possible at all. They too represent the darker side of the picture. War +as already indicated offers, on the positive side, the greatest +opportunities for the altruistic tendencies; it offers the most glorious +occasion for service and returns for such acts the greatest possible +premium in social esteem. But it seems to me that the causes of war lie +much deeper, that they involve primarily the problems of the herd rather +than the individual, and I think there are good biological analogies +which make this highly probable. + +The mechanism of integration explains how the development of the group +was dependent upon the subordination of the parts to the whole. This +process of integration tends to solve more and more effectively the +problems of adjustment, particularly in some aspects, in the direction +of ever-increasing stability. It is the process of the structuralization +of function. This increase in stability, however, while it has the +advantage of greater certainty of reaction, has the disadvantage of a +lessened capacity for variation, and so is dependent for its efficiency +upon a stable environment. As long as nothing unusual is asked of such a +mechanism it works admirably, but as soon as the unusual arises it tends +to break down completely. Life, however, is not stable; it is fluid, in +a continuous state of flux, so, while the development of structure to +meet certain demands of adaptation is highly desirable and necessary, it +of necessity has limits which must sooner or later be reached in every +instance. The most typical example of this is the process of growing +old. The child is highly adjustable and for that reason not to be +depended upon; the adult is more dependable but less adjustable; the old +man has become stereotyped in his reactions. Nature's solution of this +_impasse_ is death. Death insures the continual removal of the no longer +adjustable, and the places of those who die are filled by new material +capable of the new demands. But it is the means that nature takes to +secure the renewal of material still capable of adjustment that is of +significance. From each adult sometime during the course of his life +nature provides that a small bit shall be detached which, in the higher +animals, in union with a similar detached bit of another individual will +develop into a child and ultimately be ready to replace the adult when +he becomes senile and dies. Life is thus maintained by a continuous +stream of germ plasm and is not periodically interrupted in its course, +as it seems to be, by death. + +The characteristics of this detached bit of germ plasm are interesting. +It does not manifest any of that complicated structure which we meet +with in the other parts of the body. The several parts of the body are +highly differentiated, each for a specific function. Gland cells are +developed to secrete, muscle cells to contract, bone cells to withstand +mechanical stresses, etc. Manifestly development along any one of these +lines would not produce an individual possessing, in its several parts, +all of these qualities. Development has to go back of the point of +origin of these several variations in order to include them all. In +other words, regeneration has to start with relatively undifferentiated +material. This is excellently illustrated by many of the lower, +particularly the unicellular, animals, in which reproduction is not yet +sexual, but by the simple method of division. A cell comes to rest, +divides into two, and each half then leads an independent existence. +Before such a division and while the cell is quiescent--in the resting +stage, as it is called--the differentiations of structure which it had +acquired in its lifetime disappear; it becomes undifferentiated, +relatively simple in structure. This process has been called +dedifferentiation. When all the differentiations which had been acquired +have been eliminated, then division--rejuvenescence--takes place. + +From this point of view we may see in war the preliminary process of +rejuvenescence. International adjustments and compromises are made until +they can be made no longer; a condition is brought about which in Europe +has been termed the balance of power, until the situation becomes so +complicated that each new adjustment has such wide ramifications that it +threatens the whole structure. Finally, as the result of the accumulated +structure of diplomatic relations and precedents, a situation arises to +which adjustment, with the machinery that has been developed, is +impossible and the whole house of cards collapses. The collapse is a +process of dedifferentiation during which the old structures are +destroyed, precedents are disavowed, new situations occur with +bewildering rapidity, for dealing with which there is no recognized +machinery available. Society reverts from a state in which a high grade +of individual initiative and development was possible to a relatively +communistic and paternalistic state, the slate is wiped clear, and a +start can be made anew along lines of progress mapped out by the new +conditions--rejuvenescence is possible. + +War, from this point of view, is a precondition for development along +new lines of necessity, and the dedifferentiation is the first stage of +a constructive process. Old institutions have to be torn down before the +bricks with which they were built can be made available for new +structures. This accounts for the periodicity of war, which thus is the +outward and evident aspect of the progress of the life-force which in +human societies, as elsewhere, advances in cycles. It is only by such +means that an _impasse_ can be overcome. + +War is an example of ambivalency on the grandest scale. That is, it is +at once potent for the greatest good and the greatest evil: in the very +midst of death it calls for the most intense living; in the face of the +greatest renunciation it offers the greatest premium; for the maximum of +freedom it demands the utmost giving of one's self; in order to live at +one's best it demands the giving of life itself. "No man has reached his +ethical majority who would not die if the real interests of the +community could thus be furthered. What would the world be without the +values that have been bought at the price of death?" In this sense the +great creative force, love, and the supreme negation, death, become one. +That the larger life of the race should go forward to greater things, +the smaller life of the individual must perish. In order that man shall +be born again, he must first die. + +Does all this necessarily mean that war, from time to time, in the +process of readjustment, is essential? I think no one can doubt that it +has been necessary in the past. Whether it will be in the future depends +upon whether some sublimated form of procedure can adequately be +substituted. We have succeeded to a large extent in dealing with our +combative instincts by developing sports and the competition of +business, and we have largely sublimated our hate instinct in dealing +with various forms of anti-social conduct as exhibited in the so-called +"criminal." It remains to be seen whether nations can unite to a similar +end and perhaps, by the establishment of an international court, and by +other means, deal in a similar way with infractions of international +law. + + +2. War as a Form of Relaxation[210] + +The fact is that it does not take a very careful reader of the human +mind to see that all the utopias and all the socialistic schemes are +based on a mistaken notion of the nature of this mind. + +It is by no means sure that what man wants is peace and quiet and +tranquillity. That is too close to ennui, which is his greatest dread. +What man wants is not peace but a battle. He must pit his force against +someone or something. Every language is most rich in synonyms for +battle, war, contest, conflict, quarrel, combat, fight. German children +play all day long with their toy soldiers. Our sports take the form of +contests in football, baseball, and hundreds of others. Prize fights, +dog fights, cock fights, have pleased in all ages. When Rome for a +season was not engaged in real war, Claudius staged a sea fight for the +delectation of an immense concourse, in which 19,000 gladiators were +compelled to take a tragic part, so that the ships were broken to pieces +and the waters of the lake were red with blood. + +You may perhaps recall Professor James's astonishing picture of his +visit to a Chautauqua. Here he found modern culture at its best, no +poverty, no drunkenness, no zymotic diseases, no crime, no police, only +polite and refined and harmless people. Here was a middle-class +paradise, kindergarten and model schools, lectures and classes and +music, bicycling and swimming, and culture and kindness and elysian +peace. But at the end of a week he came out into the real world, and he +said: + + Ouf! What a relief! Now for something primordial and savage, + even though it were as bad as an Armenian massacre, to set the + balance straight again. This order is too tame, this culture + too second-rate, this goodness too uninspiring. This human + drama, without a villain or a pang; this community so refined + that ice-cream soda-water is the utmost offering it can make to + the brute animal in man; this city simmering in the tepid + lakeside sun; this atrocious harmlessness of all things--I + cannot abide with them. + +What men want, he says, is something more precipitous, something with +more zest in it, with more adventure. Nearly all the Utopias paint the +life of the future as a kind of giant Chautauqua, in which every man and +woman is at work, all are well fed, satisfied, and cultivated. But as +man is now constituted he would probably find such a life flat, stale, +and unprofitable. + +Man is not originally a working animal. Civilization has imposed work +upon man, and if you work him too hard he will quit work and go to war. +Nietzsche says man wants two things--danger and play. War represents +danger. + +It follows that all our social utopias are wrongly conceived. They are +all based on a theory of pleasure economy. But history and evolution +show that man has come up from the lower animals through a pain economy. +He has struggled up--fought his way up through never-ceasing pain and +effort and struggle and battle. The utopias picture a society in which +man has ceased to struggle. He works his eight hours a day--everybody +works--and he sleeps and enjoys himself the other hours. But man is not +a working animal, he is a fighting animal. The utopias are ideal--but +they are not psychological. The citizens for such an ideal social order +are lacking. Human beings will not serve. + +Our present society tends more and more in its outward form in time of +peace toward the Chautauqua plan, but meanwhile striving and passion +burn in the brain of the human units, till the time comes when they find +this insipid life unendurable. They resort to amusement crazes, to +narcotic drugs, to political strife, to epidemics of crime, and finally +to war. The alcohol question well illustrates the tendencies we are +pointing out. Science and hygiene have at last shown beyond all +question that alcohol, whether in large or smaller doses, exerts a +damaging effect upon both mind and body. It lessens physical and mental +efficiency, shortens life, and encourages social disorder. In spite of +this fact and, what is still more amazing, in spite of the colossal +effort now being put forth to suppress by legislative means the traffic +in liquor, the per capita consumption of alcoholic drinks in the United +States increases from year to year. From a per capita consumption of +four gallons in 1850, it has steadily risen to nearly twenty-five +gallons in 1913. + +Narcotic drugs, such as alcohol and tobacco, relieve in an artificial +way the tension upon the brain by slightly paralyzing temporarily the +higher and more recently developed brain centers. The increase in the +use of these drugs is therefore both an index of the tension of modern +life and at the same time a means of relieving it to some extent. Were +the use of these drugs suddenly checked, no student of psychology or of +history could doubt that there would be an immediate increase of social +irritability, tending to social instability and social upheavals. + +Psychology, therefore, forces upon us this conclusion. Neither war nor +alcohol can be banished from the world by summary means nor direct +suppressions. The mind of man must be made over. As the mind of man is +constituted, he will never be content to be a mere laborer, a producer +and a consumer. He loves adventure, self-sacrifice, heroism, relaxation. + +These things must somehow be provided. And then there must be a system +of education of our young differing widely from our present system. The +new education will not look to efficiency merely and ever more +efficiency, but to the production of a harmonized and balanced +personality. We must cease our worship of American efficiency and German +_Streberthum_ and go back to Aristotle and his teaching of "the mean." + + +3. The Fighting Animal and the Great Society[211] + +We must agree that man as he has existed, so far as we can read the +story of his development, has been, and as he exists today still is, a +fighting animal--that is to say that he has in the past answered, and +still answers, certain stimuli by the immediate reactions which +constitute fighting. + +We find evidence of the existence of this fighting instinct in the +ordinary men around us. Remove but for a moment the restraints given in +our civilized lands and this tendency is likely to become prominent upon +the slightest stimulation. We see this exemplified in the lives of the +pioneer and adventurer the world over: in that of the cowboy of the far +West, in that of the rubber collector on the Amazon, in that of the +ivory trader on the Congo. + +Then, too, the prize fighter is still a prominent person in our +community, taken as a whole, and even in our sports, as engaged in by +"gentlemen amateurs," we find it necessary to make rigid rules to +prevent the friendly contest from developing into a fierce struggle for +individual physical dominance. + +But man gained his pre-eminent position among the animals mainly through +his ability to form co-operative groups working to common ends; and long +before the times of which anthropological research give us any clear +knowledge, man had turned his individualistic fighting instincts to the +service of his group or clan. That is to say, he had become a warrior, +giving his best strength to co-operative aggression in behalf of +satisfactions that could not be won by him as an individual acting for +himself. + +Our earlier studies have taught us also that if man's instinctive +tendencies could in any manner be inhibited or modified, so that he came +to display other characteristics than those observed in the present +expression of these inborn instincts, then the law of his nature would +in that very fact be changed. We are thus led to ask whether the +biologist finds evidence that an animal's instincts can be thus changed +in mode of expression. + +The biologist speaks to us somewhat as follows. Although new racial +characteristics have very rarely, if ever, been gained by the +obliteration of instincts, changes in racial characteristics have not +infrequently occurred as the result of the control, rather than the +loss, of these inherited instincts. + +This control may become effective in either one of two ways: first, by +the thwarting or inhibition of the expression of the instincts; or +secondly, by the turning of its expression to other uses than that which +originally resulted in its fixation. + +As an example of the thwarting of the expression of an instinct we may +take the functioning of the sexual instinct, which, as we see it in +animals in general, has been inhibited in the human animal by the habits +acquired by man as he has risen in the scale. + +This mode of change--that of the mere chaining of the instinctive +tendency--is subject to one great difficulty. The chain may by chance be +broken; the inhibition may be removed; then the natural instinctive +tendency at once shows itself. Remove the restraints of civilized +society but a little, and manifestations of the sexual instinct of our +race appear in forms that are not far removed from those observed in the +animal. Place a man under conditions of starvation and he shows himself +as greedy as the dog. + +The second mode of change--that of the transference of functioning of +the instincts into new channels--meets this special difficulty, for it +does not depend upon the chaining of the instinct. It actually makes use +of the instinct. And the more important to the race the newer reference +of the instinct's functioning turns out to be, the more certain is it to +replace the original reference. If the new mode of functioning brings +marked advantage that is lost by reversion to the earlier manifestation +of the instinct, so that such a reversion to this earlier manifestation +is a detriment to the race, then the change is likely to become a +permanent one. + +No better example of this second mode of change of an instinct's +functioning can be found than in the very existence of war itself. The +basic instinct is one that led the savage man to fight to protect +himself or to gain something for himself by aggressive attack. War has +come into being as the result of a transfer of the functioning of this +instinct, which at first had only an individualistic reference, so that +it has come to have a clan or national reference. The early man found he +could not have success as an individual unless he joined with his +fellow-men in defense and aggression; and that meant war. + +And note that this transfer of reference of the expression of this +fighting instinct soon became so important to the race that reversion to +its primal individualistic reference had to be inhibited. Aggressive +attack by an individual upon another of his own clan or nation +necessarily tended to weaken the social unit and to reduce its strength +in its protective and aggressive wars; and thus such attacks by +individuals came to be discountenanced and finally in large measure +repressed. + +Here, it will be observed, the fighting instinct of the individual has +not been obliterated; it has not even been bound with chains; but its +modes of expression have been altered to have racial significance, and +to have so great a significance in this new relation that reversion to +its primary form of expression has become a serious obstacle to racial +advance. + +So it appears after all that, although instincts can rarely if ever be +obliterated, their manifestations may be so altered as to give the +animal quite new characteristics. And this means that if the +characteristics which we describe as the expressions of man's fighting +instincts could be so changed that these expressions were inhibited or +turned into quite new channels, the man would no longer be describable +as a fighting animal. + +The first indication in our conscious life of any tendency to inhibit or +modify the functioning of any instinct or habit must appear in the form +of a dislike of, a revulsion from, the resultants of this functioning; +and in the creation of an ideal of functioning that shall avoid the +discomforts attendant upon this revulsion. And when such an ideal has +once been gained, it is possible, as we have seen, that the +characteristics of nature may be changed by our creative efficiency +through the devising of means looking to the realization of the ideal. + +We have the clearest evidence that this process is developing in +connection with these special instincts that make for war; for we men +and women in these later times are repelled by the results of the +functioning of these fighting instincts, and we have created the ideal +of peace, the conception of a condition that is not now realized in +nature, but which we think of as possible of realization. + +But the very existence of an ideal is indicative of a tendency, on the +part of the man who entertains it, to modify his characteristic +activities. Thus it appears that we have in the very existence of this +ideal of peace the evidence that we may look for a change in man's +nature, the result of which will be that we shall no longer be warranted +in describing him as a fighting animal. + + +C. RIVALRY, CULTURAL CONFLICTS, AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION + + +1. Animal Rivalry[212] + +Among mammals the instinct of one and all is to lord it over the others, +with the result that the one more powerful or domineering gets the +mastery, to keep it thereafter as long as he can. The lower animals are, +in this respect, very much like us; and in all kinds that are at all +fierce-tempered the mastery of one over all, and of a few under him over +the others, is most salutary; indeed, it is inconceivable that they +should be able to exist together under any other system. + +On cattle-breeding establishments on the pampas, where it is usual to +keep a large number of fierce-tempered dogs, I have observed these +animals a great deal and presume they are much like feral dogs and +wolves in their habits. Their quarrels are incessant; but when a fight +begins, the head of the pack as a rule rushes to the spot, whereupon the +fighters separate and march off in different directions or else cast +themselves down and deprecate their tyrant's wrath with abject gestures +and whines. If the combatants are both strong and have worked themselves +into a mad rage before their head puts in an appearance, it may go hard +with him; they know him no longer and all he can do is to join in the +fray; then if the fighters turn on him he may be so injured that his +power is gone and the next best dog in the pack takes his place. The +hottest contests are always between dogs that are well matched; neither +will give place to the other and so they fight it out; but from the +foremost in power down to the weakest there is a gradation of authority; +each one knows just how far he can go, which companion he can bully when +he is in a bad temper or wishes to assert himself, and to which he must +humbly yield in his turn. In such a state the weakest one must yield to +all the others and cast himself down, seeming to call himself a slave +and worshiper of any other member of the pack that chances to snarl at +him or command him to give up his bone with good grace. + +This masterful or domineering temper, so common among social mammals, is +the cause of the persecution of the sick and weakly. When an animal +begins to ail he can no longer hold his own; he ceases to resent the +occasional ill-natured attacks made on him; his non-combative condition +is quickly discovered, and he at once drops down to a place below the +lowest; it is common knowledge in the herd that he may be buffeted with +impunity by all, even by those that have hitherto suffered buffets but +have given none. But judging from my own observation, this persecution +is not, as a rule, severe, and is seldom fatal. + + +2. The Rivalry of Social Groups[213] + +Conflict, competition, and rivalry are the chief causes which force +human beings into groups and largely determine what goes on within them. +Conflicts, like wars, revolutions, riots, still persist, but possibly +they may be thought of as gradually yielding to competitions which are +chiefly economic. Many of these strivings seem almost wholly individual, +but most of them on careful analysis turn out to be intimately related +to group competition. A third form, rivalry, describes struggle for +status, for social prestige, for the approval of inclusive publics which +form the spectators for such contests. The nation is an arena of +competition and rivalry. + +Much of this emulation is of a concealed sort. Beneath the union +services of churches there is an element, for the most part unconscious, +of rivalry to secure the approval of a public which in these days +demands brotherliness and good will rather than proselyting and +polemics. Many public subscriptions for a common cause are based upon +group rivalry or upon individual competition which is group-determined. +The Rhodes scholarships are in one sense a means of furthering imperial +interest. Christmas presents lavished upon children often have a bearing +upon the ambition of the family to make an impression upon rival +domestic groups. In the liberal policy of universities which by adding +to the list of admission subjects desire to come into closer relations +with the public schools, there is some trace of competition for students +and popular applause. The interest which nations manifest in the Hague +Tribunal is tinged with a desire to gain the good will of the +international, peace-praising public. The professed eagerness of one or +both parties in a labor dispute to have the differences settled by +arbitration is a form of competition for the favor of the onlooking +community. Thus in international relationships and in the life-process +of each nation countless groups are in conflict, competition, or +rivalry. + +This idea of the group seeking survival, mastery, aggrandizement, +prestige, in its struggles with other groups is a valuable means of +interpretation. Let us survey rapidly the conditions of success as a +group carries on its life of strife and emulation. In order to survive +or to succeed the group must organize, cozen, discipline, and stimulate +its members. Fortunately it finds human nature in a great measure +fashioned for control. + +Collective pride or group egotism is an essential source of strength in +conflict. Every efficient group cultivates this sense of honor, +importance, superiority, by many devices of symbol, phrase, and legend, +as well as by scorn and ridicule of rivals. The college fraternity's +sublime self-esteem gives it strength in its competition for members and +prestige. There is a chauvinism of "boom" towns and religious sects, as +well as of nations. What pride and self-confidence are to the +individual, ethnocentrism, patriotism, local loyalty are to social +unities. Diffidence, humility, self-distrust, tolerance, are as +dangerous to militant groups as to fighting men. + +Then too the group works out types of personality, hero types to be +emulated, traitor types to be execrated. These personality types merge +into abstract ideals and standards. "Booster" and "knocker" bring up +pictures of a struggling community which must preserve its hopefulness +and self-esteem at all hazards. "Statesman" and "demagogue" recall the +problem of selection which every self-governing community must face. +"Defender of the faith" and "heretic" are eloquent of the Church's +dilemma between rigid orthodoxy and flexible accommodation to a changing +order. + +With a shifting in the conflict or rivalry crises, types change in value +or emphasis, or new types are created in adjustment to the new needs. +The United Stated at war with Spain sought martial heroes. The economic +and political ideals of personality, the captains of industry, the +fascinating financiers, the party idols, were for the time retired to +make way for generals and admirals, soldiers and sailors, the heroes of +camp and battleship. The war once over, the displaced types reappeared +along with others which are being created to meet new administrative, +economic, and ethical problems. The competing church retires its +militant and disputatious leaders in an age which gives its applause to +apostles of concord, fraternal feeling, and co-operation. At a given +time the heroes and traitors of a group reflect its competitions and +rivalries with other groups. + +Struggle forces upon the group the necessity of cozening, beguiling, +managing its members. The vast majority of these fall into a broad zone +of mediocrity which embodies group character and represents a general +adjustment to life-conditions. From this medial area individuals vary, +some in ways which aid the group in its competition, others in a fashion +which imperils group success. It is the task of the group both to +preserve the solidarity of the medial zone and to discriminate between +the serviceable and the menacing variants. The latter must be coerced or +suppressed, the former encouraged and given opportunity. In Plato's +_Republic_ the guardians did this work of selection which in modern +groups is cared for by processes which seem only slightly conscious and +purposeful. + +The competing group in seeking to insure acquiescence and loyalty +elaborates a protective philosophy by which it creates within its +members the belief that their lot is much to be preferred to that of +other comradeships and associations. Western Americans take satisfaction +in living in a free, progressive, hospitable way in "God's country." +They try not to be pharisaical about the narrowness of the East, but +they achieve a sincere scorn for the hidebound conventions of an effete +society. Easterners in turn count themselves fortunate in having a +highly developed civilization, and they usually attain real pity for +those who seem to live upon a psychic, if not a geographic, frontier. +The middle class have a philosophy with which they protect themselves +against the insidious suggestions that come from the life of the +conspicuous rich. These, on the other hand, half expecting that +simplicity and domesticity may have some virtue, speak superciliously of +middle-class smugness and the bourgeois "home." The less prosperous of +the professional classes are prone to lay a good deal of stress upon +their intellectual resources as compared with the presumptive spiritual +poverty of the affluent. Country folk encourage themselves by asserting +their fundamental value to society and by extolling their own simple +straightforward virtues, which present so marked a contrast to the +devious machinations of city-dwellers. Booker Washington's reiterated +assertion that if he were to be born again he would choose to be a +Negro because the Negro race is the only one which has a great problem +contains a suggestion of this protective philosophy. This tendency of a +group to fortify itself by a satisfying theory of its lot is obviously +related to group egotism and is immediately connected with group +rivalry. + +The competing group derides many a dissenter into conformity. This +derision may be spontaneous, or reflective and concerted. The loud +guffaw which greets one who varies in dress or speech or idea may come +instantly or there may be a planned and co-operative ridicule +systematically applied to the recalcitrant. Derision is one of the most +effective devices by which the group sifts and tests the variants. + +Upon the small number of rebels who turn a deaf ear to epithets, +ostracism is brought to bear. This may vary from the "cold shoulder" to +the complete "boycott." Losing the friendship and approval of comrades, +being cut off from social sympathy, is a familiar form of group +pressure. Ridicule and derision are a kind of evanescent ostracism, a +temporary exclusion from the comradeship. There are many degrees in the +lowering of the social temperature: coolness, formality of intercourse, +averted looks, "cutting dead," "sending to Coventry," form a progressive +series. Economic pressure is more and more a resort of modern groups. +Loss of employment, trade, or professional practice brings many a rebel +to time. All coercion obviously increases as the group is hard pressed +in its conflicts, competitions, and rivalries. + +These crises and conflicts of a competing group present problems which +must be solved--problems of organization, of inventions of many kinds, +of new ideas and philosophies, of methods of adjustment. The conditions +of competition or rivalry upset an equilibrium of habit and custom, and +a process of problem-solving ensues. A typhoid epidemic forces the +village to protect itself against the competition of a more healthful +rival. The resourceful labor union facing a corporation which offers +profit-sharing and retiring allowances must formulate a protective +theory and practice. A society clique too closely imitated by a lower +stratum must regain its distinction and supremacy. A nation must be +constantly alert to adjust itself to the changing conditions of +international trade and to the war equipment and training of its +rivals. + +The theory of group rivalry throws light upon the individual. The person +has as many selves as there are groups to which he belongs. He is simple +or complex as his groups are few and harmonious or many and conflicting. +What skilful management is required to keep business and moral selves +from looking each other in the eye, to prevent scientific and +theological selves from falling into discussion! Most men of many groups +learn, like tactful hosts, to invite at a given time only congenial +companies of selves. A few brave souls resolve to set their house in +order and to entertain only such selves as can live together with good +will and mutual respect. With these earnest folk their groups have to +reckon. The conflicts of conscience are group conflicts. + +Tolerance is a sign that once vital issues within the group are losing +their significance, or that the group feels secure, or that it is +slowly, even unconsciously, merging into a wider grouping. Theological +liberality affords a case in point. In the earlier days of sectarian +struggle tolerance was a danger both to group loyalty and to the +militant spirit. Cynicism for other reasons is also a menace. It means +loss of faith in the collective ego, in the traditions, shibboleths, +symbols, and destiny of the group. Fighting groups cannot be tolerant; +nor can they harbor cynics. Tolerance and cynicism are at once causes +and results of group decay. They portend dissolution or they foreshadow +new groupings for struggle over other issues on another plane. +Evangelical churches are drawing together with mutual tolerance to +present a united front against modern skepticism and cynicism which are +directed against the older faiths and moralities. + +The subjective side of group rivalry offers an important study. The +reflection of the process of control in personal consciousness is full +of interest. The means by which the rebellious variant protects himself +against the coercion of his comrades have been already suggested in the +description of ridicule and epithet. These protective methods resolve +themselves into setting one group against another in the mind of the +derided or stigmatized individual. + +A national group is to be thought of as an inclusive unity with a +fundamental character, upon the basis of which a multitude of groups +compete with and rival each other. It is the task of the nation to +control and to utilize this group struggle, to keep it on as high a +plane as possible, to turn it to the common account. Government gets its +chief meaning from the rivalry of groups to grasp political power in +their own interests. Aristocracy and democracy may be interpreted in +terms of group antagonism, the specialized few versus the +undifferentiated many. The ideal merges the two elements of efficiency +and solidarity in one larger group within which mutual confidence and +emulation take the place of conflict. Just as persons must be +disciplined into serving their groups, groups must be subordinated to +the welfare of the nation. It is in conflict or competition with other +nations that a country becomes a vivid unity to the members of +constituent groups. It is rivalry which brings out the sense of team +work, the social consciousness. + + +3. Cultural Conflicts and the Organization of Sects[214] + +It is assumed, I suppose, that contradictions among ideas and beliefs +are of various degrees and of various modes besides that specific one +which we call logical incompatibility. A perception, for example, may be +pictorially inconsistent or tonically discordant with another +perception; a mere faith unsupported by objective evidence may be +emotionally antagonistic to another mere faith, as truly as a judgment +may be logically irreconcilable with another judgment. And this wide +possibility of contradiction is particularly to be recognized when the +differing ideas or beliefs have arisen not within the same individual +mind but in different minds, and are therefore colored by personal or +partisan interest and warped by idiosyncrasy of mental constitution. The +contradictions of, or rather _among_, ideas and beliefs, with which we +are now concerned, are more extensive and more varied than mere logical +duels; they are also less definite, less precise. In reality they are +culture conflicts in which the opposing forces, so far from being +specific ideas only or pristine beliefs only, are in fact more or less +bewildering complexes of ideas, beliefs, prejudices, sympathies, +antipathies, and personal interests. + +It is assumed also, I suppose, that any idea or group of ideas, any +belief or group of beliefs, may happen to be or may become a common +interest, shared by a small or a large number of individuals. It may +draw and hold them together in bonds of acquaintance, of association, +even of co-operation. It thus may play a group-making role. +Contradictory ideas or beliefs, therefore, may play a group-making role +in a double sense. Each draws into association the individual minds that +entertain it or find it attractive. Each also repels those minds to whom +it is repugnant, and drives them toward the group which is being formed +about the contradictory idea or belief. Contradictions among ideas and +beliefs, then, it may be assumed, tend on the whole to sharpen the lines +of demarcation between group and group. + +These assumptions are, I suppose, so fully justified by the everyday +observation of mankind and so confirmed by history that it is +unnecessary now to discuss them or in any way to dwell upon them. The +question before us therefore becomes specific: "Are contradictions among +ideas and beliefs likely to play an _important_ group-making role in the +future?" I shall interpret the word important as connoting quality as +well as quantity. I shall, in fact, attempt to answer the question set +for me by translating it into this inquiry, namely: What kind or type of +groups are the inevitable contradictions among ideas and beliefs most +likely to create and to maintain within the progressive populations of +the world from this time forth? + +Somewhat more than three hundred years ago, Protestantism and +geographical discovery had combined to create conditions extraordinarily +favorable to the formation of groups or associations about various +conflicting ideas and beliefs functioning as nuclei; and for nearly +three hundred years the world has been observing a remarkable +multiplication of culture groups of two fundamentally different types. +One type is a sect, or denomination, having no restricted local +habitation but winning adherents here and there in various communes, +provinces, or nations, and having, therefore, a membership either +locally concentrated or more or less widely dispersed; either regularly +or most irregularly distributed. The culture group of the other type, or +kind, is a self-sufficing community. It may be a village, a colony, a +state, or a nation. Its membership is concentrated, its habitat is +defined. + +To a very great extent, as everybody knows, American colonization +proceeded through the formation of religious communities. Such were the +Pilgrim and the Puritan commonwealths. Such were the Quaker groups of +Rhode Island and Pennsylvania. Such were the localized societies of the +Dunkards, the Moravians, and the Mennonites. + +As late as the middle of the nineteenth century the American people +witnessed the birth and growth of one of the most remarkable religious +communities known in history. The Mormon community of Utah, which, +originating in 1830 as a band of relatives and acquaintances, clustered +by an idea that quickly became a dogma, had become in fifty years a +commonwealth _de facto_, defying the authority _de jure_ of the United +States. + +We are not likely, however, again to witness a phenomenon of this kind +in the civilized world. Recently we have seen the rise and the +astonishingly rapid spread of another American religion, namely, the +Christian Science faith. But it has created no community group. It has +created only a dispersed sect. It is obvious to any intelligent +observer, however untrained in sociological discrimination he may be, +that the forces of Protestantism, still dividing and differentiating as +they are, no longer to any great extent create new self-sufficing +communities. They create only associations of irregular geographical +dispersion, of more or less unstable or shifting membership. In a word, +the conflicting-idea forces, which in our colonial days tended to create +community groups as well as sects, tend now to create sectarian bodies +only--mere denominational or partisan associations. + +A similar contrast between an earlier and a later stage of culture +group-making may be observed if we go back to centuries before the +Protestant Reformation, there to survey a wider field and a longer +series of historical periods. + +It is a commonplace of historical knowledge that in all of the earliest +civilizations there was an approximate identification of religion with +ethnic consciousness and of political consciousness with both religious +and race feeling. Each people had its own tribal or national gods, who +were inventoried as national assets at valuations quite as high as those +attached to tribal or national territory. + +When, however, Roman imperial rule had been extended over the civilized +world, the culture conflicts that then arose expended their +group-creating force in simply bringing together like believers in +sectarian association. Christianity, appealing to all bloods, in some +measure to all economic classes, and spreading into all sections of the +eastern Mediterranean region, did not to any great extent create +communities. And what was true of Christianity was in like manner true +of the Mithras cult, widely diffused in the second Christian century. +Even Mohammedanism, a faith seemingly well calculated to create +autonomous states, in contact with a world prepared by Roman +organization could not completely identify itself with definite +political boundaries. + +The proximate causes of these contrasts are not obscure. We must suppose +that a self-sufficing community might at one time, as well as at +another, be drawn together by formative beliefs. But that it may take +root somewhere and, by protecting itself against destructive external +influences, succeed for a relatively long time in maintaining its +integrity and its solidarity, it must enjoy a relative isolation. In a +literal sense it must be beyond easy reach of those antagonistic forces +which constitute for it the outer world of unbelief and darkness. + +Such isolation is easily and often possible, however, only in the early +stages of political integration. It is always difficult and unusual in +those advanced stages wherein nations are combined in world-empires. It +is becoming well-nigh impossible, now that all the continents have been +brought under the sovereignty of the so-called civilized peoples, while +these peoples themselves, freely communicating and intermingling, +maintain with one another that good understanding which constitutes +them, in a certain broad sense of the term, a world-society. The +proximate effects also of the contrast that has been sketched are +generally recognized. + +So long as blood sympathy, religious faith, and political consciousness +are approximately coterminous, the groups that they form, whether local +communities or nations, must necessarily be rather sharply delimited. +They must be characterized also by internal solidarity. Their membership +is stable because to break the bond of blood is not only to make one's +self an outcast but is also to be unfaithful to the ancestral gods; to +change one's religion is not only to be impious but is also to commit +treason; to expatriate one's self is not only to commit treason but is +also to blaspheme against high heaven. + +But when associations of believers or of persons holding in common any +philosophy or doctrine whatsoever are no longer self-sufficing +communities, and when nations composite in blood have become compound in +structure, all social groups, clusters, or organizations, not only the +cultural ones drawn together by formative ideas, but also the economic +and the political ones, become in some degree plastic. Their membership +then becomes to some extent shifting and renewable. Under these +circumstances any given association of men, let it be a village, a +religious group, a trade union, a corporation, or a political party, not +only takes into itself new members from time to time; it also permits +old members to depart. Men come and men go, yet the association or the +group itself persists. As group or as organization it remains +unimpaired. + +The economic advantage secured by this plasticity and renewableness is +beyond calculation enormous. It permits and facilitates the drafting of +men at any moment from points where they are least needed, for +concentration upon points where they are needed most. The spiritual or +idealistic advantage is not less great. The concentration of attention +and of enthusiasm upon strategic points gives ever-increasing impetus to +progressive movements. + +Let us turn now from these merely proximate causes and effects of group +formation to take note of certain developmental processes which lie +farther back in the evolutionary sequence and which also have +significance for our inquiry, since, when we understand them, they may +aid us in our attempt to answer the question, What kind of group-making +is likely to be accomplished by cultural conflicts from this time forth? + +The most readily perceived, because the most pictorial, of the conflicts +arising between one belief and another are those that are waged between +beliefs that have been localized and then through geographical expansion +have come into competition throughout wide frontier areas. Of all such +conflicts, that upon which the world has now fully entered between +occidental and oriental ideas is not merely the most extensive; it is +also by far the most interesting and picturesque. + +Less picturesque but often more dramatic are the conflicts that arise +within each geographical region, within each nation, between old beliefs +and new--the conflicts of sequent, in distinction from coexistent, +ideas; the conflicts in time, in distinction from the conflicts in +space. A new knowledge is attained which compels us to question old +dogmas. A new faith arises which would displace the ancient traditions. +As the new waxes strong in some region favorable to it, it begins there, +within local limits, to supersede the old. Only then, when the conflict +between the old as old and the new as new is practically over, does the +triumphant new begin to go forth spatially as a conquering influence +from the home of its youth into regions outlying and remote. + +Whatever the form, however, that the culture conflict assumes, whether +serial and dramatic or geographical and picturesque, its antecedent +psychological conditions are in certain great essentials the same. Men +array themselves in hostile camps on questions of theory and belief, not +merely because they are variously and conflictingly informed, but far +more because they are mentally unlike, their minds having been prepared +by structural differentiation to seize upon different views and to +cherish opposing convictions. That is to say, some minds have become +rational, critical, plastic, open, outlooking, above all, intuitive of +objective facts and relations. Others in their fundamental constitution +have remained dogmatic, intuitive only of personal attitudes or of +subjective moods, temperamentally conservative and instinctive. Minds of +the one kind welcome the new and wider knowledge; they go forth to +embrace it. Minds of the other kind resist it. + +In the segregation thus arising, there is usually discoverable a certain +tendency toward grouping by sex. + +Whether the mental and moral traits of women are inherent and therefore +permanent, or whether they are but passing effects of circumscribed +experience and therefore possibly destined to be modified, is immaterial +for my present purpose. It is not certain that either the biologist or +the psychologist is prepared to answer the question. It is certain that +the sociologist is not. It is enough for the analysis that I am making +now if we can say that, as a merely descriptive fact, women thus far in +the history of the race have generally been more instinctive, more +intuitive of subjective states, more emotional, more conservative than +men; and that men, more generally than women, have been intuitive of +objective relations, inclined therefore to break with instinct and to +rely on the later-developed reasoning processes of the brain, and +willing, consequently, to take chances, to experiment, and to innovate. + +If so much be granted, we may perhaps say that it is because of these +mental differences that in conflicts between new and old ideas, between +new knowledge and old traditions, it usually happens that a large +majority of all women are found in the camp of the old, and that the +camp of the new is composed mainly of men. + +In the camp of the new, however, are always to be found women of alert +intelligence, who happen also to be temperamentally radical; women in +whom the reasoning habit has asserted sway over instinct, and in whom +intuition has become the true scientific power to discern objective +relations. And in the camp of the old, together with a majority of all +women, are to be found most of the men of conservative instinct, and +most of those also whose intuitive and reasoning powers are unequal to +the effort of thinking about the world or anything in it in terms of +impersonal causation. Associated with all of these elements, both male +and female, may usually be discovered, finally, a contingent of priestly +personalities; not necessarily religious priests, but men who love to +assert spiritual dominion, to wield authority, to be reverenced and +obeyed, and who naturally look for a following among the non-skeptical +and easily impressed. + +Such, very broadly and rudely sketched, is the psychological background +of culture conflict. It is, however, a background only, a certain +persistent grouping of forces and conditions; it is not the cause from +which culture conflicts proceed. + + +D. RACIAL CONFLICTS + + +1. Social Contacts and Race Conflict[215] + +There is a conviction, widespread in America at the present time, that +among the most fruitful sources of international wars are racial +prejudice and national egotism. This conviction is the nerve of much +present-day pacifism. It has been the inspiration of such unofficial +diplomacy, for example, as that of the Federal Council of the Churches +of Christ in its effort to bring about a better understanding between +the Japanese and America. This book, _The Japanese Invasion_, by Jesse +F. Steiner, is an attempt to study this phenomenon of race prejudice and +national egotism, so far as it reveals itself in the relations of the +Japanese and the Americans in this country, and to estimate the role it +is likely to play in the future relations of the two countries. + +So far as I know, an investigation of precisely this nature has not +hitherto been made. One reason for this is, perhaps, that not until very +recent times did the problem present itself in precisely this form. So +long as the nations lived in practical isolation, carrying on their +intercourse through the medium of professional diplomats, and knowing +each other mainly through the products they exchanged, census reports, +and the discreet observations of polite travelers, racial prejudice did +not disturb international relations. With the extension of international +commerce, the increase of immigration, and the interpenetration of +peoples, the scene changes. The railway, the steamship, and the +telegraph are rapidly mobilizing the peoples of the earth. The nations +are coming out of their isolation, and distances which separated the +different races are rapidly giving way before the extension of +communication. + +The same human motives which have led men to spread a network of +trade-communication over the whole earth in order to bring about an +exchange of commodities are now bringing about a new distribution of +populations. When these populations become as mobile as the commodities +of commerce, there will be practically no limits--except those +artificial barriers, like the customs and immigration restrictions, +maintained by individual states--to a world-wide economic and personal +competition. Furthermore when the natural barriers are broken down, +artificial barriers will be maintained with increasing difficulty. + +Some conception of the extent of the changes which are taking place in +the world under the influence of these forces may be gathered from the +fact that in 1870 the cost of transporting a bushel of grain in Europe +was so great as to prohibit its sale beyond a radius of two hundred +miles from a primary market. By 1883 the importation of grains from the +virgin soil of the western prairies in the United States had brought +about an agricultural crisis in every country in western Europe. + +One may illustrate, but it is scarcely possible to estimate, the +economic changes which have been brought about by the enormous increase +in ocean transportation. In 1840 the first Cunard liner, of 740 +horse-power with a speed of 8.5 knots per hour, was launched. In 1907, +when the Lusitania was built, ocean-going vessels had attained a speed +of 25 knots an hour and were drawn by engines of 70,000 horse-power. + +It is difficult to estimate the economic changes which have been brought +about by the changes in ocean transportation represented by these +figures. It is still less possible to predict the political effects of +the steadily increasing mobility of the peoples of the earth. At the +present time this mobility has already reached a point at which it is +often easier and cheaper to transport the world's population to the +source of raw materials than to carry the world's manufactures to the +established seats of population. + +With the progressive rapidity, ease, and security of transportation, and +the increase in communication, there follows an increasing detachment of +the population from the soil and a concurrent concentration in great +cities. These cities in time become the centers of vast numbers of +uprooted individuals, casual and seasonal laborers, tenement and +apartment-house dwellers, sophisticated and emancipated urbanites, who +are bound together neither by local attachment nor by ties of family, +clan, religion, or nationality. Under such conditions it is reasonable +to expect that the same economic motive which leads every trader to sell +in the highest market and to buy in the lowest will steadily increase +and intensify the tendency, which has already reached enormous +proportions of the population in overcrowded regions with diminished +resources, to seek their fortunes, either permanently or temporarily, in +the new countries of undeveloped resources. + +Already the extension of commerce and the increase of immigration have +brought about an international and inter-racial situation that has +strained the inherited political order of the United States. It is this +same expansive movement of population and of commerce, together with the +racial and national rivalries that have sprung from them, which first +destroyed the traditional balance of power in Europe and then broke up +the scheme of international control which rested on it. Whatever may +have been the immediate causes of the world-war, the more remote sources +of the conflict must undoubtedly be sought in the great cosmic forces +which have broken down the barriers which formerly separated the races +and nationalities of the world, and forced them into new intimacies and +new forms of competition, rivalry, and conflict. + +Since 1870 the conditions which I have attempted to sketch have steadily +forced upon America and the nations of Europe the problem of +assimilating their heterogeneous populations. What we call the race +problem is at once an incident of this process of assimilation and an +evidence of its failure. + +The present volume, _The Japanese Invasion: A Study in the Psychology of +Inter-racial Contact_, touches but does not deal with the general +situation which I have briefly sketched. It is, as its title suggests, a +study in "racial contacts," and is an attempt to distinguish and trace +to their sources the attitudes and the sentiments--that is to say, +mutual prejudices--which have been and still are a source of mutual +irritation and misunderstanding between the Japanese and American +peoples. + +Fundamentally, prejudice against the Japanese in the United States is +merely the prejudice which attaches to every alien and immigrant people. +The immigrant from Europe, like the immigrant from Asia, comes to this +country because he finds here a freedom of individual action and an +economic opportunity which he did not find at home. It is an instance of +the general tendency of populations to move from an area of relatively +closed, to one of relatively open, resources. The movement is as +inevitable and, in the long run, as resistless as that which draws water +from its mountain sources to the sea. It is one way of redressing the +economic balance and bringing about an economic equilibrium. + +The very circumstances under which this modern movement of population +has arisen implies then that the standard of living, if not the cultural +level, of the immigrant is lower than that of the native population. The +consequence is that immigration brings with it a new and disturbing form +of competition, the competition, namely, of peoples of a lower and of a +higher standard of living. The effect of this competition, where it is +free and unrestricted, is either to lower the living standards of the +native population; to expel them from the vocations in which the +immigrants are able or permitted to compete; or what may, perhaps, be +regarded as a more sinister consequence, to induce such a restriction of +the birth rate of the native population as to insure its ultimate +extinction. The latter is, in fact, what seems to be happening in the +New England manufacturing towns where the birth rate in the native +population for some years past has fallen below the death rate, so that +the native stock has long since ceased to reproduce itself. The foreign +peoples, on the other hand, are rapidly replacing the native stocks, not +merely by the influence of new immigration, but because of a relatively +high excess of births over deaths. + +It has been assumed that the prejudice which blinds the people of one +race to the virtues of another and leads them to exaggerate that other's +faults is in the nature of a misunderstanding which further knowledge +will dispel. This is so far from true that it would be more exact to say +that our racial misunderstandings are merely the expression of our +racial antipathies. Behind these antipathies are deep-seated, vital, and +instinctive impulses. Racial antipathies represent the collision of +invisible forces, the clash of interests, dimly felt but not yet clearly +perceived. They are present in every situation where the fundamental +interests of races and peoples are not yet regulated by some law, +custom, or any other _modus vivendi_ which commands the assent and the +mutual support of both parties. We hate people because we fear them, +because our interests, as we understand them at any rate, run counter to +theirs. On the other hand, good will is founded in the long run upon +co-operation. The extension of our so-called altruistic sentiments is +made possible only by the organization of our otherwise conflicting +interests and by the extension of the machinery of co-operation and +social control. + +Race prejudice may be regarded as a spontaneous, more or less +instinctive, defense-reaction, the practical effect of which is to +restrict free competition between races. Its importance as a social +function is due to the fact that free competition, particularly between +people with different standards of living, seems to be, if not the +original source, at least the stimulus to which race prejudice is the +response. + +From this point of view we may regard caste, or even slavery, as one of +those accommodations through which the race problem found a natural +solution. Caste, by relegating the subject race to an inferior status, +gives to each race at any rate a monopoly of its own tasks. When this +status is accepted by the subject people, as is the case where the caste +or slavery systems become fully established, racial competition ceases +and racial animosity tends to disappear. That is the explanation of the +intimate and friendly relations which so often existed in slavery +between master and servant. It is for this reason that we hear it said +today that the Negro is all right in his place. In his place he is a +convenience and not a competitor. Each race being in its place, no +obstacle to racial co-operation exists. + +The fact that race prejudice is due to, or is in some sense dependent +upon, race competition is further manifest by a fact that Mr. Steiner +has emphasized, namely, that prejudice against the Japanese is nowhere +uniform throughout the United States. It is only where the Japanese are +present in sufficient numbers to actually disturb the economic status of +the white population that prejudice has manifested itself to such a +degree as to demand serious consideration. It is an interesting fact +also that prejudice against the Japanese is now more intense than it is +against any other oriental people. The reason for this, as Mr. Steiner +has pointed out, is that the Japanese are more aggressive, more disposed +to test the sincerity of that statement of the Declaration of +Independence which declares that all men are equally entitled to "life, +liberty, and the pursuit of happiness"--a statement, by the way, which +was merely a forensic assertion of the laissez faire doctrine of free +and unrestricted competition as applied to the relations of individual +men. + +The Japanese, the Chinese, they too would be all right in their place, +no doubt. That place, if they find it, will be one in which they do not +greatly intensify and so embitter the struggle for existence of the +white man. The difficulty is that the Japanese is still less disposed +than the Negro or the Chinese to submit to the regulations of a caste +system and to stay in his place. The Japanese are an organized and +morally efficient nation. They have the national pride and the national +egotism which rests on the consciousness of this efficiency. In fact, it +is not too much to say that national egotism, if one pleases to call it +such, is essential to national efficiency, just as a certain +irascibility of temper seems to be essential to a good fighter. + +Another difficulty is that caste and the limitation of free competition +is economically unsound, even though it be politically desirable. A +national policy of national efficiency demands that every individual +have not merely the opportunity but the preparation necessary to perform +that particular service for the community for which his natural +disposition and aptitude fit him, irrespective of race or "previous +condition." + +Finally, caste and the limitation of economic opportunity is contrary, +if not to our traditions, at least to our political principles. That +means that there will always be an active minority opposed to any +settlement based on the caste system as applied to either the black or +the brown races, on grounds of political sentiment. This minority will +be small in parts of the country immediately adversely affected by the +competition of the invading race. It will be larger in regions which are +not greatly affected. It will be increased if immigration is so rapid as +to make the competition more acute. We must look to other measures for +the solution of the Japanese problem, if it should prove true, as seems +probable, that we are not able or, for various reasons, do not care +permanently to hold back the rising tide of the oriental invasion. + +I have said that fundamentally and in principle prejudice against the +Japanese in America today was identical with the prejudice which +attaches to any immigrant people. There is, as Mr. Steiner has pointed +out, a difference. This is due to the existence in the human mind of a +mechanism by which we inevitably and automatically classify every +individual human being we meet. When a race bears an external mark by +which every individual member of it can infallibly be identified, that +race is by that fact set apart and segregated. Japanese, Chinese, and +Negroes cannot move among us with the same freedom as the members of +other races because they bear marks which identify them as members of +their race. This fact isolates them. In the end the effect of this +isolation, both in its effects upon the Japanese themselves and upon the +human environment in which they live, is profound. Isolation is at once +a cause and an effect of race prejudice. It is a vicious +circle--isolation, prejudice; prejudice, isolation. Were there no other +reasons which urge us to consider the case of the Japanese and the +oriental peoples in a category different from that of the European +immigrant, this fact, that they are bound to live in the American +community a more or less isolated life, would impel us to do so. + +In conclusion, I may perhaps say in a word what seems to me the +practical bearing of Mr. Steiner's book. Race prejudice is a mechanism +of the group mind which acts reflexly and automatically in response to +its proper stimulus. That stimulus seems to be, in the cases where I +have met it, unrestricted competition of peoples with different +standards of living. Racial animosities and the so-called racial +misunderstandings that grow out of them cannot be explained or argued +away. They can only be affected when there has been a readjustment of +relations and an organization of interests in such a way as to bring +about a larger measure of co-operation and a lesser amount of friction +and conflict. This demands something more than a diplomacy of kind +words. It demands a national policy based on an unflinching examination +of the facts. + + +2. Conflict and Race Consciousness[216] + +The Civil War weakened but did not fully destroy the _modus vivendi_ +which slavery had established between the slave and his master. With +emancipation the authority which had formerly been exercised by the +master was transferred to the state, and Washington, D.C., began to +assume in the mind of the freedman the position that formerly had been +occupied by the "big house" on the plantation. The masses of the Negro +people still maintained their habit of dependence, however, and after +the first confusion of the change had passed, life went on, for most of +them, much as it had before the war. As one old farmer explained, the +only difference he could see was that in slavery he "was working for old +Marster and now he was working for himself." + +There was one difference between slavery and freedom, nevertheless, +which was very real to the freedman. And this was the liberty to move. +To move from one plantation to another in case he was discontented was +one of the ways in which a freedman was able to realize his freedom and +to make sure that he possessed it. This liberty to move meant a good +deal more to the plantation Negro than one not acquainted with the +situation in the South is likely to understand. + +If there had been an abundance of labor in the South; if the situation +had been such that the Negro laborer was seeking the opportunity to +work, or such that the Negro tenant farmers were competing for the +opportunity to get a place on the land, as is so frequently the case in +Europe, the situation would have been fundamentally different from what +it actually was. But the South was, and is today, what Nieboer called a +country of "open," in contradistinction to a country of "closed" +resources. In other words, there is more land in the South than there is +labor to till it. Land owners are driven to competing for laborers and +tenants to work their plantations. + +Owing to his ignorance of business matters and to a long-established +habit of submission, the Negro after emancipation was placed at a great +disadvantage in his dealings with the white man. His right to move from +one plantation to another became, therefore, the Negro tenant's method +of enforcing consideration from the planter. He might not dispute the +planter's accounts, because he was not capable of doing so, and it was +unprofitable to attempt it, but if he felt aggrieved he could move. + +This was the significance of the exodus in some of the southern states +which took place about 1879, when 40,000 people left the plantations in +the Black Belts of Louisiana and Mississippi and went to Kansas. The +masses of the colored people were dissatisfied with the treatment they +were receiving from the planters and made up their minds to move to "a +free country," as they described it. At the same time it was the attempt +of the planter to bind the Negro tenant who was in debt to him to his +place on the plantation that gave rise to the system of peonage that +still exists in a mitigated form in the South today. + +When the Negro moved off the plantation upon which he was reared he +severed the personal relations which bound him to his master's people. +It was just at this point that the two races began to lose touch with +each other. From this time on the relations of the black man and white, +which in slavery had been direct and personal, became every year, as the +old associations were broken, more and more indirect and secondary. +There lingers still the disposition on the part of the white man to +treat every Negro familiarly, and the disposition on the part of every +Negro to treat every white man respectfully. But these are habits which +are gradually disappearing. The breaking down of the instincts and +habits of servitude and the acquisition by the masses of the Negro +people of the instincts and habits of freedom have proceeded slowly but +steadily. The reason the change seems to have gone on more rapidly in +some cases than others is explained by the fact that at the time of +emancipation 10 per cent of the Negroes in the United States were +already free, and others, those who had worked in trades, many of whom +had hired their own time from their masters, had become more or less +adapted to the competitive conditions of free society. + +One of the effects of the mobilization of the Negro has been to bring +him into closer and more intimate contact with his own people. Common +interests have drawn the blacks together, and caste sentiment has kept +the black and white apart. The segregation of the races, which began as +a spontaneous movement on the part of both, has been fostered by the +policy of the dominant race. The agitation of the Reconstruction period +made the division between the races in politics absolute. Segregation +and separation in other matters have gone on steadily ever since. The +Negro at the present time has separate churches, schools, libraries, +hospitals, Y.M.C.A. associations, and even separate towns. There are, +perhaps, a half-dozen communities in the United States, every inhabitant +of which is a Negro. Most of these so-called Negro towns are suburban +villages; two of them, at any rate, are the centers of a considerable +Negro farming population. In general it may be said that where the Negro +schools, churches, and Y.M.C.A. associations are not separate they do +not exist. + +It is hard to estimate the ultimate effect of this isolation of the +black man. One of the most important effects has been to establish a +common interest among all the different colors and classes of the race. +This sense of solidarity has grown up gradually with the organization of +the Negro people. It is stronger in the South, where segregation is more +complete, than it is in the North where, twenty years ago, it would have +been safe to say it did not exist. Gradually, imperceptibly, within the +larger world of the white man, a smaller world, the world of the black +man, is silently taking form and shape. + +Every advance in education and intelligence puts the Negro in possession +of the technique of communication and organization of the white man, and +so contributes to the extension and consolidation of the Negro world +within the white. + +The motive for this increasing solidarity is furnished by the increasing +pressure, or perhaps I should say by the increasing sensibility of +Negroes to the pressure and the prejudice without. The sentiment of +racial loyalty, which is a comparatively recent manifestation of the +growing self-consciousness of the race, must be regarded as a response +and "accommodation" to changing internal and external relations of the +race. The sentiment which Negroes are beginning to call "race pride" +does not exist to the same extent in the North as in the South, but an +increasing disposition to enforce racial distinctions in the North, as +in the South, is bringing it into existence. + +One or two incidents in this connection are significant. A few years ago +a man who is the head of the largest Negro publishing business in this +country sent to Germany and had a number of Negro dolls manufactured +according to specifications of his own. At the time this company was +started, Negro children were in the habit of playing with white dolls. +There were already Negro dolls on the market, but they were for white +children and represented the white man's conception of the Negro and not +the Negro's ideal of himself. The new Negro doll was a mulatto with +regular features slightly modified in favor of the conventional Negro +type. It was a neat, prim, well-dressed, well-behaved, self-respecting +doll. Later on, as I understand, there were other dolls, equally tidy +and respectable in appearance, but in darker shades, with Negro features +a little more pronounced. The man who designed these dolls was perfectly +clear in regard to the significance of the substitution that he was +making. He said that he thought it was a good thing to let Negro girls +become accustomed to dolls of their own color. He thought it important, +as long as the races were to be segregated, that the dolls, which, like +other forms of art, are patterns and represent ideals, should be +segregated also. + +This substitution of the Negro model for the white is a very interesting +and a very significant fact. It means that the Negro has begun to +fashion his own ideals and in his own image rather than in that of the +white man. It is also interesting to know that the Negro doll company +has been a success and that these dolls are now widely sold in every +part of the United States. Nothing exhibits more clearly the extent to +which the Negro had become assimilated in slavery or the extent to +which he has broken with the past in recent years than this episode of +the Negro doll. + +The incident is typical. It is an indication of the nature of tendencies +and of forces that are stirring in the background of the Negro's mind, +although they have not succeeded in forcing themselves, except in +special instances, into clear consciousness. + +In this same category must be reckoned the poetry of Paul Lawrence +Dunbar, in whom, as William Dean Howells has said, the Negro "attained +civilization." Before Paul Lawrence Dunbar, Negro literature had been +either apologetic or self-assertive, but Dunbar "studied the Negro +objectively." He represented him as he found him, not only without +apology, but with an affectionate understanding and sympathy which one +can have only for what is one's own. In Dunbar, Negro literature +attained an ethnocentric point of view. Through the medium of his verses +the ordinary shapes and forms of the Negro's life have taken on the +color of his affections and sentiments, and we see the black man, not as +he looks, but as he feels and is. + +It is a significant fact that a certain number of educated--or rather +the so-called educated--Negroes were not at first disposed to accept at +their full value either Dunbar's dialect verse or the familiar pictures +of Negro life which are the symbols in which his poetry usually found +expression. The explanation sometimes offered for the dialect poems was +that "they were made to please white folk." The assumption seems to have +been that if they had been written for Negroes it would have been +impossible in his poetry to distinguish black people from white. This +was a sentiment which was never shared by the masses of the people, who, +upon the occasions when Dunbar recited to them, were fairly bowled over +with amusement and delight because of the authenticity of the portraits +he offered them. At the present time Dunbar is so far accepted as to +have hundreds of imitators. + +Literature and art have played a similar and perhaps more important role +in the racial struggles of Europe than of America. One reason seems to +be that racial conflicts, as they occur in secondary groups, are +primarily sentimental and secondarily economic. Literature and art, when +they are employed to give expression to racial sentiment and form to +racial ideals, serve, along with other agencies, to mobilize the group +and put the masses _en rapport_ with their leaders and with each other. +In such cases art and literature are like silent drummers which summon +into action the latent instincts and energies of the race. + +These struggles, I might add, in which a submerged people seek to rise +and make for themselves a place in a world occupied by superior and +privileged races, are not less vital or less important because they are +bloodless. They serve to stimulate ambitions and inspire ideals which +years, perhaps, of subjection and subordination have suppressed. In +fact, it seems as if it were through conflicts of this kind, rather than +through war, that the minor peoples were destined to gain the moral +concentration and discipline that fit them to share, on anything like +equal terms, in the conscious life of the civilized world. + +Until the beginning of the last century the European peasant, like the +Negro slave, bound as he was to the soil, lived in the little world of +direct and personal relations, under what we may call a domestic regime. +It was military necessity that first turned the attention of statesmen +like Frederick the Great of Prussia to the welfare of the peasant. It +was the overthrow of Prussia by Napoleon in 1807 that brought about his +final emancipation in that country. In recent years it has been the +international struggle for economic efficiency which has contributed +most to mobilize the peasant and laboring classes in Europe. + +As the peasant slowly emerged from serfdom he found himself a member of +a depressed class, without education, political privileges, or capital. +It was the struggle of this class for wider opportunity and better +conditions of life that made most of the history of the previous +century. Among the peoples in the racial borderland the effect of this +struggle has been, on the whole, to substitute for a horizontal +organization of society--in which the upper strata, that is to say, the +wealthy or privileged class, was mainly of one race and the poorer and +subject class was mainly of another--a vertical organization in which +all classes of each racial group were united under the title of their +respective nationalities. Thus organized, the nationalities represent, +on the one hand, intractable minorities engaged in a ruthless partisan +struggle for political privilege or economic advantage and, on the +other, they represent cultural groups, each struggling to maintain a +sentiment of loyalty to the distinctive traditions, language, and +institutions of the race they represent. + +This sketch of the racial situation in Europe is, of course, the barest +abstraction and should not be accepted realistically. It is intended +merely as an indication of similarities, in the broader outlines, of the +motives that have produced nationalities in Europe and are making the +Negro in America, as Booker Washington says, "a nation within a nation." + +It may be said that there is one profound difference between the Negro +and the European nationalities, namely, that the Negro has had his +separateness and consequent race consciousness thrust upon him because +of his exclusion and forcible isolation from white society. The Slavic +nationalities, on the contrary, have segregated themselves in order to +escape assimilation and escape racial extinction in the larger +cosmopolitan states. + +The difference is, however, not so great as it seems. With the exception +of the Poles, nationalistic sentiment may be said hardly to have existed +fifty years ago. Forty years ago when German was the language of the +educated classes, educated Bohemians were a little ashamed to speak +their own language in public. Now nationalist sentiment is so strong +that, where the Czech nationality has gained control, it has sought to +wipe out every vestige of the German language. It has changed the names +of streets, buildings, and public places. In the city of Prag, for +example, all that formerly held German associations now fairly reeks +with the sentiment of Bohemian nationality. + +On the other hand, the masses of the Polish people cherished very little +nationalist sentiment until after the Franco-Prussian War. The fact is +that nationalist sentiment among the Slavs, like racial sentiment among +the Negroes, has sprung up as the result of a struggle against privilege +and discrimination based upon racial distinctions. The movement is not +so far advanced among Negroes; sentiment is not so intense, and for +several reasons probably never will be. + +From what has been said it seems fair to draw one conclusion, namely: +under conditions of secondary contact, that is to say, conditions of +individual liberty and individual competition, characteristic of modern +civilization, depressed racial groups tend to assume the form of +nationalities. A nationality, in this narrower sense, may be defined as +the racial group which has attained self-consciousness, no matter +whether it has at the same time gained political independence or not. + +In societies organized along horizontal lines the disposition of +individuals in the lower strata is to seek their models in the strata +above them. Loyalty attaches to individuals, particularly to the upper +classes, who furnish, in their persons and in their lives, the models +for the masses of the people below them. Long after the nobility has +lost every other social function connected with its vocation the ideals +of the nobility have survived in our conception of the gentleman, +genteel manners and bearing--gentility. + +The sentiment of the Negro slave was, in a certain sense, not merely +loyalty to his master but to the white race. Negroes of the older +generations speak very frequently, with a sense of proprietorship, of +"our white folks." This sentiment was not always confined to the +ignorant masses. An educated colored man once explained to me "that we +colored people always want our white folks to be superior." He was +shocked when I showed no particular enthusiasm for that form of +sentiment. + +The fundamental significance of the nationalist movement must be sought +in the effort of subject races, sometimes consciously, sometimes +unconsciously, to substitute, for those supplied them by aliens, models +based on their own racial individuality and embodying sentiments and +ideals which spring naturally out of their own lives. + +After a race has achieved in this way its moral independence, +assimilation, in the sense of copying, will still continue. Nations and +races borrow from those whom they fear as well as from those whom they +admire. Materials taken over in this way, however, are inevitably +stamped with the individuality of the nationalities that appropriate +them. These materials will contribute to the dignity, to the prestige, +and to the solidarity of the nationality which borrows them, but they +will no longer inspire loyalty to the race from which they are borrowed. +A race which has attained the character of a nationality may still +retain its loyalty to the state of which it is a part, but only in so +far as that state incorporates, as an integral part of its organization, +the practical interests, the aspirations and ideals of that +nationality. + +The aim of the contending nationalities in Austria-Hungary at the +present time seems to be a federation, like that of Switzerland, based +upon the autonomy of the different races composing the empire. In the +South, similarly, the races seem to be tending in the direction of a +bi-racial organization of society, in which the Negro is gradually +gaining a limited autonomy. What the ultimate outcome of this movement +may be it is not safe to predict. + + +3. Conflict and Accommodation[217] + +In the first place, what is race friction? To answer this elementary +question it is necessary to define the abstract mental quality upon +which race friction finally rests. This is racial "antipathy," popularly +spoken of as "race prejudice." Whereas prejudice means mere +predilection, either for or against, antipathy means "natural +contrariety," "incompatibility," or "repugnance of qualities." To quote +the Century Dictionary, antipathy "expresses most of constitutional +feeling and least of volition"; "it is a dislike that seems +constitutional toward persons, things, conduct, etc.; hence it involves +a dislike for which sometimes no good reason can be given." I would +define racial antipathy, then, as a natural contrariety, repugnancy of +qualities, or incompatibility between individuals or groups which are +sufficiently differentiated to constitute what, for want of a more exact +term, we call races. What is most important is that it involves an +instinctive feeling of dislike, distaste, or repugnance, for which +sometimes no good reason can be given. Friction is defined primarily as +a "lack of harmony," or a "mutual irritation." In the case of races it +is accentuated by antipathy. We do not have to depend on race riots or +other acts of violence as a measure of the growth of race friction. Its +existence may be manifested by a look or a gesture as well as by a word +or an act. + +A verbal cause of much useless and unnecessary controversy is found in +the use of the word "race." When we speak of "race problems" or "racial +antipathies," what do we mean by "race"? Clearly nothing scientifically +definite, since ethnologists themselves are not agreed upon any +classification of the human family along racial lines. Nor would this +so-called race prejudice have the slightest regard for such +classification, if one were agreed upon. It is something which is not +bounded by the confines of a philological or ethnological definition. +The British scientist may tell the British soldier in India that the +native is in reality his brother, and that it is wholly absurd and +illogical and unscientific for such a thing as "race prejudice" to exist +between them. Tommy Atkins simply replies with a shrug that to him and +his messmates the native is a "nigger"; and in so far as their attitude +is concerned, that is the end of the matter. The same suggestion, +regardless of the scientific accuracy of the parallel, if made to the +American soldier in the Philippines, meets with the same reply. We have +wasted an infinite amount of time in interminable controversies over the +relative superiority and inferiority of different races. Such +discussions have a certain value when conducted by scientific men in a +purely scientific spirit. But for the purpose of explaining or +establishing any fixed principle of race relations they are little +better than worthless. The Japanese is doubtless quite well satisfied of +the superiority of his people over the mushroom growths of western +civilization, and finds no difficulty in borrowing from the latter +whatever is worth reproducing, and improving on it in adapting it to his +own racial needs. The Chinese do not waste their time in idle chatter +over the relative status of their race as compared with the white +barbarians who have intruded themselves upon them with their grotesque +customs, their heathenish ideas, and their childishly new religion. The +Hindu regards with veiled contempt the racial pretensions of his +conqueror, and, while biding the time when the darker races of the earth +shall once more come into their own, does not bother himself with such +an idle question as whether his temporary overlord is his racial equal. +Only the white man writes volumes to establish on paper the fact of a +superiority which is either self-evident and not in need of +demonstration, on the one hand, or is not a fact and is not +demonstrable, on the other. The really important matter is one about +which there need be little dispute--the fact of racial differences. It +is the practical question of differences--the fundamental differences of +physical appearance, of mental habit and thought, of social customs and +religious beliefs, of the thousand and one things keenly and clearly +appreciable, yet sometimes elusive and undefinable--these are the things +which at once create and find expression in what we call race problems +and race prejudices, for want of better terms. In just so far as these +differences are fixed and permanently associated characteristics of two +groups of people will the antipathies and problems between the two be +permanent. + +Probably the closest approach we shall ever make to a satisfactory +classification of races as a basis of antipathy will be that of grouping +men according to color, along certain broad lines, the color being +accompanied by various and often widely different, but always fairly +persistent, differentiating physical and mental characteristics. This +would give us substantially the white--not Caucasian, the yellow--not +Chinese or Japanese, and the dark--not Negro, races. The antipathies +between these general groups and between certain of their subdivisions +will be found to be essentially fundamental, but they will also be found +to present almost endless differences of degrees of actual and potential +acuteness. Here elementary psychology also plays its part. One of the +subdivisions of the Negro race is composed of persons of mixed blood. In +many instances these are more white than black, yet the association of +ideas has through several generations identified them with the +Negro--and in this country friction between this class and white people +is on some lines even greater than between whites and blacks. + +Race conflicts are merely the more pronounced concrete expressions of +such friction. They are the visible phenomena of the abstract quality of +racial antipathy--the tangible evidence of the existence of racial +problems. The form of such expressions of antipathy varies with the +nature of the racial contact in each instance. Their different and +widely varying aspects are the confusing and often contradictory +phenomena of race relations. They are dependent upon diverse conditions, +and are no more susceptible of rigid and permanent classification than +are the whims and moods of human nature. It is more than a truism to say +that a condition precedent to race friction or race conflict is contact +between sufficient numbers of two diverse racial groups. There is a +definite and positive difference between contact between individuals and +contact between masses. The association between two isolated individual +members of two races may be wholly different from contact between masses +of the same race groups. The factor of numbers embraces, indeed, the +very crux of the problems arising from contact between different races. + +A primary cause of race friction is the vague, rather intangible, but +wholly real, feeling of "pressure" which comes to the white man almost +instinctively in the presence of a mass of people of a different race. +In a certain important sense all racial problems are distinctly problems +of racial distribution. Certainly the definite action of the controlling +race, particularly as expressed in laws, is determined by the factor of +the numerical difference between its population and that of the inferior +group. This fact stands out prominently in the history of our colonial +legislation for the control of Negro slaves. These laws increased in +severity up to a certain point as the slave population increased in +numbers. The same condition is disclosed in the history of the +ante-bellum legislation of the southern, eastern, New England, and +middle western states for the control of the free Negro population. So +today no state in the Union would have separate car laws where the Negro +constituted only 10 or 15 per cent of its total population. No state +would burden itself with the maintenance of two separate school systems +with a negro element of less than 10 per cent. Means of local separation +might be found, but there would be no expression of law on the subject. + +Just as a heavy increase of Negro population makes for an increase of +friction, direct legislation, the protection of drastic social customs, +and a general feeling of unrest or uneasiness on the part of the white +population, so a decrease of such population, or a relatively small +increase as compared with the whites, makes for less friction, greater +racial tolerance, and a lessening of the feeling of necessity for +severely discriminating laws or customs. And this quite aside from the +fact of a difference of increase or decrease of actual points of +contact, varying with differences of numbers. The statement will +scarcely be questioned that the general attitude of the white race, as a +whole, toward the Negro would become much less uncompromising if we were +to discover that through two census periods the race had shown a +positive decrease in numbers. Racial antipathy would not decrease, but +the conditions which provoke its outward expression would undergo a +change for the better. There is a direct relation between the mollified +attitude of the people of the Pacific coast toward the Chinese +population and the fact that the Chinese population decreased between +1890 and 1900. There would in time be a difference of feeling toward the +Japanese now there if the immigration of more were prohibited by treaty +stipulation. There is the same immediate relation between the tolerant +attitude of whites toward the natives in the Hawaiian Islands and the +feeling that the native is a decadent and dying race. Aside from the +influence of the Indian's warlike qualities and of his refusal to submit +to slavery, the attitude and disposition of the white race toward him +have been influenced by considerations similar to those which today +operate in Hawaii. And the same influence has been a factor in +determining the attitude of the English toward the slowly dying Maoris +of New Zealand. + +At no time in the history of the English-speaking people and at no place +of which we have any record where large numbers of them have been +brought into contact with an approximately equal number of Negroes have +the former granted to the latter absolute equality, either political, +social, or economic. With the exception of five New England states, with +a total Negro population of only 16,084 in 1860, every state in the +Union discriminated against the Negro politically before the Civil War. +The white people continued to do so--North as well as South--as long as +they retained control of the suffrage regulations of their states. The +determination to do so renders one whole section of the country +practically a political unit to this day. In South Africa we see the +same determination of the white man to rule, regardless of the numerical +superiority of the black. The same determination made Jamaica surrender +the right of self-government and renders her satisfied with a hybrid +political arrangement today. The presence of practically 100,000 Negroes +in the District of Columbia makes 200,000 white people content to live +under an anomaly in a self-governing country. The proposition is too +elementary for discussion that the white man when confronted with a +sufficient number of Negroes to create in his mind a sense of political +unrest or danger either alters his form of government in order to be rid +of the incubus or destroys the political strength of the Negro by force, +by evasion, or by direct action. + +In the main, the millions in the South live at peace with their white +neighbors. The masses, just one generation out of slavery and thousands +of them still largely controlled by its influences, accept the +superiority of the white race as a race, whatever may be their private +opinion of some of its members. And, furthermore, they accept this +relation of superior and inferior as a mere matter of course--as part +of their lives--as something neither to be questioned, wondered at, or +worried over. Despite apparent impressions to the contrary, the average +southern white man gives no more thought to the matter than does the +Negro. As I tried to make clear at the outset, the status of superior +and inferior is simply an inherited part of his instinctive mental +equipment--a concept which he does not have to reason out. The +respective attitudes are complementary, and under the mutual acceptance +and understanding there still exist unnumbered thousands of instances of +kindly and affectionate relations--relations of which the outside world +knows nothing and understands nothing. In the mass, the southern Negro +has not bothered himself about the ballot for more than twenty years, +not since his so-called political leaders let him alone; he is not +disturbed over the matter of separate schools and cars, and he neither +knows nor cares anything about "social equality." + +But what of the other class? The "masses" is at best an unsatisfactory +and indefinite term. It is very far from embracing even the southern +Negro, and we need not forget that seven years ago there were 900,000 +members of the race living outside of the South. What of the class, +mainly urban and large in number, who have lost the typical habit and +attitude of the Negro of the mass, and who, more and more, are becoming +restless and chafing under existing conditions? There is an intimate and +very natural relation between the social and intellectual advance of the +so-called Negro and the matter of friction along social lines. It is, in +fact, only as we touch the higher groups that we can appreciate the +potential results of contact upon a different plane from that common to +the masses in the South. There is a large and steadily increasing group +of men, more or less related to the Negro by blood and wholly identified +with him by American social usage, who refuse to accept quietly the +white man's attitude toward the race. I appreciate the mistake of laying +too great stress upon the utterances of any one man or group of men, but +the mistakes in this case lie the other way. The American white man +knows little or nothing about the thought and opinion of the colored men +and women who today largely mold and direct Negro public opinion in this +country. Even the white man who considers himself a student of "the race +question" rarely exhibits anything more than profound ignorance of the +Negro's side of the problem. He does not know what the other man is +thinking and saying on the subject. This composite type which we +poetically call "black," but which in reality is every shade from black +to white, is slowly developing a consciousness of its own racial +solidarity. It is finding its own distinctive voice, and through its own +books and papers and magazines, and through its own social +organizations, is at once giving utterance to its discontent and making +known its demands. + +And with this dawning consciousness of race there is likewise coming an +appreciation of the limitations and restrictions which hem in its +unfolding and development. One of the best indices to the possibilities +of increased racial friction is the Negro's own recognition of the +universality of the white man's racial antipathy toward him. This is the +one clear note above the storm of protest against the things that are, +that in his highest aspirations everywhere the white man's "prejudice" +blocks the colored man's path. And the white man may with possible +profit pause long enough to ask the deeper significance of the Negro's +finding of himself. May it not be only part of a general awakening of +the darker races of the earth? Captain H. A. Wilson, of the English +army, says that through all Africa there has penetrated in some way a +vague confused report that far off somewhere, in the unknown, outside +world, a great war has been fought between a white and a yellow race, +and won by the yellow man. And even before the Japanese-Russian +conflict, "Ethiopianism" and the cry of "Africa for the Africans" had +begun to disturb the English in South Africa. It is said time and again +that the dissatisfaction and unrest in India are accentuated by the +results of this same war. There can be no doubt in the mind of any man +who carefully reads American Negro journals that their rejoicing over +the Japanese victory sounded a very different note from that of the +white American. It was far from being a mere expression of sympathy with +a people fighting for national existence against a power which had made +itself odious to the civilized world by its treatment of its subjects. +It was, instead, a quite clear cry of exultation over the defeat of a +white race by a dark one. The white man is no wiser than the ostrich if +he refuses to see the truth that in the possibilities of race friction +the Negro's increasing consciousness of race is to play a part scarcely +less important than the white man's racial antipathies, prejudices, or +whatever we may elect to call them. + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + + +1. The Psychology and Sociology of Conflict, Conscious Competition, and +Rivalry + +Consciousness has been described as an effect of conflict--conflict of +motor tendencies in the individual, conflict of sentiments, attitudes, +and cultures in the group. The individual, activated in a given +situation by opposing tendencies, is compelled to redefine his attitude. +Consciousness is an incident of this readjustment. + +Frequently adjustment involves a suppression of one tendency in the +interest of another, of one wish in favor of another. Where these +suppressions are permanent, they frequently result in disorders of +conduct and disorganization of the personality. The suppressed wish, +when suppression results in disturbances of the conscious life, has been +called by psychoanalysts a _complex_. Freud and his colleagues have +isolated and described certain of these complexes. Most familiar of +these are the Oedipus complex, which is explained as an effect of the +unconscious conflict of father and son for the love of the mother; and +the Electra complex, which similarly has as its source the unconscious +struggle of mother and daughter for the affection of the father. Adler, +in his description of the "inferiority" complex, explains it as an +effect of the conflict growing out of the contrast between the ideal and +the actual status of the person. Other mental conflicts described by the +psychoanalysts are referred to the "adopted child" complex, the +Narcissus complex, the sex shock, etc. These conflicts which disturb the +mental life of the person are all the reflections of social relations +and are to be explained in terms of status and the role of the +individual in the group. + +Emulation and rivalry represent conflict at higher social levels, where +competition has been translated into forms that inure to the survival +and success of the group. Research in this field, fragmentary as it is, +confirms the current impression of the stimulation of effort in the +person through conscious competition with his fellows. Adler's theory of +"psychic compensation" is based on the observation that handicapped +individuals frequently excel in the very fields in which they are +apparently least qualified to compete. Demosthenes, for example, became +a great orator in spite of the fact that he stuttered. Ordahl presents +the only comprehensive survey of the literature in this field. + +Simmel has made the outstanding contribution to the sociological +conception of conflict. Just as the attitudes of the individual person +represent an organization of antagonistic elements, society, as he +interprets it, is a unity of which the elements are conflicting +tendencies. Society, he insists, would be quite other than it is, were +it not for the aversions, antagonisms, differences, as well as the +sympathies, affections, and similarities between individuals and groups +of individuals. The unity of society includes these opposing forces, +and, as a matter of fact, society is organized upon the basis of +conflict. + +Conflict is an organizing principle in society. Just as the individual, +under the influences of contact and conflict with other individuals, +acquires a status and develops a personality, so groups of individuals, +in conflict with other groups, achieve unity, organization, group +consciousness, and assume the forms characteristic of conflict +groups--that is to say, they become parties, sects, and nationalities, +etc. + + +2. Types of Conflict + +Simmel, in his study of conflict, distinguished four types--namely, war, +feud and faction, litigation, and discussion, i.e., the impersonal +struggles of parties and causes. This classification, while +discriminating, is certainly not complete. There are, for example, the +varied forms of sport, in which conflict assumes the form of rivalry. +These are nevertheless organized on a conflict pattern. Particularly +interesting in this connection are games of chance, gambling and +gambling devices which appeal to human traits so fundamental that no +people is without example of them in its folkways. + +Gambling is, according to Groos, "a fighting play," and the universal +human interest in this sport is due to the fact that "no other form of +play displays in so many-sided a fashion the combativeness of human +nature."[218] + +The history of the duel, either in the form of the judicial combat, the +wager of battle of the Middle Ages, or as a form of private vengeance, +offers interesting material for psychological or sociological +investigation. The transition from private vengeance to public +prosecution, of which the passing of the duel is an example, has not +been completed. In fact, new forms are in some cases gradually gaining +social sanction. We still have our "unwritten laws" for certain +offenses. It is proverbially difficult to secure the conviction, in +certain parts of the country, Chicago, for example, of a woman who kills +her husband or her lover. The practice of lynching Negroes in the +southern states, for offenses against women, and for any other form of +conduct that is construed as a challenge to the dominant race, is an +illustration from a somewhat different field, not merely of the +persistence, but the gradual development of the so-called unwritten law. +The circumstances under which these and all other unwritten laws arise, +in which custom controls in contravention of the formal written code, +have not been investigated from the point of view of sociology and in +their human-nature aspects. + +Several studies of games and gambling, in some respects the most unique +objectivations of human interest, have been made from the point of view +of the fundamental human traits involved, notably Thomas' article on +_The Gaming Instinct_, Groos's chapter on "Fighting Play," in his _Play +of Man_, and G. T. W. Patrick's _Psychology of Relaxation_, in which the +theory of catharsis, familiar since Aristotle, is employed to explain +play, laughter, profanity, the drink habit, and war. + +Original materials exist in abundance for the study of feud, litigation, +and war. No attempt seems to have been made to study feud and litigation +comparatively, as Westermarck has studied marriage institutions. +Something has indeed been done in this direction with the subject of +war, notably by Letourneau in France and by Frobenius in Germany. +Sumner's notable essay on _War_ is likewise an important contribution to +the subject. The literature upon war, however, is so voluminous and so +important that it will be discussed later, separately, and in greater +detail. + +Quite as interesting and important as that of war is the natural history +of discussion, including under that term political and religious +controversy and social agitation, already referred to as impersonal or +secondary conflict. + +The history of discussion, however, is the history of freedom--freedom, +at any rate, of thought and of speech. It is only when peace and +freedom have been established that discussion is practicable or +possible. A number of histories have been written in recent years +describing the rise of rationalism, as it is called, and the role of +discussion and agitation in social life. Draper's _History of the +Intellectual Development of Europe_ and Lecky's _History of the Rise and +Influence of the Spirit of Rationalism in Europe_ are among the earlier +works in this field. Robertson's _History of Free Thought_ is mainly a +survey of religious skepticism but contains important and suggestive +references to the natural processes by which abstract thought has arisen +out of the cultural contacts and conflicts among peoples, which conquest +and commerce have brought into the same universe of discourse. What we +seem to have in these works are materials for the study of the communal +processes through which thought is formulated. Once formulated it +becomes a permanent factor in the life of the group. The role of +discussion in the communal process will be considered later in +connection with the newspaper, the press agent, propaganda, and the +various factors and mechanisms determining the formation of public +opinion. + + +3. The Literature of War + +The emphasis upon the struggle for existence which followed the +publication of Darwin's _The Origin of Species_, in 1859, seemed to many +thinkers to give a biological basis for the necessity and the +inevitability of war. No distinction was made by writers of this school +of thought between competition and conflict. Both were supposed to be +based on instinct. Nicolai's _The Biology of War_ is an essay with the +avowed design of refuting the biological justification of war. + +Psychological studies of war have explained war either as an expression +of instinct or as a reversion to a primordial animal-human type of +behavior. Patrick, who is representative of this latter school, +interprets war as a form of relaxation. G. W. Crile has offered a +mechanistic interpretation of war and peace based on studies of the +chemical changes which men undergo in warfare. Crile comes to the +conclusion, however, that war is an action pattern, fixed in the social +heredity of the national group, and not a type of behavior determined +biologically. + +The human nature of war and the motives which impel the person to the +great adventure and the supreme risk of war have not been subjected to +sociological study. A mass of material, however, consisting of personal +documents of all types, letters, common-sense observation, and diaries +is now available for such study. + +Much of the literature of war has been concentrated on this problem of +the abolition of war. There are the idealists and the conscientious +objectors who look to good will, humanitarian sentiment, and pacificism +to end war by the transformation of attitudes of men and the policies of +nations. On the other hand, there are the hard-headed and practical +thinkers and statesmen who believe, with Hobbes, that war will not end +until there is established a power strong enough to overawe a +recalcitrant state. Finally, there is a third group of social thinkers +who emphasize the significance of the formation of a world public +opinion. This "international mind" they regard of far greater +significance for the future of humanity than the problem of war or +peace, of national rivalries, or of future race conflicts. + + +4. Race Conflict + +A European school of sociologists emphasizes conflict as the fundamental +social process. Gumplowicz, in his book _Die Rassenkampf_, formulated a +theory of social contacts and conflicts upon the conception of original +ethnic groups in terms of whose interaction the history of humanity +might be written. Novicow and Ratzenhofer maintain similar, though not +so extreme, theories of social origins and historical developments. + +With the tremendous extension of communication and growth of commerce, +the world is today a great community in a sense that could not have been +understood a century ago. But the world, if it is now one community, is +not yet one society. Commerce has created an economic interdependence, +but contact and communication have not resulted in either a political or +a cultural solidarity. Indeed, the first evidences of the effects of +social contacts appear to be disruptive rather than unifying. In every +part of the world in which the white and colored races have come into +intimate contact, race problems have presented the most intractable of +all social problems. + +Interest in this problem manifests itself in the enormous literature on +the subject. Most of all that has been written, however, is superficial. +Much is merely sentimental, interesting for the attitudes it exhibits, +but otherwise adding nothing to our knowledge of the facts. The best +account of the American situation is undoubtedly Ray Stannard Baker's +_Following the Color Line_. The South African situation is interestingly +and objectively described by Maurice Evans in _Black and White in South +East Africa_. Steiner's book, _The Japanese Invasion_, is, perhaps, the +best account of the Japanese-American situation. + +The race problem merges into the problem of the nationalities and the +so-called subject races. The struggles of the minor nationalities for +self-determination is a phase of racial conflict; a phase, however, in +which language rather than color is the basis of division and conflict. + + +5. Conflict Groups + +In chapter i conflict groups were divided into gangs, labor +organizations, sects, parties, and nationalities.[219] Common to these +groups is an organization and orientation with reference to conflict +with other groups of the same kind or with a more or less hostile social +environment, as in the case of religious sects. + +The spontaneous organizations of boys and youths called gangs attracted +public attention in American communities because of the relation of +these gangs to juvenile delinquency and adolescent crime. An interesting +but superficial literature upon the gang has developed in recent years, +represented typically by J. Adams Puffer _The Boy and his Gang_. The +brief but picturesque descriptions of individual gangs seem to indicate +that the play group tends to pass over into the gang when it comes into +conflict with other groups of like type or with the community. The fully +developed gang appears to possess a restricted membership, a natural +leader, a name--usually that of a leader or a locality--a body of +tradition, custom and a ritual, a rendezvous, a territorial area which +it holds as a sort of possession and defends against invasion by other +groups. Attention was early called, as by Mr. Brewster Adams in an +article _The Street Gang as a Factor in Politics_, to the facility with +which the gang graduates into a local political organization, +representing thus the sources of political power of the typical American +city. + +Although the conflict of economic groups is not a new nor even a modern +phenomenon, no such permanent conflict groups as those represented by +capital and labor existed until recent times. Veblen has made an acute +observation upon this point. The American Federation of Labor, he +states, "is not organized for production but for bargaining." It is, in +effect, an organization for the strategic defeat of employers and rival +organizations, by recourse to enforced unemployment and obstruction; not +for the production of goods and services.[220] + +Research in the labor problem by the Webbs in England and by Commons, +Hoxie, and others in this country has been primarily concerned with the +history and with the structure and functions of trade unions. At present +there is a tendency to investigate the human-nature aspects of the +causes of the industrial conflict. The current phrases "instincts in +industry," "the human factor in economics," "the psychology of the labor +movement," "industry, emotion, and unrest" indicate the change in +attitude. The essential struggle is seen to lie not in the conflict of +classes, intense and ruthless as it is, but more and more in the +fundamental struggle between a mechanical and impersonal system, on the +one hand, and the person with his wishes unsatisfied and insatiable on +the other. All attempts to put the relations of capital and labor upon a +moral basis have failed hitherto. The latest and most promising +experiment in this direction is the so-called labor courts established +by the Amalgamated Clothing Workers and their employees. + +The literature upon sects and parties has been written for the most part +with the purpose of justifying, to a critical and often hostile public, +the sectarian and partisan aims and acts of their several organizations. +In a few works such as Sighele's _Psychologie des sectes_ and Michels' +_Political Parties_ an attempt has been made at objective description +and analysis of the mechanisms of the behavior of the sect and of the +party. + +The natural history of the state from the tribe to the modern nation has +been that of a political society based on conflict. Franz Oppenheimer +maintains the thesis in his book _The State: Its History and Development +Viewed Sociologically_, that conquest has been the historical basis of +the state. The state is, in other words, an organization of groups that +have been in conflict, i.e., classes and castes; or of groups that are +in conflict, i.e., political parties. + +A nationality, as distinct from a nation, as for instance the Irish +nationality, is a language and cultural group which has become group +conscious through its struggle for status in the larger imperial or +international group. Nationalism is, in other words, a phenomenon of +internationalism. + +The literature upon this subject is enormous. The most interesting +recent works on the general topic are Dominian's _The Frontiers of +Language and Nationality in Europe_, Pillsbury's _The Psychology of +Nationality and Internationalism_, and Oakesmith's _Race and +Nationality_. + + +SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY + + +I. PSYCHOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY OF CONFLICT + + +A. _Conflict and Social Process_ + +(1) Simmel, Georg. "The Sociology of Conflict." Translated from the +German by Albion W. Small. _American Journal of Sociology_, IX (1903-4), +490-525; 672-89; 798-811. + +(2) Gumplowicz, Ludwig. _Der Rassenkampf._ Sociologische Untersuchungen. +Innsbruck, 1883. + +(3) Novicow, J. _Les Luttes entre societes humaines et leurs phases +successives._ Paris, 1893. + +(4) Ratzenhofer, Gustav. _Wesen und Zweck der Politik._ Als Theil der +Sociologie und Grundlage der Staatswissenschaften. 3 vols. Leipzig, +1893. + +(5) ----. _Die sociologische Erkenntnis._ Positive Philosophie des +Socialen Lebens. Leipzig, 1898. + +(6) Sorel, Georges. _Reflections on Violence._ New York, 1914. + + +B. _Conflict and Mental Conflict_ + +(1) Healy, William. _Mental Conflicts and Misconduct._ Boston, 1917. + +(2) Prince, Morton. _The Unconscious._ The fundamentals of personality, +normal and abnormal. Chap. xv, "Instincts, Sentiments, and Conflicts," +pp. 446-87; chap, xvi, "General Phenomena Resulting from Emotional +Conflicts," pp. 488-528. New York, 1914. + +(3) Adler, Alfred. _The Neurotic Constitution._ Outlines of a +comparative individualistic psychology and psychotherapy. Translated by +Bernard Glueck and John E. Lind. New York, 1917. + +(4) Adler, Alfred. _A Study of Organ Inferiority and Its Psychical +Compensation._ A contribution to clinical medicine. Translated by S. E. +Jelliffe. "Nervous and Mental Disease Monograph Series," No. 24. New +York, 1917. + +(5) Lay, Wilfrid. _Man's Unconscious Conflict._ A popular exposition of +psychoanalysis. New York, 1917. + +(6) Blanchard, Phyllis. _The Adolescent Girl._ A study from the +psychoanalytic viewpoint. Chap. iii, "The Adolescent Conflict," pp. +87-115. New York, 1920. + +(7) Weeks, Arland D. _Social Antagonisms._ Chicago, 1918. + + +C. _Rivalry_ + +(1) Baldwin, J. Mark, editor. _Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology._ +Article on "Rivalry." Vol. II, pp. 476-78. + +(2) Vincent, George E. "The Rivalry of Social Groups," _American Journal +of Sociology_, XVI (1910-11), 469-84. + +(3) Ordahl, George. "Rivalry: Its Genetic Development and Pedagogy," +_The Pedagogical Seminary_, XV (1908), 492-549. [Bibliography.] + +(4) Ely, Richard T. _Studies in the Evolution of Industrial Society._ +Chap. ii, "Rivalry and Success in Economic Life," pp. 152-63. New York, +1903. + +(5) Cooley, Charles H. _Personal Competition: Its Place in the Social +Order and Effect upon Individuals; with Some Considerations on Success._ +"Economic Studies," Vol. IV, No. 2. New York, 1899. + +(6) Triplett, Norman. "The Dynamogenic Factors in Pacemaking and +Competition," _American Journal of Psychology_, IX (1897-98), 507-33. + +(7) Baldwin, J. Mark. "La Concurrence sociale et l'individualisme," +_Revue Internationale de sociologie_, XVIII (1910), 641-57. + +(8) Groos, Karl. _The Play of Man._ Translated with author's +co-operation by Elizabeth L. Baldwin with a preface by J. Mark Baldwin. +New York, 1901. + + +D. _Discussion_ + +(1) Bagehot, Walter. _Physics and Politics._ Or thoughts on the +application of the principles of "Natural Selection" and "Inheritance" +to political society. Chap. v, "The Age of Discussion," pp. 156-204. New +York, 1875. + +(2) Robertson, John M. _A Short History of Free Thought, Ancient and +Modern._ 2 vols. New York, 1906. + +(3) Windelband, Wilhelm. _Geschichte der alten Philosophie._ "Die +Sophistik und Sokrates," pp. 63-92. Muenchen, 1894. + +(4) Mackay, R. W. _The Progress of the Intellect as Exemplified in the +Religious Development of the Greeks and Hebrews._ 2 vols. London, 1850. + +(5) Stephen, Sir Leslie. _History of English Thought in the Eighteenth +Century._ 2d ed., 2 vols. London, 1881. + +(6) Damiron, J. Ph. _Memoires pour servir a l'histoire de la philosophie +au 18ieme siecle._ 3 vols. Paris, 1858-64. + +(7) Draper, J. W. _History of the Intellectual Development of Europe._ +Rev. ed., 2 vols. New York, 1904. + +(8) ----. _History of the Conflict between Religion and Science._ New +York, 1873. + +(9) Lecky, W. E. H. _History of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit of +Rationalism in Europe._ Rev. ed., 2 vols. New York, 1903. + +(10) White, Andrew D. _History of the Warfare of Science with Theology._ +An expansion of an earlier essay, "The Warfare of Science," 2d. ed., +1877. 2 vols. New York, 1896. + +(11) Haynes, E. S. P. _Religious Persecution._ A study in political +psychology. London, 1904. + + +II. TYPES OF CONFLICT + +A. _War_ + + +1. Psychology and Sociology of War: + +(1) Darwin, Charles. _The Descent of Man._ Chaps. xvii and xviii. +"Secondary Sexual Characters of Mammals," pp. 511-67. (Gives account of +the fighting instinct in males and the methods of fighting of animals.) +2d rev. ed. New York, 1907. + +(2) Johnson, George E. "The Fighting Instinct: Its Place in Life," +_Survey_, XXXV (1915-16), 243-48. + +(3) Thorndike, Edward L. _The Original Nature of Man._ "Fighting," pp. +68-75. New York, 1913. + +(4) Hall, G. Stanley. "A Study of Anger," _American Journal of +Psychology_, X (1898-99), 516-91. + +(5) Patrick, G. T. W. _The Psychology of Social Reconstruction._ Boston, +1920. + +(6) ----. _The Psychology of Relaxation._ Chap. vi, "The Psychology of +War," pp. 219-52. Boston, 1916. + +(7) Pillsbury, W. B. _The Psychology of Nationalism and +Internationalism._ New York, 1919. + +(8) Trotter, W. _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War._ London, 1916. + +(9) La Grasserie, R. de. "De l'intolerance comme phenomene social," +_Revue International de Sociologie_, XVIII (1910), 76-113. + +(10) Percin, Alexandra. _Le Combat._ Paris, 1914. + +(11) Huot, Louis, and Voivenel, Paul. _Le Courage._ Paris, 1917. + +(12) Porter, W. T. _Shock at the Front._ Boston, 1918. + +(13) Lord, Herbert Gardiner. _The Psychology of Courage._ Boston, 1918. + +(14) Hall, G. Stanley. _Morale, the Supreme Standard of Life and +Conduct._ New York, 1920. + +(15) Roussy, G., and Lhermitte, J. _The Psychoneuroses of War._ +Translated by W. B. Christopherson. London, 1918. + +(16) Babinski, J. F., and Froment, J. _Hysteria or Pithiatism, and +Reflex Nervous Disorders in the Neurology of the War._ Translated by J. +D. Rolleston, with a preface by E. Farquhar Buzzard. London, 1918. + + +2. The Natural History of War: + +(1) Sumner, William G. _War and Other Essays._ Edited with an +introduction by Albert Galloway Keller. New Haven, 1911. + +(2) Letourneau, Ch. _La Guerre dans les diverses races humaines._ Paris, +1895. + +(3) Frobenius, Leo. _Weltgeschichte des Krieges._ Unter Mitwirkung von +Oberstleutnant a. D. H. Frobenius u. Korvetten-Kapitaen a. D. E. +Kohlhauer. Hannover, 1903. + +(4) Bakeless, John. _The Economic Causes of Modern Wars._ A study of the +period 1878-1918. New York, 1921. + +(5) Crosby, Oscar T. _International War, Its Causes and Its Cure._ +London, 1919. + +(6) Sombart, Werner. _Krieg und Kapitalismus._ Studien zur +Entwicklungsgeschichte des modernen Kapitalismus. Vol. II, Muenchen, +1913. + +(7) Lagorgette, Jean. _Le Role de la guerre._ Etude de sociologie +generale. Preface de M. Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu. Paris, 1906. + +(8) Steinmetz, S. R. _Der Krieg als sociologisches Problem._ Pp. 21 ff. +Amsterdam, 1899. + +(9) ----. _Die Philosophie des Krieges._ "Natur- und +kultur-philosophische Bibliothek," Band VI. Leipzig, 1907. + +(10) Constantin, A. _Le role sociologique de la guerre et le sentiment +national._ Suivi de la guerre comme moyen de selection collective, par +S. R. Steinmetz. "Bibliotheque scientifique internationale," Tome CVIII. +Paris. 1907. + +(11) Keller, Albert G. _Through War to Peace._ New York, 1918. + +(12) Worms, Rene, editor. "Les luttes sociales." Etudes et paroles de E. +Levasseur, Lord Avebury, Rene Worms, J. Novicow, Lester F. Ward, A. P. +Xenopol, Louis Gumplowicz, Ferdinand Toennies, Raoul de la Grasserie, +Simon Halpercine, Ludwig Stein, Emile Worms, Charles M. Limousin, +Frederick Harrison, C. L. Loch, G. Arcoleo, R. Garofalo, J. K. +Kochanowski, Leon Phillipe, Alfredo Niceforo, N. A. Abrikossof, Adolphe +Landry. _Annales de l'institut international de sociologie._ Tome XI. +Paris, 1907. + +(13) Fielding-Hall, H. _Nature of War and Its Causes._ London, 1917. + +(14) Oliver, Frederick S. _Ordeal by Battle._ London, 1915. + + +3. War and Human Nature: + +(1) Petit-Dutaillis, C. E. "L'Appel de guerre en Dauphine Ier 2 aout +1914," _Annales de l'Universite de Grenoble_, XXVII (1915), 1-59. +[Documents consisting of letters written by instructors and others +describing the sentiments with which the declaration of war was +received.] + +(2) Wood, Walter, editor. _Soldiers' Stories of the War._ London, 1915. + +(3) Buswell, Leslie. _Ambulance No. 10: Personal Letters from the +Front._ Boston, 1916. + +(4) Kilpatrick, James A. _Tommy Atkins at War as Told in His Own +Letters._ New York, 1914. + +(5) Fadl, Said Memun Abul. "Die Frauen des Islams und der Weltkrieg," +_Nord und Sued_, CLV (Nov. 1915), 171-74. [Contains a letter from a +Turkish mother to her son at the front.] + +(6) Maublanc, Rene. "La guerre vue par des enfants (septembre, 1914)." +(Recits par des enfants de campagne.) _Revue de Paris_, XXII +(septembre-octobre, 1915), 396-418. + +(7) Daudet, Ernest, editor. "L'ame francaise et l'ame allemande." +Lettres de soldats. _Documents pour l'histoire de la guerre._ Paris, +1915. + +(8) "Heimatsbriefe an russische Soldaten." (Neue philologische +Rundschau; hrsg. von dr. C. Wagener und dr. E. Ludwig in Bremen, jahrg. +1886-1908.) _Die neue Rundschau_, II (1915), 1673-83. + +(9) "The Attack at Loos," by a French Lieutenant. "Under Shell-Fire at +Dunkirk," by an American Nurse. "The Winter's War," by a British +Captain. "The Bitter Experience of Lorraine," by the Prefect of +Meurthe-et-Moselle. _Atlantic Monthly_, CXVI (1915), 688-711. + +(10) Boehme, Margarete. _Kriegsbriefe der Familie Wimmel._ (Personal +experiences in the Great War). Dresden, 1915. + +(11) Chevillon, Andre. "Lettres d'un soldat," _Revue de Paris_, XXII +(juillet-aout, 1915), 471-95. + +(12) Boutroux, Pierre. "Les soldats allemands en campagne, d'apres leur +correspondance," _Revue de Paris_, XXII (septembre-octobre, 1915), +323-43; 470-91 + +(13) West, Arthur Graeme. _The Diary of a Dead Officer._ Posthumous +papers. London, 1918. + +(14) Mayer, Emile. "Emotions des chefs en campagne," _Bibliotheque +universelle et Revue Suisse_, LXIX (1913), 98-131. + +(15) Wehrhan, K. "Volksdichtung ueber unsere gefallenen Helden," _Die +Grenzboten_, LXXIV (No. 28, July 14, 1915), 58-64. [Calls attention to +growth of a usage (anfangs, wagte sich der Brauch nur schuechtern, hier +und da, hervor) of printing verses, some original, some quoted, in the +death notices.] + +(16) Naumann, Friedrich. "Der Kriegsglaube," _Die Hilfe_, XXI (No. 36, +Sept. 9, 1915), 576. [Sketches the forces that have created a war creed, +in which all confessions participate, immediately and without +formalities.] + +(17) Roepke, Dr. Fritz. "Der Religioese Geist in deutschen +Soldatenbriefen," _Die Grenzboten_, LXXIV (No. 30, July 28, 1915), +124-28. [An interesting analysis of letters which are not reproduced in +full.] + +(18) Wendland, Walter, "Krieg und Religion," _Die Grenzboten_, LXXIV +(No. 33, Sept. 11, 1915), 212-19. [Reviews the literature of war and +religion.] + +(19) Bang, J. P. _Hurrah and Hallelujah._ The teaching of Germany's +poets, prophets, professors, and preachers; a documentation. From the +Danish by Jessie Broechner. London and New York, 1917. + + +B. _Race Conflict_ + +1. Race Relations in General: + +(1) Bryce, James. _The Relations of the Advanced and the Backward Races +of Mankind._ Oxford, 1903. + +(2) Simpson, Bertram L. _The Conflict of Colour._ The threatened +upheaval throughout the world, by Weale, B. L. P. [_pseud._]. London, +1910. + +(3) Steiner, Jesse F. _The Japanese Invasion._ A study in the psychology +of inter-racial contacts. Chicago, 1917. + +(4) Stoddard, T. Lothrop. _The Rising Tide of Color against White +World-Supremacy._ New York, 1920. + +(5) Blyden, Edward W. _Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race._ London, +1888. + +(6) Spiller, G., editor. _Papers on Inter-racial Problems._ Communicated +to the First Universal Races Congress, London, 1911, pp. 463-77. Boston, +1911. [Bibliography on Race Problems.] + +(7) Baker, Ray Stannard. _Following the Color Line._ An account of Negro +citizenship in the American democracy. New York, 1908. + +(8) Miller, Kelly. _Race Adjustment._ Essays on the Negro in America. +New York, 1908. + +(9) Stephenson, Gilbert T. _Race Distinctions in American Law._ New +York, 1910. + +(10) Mecklin, John M. _Democracy and Race Friction._ A study in social +ethics. New York, 1914. + +(11) Evans, Maurice. _Black and White in South East Africa._ London, +1911. + +(12) ----. _Black and White in the Southern States._ A study of the race +problem in the United States from a South African point of view. London, +1915. + +(13) Brailsford, H. N. _Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future._ London, +1906. + +(14) Means, Philip A. _Racial Factors in Democracy._ Boston, 1918. + + +2. Race Prejudice: + +(1) Crawley, Ernest. _The Mystic Rose._ A study of primitive marriage. +Pp. 33-58; 76-235. London, 1902. [Taboo as a mechanism for regulating +contacts.] + +(2) Thomas, W. I. "The Psychology of Race-Prejudice," _American Journal +of Sociology_, IX (1903-4), 593-611. + +(3) Finot, Jean. _Race Prejudice._ Translated from the French by +Florence Wade-Evans. London, 1906. + +(4) Pillsbury, W. B. _The Psychology of Nationality and +Internationalism._ Chap. iii, "Hate as a Social Force," pp. 63-89. New +York, 1919. + +(5) Shaler, N. S. "Race Prejudices," _Atlantic Monthly_, LVIII (1886), +510-18. + +(6) Stone, Alfred H. _Studies in the American Race Problem._ Chap. vi, +"Race Friction," pp. 211-41. New York, 1908. + +(7) Mecklin, John M. _Democracy and Race Friction._ A study in social +ethics. Chap v, "Race-Prejudice," pp. 123-56. New York, 1914. + +(8) Bailey, T. P. _Race Orthodoxy in the South._ And other aspects of +the negro question. New York, 1914. + +(9) Parton, James. "Antipathy to the Negro," _North American Review_, +CXXVII (1878), 476-91. + +(10) Duncan, Sara Jeannette. "Eurasia," _Popular Science Monthly_, XLII +(1892), 1-9. + +(11) Morse, Josiah. "The Psychology of Prejudice," _International +Journal of Ethics_, XVII (1906-7), 490-506. + +(12) McDougall, William. _An Introduction to Social Psychology._ Chap. +xi, "The Instinct of Pugnacity," pp. 279-95; "The Instinct of Pugnacity +and the Emotion of Anger," pp. 49-61. 4th rev. ed. Boston, 1912. + +(13) Royce, Josiah. _Race Questions, Provincialism, and Other American +Problems._ Chap. i, "Race Questions and Prejudices," pp. 1-53. New York, +1908. + +(14) Thomas, William I. "Race Psychology: Standpoint and Questionnaire, +with Particular Reference to the Immigrant and the Negro," _American +Journal of Sociology_, XVII (1912-13), 725-75. + +(15) Bryce, James. _Race Sentiment as a Factor in History._ A lecture +delivered before the University of London, February 22, 1915. London, +1915. + + +3. Strikes: + +(1) Schwittau, G. _Die Formen des wirtschaftlichen Kampfes, Streik, +Boykott, Aussperung, usw._ Eine volkswirtschaftliche Untersuchung auf +dem Gebiete der gegenwaertigen Arbeitspolitik. Berlin, 1912. +[Bibliography.] + +(2) Hall, Frederick S. _Sympathetic Strikes and Sympathetic Lockouts._ +"Columbia University Studies in Political Science." Vol. X. New York, +1898. [Bibliography.] + +(3) Bing, Alexander M. _War-time Strikes and Their Adjustment._ With an +introduction by Felix Adler. New York, 1921. + +(4) Egerton, Charles E., and Durand, E. Dana. _U. S. Industrial +Commission Reports of the Industrial Commission on Labor Organizations._ +"Labor Disputes and Arbitration." Washington, 1901. + +(5) Janes, George M. _The Control of Strikes in American Trade Unions._ +Baltimore, 1916. + +(6) United States Strike Commission, 1895. _Report on the Chicago Strike +of June-July, 1894, by the United States Strike Commission._ Washington, +1895. + +(7) Warne, Frank J. "The Anthracite Coal Strike," _Annals of the +American Academy_, XVII (1901), 15-52. + +(8) Anthracite Coal Strike Commission, 1902-3. _Report to the President +on the Anthracite Coal Strike of May-October, 1902, by the Anthracite +Coal Strike Commission._ Washington, 1903. + +(9) Hanford, Benjamin. _The Labor War in Colorado._ New York, 1904. + +(10) Rastall, B. M. _The Labor History of the Cripple Creek District._ A +study in industrial evolution. Madison, Wis., 1908. + +(11) United States Bureau of Labor. _Report on Strike at Bethlehem Steel +Works, South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania._ Prepared under the direction of +Charles P. Neill, commissioner of labor. Washington, 1910. + +(12) Wright, Arnold. _Disturbed Dublin._ The story of the great strike +of 1913-14, with a description of the industries of the Irish Capital. +London, 1914. + +(13) Seattle General Strike Committee. _The Seattle General Strike._ An +account of what happened in the Seattle labor movement, during the +general strike, February 6-11, 1919. Seattle, 1919. + +(14) Interchurch World Movement. _Report on the Steel Strike of 1919._ +New York, 1920. + +(15) U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. _Report in Regard to the Strike of +Mine Workers in the Michigan Copper District._ Bulletin No. 139. +February 7, 1914. + +(16) ----. _Strikes and Lockouts, 1881-1905._ Twenty-first annual +report, 1906. + +(17) Foster, William Z. _The Great Steel Strike and Its Lessons._ New +York, 1920. + +(18) Wolman, Leo. "The Boycott in American Trade Unions," _Johns Hopkins +University Studies in Historical and Political Science_, Vol. XXXIV. +Baltimore, 1916. + +(19) Laidler, Harry W. _Boycotts and the Labor Struggle._ Economic and +legal aspects. With an introduction by Henry R. Seager. New York and +London, 1914. + +(20) Hunter, Robert. _Violence and the Labour Movement._ New York, 1914. +[Bibliography.] + + +4. Lynch Law and Lynching: + +(1) Walling, W. E. "The Race War in the North," _Independent_, LXV +(July-Sept. 1908), 529-34. + +(2) "The So-Called Race Riot at Springfield," by an Eye Witness. +_Charities_, XX (1908), 709-11. + +(3) Seligmann, H. J. "Race War?" _New Republic_, XX (1919), 48-50. [The +Washington race riot.] + +(4) Leonard, O. "The East St. Louis Pogrom," _Survey_, XXXVIII (1917), +331-33. + +(5) Sandburg, Carl. _The Chicago Race Riots, July, 1919._ New York, +1919. + +(6) Chicago Commission on Race Relations. _Report on the Chicago Race +Riot._ [In Press.] + +(7) Cutler, James E. _Lynch-Law._ An investigation into the history of +lynching in the United States. New York, 1905. + +(8) National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. _Thirty +Years of Lynching in the United States, 1889-1918._ New York, 1919. + +(9) ----. _Burning at Stake in the United States._ A record of the +public burning by mobs of six men, during the first six months of 1919, +in the states of Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas. New +York, 1919. + + +C. _Feuds_ + +(1) Miklosich, Franz. _Die Blutrache bei den Slaven._ Wien, 1887. + +(2) Johnston, C. "The Land of the Blood Feud," _Harper's Weekly_, LVII +(Jan. 11, 1913), 42. + +(3) Davis, H., and Smyth, C. "The Land of Feuds," _Munseys'_, XXX +(1903-4), 161-72. + +(4) "Avenging Her Father's Death," _Literary Digest_, XLV (November 9, +1912), 864-70. + +(5) Campbell, John C. _The Southern Highlander and His Homeland._ Pp. +110-13. New York, 1921. + +(6) Wermert, Georg. _Die Insel Sicilien, in volkswirtschaftlicher, +kultureller, und sozialer Beziehung._ Chap. xxvii, "Volkscharacter und +Mafia." Berlin, 1901. + +(7) Heijningen, Hendrik M. K. van. _Het Straf- en Wraakrecht in den +Indischen Archipel._ Leiden, 1916. + +(8) Steinmetz, S. R. _Ethnologische Studien zur ersten Entwicklung der +Strafe, nebst einer psychologischen Abhandlung ueber Grausamkeit und +Rachsucht._ 2 vols. Leiden, 1894. + +(9) Wesnitsch, Milenko R. _Die Blutrache bei den Suedslaven._ Ein Beitrag +zur Geschichte des Strafrechts. Stuttgart, 1889. + +(10) Bourde, Paul. _En Corse._ L'esprit de clan--les moeurs +politiques--les vendettas--le banditisme. Correspondances adressees au +"Temps." Cinquieme edition. Paris, 1906. + +(11) Dorsey, J. Owen. "Omaha Sociology," chap. xii, "The Law," sec. 310, +"Murder," p. 369. In _Third Annual Report of the U.S. Bureau of American +Ethnology, 1881-82._ Washington, 1884. + +(12) Woods, A. "The Problem of the Black Hand," _McClure's_, XXXIII +(1909), 40-47. + +(13) Park, Robert E., and Miller, Herbert A. _Old World Traits +Transplanted._ New York, 1921. [See pp. 241-58 for details of rise and +decline of Black Hand in New York.] + +(14) White, F. M. "The Passing of the Black Hand," _Century_, XCV, N. S. +73 (1917-18), 331-37. + +(15) Cutrera, A. _La Mafia e i mafiosi._ Origini e manifestazioni. +Studio di sociologia criminale, con una carta a colori su la densita +della Mafia in Sicilia. Palermo, 1900. + + +D. _The Duel and the Ordeal of Battle_ + +(1) Millingen, J. G. _The History of Duelling._ Including narratives of +the most remarkable personal encounters that have taken place from the +earliest period to the present time. 2 vols. London, 1841. + +(2) Steinmetz, Andrew. _The Romance of Duelling in All Times and +Countries._ London, 1868. + +(3) Sabine, Lorenzo. _Notes on Duels and Duelling._ Boston, 1855. + +(4) Patetta, F. _Le Ordalie._ Studio di storia del diritto e scienza del +diritto comparato. Turino, 1890. + +(5) Lea, Henry C. _Superstition and Force._ Essays on the wager of law, +the wager of battle, the ordeal, torture. 4th ed., rev., Philadelphia, +1892. + +(6) Neilson, George. _Trial by Combat._ In Great Britain. Glasgow and +London, 1890. + + +E. _Games and Gambling_ + +(1) Culin, Stewart. "Street Games of Boys in Brooklyn, N.Y.," _The +Journal of American Folk-Lore_, IV (1891), 221-37. + +(2) ----. _Korean Games._ With notes on the corresponding games of China +and Japan. Philadelphia, 1895. + +(3) ----. "Games of the North American Indians," _Twenty-fourth Annual +Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1902-3._ Washington, 1907. + +(4) Steinmetz, Andrew. _The Gaming Table: Its Votaries and Victims, in +all Times and Countries, Especially in England and in France._ London, +1870. + +(5) Thomas, W. I. "The Gaming Instinct," _American Journal of +Sociology_, VI (1900-1901), 750-63. + +(6) O'Brien, Frederick. _White Shadows in the South Seas._ Chap. xxii, +pp. 240-48. [Memorable Game for Matches in the Cocoanut Grove of Lano +Kaioo]. + + +III. CONFLICT GROUPS + + +A. _Gangs_ + +(1) Johnson, John H. _Rudimentary Society Among Boys._ "Johns Hopkins +University Studies in Historical and Political Science," 2d series, XI, +491-546. Baltimore, 1884. + +(2) Puffer, J. Adams. _The Boy and His Gang._ Boston, 1912. + +(3) Sheldon, H. D., "Institutional Activities of American Children," +_American Journal of Psychology_, IX (1899), 425-48. + +(4) Thurston, Henry W. _Delinquency and Spare Time._ A study of a few +stories written into the court records of the City of Cleveland. +Cleveland, Ohio., 1918. + +(5) Woods, Robert A., editor. _The City Wilderness._ A settlement study +by residents and associates of the South End House. Chap. vi, "The Roots +of Political Power," pp. 114-47. Boston, 1898. + +(6) Hoyt, F. C. "The Gang in Embryo," _Scribner's_, LXVIII (1920), +146-54. [Presiding justice of the Children's Court of the city of New +York.] + +(7) _Boyhood and Lawlessness._ Chap. iv, "His Gangs," pp. 39-54. Russell +Sage Foundation, New York, 1914. + +(8) Culin, Stewart. "Street Games of Boys in Brooklyn, N.Y.," _The +Journal of American Folklore_, IV (1891), 221-37. [For observations on +gangs see p. 235.] + +(9) Adams, Brewster. "The Street Gang as a Factor in Politics," +_Outlook_ LXXIV (1903), 985-88. + +(10) Lane, W. D. "The Four Gunmen," _The Survey_, XXXII (1914), 13-16. + +(11) Rhodes, J. F. "The Molly Maguires in the Anthracite Region of +Pennsylvania," _American Historical Review_, XV (1909-10) 547-61. + +(12) Train, Arthur. "Imported Crime: The Story of the Camorra in +America," _McClure's_, XXXIX (1912), 82-94. + + +B. _Sects_ + +(1) Nordhoff, Charles. _The Communistic Societies of the United States +from Personal Visit and Observation._ Including chapters on "The Amana +Society," "The Separatists of Zoar," "The Shakers," "The Oneida and +Wallingford Perfectionists," "The Aurora and Bethel Communes." New York, +1875. + +(2) Gillin, John L. _The Dunkers: A Sociological Interpretation._ New +York, 1906. [Columbia University dissertation, V, 2.] + +(3) Milmine, Georgine. _The Life of Mary Baker G. Eddy and the History +of Christian Science._ New York, 1909. + +(4) Gehring, Johannes. _Die Sekten der russischen Kirche, 1003-1897._ +Nach ihrem Ursprunge und inneren Zusammenhange dargestellt. Leipzig, +1898. + +(5) Grass, K. K. _Die russischen Sekten._ I, "Die Gottesleute oder +Chluesten"; II, "Die weissen Tauben oder Skopzen." Leipzig, 1907-9. + +(6) Lea, Henry Charles. _The Moriscos of Spain._ Their conversion and +expulsion. Philadelphia, 1901. + +(7) Friesen, P. M. _Geschichte der alt-evangelischen mennoniten +Bruederschaft in Russland (1789-1910) im Rahmen der mennonitischen +Gesamtgeschichte._ Halbstadt, 1911. + +(8) Kalb, Ernst. _Kirchen und Sekten der Gegenwart._ Unter Mitarbeit +verschiedener evangelischer Theologen. Stuttgart, 1905. + +(9) Mathiez, Albert. _Les origines des cultes revolutionnaires._ +(1789-92). Paris, 1904. + +(10) Rossi, Pasquale. _Mistici e Settarii._ Studio di psicopatologia +collettiva. Milan, 1900. + +(11) Rohde, Erwin. _Psyche: Seelencult und Unsterblichkeitsglaube der +Griechen._ Freiburg, 1890. + + +C. _Economic Conflict Groups_ + +(1) Webb, Sidney and Beatrice. _Industrial Democracy._ London, 1897. + +(2) ----. _The History of Trade Unionism._ (Revised edition extended to +1920.) New York and London, 1920. + +(3) Commons, John R., editor. _Trade Unionism and Labor Problems_, +Boston, 1905. + +(4) ----. _History of Labor in the United States._ 2 vols. New York, +1918. + +(5) Groat, George G. _An Introduction to the Study of Organized Labor in +America._ New York, 1916. + +(6) Hoxie, Robert F. _Trade Unionism in the United States._ New York, +1917. + +(7) Marot, Helen. _American Labor Unions._ By a member. New York, 1914. + +(8) Carlton, Frank T. _Organized Labor in American History._ New York, +1920. + +(9) Levine, Louis. _Syndicalism in France._ 2d rev. ed. of _The Labor +Movement in France._ New York and London, 1914. + +(10) Brissenden, Paul Frederick. _The I.W.W., A Study of American +Syndicalism._ New York, 1919. [Bibliography.] + +(11) Brooks, John Graham. _American Syndicalism; the I.W.W._ New York, +1913. + +(12) ----. _Labor's Challenge to the Social Order._ Democracy its own +critic and educator. New York, 1920. + +(13) Baker, Ray Stannard. _The New Industrial Unrest._ Reasons and +remedies. New York, 1920. + +(14) Commons, John R. _Industrial Democracy._ New York, 1921. + +(15) Brentano, Lujo. _On the History and Development of Gilds and the +Origin of Trade Unions._ London, 1870. + + +D. _Parties_ + +(1) Bluntschli, Johann K. _Charakter und Geist der politischen +Parteien._ Noerdlingen, 1869. + +(2) Ostrogorskii, Moisei. _Democracy and the Organization of Political +Parties._ Translated from the French by F. Clarke with a preface by +Right Hon. James Bryce. New York and London, 1902. + +(3) Lowell, A. Lawrence. _Governments and Parties in Continental +Europe._ 2 vols. Boston, 1896. + +(4) Merriam, C. E. _The American Party System._ In press. + +(5) Haynes, Frederick E. _Third Party Movements since the Civil War, +with Special Reference to Iowa._ A study in social politics. Iowa City, +1916. + +(6) Ray, P. O. _An Introduction to Political Parties and Practical +Politics._ New York, 1913. + +(7) Bryce, James. _The American Commonwealth._ 2 vols. New rev. ed. New +York, 1911. + +(8) Hadley, Arthur T. _Undercurrents in American Politics._ Being the +Ford Lectures, delivered at Oxford University, and the Barbour-Page +Lectures, delivered at the University of Virginia in the spring of 1914. +New Haven, 1915. + +(9) Lowell, A. Lawrence. _Annual Report of the American Historical +Association, 1901._ 2 vols. "The Influence of Party upon Legislation in +England and America" (with four diagrams), I, 319-542. Washington, 1902. + +(10) Beard, Charles A. _Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy._ New +York, 1915. + +(11) Morgan, W. T. _English Political Parties and Leaders in the Reign +of Queen Anne, 1702-1710._ New Haven, 1920. + +(12) Michels, Robert. _Political Parties._ A sociological study of the +oligarchical tendencies of modern democracy. Translated by Eden and +Cedar Paul. New York, 1915. + +(13) Haines, Lynn. _Your Congress._ An interpretation of the political +and parliamentary influences that dominate law-making in America. +Washington, D.C., 1915. + +(14) Hichborn, Franklin. _Story of the Session of the California +Legislature._ San Francisco, 1909, 1911, 1913, 1915. + +(15) Myers, Gustavus. _The History of Tammany Hall._ 2d ed. rev. and +enl. New York, 1917. + +(16) Roosevelt, Theodore. _An Autobiography._ New York, 1913. + +(17) Platt, Thomas C. _Autobiography._ Compiled and edited by Louis J. +Lang. New York, 1910. + +(18) Older, Fremont. _My Own Story._ San Francisco, 1919. + +(19) Orth, Samuel P. _The Boss and the Machine._ A chronicle of the +politicians and party organization. New Haven, 1919. + +(20) Riordon, William L. _Plunkitt of Tammany Hall._ A series of very +plain talks on very practical politics, delivered by ex-Senator George +Washington Plunkitt, the Tammany philosopher, from his rostrum--the New +York County Court House boot-black stand. New York, 1905. + + +E. _Nationalities_ + +(1) Oakesmith, John. _Race and Nationality._ An inquiry into the origin +and growth of patriotism. New York, 1919. + +(2) Lillehei, Ingebrigt. "Landsmaal and the Language Movement in +Norway," _Journal of English and Germanic Philology_, XIII (1914), +60-87. + +(3) Morris, Lloyd R. _The Celtic Dawn._ A survey of the renascence in +Ireland, 1889-1916. New York, 1917. + +(4) Keith, Arthur. _Nationality and Race from an Anthropologist's Point +of View._ London, 1919. + +(5) Barnes, Harry E. "Nationality and Historiography" in the article +"History, Its Rise and Development," _Encyclopedia Americana_, XIV, +234-43. + +(6) Fisher, H. A. "French Nationalism," _Hibbert Journal_, XV (1916-17), +217-29. + +(7) Ellis, H. "The Psychology of the English," _Edinburgh Review_, +CCXXIII (April, 1916), 223-43. + +(8) Bevan, Edwyn R. _Indian Nationalism._ An independent estimate. +London, 1913. + +(9) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Psychology of Peoples._ London, 1898. + +(10) Francke, K. "The Study of National Culture," _Atlantic Monthly_, +XCIX (1907), 409-16. + +(11) Auerbach, Bertrand. _Les races et nationalites en +Autriche-Hongrie._ Deuxieme edition revisee. Paris, 1917. + +(12) Butler, Ralph. _The New Eastern Europe._ London, 1919. + +(13) Kerlin, Robert T. _The Voice of the Negro 1919._ New York, 1920. [A +compilation from the colored press of America for the four months +immediately succeeding the Washington riots.] + +(14) Boas, F. "Nationalism," _Dial_, LXVI (March 8, 1919), 232-37. + +(15) Buck, Carl D. "Language and the Sentiment of Nationality," _The +American Political Science Review_, X (1916), 44-69. + +(16) McLaren, A. D. "National Hate," _Hibbert Journal_, XV (1916-17), +407-18. + +(17) Miller, Herbert A. "The Rising National Individualism," +_Publications of the American Sociological Society_, VIII (1913), 49-65. + +(18) Zimmern, Alfred E. _Nationality and Government._ With other wartime +essays. London and New York, 1918. + +(19) Small, Albion W. "Bonds of Nationality," _American Journal of +Sociology_, XX (1915-16), 629-83. + +(20) Faber, Geoffrey. "The War and Personality in Nations," _Fortnightly +Review_, CIII (1915), 538-46. Also in _Living Age_, CCLXXXV (1915), +265-72. + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. The History of Conflict as a Sociological Concept + +2. Types of Conflict: War, the Duello, Litigation, Gambling, the Feud, +Discussion, etc. + +3. Conflict Groups: Gangs, Labor Organizations, Sects, Parties, +Nationalities, etc. + +4. Mental Conflicts and the Development of Personality + +5. Sex Differences in Conflict + +6. Subtler Forms of Conflict: Rivalry, Emulation, Jealousy, Aversion, +etc. + +7. Personal Rivalry in Polite Society + +8. Conflict and Social Status + +9. The Strike as an Expression of the Wish for Recognition + +10. Popular Justice: the History of the Molly Maguires, of the Night +Riders, etc. + +11. The Sociology of Race Prejudice + +12. Race Riots in the North and the South + +13. War as an Action Pattern, Biological or Social? + +14. War as a Form of Relaxation + +15. The Great War Interpreted by Personal Documents + +16. Conflict and Social Organization + +17. Conflict and Social Progress + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. How do you differentiate between competition and conflict? + +2. Is conflict always conscious? + +3. How do you explain the emotional interest in conflict? + +4. In your opinion, are the sexes in about the same degree interested in +conflict? + +5. In what way do you understand Simmel to relate conflict to social +process? + +6. What are the interrelations of war and social contacts? + +7. "Without aversion life in a great city would have no thinkable form." +Explain. + +8. "It is advantageous to hate the opponent with whom one is +struggling." Explain. + +9. Give illustrations of feuds not mentioned by Simmel. + +10. How do you distinguish between feuds and litigation? + +11. What examples occur to you of conflicts of impersonal ideals? + +12. What are the psychological causes of war? + +13. "We may see in war the preliminary process of rejuvenescence." +Explain. + +14. Has war been essential to the process of social adjustment? Is it +still essential? + +15. What do you understand by war as a form of relaxation? + +16. How do you interpret Professor James's reaction to the Chautauqua? + +17. What is the role of conflict in recreation? + +18. Is it possible to provide psychic equivalents for war? + +19. What application of the sociological theory of the relation of +ideals to instinct would you make to war? + +20. How do you distinguish rivalry from competition and conflict? + +21. What bearing have the facts of animal rivalry upon an understanding +of rivalry in human society? + +22. What are the different devices by which the group achieves and +maintains solidarity? How many of these were characteristic of the +war-time situation? + +23. In what way is group rivalry related to the development of +personality? + +24. How does rivalry contribute to social organization? + +25. What do you understand by Giddings' distinction between cultural +conflicts and "logical duels"? + +26. Have you reason for thinking that culture conflict will play a +lesser role in the future than in the past? + +27. To what extent was the world-war a culture conflict? + +28. Under what circumstances do social contacts make (a) for conflict, +and (b) for co-operation? + +29. What has been the effect of the extension of communication upon the +relations of nations? Elaborate. + +30. What do you understand by race prejudice as a "more or less +instinctive defense-reaction"? + +31. To what extent is race prejudice based upon race competition? + +32. Do you believe that it is possible to remove the causes of race +prejudice? + +33. In what ways does race conflict make for race consciousness? + +34. What are the different elements or forces in the interaction of +races making for race conflict and race consciousness? + +35. Is a heightening of race consciousness of value or of disadvantage +to a racial group? + +36. How do you explain the present tendency of the Negro to substitute +the copying of colored models for the imitation of white models? + +37. "In the South, the races seem to be tending in the direction of a +bi-racial organization of society, in which the Negro is gradually +gaining a limited autonomy." Interpret. + +38. "All racial problems are distinctly problems of racial +distribution." Explain with reference to relative proportion of Negroes, +Chinese, and Japanese in certain sections of the United States. + +39. Why have few or no race riots occurred in the South? + +40. Under what circumstances have race riots occurred in the North? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[206] Adapted from William I. Thomas, "The Gaming Instinct," in the +_American Journal of Sociology_, VI (1900-1901), 750-63. + +[207] Adapted from a translation of Georg Simmel, _Soziologie_, by +Albion W. Small, "The Sociology of Conflict," in the _American Journal +of Sociology_, IX (1903-4), 490-501. + +[208] Adapted from a translation of Georg Simmel, _Soziologie_, by +Albion W. Small, "The Sociology of Conflict," in the _American Journal +of Sociology_, IX (1903-4), 505-8. + +[209] Adapted from William A. White, _Thoughts of a Psychiatrist on the +War and After_, pp. 75-87. (Paul B. Hoeber, 1919.) + +[210] From G. T. W. Patrick, "The Psychology of War," in the _Popular +Science Monthly_, LXXXVII (1915), 166-68. + +[211] Adapted from Henry Rutgers Marshall, _War and the Ideal of Peace_, +pp. 96-110. (Duffield & Co., 1915.) + +[212] Adapted from William H. Hudson, "The Strange Instincts of Cattle," +_Longman's Magazine_, XVIII (1891), 393-94. + +[213] Adapted from George E. Vincent, "The Rivalry of Social Groups," in +the _American Journal of Sociology_, XVI (1910-11), 471-84. + +[214] Adapted from Franklin H. Giddings, "Are Contradictions of Ideas +and Beliefs Likely to Play an Important Group-making Role in the +Future?" in the _American Journal of Sociology_, XIII (1907-8), 784-91. + +[215] From Robert E. Park, Introduction to Jesse F. Steiner, _The +Japanese Invasion_. (A. C. McClurg & Co., 1917.) + +[216] From Robert E. Park, "Racial Assimilation in Secondary Groups," in +_Publications of the American Sociological Society_, VIII (1913), 75-82. + +[217] Adapted from Alfred H. Stone, "Is Race Friction between Blacks and +Whites in the United States Growing and Inevitable?" in the _American +Journal of Sociology_, XIII (1907-8), 677-96. + +[218] Karl Groos, _The Play of Man_, p. 213. (New York, 1901.) + +[219] _Supra_, p. 50. + +[220] _The Dial_, LXVII (Oct. 4, 1919), 297. + + + + +CHAPTER X + +ACCOMMODATION + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. Adaptation and Accommodation + +The term _adaptation_ came into vogue with Darwin's theory of the origin +of the species by natural selection. This theory was based upon the +observation that no two members of a biological species or of a family +are ever exactly alike. Everywhere there is variation and individuality. +Darwin's theory assumed this variation and explained the species as the +result of natural selection. The individuals best fitted to live under +the conditions of life which the environment offered, survived and +produced the existing species. The others perished and the species which +they represented disappeared. The differences in the species were +explained as the result of the accumulation and perpetuation of the +individual variations which had "survival value." Adaptations were the +variations which had been in this way selected and transmitted. + +The term _accommodation_ is a kindred concept with a slightly different +meaning. The distinction is that adaptation is applied to organic +modifications which are transmitted biologically; while accommodation is +used with reference to changes in habit, which are transmitted, or may +be transmitted, sociologically, that is, in the form of social +tradition. The term first used in this sense by Baldwin is defined in +the _Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology_. + +In view of modern biological theory and discussion, two modes of +adaptation should be distinguished: (a) adaptation through variation +[hereditary]; (b) adaptation through modification [acquired]. For the +functional adjustment of the individual to its environment [(b) above] +J. Mark Baldwin has suggested the term "accommodation," recommending +that adaptation be confined to the structural adjustments which are +congenital and heredity [(a) above]. The term "accommodation" applies +to any acquired alteration of function resulting in better adjustment +to environment and to the functional changes which are thus +effected.[221] + +The term accommodation, while it has a limited field of application in +biology, has a wide and varied use in sociology. All the social +heritages, traditions, sentiments, culture, technique, are +accommodations--that is, acquired adjustments that are socially and not +biologically transmitted. They are not a part of the racial inheritance +of the individual, but are acquired by the person in social experience. +The two conceptions are further distinguished in this, that adaptation +is an effect of competition, while accommodation, or more properly +social accommodation, is the result of conflict. + +The outcome of the adaptations and accommodations, which the struggle +for existence enforces, is a state of relative equilibrium among the +competing species and individual members of these species. The +equilibrium which is established by adaptation is biological, which +means that, in so far as it is permanent and fixed in the race or the +species, it will be transmitted by biological inheritance. + +The equilibrium based on accommodation, however, is not biological; it +is economic and social and is transmitted, if at all, by tradition. The +nature of the economic equilibrium which results from competition has +been fully described in chapter viii. The plant community is this +equilibrium in its absolute form. + +In animal and human societies the community has, so to speak, become +incorporated in the individual members of the group. The individuals are +adapted to a specific type of communal life, and these adaptations, in +animal as distinguished from human societies, are represented in the +division of labor between the sexes, in the instincts which secure the +protection and welfare of the young, in the so-called gregarious +instinct, and all these represent traits that are transmitted +biologically. But human societies, although providing for the expression +of original tendencies, are organized about tradition, mores, collective +representations, in short, _consensus_. And consensus represents, not +biological adaptations, but social accommodations. + +Social organization, with the exception of the order based on +competition and adaptation, is essentially an accommodation of +differences through conflicts. This fact explains why diverse-mindedness +rather than like-mindedness is characteristic of human as distinguished +from animal society. Professor Cooley's statement of this point is +clear: + + The unity of the social mind consists not in agreement but in + organization, in the fact of reciprocal influence or causation + among its parts, by virtue of which everything that takes place + in it is connected with everything else, and so is an outcome + of the whole.[222] + +The distinction between accommodation and adaptation is illustrated in +the difference between domestication and taming. Through domestication +and breeding man has modified the original inheritable traits of plants +and animals. He has changed the character of the species. Through +taming, individuals of species naturally in conflict with man have +become accommodated to him. Eugenics may be regarded as a program of +biological adaptation of the human race in conscious realization of +social ideals. Education, on the other hand, represents a program of +accommodation or an organization, modification, and culture of original +traits. + +Every society represents an organization of elements more or less +antagonistic to each other but united for the moment, at least, by an +arrangement which defines the reciprocal relations and respective +spheres of action of each. This accommodation, this _modus vivendi_, may +be relatively permanent as in a society constituted by castes, or quite +transitory as in societies made up of open classes. In either case, the +accommodation, while it is maintained, secures for the individual or for +the group a recognized status. + +Accommodation is the natural issue of conflicts. In an accommodation the +antagonism of the hostile elements is, for the time being, regulated, +and conflict disappears as overt action, although it remains latent as a +potential force. With a change in the situation, the adjustment that had +hitherto successfully held in control the antagonistic forces fails. +There is confusion and unrest which may issue in open conflict. +Conflict, whether a war or a strike or a mere exchange of polite +innuendoes, invariably issues in a new accommodation or social order, +which in general involves a changed status in the relations among the +participants. It is only with assimilation that this antagonism, latent +in the organization of individuals or groups, is likely to be wholly +dissolved. + + +2. Classification of the Materials + +The selections on accommodation in the materials are organized under the +following heads: (a) forms of accommodation; (b) subordination and +superordination; (c) conflict and accommodation; and (d) +competition, status, and social solidarity. + +a) _Forms of accommodation._--There are many forms of accommodation. +One of the most subtle is that which in human geography is called +acclimatization, "accommodation to new climatic conditions." Recent +studies like those of Huntington in his "Climate and Civilization" have +emphasized the effects of climate upon human behavior. The selection +upon acclimatization by Brinton states the problems involved in the +adjustment of racial groups to different climatic environments. The +answers which he gives to the questions raised are not to be regarded as +conclusive but only as representative of one school of investigators and +as contested by other authorities in this field. + +Naturalization, which in its original sense means the process by which a +person is made "natural," that is, familiar and at home in a strange +social milieu, is a term used in America to describe the legal process +by which a foreigner acquires the rights of citizenship. Naturalization, +as a social process, is naturally something more fundamental than the +legal ceremony of naturalization. It includes accommodation to the +folkways, the mores, the conventions, and the social ritual +(_Sittlichkeit_). It assumes also participation, to a certain extent at +least, in the memories, the tradition, and the culture of a new social +group. The proverb "In Rome do as the Romans do" is a basic principle of +naturalization. The cosmopolitan is the person who readily accommodates +himself to the codes of conduct of new social milieus.[223] + +The difficulty of social accommodation to a new social milieu is not +always fully appreciated. The literature on homesickness and nostalgia +indicates the emotional dependence of the person upon familiar +associations and upon early intimate personal relations. Leaving home +for the first time, the intense lonesomeness of the rural lad in the +crowds of the city, the perplexity of the immigrant in the confusing +maze of strange, and to him inexplicable, customs are common enough +instances of the personal and social barriers to naturalization. But the +obstacles to most social adjustments for a person in a new social world +are even more baffling because of their subtle and intangible nature. + +Just as in biology balance represents "a state of relatively good +adjustment due to structural adaptation of the organism as a whole" so +accommodation, when applied to groups rather than individuals, signifies +their satisfactory co-ordination from the standpoint of the inclusive +social organization. + +Historically, the organization of the more inclusive society--i.e., +states, confederations, empires, social and political units composed of +groups accommodated but not fully assimilated--presents four typical +constellations of the component group. Primitive society was an +organization of kinship groups. Ancient society was composed of masters +and slaves, with some special form of accommodation for the freeman and +the stranger, who was not a citizen, to be sure, but was not a slave +either. + +Medieval society rested upon a system of class, approaching castes in +the distances it enforced. In all these different situations competition +took place only between individuals of the same status. + +In contrast with this, modern society is made up of economic and social +classes with freedom of economic competition and freedom in passage, +therefore, from one class to the other. + +b) _Subordination and superordination._--Accommodation, in the area of +personal relations, tends to take the form of subordination and +superordination. Even where accommodation has been imposed, as in the +case of slavery, by force, the personal relations of master and slave +are invariably supported by appropriate attitudes and sentiments. The +selection "Excerpts from the Journal of a West India Slave Owner" is a +convincing exhibit of the way in which attitudes of superordination and +subordination may find expression in the sentiments of a conscientious +and self-complacent paternalism on the part of the master and of an +ingratiating and reverential loyalty on the part of the slave. In a like +manner the selection from the "Memories of an Old Servant" indicates the +natural way in which sentiments of subordination which have grown up in +conformity with an accepted situation eventually become the basis of a +life-philosophy of the person. + +Slavery and caste are manifestly forms of accommodation. The facts of +subordination are quite as real, though not as obvious, in other phases +of social life. The peculiar intimacy which exists, for example, between +lovers, between husband and wife, or between physician and patient, +involves relations of subordination and superordination, though not +recognized as such. The personal domination which a coach exercises over +the members of a ball team, a minister over his congregation, the +political leader over his party followers are instances of the same +phenomena. + +Simmel in his interesting discussion of the subject points out the fact +that the relations of subordination and superordination are reciprocal. +In order to impose his will upon his slaves it was necessary for the +master to retain their respect. No one had a keener appreciation of the +aristocracy nor a greater scorn for the "poor white" than the Negro +slaves in the South before the war. + +The leader of the gang, although he seems to have decisions absolutely +in his hand, has a sense of the attitudes of his followers. So the +successful political leader, who sometimes appears to be taking risks in +his advocacy of new issues, keeps "his ear close to the grass roots of +public opinion." + +In the selection upon "The Psychology of Subordination and +Superordination" Muensterberg interprets suggestion, imitation, and +sympathy in terms of domination and submission. Personal influence, +prestige, and authority, in whatever form they find expression, are +based, to a greater or less extent, on the subtle influences of +suggestion. + +The natural affections are social bonds which not infrequently assume +the form of bondage. Many a mother has been reduced to a condition of +abject subjection through her affection for a son or a daughter. The +same thing is notoriously true of the relations between the sexes. It is +in social complexes of this sort, rather than in the formal procedures +of governments, that we must look for the fundamental mechanism of +social control. + +The conflicts and accommodations of persons with persons and of groups +with groups have their prototypes in the conflicts and accommodations of +the wishes of the person. The conflicts and accommodations in the mental +life of the person have received the name in psychoanalysis of +_sublimation_. The sublimation of a wish means its expression in a form +which represents an accommodation with another conflicting wish which +had repressed the original response of the first wish. The progressive +organization of personality depends upon the successful functioning of +this process of sublimation. The wishes of the person at birth are +inchoate; with mental development these wishes come into conflict with +each other and with the enveloping social milieu. Adolescence is +peculiarly the period of "storm and stress." Youth lives in a maze of +mental conflicts, of insurgent and aspiring wishes. Conversion is the +sudden mutation of life-attitudes through a reorganization or +transformation of the wishes. + +c) _Conflict and accommodation._--The intrinsic relation between +conflict and accommodation is stated in the materials by Simmel in his +analysis of war and peace and the problems of compromise. "The +situations existing in time of peace are precisely the conditions out of +which war emerges." War, on the other hand, brings about the adjustments +in the relations of competing and conflict groups which make peace +possible. The problem, therefore, must find a solution in some method by +which the conflicts which are latent in, or develop out of, the +conditions of peace may be adjusted without a resort to war. In so far +as war is an effect of the mere inhibitions which the conditions of +peace impose, substitutes for war must provide, as William James has +suggested, for the expression of the expanding energies of individuals +and nations in ways that will contribute to the welfare of the community +and eventually of mankind as a whole. The intention is to make life more +interesting and at the same time more secure. + +The difficulty is that the devices which render life more secure +frequently make it less interesting and harder to bear. Competition, the +struggle for existence and for, what is often more important than mere +existence, namely, status, may become so bitter that peace is +unendurable. + +More than that, under the condition of peace, peoples whose life-habits +and traditions have been formed upon a basis of war frequently multiply +under conditions of peace to such an extent as to make an ultimate war +inevitable. The natives of South Africa, since the tribal wars have +ceased, have so increased in numbers as to be an increasing menace to +the white population. Any amelioration of the condition of mankind that +tends to disturb the racial equilibrium is likely to disturb the peace +of nations. When representatives of the Rockefeller Medical Foundation +proposed to introduce a rational system of medicine in China, certain of +the wise men of that country, it is reported, shook their heads +dubiously over the consequences that were likely to follow any large +decrease in the death-rate, seeing that China was already overpopulated. + +In the same way education, which is now in a way to become a heritage of +all mankind, rather than the privilege of so-called superior peoples, +undoubtedly has had the effect of greatly increasing the mobility and +restlessness of the world's population. In so far as this is true, it +has made the problem of maintaining peace more difficult and dangerous. + +On the other hand, education and the extension of intelligence +undoubtedly increase the possibility of compromise and conciliation +which, as Simmel points out, represent ways in which peace may be +restored and maintained other than by complete victory and subjugation +of the conquered people. It is considerations of this kind that have led +men like von Moltke to say that "universal peace is a dream and not even +a happy one," and has led other men like Carnegie to build peace palaces +in which the nations of the world might settle their differences by +compromise and according to law. + +d) _Competition, status, and social solidarity._--Under the title +"Competition, Status, and Social Solidarity" selections are introduced +in the materials which emphasize the relation of competition to +accommodation. Up to this point in the materials only the relations of +conflict to accommodation have been considered. Status has been +described as an effect of conflict. But it is clear that economic +competition frequently becomes conscious and so passes over into some of +the milder forms of conflict. Aside from this it is evident that +competition in so far as it determines the vocation of the individual, +determines indirectly also his status, since it determines the class of +which he is destined to be a member. In the same way competition is +indirectly responsible for the organization of society in so far as it +determines the character of the accommodations and understandings which +are likely to exist between conflict groups. Social types as well as +status are indirectly determined by competition, since most of them are +vocational. The social types of the modern city, as indicated by the +selection on "Personal Competition and the Evolution of Individual +Types," are an outcome of the division of labor. Durkheim points out +that the division of labor in multiplying the vocations has increased +and not diminished the unity of society. The interdependence of +differentiated individuals and groups has made possible a social +solidarity that otherwise would not exist. + + +II. MATERIALS + +A. FORMS OF ACCOMMODATION + + +1. Acclimatization[224] + +The most important ethnic question in connection with climate is that of +the possibility of a race adapting itself to climatic conditions widely +different from those to which it has been accustomed. This is the +question of acclimatization. + +Its bearings on ethnic psychology can be made at once evident by posing +a few practical inquiries: Can the English people flourish in India? +Will the French colonize successfully the Sudan? Have the Europeans lost +or gained in power by their migration to the United States? Can the +white or any other race ultimately become the sole residents of the +globe? + +It will be seen that on the answers to such questions depends the +destiny of races and the consequences to the species of the facilities +of transportation offered by modern inventions. The subject has +therefore received the careful study of medical geographers and +statisticians. + +I can give but a brief statement of their conclusions. They are to the +effect, first, that when the migration takes place along approximately +the same isothermal lines, the changes in the system are slight; but as +the mean annual temperature rises, the body becomes increasingly unable +to resist its deleterious action until a difference of 18 deg. F. is +reached, at which continued existence of the more northern races +becomes impossible. They suffer from a chemical change in the condition +of the blood cells, leading to anemia in the individual and to +extinction of the lineage in the third generation. + +This is the general law of the relation to race and climate. Like most +laws it has its exceptions, depending on special conditions. A stock +which has long been accustomed to change of climate adapts itself to any +with greater facility. This explains the singular readiness of the Jews +to settle and flourish in all zones. For a similar reason a people who +at home are accustomed to a climate of wide and sudden changes, like +that of the eastern United States, supports others with less loss of +power than the average. + +A locality may be extremely hot but unusually free from other malefic +influences, being dry with regular and moderate winds, and well drained, +such as certain areas between the Red Sea and the Nile, which are also +quite salubrious. + +Finally, certain individuals and certain families, owing to some +fortunate power of resistance which we cannot explain, acclimate +successfully where their companions perish. Most of the instances of +alleged successful acclimatization of Europeans in the tropics are due +to such exceptions, the far greater number of the victims being left out +of the count. + +If these alleged successful cases, or that of the Jews or Arabs, be +closely examined, it will almost surely be discovered that another +physiological element has been active in bringing about acclimatization, +and that is the mingling of blood with the native race. In the American +tropics the Spaniards have survived for four centuries; but how many of +the _Ladinos_ can truthfully claim an unmixed descent? In Guatemala, for +example, says a close observer, _not any_. The Jews of the Malabar coast +have actually become black, and so has also in Africa many an Arab +claiming direct descent from the Prophet himself. + +But along with this process of adaptation by amalgamation comes +unquestionably a lowering of the mental vitality of the higher race. +That is the price it has to pay for the privilege of survival under the +new conditions. But, in conformity to the principles already laid down +as accepted by all anthropologists, such a lowering must correspond to a +degeneration in the highest grades of structure, the brain cells. + +We are forced, therefore, to reach the decision that the human species +attains its highest development only under moderate conditions of heat, +such as prevail in the temperate zones (an annual mean of 8 deg.-12 deg. C.); +and the more startling conclusion that the races now native to the polar +and tropical areas are distinctly _pathological_, are types of +degeneracy, having forfeited their highest physiological elements in +order to purchase immunity from the unfavorable climatic conditions to +which they are subject. We must agree with a French writer, that "man is +not cosmopolitan," and if he insists on becoming a "citizen of the +world" he is taxed heavily in his best estate for his presumption. + +The inferences in racial psychology which follow this opinion are too +evident to require detailed mention. Natural selection has fitted the +Eskimo and the Sudanese for their respective abodes, but it has been by +the process of regressive evolution; progressive evolution in man has +confined itself to less extreme climatic areas. + +The facts of acclimatization stand in close connection with another +doctrine in anthropology which is interesting for my theme, that of +"ethno-geographic provinces." Alexander von Humboldt seems to have been +the first to give expression to this system of human grouping, and it +has been diligently cultivated by his disciple, Professor Bastian. It +rests upon the application to the human species of two general +principles recognized as true in zoology and botany. The one is that +every organism is directly dependent on its environment (the _milieu_), +action and reaction going on constantly between them; the other is, that +no two faunal or floral regions are of equal rank in their capacity for +the development of a given type of organism. + +The features which distinguish one ethno-geographic province from +another are chiefly, according to Bastian, meteorological, and they +permit, he claims, a much closer division of human groups than the +general continental areas which give us an African, a European, and an +American subspecies. + +It is possible that more extended researches may enable ethnographers to +map out, in this sense, the distribution of our species; but the secular +alterations in meteorologic conditions, combined with the migratory +habits of most early communities, must greatly interfere with a rigid +application of these principles in ethnography. + +The historic theory of "centres of civilisation" is allied to that of +ethno-geographic provinces. The stock examples of such are familiar. The +Babylonian plain, the valley of the Nile, in America the plateaus of +Mexico and of Tiahuanuco are constantly quoted as such. The geographic +advantages these situations offered--a fertile soil, protection from +enemies, domesticable plants, and a moderate climate--are offered as +reasons why an advanced culture rapidly developed in them, and from them +extended over adjacent regions. + +Without denying the advantages of such surroundings, the most recent +researches in both hemispheres tend to reduce materially their +influence. The cultures in question did not begin at one point and +radiate from it, but arose simultaneously over wide areas, in different +linguistic stocks, with slight connections; and only later, and +secondarily, was it successfully concentrated by some one tribe--by the +agency, it is now believed, of cognatic rather than geographic aids. + +Assyriologists no longer believe that Sumerian culture originated in the +delta of the Euphrates, and Egyptologists look for the sources of the +civilization of the Nile Valley among the Libyans; while in the New +World not one but seven stocks partook of the Aztec learning, and half a +dozen contributed to that of the Incas. The prehistoric culture of +Europe was not one of Carthaginians or Phoenicians, but was +self-developed. + + +2. Slavery Defined[225] + +In most branches of knowledge the phenomena the man of science has to +deal with have their technical names, and, when using a scientific +term, he need not have regard to the meaning this term conveys in +ordinary language; he knows he will not be misunderstood by his +fellow-scientists. For instance, the Germans call a whale _Wallfisch_, +and the English speak of shellfish; but a zoologist, using the word +fish, need not fear that any competent person will think he means whales +or shellfish. + +In ethnology the state of things is quite different. There are a few +scientific names bearing a definite meaning, such as the terms "animism" +and "survival," happily introduced by Professor Tylor. But most +phenomena belonging to our science have not yet been investigated, so +it is no wonder that different writers (sometimes even the same writer +on different pages) give different names to the same phenomenon, +whereas, on the other hand, sometimes the same term (e.g., matriarchate) +is applied to widely different phenomena. As for the subject we are +about to treat of, we shall presently see that several writers have +given a definition of slavery; but no one has taken the trouble to +inquire whether his definition can be of any practical use in social +science. Therefore, we shall try to give a good definition and justify +it. + +But we may not content ourselves with this; we must also pay attention +to the meaning of the term "slavery" as commonly employed. There are two +reasons for this. First, we must always rely upon the statements of +ethnographers. If an ethnographer states that some savage tribe carries +on slavery, without defining in what this "slavery" consists, we have to +ask: What may our informant have meant? And as he is likely to have used +the word in the sense generally attached to it, we have to inquire: What +is the ordinary meaning of the term "slavery"? + +The second reason is this. Several theoretical writers speak of slavery +without defining what they mean by it; and we cannot avail ourselves of +their remarks without knowing what meaning they attach to this term. And +as they too may be supposed to have used it in the sense in which it is +generally used, we have again to inquire: What is the meaning of the +term "slavery" in ordinary language? + +The general use of the word, as is so often the case, is rather +inaccurate. Ingram says: + + Careless or rhetorical writers use the words "slave" and + "slavery" in a very lax way. Thus, when protesting against the + so-called "Subjection of Women," they absurdly apply those + terms to the condition of the wife in the modern society of the + west--designations which are inappropriate even in the case of + the inmate of Indian zenanas; and they speak of the modern + worker as a "wage-slave," even though he is backed by a + powerful trade-union. Passion has a language of its own, and + poets and orators must doubtless be permitted to denote by the + word "slavery" the position of subjects of a state who labor + under civil disabilities or are excluded from the exercise of + political power; but in sociological study things ought to have + their right names, and those names should, as far as possible, + be uniformly employed. + +But this use of the word we may safely regard as a metaphor; nobody will +assert that these laborers and women are really slaves. Whoever uses the +term slavery in its ordinary sense attaches a fairly distinct idea to +it. What is this idea? We can express it most generally thus: a slave is +one who is not free. There are never slaves without there being freemen +too; and nobody can be at the same time a slave and a freeman. We must, +however, be careful to remember that, man being a "social animal," no +man is literally free; all members of a community are restricted in +their behavior toward each other by social rules and customs. But +freemen at any rate are relatively free; so a slave must be one who does +not share in the common amount of liberty, compatible with the social +connection. + +The condition of the slave as opposed to that of the freeman presents +itself to us under the three following aspects: + +First, every slave has his master to whom he is subjected. And this +subjection is of a peculiar kind. Unlike the authority one freeman +sometimes has over another, the master's power over his slave is +unlimited, at least in principle; any restriction put upon the master's +free exercise of his power is a mitigation of slavery, not belonging to +its nature, just as in Roman law the proprietor may do with his property +whatever he is not by special laws forbidden to do. The relation between +master and slave is therefore properly expressed by the slave being +called the master's "possession" or "property"--expressions we +frequently meet with. + +Secondly, slaves are in a lower condition as compared with freemen. The +slave has no political rights; he does not choose his government, he +does not attend the public councils. Socially he is despised. + +In the third place, we always connect with slavery the idea of +compulsory labor. The slave is compelled to work; the free laborer may +leave off working if he likes, be it at the cost of starving. All +compulsory labor, however, is not slave labor; the latter requires that +peculiar kind of compulsion that is expressed by the word "possession" +or "property" as has been said before. + +Recapitulating, we may define a slave in the ordinary sense of the word +as a man who is the property of another, politically and socially at a +lower level than the mass of the people, and performing compulsory +labor. + +The great function of slavery can be no other than a _division of +labor_. Division of labor is taken here in the widest sense, as +including not only a qualitative division, by which one man does one +kind of work and another a different kind, but also a quantitative one, +by which one man's wants are provided for, not by his own work only, but +by another's. A society without any division of labor would be one in +which each man worked for his own wants, and nobody for another's; in +any case but this there is a division of labor in this wider sense of +the word. Now this division can be brought about by two means. "There +are two ways" says Puchta "in which we can avail ourselves of the +strength of other men which we are in need of. One is the way of free +commerce, that does not interfere with the liberty of the person who +serves us, the making of contracts by which we exchange the strength and +skill of another, or their products, for other performances on our part: +hire of services, purchase of manufactures, etc. The other way is the +subjugation of such persons, which enables us to dispose of their +strength in our behalf but at the same time injures the personality of +the subjected. This subjection can be imagined as being restricted to +certain purposes, for instance to the cultivation of the land, as with +soil-tilling serfs, the result of which is that this subjection, for the +very reason that it has a definite and limited aim, does not quite annul +the liberty of the subjected. But the subjection can also be an +unlimited one, as is the case when the subjected person, in the whole of +his outward life, is treated as but a means to the purposes of the man +of power, and so his personality is entirely absorbed. This is the +institution of slavery." + + +3. Excerpts from the Journal of a West India Slave Owner[226] + +Soon after nine o'clock we reached Savannah la Mar, where I found my +trustee, and a whole cavalcade, waiting to conduct me to my own estate; +for he had brought with him a curricle and pair for myself, a gig for my +servant, two black boys upon mules, and a cart with eight oxen to convey +my baggage. The road was excellent, and we had not above five miles to +travel; and as soon as the carriage entered my gates, the uproar and +confusion which ensued sets all description at defiance. The works were +instantly all abandoned; everything that had life came flocking to the +house from all quarters; and not only the men, and the women, and the +children, but, "by a bland assimilation," the hogs, and the dogs, and +the geese, and the fowls, and the turkeys, all came hurrying along by +instinct, to see what could possibly be the matter, and seemed to be +afraid of arriving too late. Whether the pleasure of the negroes was +sincere may be doubted; but certainly it was the loudest that I ever +witnessed: they all talked together, sang, danced, shouted, and, in the +violence of their gesticulations, tumbled over each other, and rolled +about upon the ground. Twenty voices at once enquired after uncles, and +aunts, and grandfathers, and great-grandmothers of mine, who had been +buried long before I was in existence, and whom, I verily believe, most +of them only knew by tradition. One woman held up her little naked black +child to me, grinning from ear to ear, "Look, Massa, look here! him nice +lilly neger for Massa!" Another complained, "So long since none come see +we, Massa; good Massa, come at last." As for the old people, they were +all in one and the same story: now they had lived once to see Massa, +they were ready for dying tomorrow, "them no care." + +The shouts, the gaiety, the wild laughter, their strange and sudden +bursts of singing and dancing, and several old women, wrapped up in +large cloaks, their heads bound round with different-colored +handkerchiefs, leaning on a staff, and standing motionless in the middle +of the hubbub, with their eyes fixed upon the portico which I occupied, +formed an exact counterpart of the festivity of the witches in Macbeth. +Nothing could be more odd or more novel than the whole scene; and yet +there was something in it by which I could not help being affected; +perhaps it was the consciousness that all these human beings were my +_slaves_;--to be sure, I never saw people look more happy in my life; +and I believe their condition to be much more comfortable than that of +the laborers of Great Britain; and, after all, slavery, in _their_ case, +is but another name for servitude, now that no more negroes can be +forcibly carried away from Africa and subjected to the horrors of the +voyage and of the seasoning after their arrival; but still I had already +experienced, in the morning, that Juliet was wrong in saying "What's in +a name?" For soon after my reaching the lodging-house at Savannah la +Mar, a remarkably clean-looking negro lad presented himself with some +water and a towel--I concluded him to belong to the inn--and, on my +returning the towel, as he found that I took no notice of him, he at +length ventured to introduce himself by saying, "Massa not know me; _me +your slave!_"--and really the sound made me feel a pang at the heart. +The lad appeared all gaiety and good humor, and his whole countenance +expressed anxiety to recommend himself to my notice, but the word +"slave" seemed to imply that, although he did feel pleasure then in +serving me, if he had detested me he must have served me still. I really +felt quite humiliated at the moment, and was tempted to tell him, "Do +not say that again; say that you are my negro, but do not call yourself +my slave." + +As I was returning this morning from Montego Bay, about a mile from my +own estate, a figure presented itself before me, I really think the most +picturesque that I ever beheld: it was a mulatto girl, born upon +Cornwall, but whom the overseer of a neighboring estate had obtained my +permission to exchange for another slave, as well as two little +children, whom she had borne to him; but, as yet, he had been unable to +procure a substitute, owing to the difficulty of purchasing single +negroes, and Mary Wiggins is still my slave. However, as she is +considered as being manumitted, she had not dared to present herself at +Cornwall on my arrival, lest she should have been considered as an +intruder; but she now threw herself in my way to tell me how glad she +was to see me, for that she had always thought till now (which is the +general complaint) that "_she had no massa_;" and also to obtain a +regular invitation to my negro festival tomorrow. By this universal +complaint, it appears that, while Mr. Wilberforce is lamenting their +hard fate in being subject to a master, _their_ greatest fear is the not +having a master whom they know; and that to be told by the negroes of +another estate that "they belong to no massa," is one of the most +contemptuous reproaches that can be cast upon them. Poor creatures, when +they happened to hear on Wednesday evening that my carriage was ordered +for Montego Bay the next morning, they fancied that I was going away for +good and all, and came up to the house in such a hubbub that my agent +was obliged to speak to them, and pacify them with the assurance that I +should come back on Friday without fail. + +But to return to Mary Wiggins: she was much too pretty not to obtain her +invitation to Cornwall; on the contrary, I _insisted_ upon her coming, +and bade her tell her _husband_ that I admired his taste very much for +having chosen her. I really think that her form and features were the +most _statue-like_ that I ever met with; her complexion had no yellow in +it and yet was not brown enough to be dark--it was more of an ash-dove +color than anything else; her teeth were admirable, both for color and +shape; her eyes equally mild and bright; and her face merely broad +enough to give it all possible softness and grandness of contour: her +air and countenance would have suited Yarico; but she reminded me most +of Grassini in "La Vergine del Sole," only that Mary Wiggins was a +thousand times more beautiful, and that, instead of a white robe, she +wore a mixed dress of brown, white, and dead yellow, which harmonized +excellently with her complexion; while one of her beautiful arms was +thrown across her brow to shade her eyes, and a profusion of rings on +her fingers glittered in the sunbeams. Mary Wiggins and an old cotton +tree are the most picturesque objects that I have seen for these twenty +years. + +I really believe that the negresses can produce children at pleasure, +and where they are barren, it is just as hens will frequently not lay +eggs on shipboard, because they do not like their situation. Cubina's +wife is in a family way, and I told him that if the child should live, I +would christen it for him, if he wished it. "Tank you, kind massa, me +like it very much: much oblige if massa do that for _me_, too." So I +promised to baptize the father and the baby on the same day, and said +that I would be godfather to any children that might be born on the +estate during my residence in Jamaica. This was soon spread about, and, +although I have not yet been here a week, two women are in the straw +already, Jug Betty and Minerva: the first is wife to my head driver, The +Duke of Sully, but my sense of propriety was much gratified at finding +that Minerva's husband was called Captain. I think nobody will be able +to accuse me of neglecting the religious education of my negroes, for I +have not only promised to baptize all the infants, but, meeting a little +black boy this morning, who said that his name was Moses, I gave him a +piece of silver, and told him that it was for the sake of Aaron; which, +I flatter myself, was planting in his young mind the rudiments of +Christianity. + +On my former visit to Jamaica, I found on my estate a poor woman nearly +one hundred years old, and stone blind. She was too infirm to walk, but +two young negroes brought her on their backs to the steps of my house, +in order, as she said, that she might at least touch massa, although she +could not see him. When she had kissed my hand, "that was enough," she +said: "now me hab once kiss a massa's hand, me willing to die tomorrow, +me no care." She had a woman appropriated to her service and was shown +the greatest care and attention; however, she did not live many months +after my departure. There was also a mulatto, about thirty years of age, +named Bob, who had been almost deprived of the use of his limbs by the +horrible cocoa-bay, and had never done the least work since he was +fifteen. He was so gentle and humble and so fearful, from the +consciousness of his total inability of soliciting my notice, that I +could not help pitying the poor fellow; and whenever he came in my way I +always sought to encourage him by little presents and other trifling +marks of favor. His thus unexpectedly meeting with distinguishing +kindness, where he expected to be treated as a worthless incumbrance, +made a strong impression on his mind. + + +4. The Origin of Caste in India[227] + +If it were possible to compress into a single paragraph a theory so +complex as that which would explain the origin and nature of Indian +caste, I should attempt to sum it up in some such words as the +following: A caste is a marriage union, the constituents of which were +drawn from various different tribes (or from various other castes +similarly formed) in virtue of some industry, craft, or function, either +secular or religious, which they possessed in common. The internal +discipline, by which the conditions of membership in regard to connubial +and convivial rights are defined and enforced, has been borrowed from +the tribal period which preceded the period of castes by many centuries, +and which was brought to a close by the amalgamation of tribes into a +nation under a common scepter. The differentia of _caste_ as a marriage +union consists in some community of function; while the differentia of +_tribe_ as a marriage union consisted in a common ancestry, or a common +worship, or a common totem, or in fact in any kind of common property +except that of a common function. + +Long before castes were formed on Indian soil, most of the industrial +classes, to which they now correspond, had existed for centuries, and as +a rule most of the industries which they practiced were hereditary on +the male side of the parentage. These hereditary classes were and are +simply the concrete embodiments of those successive stages of culture +which have marked the industrial development of mankind in every part of +the world. Everywhere (except at least in those countries where he is +still a savage), man has advanced from the stage of hunting and fishing +to that of nomadism and cattle-grazing, and from nomadism to agriculture +proper. Everywhere has the age of metallurgy and of the arts and +industries which are coeval with it been preceded by a ruder age, when +only those arts were known or practiced which sufficed for the hunting, +fishing, and nomad states. Everywhere has the class of ritualistic +priests and lettered theosophists been preceded by a class of +less-cultivated worshipers, who paid simple offerings of flesh and wine +to the personified powers of the visible universe without the aid of a +hereditary professional priesthood. Everywhere has the class of nobles +and territorial chieftains been preceded by a humbler class of small +peasant proprietors, who placed themselves under their protection and +paid tribute or rent in return. Everywhere has this class of nobles and +chieftains sought to ally itself with that of the priests or sacerdotal +order; and everywhere has the priestly order sought to bring under its +control those chiefs and rulers under whose protection it lives. + +All these classes had been in existence for centuries before any such +thing as caste was known on Indian soil; and the only thing that was +needed to convert them into castes, such as they now are, was that the +Brahman, who possessed the highest of all functions--the +priestly--should set the example. This he did by establishing for the +first time the rule that no child, either male or female, could inherit +the name and status of Brahman, unless he or she was of Brahman +parentage on _both_ sides. By the establishment of this rule the +principle of marriage unionship was superadded to that of functional +unionship; and it was only by the combination of these two principles +that a caste in the strict sense of the term could or can be formed. The +Brahman, therefore, as the Hindu books inform us, was "the first-born +of castes." When the example had thus been set by an arrogant and +overbearing priesthood, whose pretensions it was impossible to put down, +the other hereditary classes followed in regular order downward, partly +in imitation and partly in self-defence. Immediately behind the +Brahman came the Kshatriya, the military chieftain or landlord. He +therefore was the "second-born of castes." Then followed the bankers or +upper trading classes (the Agarwal, Khattri, etc.); the scientific +musician and singer (Kathak); the writing or literary class +(Kayasth); the bard or genealogist (Bhat); and the class of +inferior nobles (Taga and Bhuinhar) who paid no rent to the landed +aristocracy. These, then, were the third-born of castes. Next in order +came those artisan classes, who were coeval with the age and art of +metallurgy; the metallurgic classes themselves; the middle trading +classes; the middle agricultural classes, who placed themselves under +the protection of the Kshatriya and paid him rent in return (Kurmi, +Kachhi, Mali, Tamboli); and the middle serving classes, such as +Napit and Baidya, who attended to the bodily wants of their equals and +superiors. These, then, were the fourth-born of castes; and their rank +in the social scale has been determined by the fact that their manners +and notions are farther removed than those of the preceding castes from +the Brahmanical ideal. Next came the inferior artisan classes, those +who preceded the age and art of metallurgy (Teli, Kumhar, Kalwar, +etc.); the partly nomad and partly agricultural classes (Jat, +Gujar, Ahir, etc.); the inferior serving classes, such as Kahar; +and the inferior trading classes, such as Bhunja. These, then, were the +fifth-born of castes, and their mode of life is still farther removed +from the Brahmanical ideal than that of the preceding. The last-born, +and therefore the lowest, of all the classes are those semisavage +communities, partly tribes and partly castes, whose function consists in +hunting or fishing, or in acting as butcher for the general community, +or in rearing swine and fowls, or in discharging the meanest domestic +services, such as sweeping and washing, or in practicing the lowest of +human arts, such as basket-making, hide-tanning, etc. Thus throughout +the whole series of Indian castes a double test of social precedence has +been in active force, the industrial and the Brahmanical; and these +two have kept pace together almost as evenly as a pair of horses +harnessed to a single carriage. In proportion as the function practiced +by any given caste stands high or low in the scale of industrial +development, in the same proportion does the caste itself, impelled by +the general tone of society by which it is surrounded, approximate more +nearly or more remotely to the Brahmanical idea of life. It is these +two criteria combined which have determined the relative ranks of the +various castes in the Hindu social scale. + + +5. Caste and the Sentiments of Caste Reflected in Popular Speech[228] + +No one indeed can fail to be struck by the intensely popular character +of Indian proverbial philosophy and by its freedom from the note of +pedantry which is so conspicuous in Indian literature. These quaint +sayings have dropped fresh from the lips of the Indian rustic; they +convey a vivid impression of the anxieties, the troubles, the +annoyances, and the humors of his daily life; and any sympathetic +observer who has felt the fascination of an oriental village would have +little difficulty in constructing from these materials a fairly accurate +picture of rural society in India. The _mise en scene_ is not altogether +a cheerful one. It shows us the average peasant dependent upon the +vicissitudes of the season and the vagaries of the monsoon, and watching +from day to day to see what the year may bring forth. Should rain fall +at the critical moment his wife will get golden earrings, but one short +fortnight of drought may spell calamity when "God takes all at once." +Then the forestalling Baniya flourishes by selling rotten grain, and the +Jat cultivator is ruined. First die the improvident Musalman +weavers, then the oil-pressers for whose wares there is no demand; the +carts lie idle, for the bullocks are dead, and the bride goes to her +husband without the accustomed rites. But be the season good or bad, the +pious Hindu's life is ever overshadowed by the exactions of the +Brahman--"a thing with a string round its neck" (a profane hit at the +sacred thread), a priest by appearance, a butcher at heart, the chief of +a trio of tormentors gibbeted in the rhyming proverb: + + Blood-suckers three on earth there be, + The bug, the Brahman, and the flea. + +Before the Brahman starves the king's larder will be empty; cakes +must be given to him while the children of the house may lick the +grindstone for a meal; his stomach is a bottomless pit; he eats so +immoderately that he dies from wind. He will beg with a lakh of rupees +in his pocket, and a silver begging-bowl in his hand. In his greed for +funeral fees he spies out corpses like a vulture, and rejoices in the +misfortunes of his clients. A village with a Brahman in it is like a +tank full of crabs; to have him as a neighbor is worse than leprosy; if +a snake has to be killed the Brahman should be set to do it, for no +one will miss him. If circumstances compel you to perjure yourself, why +swear on the head of your son, when there is a Brahman handy? Should +he die (as is the popular belief) the world will be none the poorer. +Like the devil in English proverbial philosophy, the Brahman can cite +scripture for his purpose; he demands worship himself but does not +scruple to kick his low-caste brethren; he washes his sacred thread but +does not cleanse his inner man; and so great is his avarice that a man +of another caste is supposed to pray "O God, let me not be reborn as a +Brahman priest, who is always begging and is never satisfied." He +defrauds even the gods; Vishnu gets the barren prayers while the +Brahman devours the offerings. So Pan complains in one of Lucian's +dialogues that he is done out of the good things which men offer at his +shrine. + +The next most prominent figure in our gallery of popular portraits is +that of the Baniya, money-lender, grain-dealer, and monopolist, who +dominates the material world as the Brahman does the spiritual. His +heart, we are told, is no bigger than a coriander seed; he has the jaws +of an alligator and a stomach of wax; he is less to be trusted than a +tiger, a scorpion, or a snake; he goes in like a needle and comes out +like a sword; as a neighbor he is as bad as a boil in the armpit. If a +Baniya is on the other side of a river you should leave your bundle on +this side, for fear he should steal it. When four Baniyas meet they rob +the whole world. If a Baniya is drowning you should not give him a hand: +he is sure to have some base motive for drifting down stream. He uses +light weights and swears that the scales tip themselves; he keeps his +accounts in a character that no one but God can read; if you borrow from +him, your debt mounts up like a refuse heap or gallops like a horse; if +he talks to a customer he "draws a line" and debits the conversation; +when his own credit is shaky he writes up his transactions on the wall +so that they can easily be rubbed out. He is so stingy that the dogs +starve at his feast, and he scolds his wife if she spends a farthing on +betel-nut. A Jain Baniya drinks dirty water and shrinks from killing +ants and flies, but will not stick at murder in pursuit of gain. As a +druggist the Baniya is in league with the doctor; he buys weeds at a +nominal price and sells them very dear. Finally, he is always a shocking +coward: eighty-four Khatris will run away from four thieves. + +Nor does the clerical caste fare better at the hands of the popular +epigrammatist. Where three Kayasths are gathered together a +thunderbolt is sure to fall; when honest men fall out the Kayasth +gets his chance. When a Kayasth takes to money-lending he is a +merciless creditor. He is a man of figures; he lives by the point of his +pen; in his house even the cat learns two letters and a half. He is a +versatile creature, and where there are no tigers he will become a +shikari; but he is no more to be trusted than a crow or a snake +without a tail. One of the failings sometimes imputed to the educated +Indian is attacked in the saying, "Drinking comes to a Kayasth with +his mother's milk." + +Considering the enormous strength of the agricultural population of +India, one would have expected to find more proverbs directed against +the great cultivating castes. Possibly the reason may be that they made +most of the proverbs, and people can hardly be expected to sharpen their +wit on their own shortcomings. In two provinces, however, the rural +Pasquin has let out very freely at the morals and manners of the Jat, +the typical peasant of the eastern Punjab and the western districts of +the United Provinces. You may as well, we are told, look for good in a +Jat as for weevils in a stone. He is your friend only so long as you +have a stick in your hand. If he cannot harm you he will leave a bad +smell as he goes by. To be civil to him is like giving treacle to a +donkey. If he runs amuck it takes God to hold him. A Jat's laugh +would break an ordinary man's ribs. When he learns manners, he blows his +nose with a mat, and there is a great run on the garlic. His baby has a +plowtail for a plaything. The Jat stood on his own corn heap and +called out to the King's elephant-drivers, "Hi there, what will you take +for those little donkeys?" He is credited with practicing fraternal +polyandry, like the Venetian nobility of the early eighteenth century, +as a measure of domestic economy, and a whole family are said to have +one wife between them. + +The Doms, among whom we find scavengers, vermin-eaters, executioners, +basket-makers, musicians, and professional burglars, probably represent +the remnants of a Dravidian tribe crushed out of recognition by the +invading Aryans and condemned to menial and degrading occupations. Sir +G. Grierson has thrown out the picturesque suggestion that they are the +ancestors of the European gypsies and that Rom or Romany is nothing more +than a variant of Dom. In the ironical language of the proverbs the Dom +figures as "the lord of death" because he provides the wood for the +Hindu funeral pyre. He is ranked with Brahmans and goats as a +creature useless in time of need. A common and peculiarly offensive form +of abuse is to tell a man that he has eaten a Dom's leavings. A series +of proverbs represents him as making friends with members of various +castes and faring ill or well in the process. Thus the Kanjar steals his +dog, and the Gujar loots his house; on the other hand, the barber +shaves him for nothing, and the silly Jolahaa makes him a suit of +clothes. His traditions associate him with donkeys, and it is said that +if these animals could excrete sugar, Doms would no longer be beggars. +"A Dom in a palanquin and a Brahman on foot" is a type of society +turned upside down. Nevertheless, outcast as he is, the Dom occupies a +place of his own in the fabric of Indian society. At funerals he +provides the wood and gets the corpse clothes as his perquisite; he +makes the discordant music that accompanies a marriage procession; and +baskets, winnowing-fans, and wicker articles in general are the work of +his hands. + +In the west of India, Mahars and Dheds hold much the same place as +the Dom. In the walled villages of the Maratha country the +Mahar is the scavenger, watchman, and gate-keeper. His presence +pollutes; he is not allowed to live in the village; and his miserable +shanty is huddled up against the wall outside. But he challenges the +stranger who comes to the gate, and for this and other services he is +allowed various perquisites, among them that of begging for broken +victuals from house to house. He offers old blankets to his god, and his +child's playthings are bones. The Dhed's status is equally low. If he +looks at a water jar he pollutes its contents; if you run up against him +by accident, you must go off and bathe. If you annoy a Dhed he sweeps up +the dust in your face. When he dies, the world is so much the cleaner. +If you go to the Dheds' quarter you find there nothing but a heap of +bones. + +This relegation of the low castes to a sort of ghetto is carried to +great lengths in the south of India where the intolerance of the +Brahman is very conspicuous. In the typical Madras village the +Pariahs--"dwellers in the quarter" (_para_) as this broken tribe +is now called--live in an irregular cluster of conical hovels of palm +leaves known as the _parchery_, the squalor and untidiness of which +present the sharpest contrasts to the trim street of tiled masonry +houses where the Brahmans congregate. "Every village," says the +proverb, "has its Pariah hamlet"--a place of pollution the census of +which is even now taken with difficulty owing to the reluctance of the +high-caste enumerator to enter its unclean precincts. "A palm tree," +says another, "casts no shade; a Pariah has no caste and rules." The +popular estimate of the morals of the Pariah comes out in the saying, +"He that breaks his word is a Pariah at heart"; while the note of irony +predominates in the pious question, "If a Pariah offers boiled rice will +not the god take it?" the implication being that the Brahman priests +who take the offerings to idols are too greedy to inquire by whom they +are presented. + + +B. SUBORDINATION AND SUPERORDINATION + + +1. The Psychology of Subordination and Superordination[229] + +The typical suggestion is given by words. But the impulse to act under +the influence of another person arises no less when the action is +proposed in the more direct form of showing the action itself. The +submission then takes the form of imitation. This is the earliest type +of subordination. It plays a fundamental role in the infant's life, long +before the suggestion through words can begin its influence. The infant +imitates involuntarily as soon as connections between the movement +impulses and the movement impressions have been formed. At first +automatic reflexes produce all kinds of motions, and each movement +awakes kinesthetic and muscle sensations. Through association these +impressions become bound up with the motor impulses. As soon as the +movements of other persons arouse similar visual sensations the +kinesthetic sensations are associated and realize the corresponding +movement. Very soon the associative irradiation becomes more complex, +and whole groups of emotional reactions are imitated. The child cries +and laughs in imitation. + +Most important is the imitation of the speech movement. The sound awakes +the impulse to produce the same vocal sound long before the meaning of +the word is understood. Imitation is thus the condition for the +acquiring of speech, and later the condition for the learning of all +other abilities. But while the imitation is at first simply automatic, +it becomes more and more volitional. The child intends to imitate what +the teacher shows as an example. This intentional imitation is certainly +one of the most important vehicles of social organization. The desire to +act like certain models becomes the most powerful social energy. But +even the highest differentiation of society does not eliminate the +constant working of the automatic, impulsive imitation. + +The inner relation between imitation and suggestion shows itself in the +similarity of conditions under which they are most effective. Every +increase of suggestibility facilitates imitation. In any emotional +excitement of a group every member submits to the suggestion of the +others, but the suggestion is taken from the actual movements. A crowd +in a panic or a mob in a riot shows an increased suggestibility by which +each individual automatically repeats what his neighbors are doing. Even +an army in battle may become, either through enthusiasm or through fear, +a group in which all individuality is lost and everyone is forced by +imitative impulses to fight or escape. The psychophysical experiment +leaves no doubt that this imitative response releases the sources of +strongest energy in the mental mechanism. If the arm lifts the weight of +an ergograph until the will cannot overcome the fatigue, the mere seeing +of the movement carried out by others whips the motor centers to new +efficiency. + +We saw that our feeling states are both causes and effects of our +actions. We cannot experience the impulse to action without a new +shading of our emotional setting. Imitative acting involves, therefore, +an inner imitation of feelings too. The child who smiles in response to +the smile of his mother shares her pleasant feeling. The adult who is +witness of an accident in which someone is hurt imitates instinctively +the cramping muscle contractions of the victim, and as a result he feels +an intense dislike without having the pain sensations themselves. From +such elementary experiences an imitative emotional life develops, +controlled by a general sympathetic tendency. We share the pleasures and +the displeasures of others through an inner imitation which remains +automatic. In its richer forms this sympathy becomes an _altruistic +sentiment_; it stirs the desire to remove the misery around us and +unfolds to a general mental setting through which every action is +directed toward the service to others. But from the faintest echoing of +feelings in the infant to the highest self-sacrifice from altruistic +impulse, we have the common element of submission. The individual is +feeling, and accordingly acting, not in the realization of his +individual impulses, but under the influence of other personalities. + +This subordination to the feelings of others through sympathy and pity +and common joy takes a new psychological form in the affection of +tenderness and especially parental love. The relation of parents to +children involves certainly an element of superordination, but the +mentally strongest factor remains the subordination, the complete +submission to the feelings of those who are dependent upon the parents' +care. In its higher development the parental love will not yield to +every momentary like or dislike of the child, but will adjust the +educative influence to the lasting satisfactions and to the later +sources of unhappiness. But the submission of the parents to the feeling +tones in the child's life remains the fundamental principle of the +family instinct. While the parents' love and tenderness mean that the +stronger submits to the weaker, even up to the highest points of +self-sacrifice, the loving child submits to his parents from feelings +which are held together by a sense of dependence. This feeling of +dependence as a motive of subordination enters into numberless human +relations. Everywhere the weak lean on the strong, and choose their +actions under the influence of those in whom they have confidence. The +corresponding feelings show the manifold shades of modesty, admiration, +gratitude, and hopefulness. Yet it is only another aspect of the social +relation if the consciousness of dependence upon the more powerful is +felt with fear and revolt, or with the nearly related emotion of envy. + +The desire to assert oneself is no less powerful, in the social +interplay, than the impulse to submission. Society needs the leaders as +well as the followers. Self-assertion presupposes contact with other +individuals. Man protects himself against the dangers of nature, and +man masters nature; but he asserts himself against men who interfere +with him or whom he wants to force to obedience. The most immediate +reaction in the compass of self-assertion is indeed the _rejection of +interference_. It is a form in which even the infant shows the opposite +of submission. He repels any effort to disturb him in the realization of +the instinctive impulses. From the simplest reaction of the infant +disturbed in his play or his meal, a straight line of development leads +to the fighting spirit of man, whose pugnaciousness and whose longing +for vengeance force his will on his enemies. Every form of rivalry, +jealousy, and intolerance finds in this feeling group its source of +automatic response. The most complex intellectual processes may be made +subservient to this self-asserting emotion. + +But the effort to impose one's will on others certainly does not result +only from conflict. An entirely different emotional center is given by +the mere desire for _self-expression_. In every field of human activity +the individual may show his inventiveness, his ability to be different +from others, to be a model, to be imitated by his fellows. The normal +man has a healthy, instinctive desire to claim recognition from the +members of the social group. This interferes neither with the spirit of +co-ordination nor with the subordination of modesty. In so far as the +individual demands acknowledgement of his personal behavior and his +personal achievement, he raises himself by that act above others. He +wants his mental attitude to influence and control the social +surroundings. In its fuller development this inner setting becomes the +ambition for leadership in the affairs of practical life or in the +sphere of cultural work. + +The superficial counterpart is the desire for _self-display_ with all +its variations of vanity and boastfulness. From the most bashful +submission to the most ostentatious self-assertion, from the +self-sacrifice of motherly love to the pugnaciousness of despotic +egotism, the social psychologist can trace the human impulses through +all the intensities of the human energies which interfere with equality +in the group. Each variation has its emotional background and its +impulsive discharge. Within normal limits they are all equally useful +for the biological existence of the group and through the usefulness for +the group ultimately serviceable to its members. Only through +superordination and subordination does the group receive the inner +firmness which transforms the mere combination of men into working +units. They give to human society that strong and yet flexible +organization which is the necessary condition for its successful +development. + + +2. Social Attitudes in Subordination: Memories of an Old Servant[230] + +Work is a great blessing, and it has been wisely arranged by our divine +Master that all his creatures should have a work to do of some kind. +Some are weak and some are strong. Old and young, rich and poor, there +is that work expected from us, and how much happier we are when we are +at our work. + +There are so many things to learn, so many different kinds of work that +must be done to make the world go on right. And some work is easier than +others; but all ought to be well done, and in a cheerful, contented +manner. Some prefer working with hands and feet; they say it is easier +than the head work; but surely both are heavy work, for it does depend +on your ability. + +Boys and girls do not leave school so early as they did fifty or sixty +years ago. The boys went out quite happy and manly to do their herding +at some farm, and would be very useful for some years till they +preferred learning some trade, etc.; then a younger boy just filled his +place; and by doing this they did learn farming a good bit, and this +helped them on in after years if they wanted to go back to farming +again. We regret to see that the page-boy is not wanted so much as he +used to be; and what a help that used to be for a young boy. He learns a +great deal by being first of all a while in the stable yard or garage +before he goes into the gentleman's house, and he is neat and tidy at +all times for messages. We have seen many of them in our young days; and +even the waif has been picked up by a good master, and began in the +stables and worked his way up to be a respected valet in the same +household, and often and often told the story of his waif life in the +servants' hall. + +The old servant has seen many changes and in many cases prefers the good +old ways; there may be some better arrangements made, we cannot doubt +that, but we are surprised at good old practices that our late beloved +employers had ignored by their own children after they have so far +grown up. Servants need the good example from their superiors, and when +they hear the world speak well of them they do look for the good ways in +the home life. We all like to hold up an employer's good name, surely we +do if we are interested at all in our work, and if we feel that we +cannot do our duty to them we ought to go elsewhere and not deceive +them. We are trusted with a very great deal, and it is well for us if we +are doing all we can as faithful servants, and in the end lay down our +tools with the feeling that we have tried to do our best. + +We must remember that each one is born in his station in life, wisely +arranged by "One Who Knows and Who Is Our Supreme Ruler." No one can +alter this nor say to him, "What Doest Thou?" so we must each and all +keep our station and honor the rich man and the poor man who humbly +tries to live a Christian life, and when their faults are seen by us may +we at once turn to ourselves and look if we are not human, too, and may +be as vile as they. + +We have noticed some visitors very rude to the servants and so different +to our own employers, and we set a mark on them, for we would not go to +serve them. We remember once when our lady's brother was showing a +visiting lady some old relics near the front door they came upon the +head housemaid who was cleaning the church pew chairs (they were carried +in while the church was being repaired), and she was near a very old +grand piano. The lady asked in such a jeer, "And is this the housemaid's +piano"? The gentleman looked very hard at the housemaid, for we were +sure that he was very annoyed at her, but we did not hear his answer; +but the housemaid had the good sense to keep quiet, but she could have +told her to keep her jeers, for we were not her class of servant, +neither was she our class of employer. We heard her character after, and +never cared to see her. Some servants take great liberties, and then all +are supposed to be alike; but we are glad that all ladies are not like +this, for the world would be poor indeed; they would soon ruin all the +girls--and no wonder her husband had left her. We heard of a gentleman +who fancied his laundry-maid, so he called his servants together and +told them that he was to marry her and bring her home as the lady of his +house, and he hoped they would all stay where they were; but if they +felt that they could not look upon her as their mistress and his wife, +they were free to go away. And not one of them left, for they stayed on +with them for years. This is a true story from one who knew them and +could show us their London house. Now we have lived with superior +servants, and we would much rather serve them even now in our old age +than serve any lady who can never respect a servant. + +Nothing brings master and servant closer together than the sudden sore +bereavement, and very likely this book could not be written so sad were +it not for the many sad days that have been spent in service, and now so +very few of the employers are to be seen; and when they are with us we +feel that we are still respected by them, for there is the usual +welcome--for they would look back the same as we do on days that are +gone by. In our young days the curtsy was fashionable; you would see +every man's daughter bobbing whenever they met the lady or gentlemen or +when they met their teacher. The custom is gone now, and we wonder why; +but the days are changed, and some call it education that is so far +doing this; it cannot be education, for we do look for more respect from +the educated than from the class that we called the ignorant. + +How well off the servants are in these years of war, for they have no +rent to worry about and no anxiety about their coal bill, nor how food, +etc., is to be got in and paid for, no taxes nor cares like so many poor +working men; they are also sure of their wages when quarter day comes +round. It is true she may have a widow mother who requires some help +with rent, coals, or food, but there are many who ought to value a good +situation, whether in the small comfortable house as general or in +larger good situations where a few servants are, for we have seen them +all and know what they have been like, and so, we say that all as a rule +ought to be very thankful that they are the domestic servant and so +study to show gratitude by good deeds to all around, as there is work +just now for everyone to do. + +A great deal more could easily be written, and we hope some old servant +may also speak out in favor of domestic service, and so let it be again +what it has been, and when both will look on each other as they ought, +for there has always been master and servant, and we have the number of +servants, or near the number, given here by one who knows, 1,330,783 +female domestic servants at the last census in 1911, and so the domestic +service is the largest single industry that is; there are more people +employed as domestic servants than any other class of employment. +Before closing this book the writer would ask that a kinder interest may +be taken in girls who may have at one time been in disgrace; many of +them have no homes and we might try to help them into situations. This +appeal is from the old housekeeper and so from one who has had many a +talk with young girls for their good; but they have often been led far +astray. We ought to give them the chance again, by trying to get them +situations, and if the lady is not her friend, nor the housekeeper, we +pity her. + + +3. The Reciprocal Character of Subordination and Superordination[231] + +Every social occurrence consists of an interaction between individuals. +In other words, each individual is at the same time an active and a +passive agent in a transaction. In case of superiority and inferiority, +however, the relation assumes the appearance of a one-sided operation; +the one party appears to exert, while the other seems merely to receive, +an influence. Such, however, is not in fact the case. No one would give +himself the trouble to gain or to maintain superiority if it afforded +him no advantage or enjoyment. This return to the superior can be +derived from the relation, however, only by virtue of the fact that +there is a reciprocal action of the inferior upon the superior. The +decisive characteristic of the relation at this point is this, that the +effect which the inferior actually exerts upon the superior is +determined by the latter. The superior causes the inferior to produce a +given effect which the superior shall experience. In this operation, in +case the subordination is really absolute, no sort of spontaneity is +present on the part of the subordinate. The reciprocal influence is +rather the same as that between a man and a lifeless external object +with which the former performs an act for his own use. That is, the +person acts upon the object in order that the latter may react upon +himself. In this reaction of the object no spontaneity on the part of +the object is to be observed, but merely the further operation of the +spontaneity of the person. Such an extreme case of superiority and +inferiority will scarcely occur among human beings. Rather will a +certain measure of independence, a certain direction of the relation +proceed also from the self-will and the character of the subordinate. +The different cases of superiority and inferiority will accordingly be +characterized by differences in the relative amount of spontaneity which +the subordinates and the superiors bring to bear upon the total +relation. In exemplification of this reciprocal action of the inferior, +through which superiority and inferiority manifests itself as proper +socialization, I will mention only a few cases, in which the reciprocity +is difficult to discern. + +When in the case of an absolute despotism the ruler attaches to his +edicts the threat of penalty or the promise of reward, the meaning is +that the monarch himself will be bound by the regulation which he has +ordained. The inferior shall have the right, on the other hand, to +demand something from the lawgiver. Whether the latter subsequently +grants the promised reward or protection is another question. The spirit +of the relation as contemplated by the law is that the superior +completely controls the inferior, to be sure, but that a certain claim +is assured to the latter, which claim he may press or may allow to +lapse, so that even this most definite form of the relation still +contains an element of spontaneity on the part of the inferior. + +Still farther; the concept "law" seems to connote that he who gives the +law is in so far unqualifiedly superior. Apart from those cases in which +the law is instituted by those who will be its subjects, there appears +in lawgiving as such no sign of spontaneity on the part of the subject +of the law. It is, nevertheless, very interesting to observe how the +Roman conception of law makes prominent the reciprocity between the +superior and the subordinate elements. Thus _lex_ means originally +"compact," in the sense, to be sure, that the terms of the same are +fixed by the proponent, and the other party can accept or reject it only +_en bloc_. The _lex publica populi Romani_ meant originally that the +king proposed and the people accepted the same. Thus even here, where +the conception itself seems to express the complete one-sidedness of the +superior, the nice social instinct of the Romans pointed in the verbal +expression to the co-operation of the subordinate. In consequence of +like feeling of the nature of socialization the later Roman jurists +declared that the _societas leonina_ is not to be regarded as a social +compact. Where the one absolutely controls the other, that is, where all +spontaneity of the subordinate is excluded, there is no longer any +socialization. + +Once more, the orator who confronts the assembly, or the teacher his +class, seems to be the sole leader, the temporary superior. Nevertheless +everyone who finds himself in that situation is conscious of the +limiting and controlling reaction of the mass which is apparently merely +passive and submissive to his guidance. This is the case not merely when +the parties immediately confront each other. All leaders are also led, +as in countless cases the master is the slave of his slaves. "I am your +leader, therefore I must follow you," said one of the most eminent +German parliamentarians, with reference to his party. Every journalist +is influenced by the public upon which he seems to exert an influence +entirely without reaction. The most characteristic case of actual +reciprocal influence, in spite of what appears to be subordination +without corresponding reaction, is that of hypnotic suggestion. An +eminent hypnotist recently asserted that in every hypnosis there occurs +an actual if not easily defined influence of the hypnotized upon the +hypnotist, and that without this the effect would not be produced. + + +4. Three Types of Subordination and Superordination[232] + +Three possible types of superiority present themselves. Superiority may +be exercised (a) by an individual, (b) by a group, (c) by an +objective principle higher than individuals. + +a) _Subordination to an individual._--The subordination of a group to +a single person implies a very decided unification of the group. This is +equally the case with both the characteristic forms of this +subordination, viz.: (1) when the group with its head constitutes a real +internal unity; when the superior is more a leader than a master and +only represents in himself the power and the will of the group; (2) when +the group is conscious of opposition between itself and its head, when a +party opposed to the head is formed. In both cases the unity of the +supreme head tends to bring about an inner unification of the group. The +elements of the latter are conscious of themselves as belonging +together, because their interests converge at one point. Moreover the +opposition to this unified controlling power compels the group to +collect itself, to condense itself into unity. This is true not alone +of the political group. In the factory, the ecclesiastical community, a +school class, and in associated bodies of every sort it is to be +observed that the termination of the organization in a head, whether in +case of harmony or of opposition, helps to effect unification of the +group. This is most conspicuous to be sure in the political sphere. +History has shown it to be the enormous advantage of monarchies that +they unify the political interests of the popular mass. The totality has +a common interest in holding the prerogatives of the crown within their +boundaries, possibly in restricting them; or there is a common field of +conflict between those whose interests are with the crown and those who +are opposed. Thus there is a supreme point with reference to which the +whole people constitutes either a single party or, at most, two. Upon +the disappearance of its head, to which all are subordinate--with the +end of this political pressure--all political unity often likewise +ceases. There spring up a great number of party factions which +previously, in view of that supreme political interest for or against +the monarchy, found no room. + +Wonder has often been felt over the irrationality of the condition in +which a single person exercises lordship over a great mass of others. +The contradiction will be modified when we reflect that the ruler and +the individual subject in the controlled mass by no means enter into the +relationship with an equal _quantum_ of their personality. The mass is +composed through the fact that many individuals unite fractions of their +personality--one-sided purposes, interests and powers, while that which +each personality as such actually is towers above this common level and +does not at all enter into that "mass," i.e., into that which is really +ruled by the single person. Hence it is also that frequently in very +despotically ruled groups individuality may develop itself very freely, +in those aspects particularly which are not in participation with the +mass. Thus began the development of modern individuality in the +despotisms of the Italian Renaissance. Here, as in other similar cases +(for example, under Napoleon I and Napoleon III), it was for the direct +interest of the despots to allow the largest freedom to all those +aspects of personality which were not identified with the regulated +mass, i.e., to those aspects most apart from politics. Thus +subordination was more tolerable. + +b) _Subordination to a group._--In the second place the group may +assume the form of a pyramid. In this case the subordinates stand over +against the superior not in an equalized mass but in very nicely graded +strata of power. These strata grow constantly smaller in extent but +greater in significance. They lead up from the inferior mass to the +head, the single ruler. + +This form of the group may come into existence in two ways. It may +emerge from the autocratic supremacy of an individual. The latter often +loses the substance of his power and allows it to slip downward, while +retaining its form and titles. In this case more of the power is +retained by the orders nearest to the former autocrat than is acquired +by those more distant. Since the power thus gradually percolates, a +continuity and graduation of superiority and inferiority must develop +itself. This is, in fact, the way in which in oriental states the social +forms often arise. The power of the superior orders disintegrates, +either because it is essentially incoherent and does not know how to +attain the above-emphasized proportion between subordination and +individual freedom; or because the persons comprising the administration +are too indolent or too ignorant of governmental technique to preserve +supreme power. For the power which is exercised over a large circle is +never a constant possession. It must be constantly acquired and defended +anew if anything more than its shadow and name is to remain. + +The other way in which a scale of power is constructed up to a supreme +head is the reverse of that just described. Starting with a relative +equality of the social elements, certain elements gain greater +significance; within the circle of influence thus constituted certain +especially powerful individuals differentiate themselves until this +development accommodates itself to one or to a few heads. The pyramid of +superiority and inferiority is built in this case from below upward, +while in the former case the development was from above downward. This +second form of development is often found in economic relationships, +where at first there exists a certain equality between the persons +carrying on the work of a certain industrial society. Presently some of +the number acquire wealth; others become poor; others fall into +intermediate conditions which are as dependent upon an aristocracy of +property as the lower orders are upon the middle strata; this +aristocracy rises in manifold gradations to the magnates, of whom +sometimes a single individual is appropriately designated as the "king" +of a branch of industry. By a sort of combination of the two ways in +which graded superiority and inferiority of the group come into being +the feudalism of the Middle Ages arose. So long as the full +citizen--either Greek, Roman, or Teutonic--knew no subordination under +an individual, there existed for him on the one hand complete equality +with those of his own order, but on the other hand rigid exclusiveness +toward those of lower orders. Feudalism remodeled this characteristic +social form into the equally characteristic arrangement which filled the +gap between freedom and bondage with a scale of classes. + +A peculiar form of subordination to a number of individuals is +determination by vote of a majority. The presumption of majority rule is +that there is a collection of elements originally possessing equal +rights. In the process of voting the individual places himself in +subordination to a power of which he is a part, but in this way, that it +is left to his own volition whether he will belong to the superior or +the inferior, i.e., the outvoted party. We are not now interested in +cases of this complex problem in which the superiority is entirely +formal, as, for example, in resolves of scientific congresses, but only +with those in which the individual is constrained to an action by the +will of the party outvoting him, that is, in which he must practically +subordinate himself to the majority. This dominance of numbers through +the fact that others, though only equal in right, have another opinion, +is by no means the matter of course which it seems to us today in our +time of determinations by masses. Ancient German law knew nothing of it. +If one did not agree with the resolve of the community, he was not bound +by it. As an application of this principle, unanimity was later +necessary in the choice of king, evidently because it could not be +expected or required that one who had not chosen the king would obey +him. The English baron who had opposed authorizing a levy, or who had +not been present, often refused to pay it. In the tribal council of the +Iroquois, as in the Polish Parliament, decisions had to be unanimous. +There was therefore no subordination of an individual to a majority, +unless we consider the fact that a proposition was regarded as rejected +if it did not receive unanimous approval, a subordination, an outvoting, +of the person proposing the measure. + +When, on the contrary, majority rule exists, two modes of subordination +of the minority are possible, and discrimination between them is of the +highest sociological significance. Control of the minority may, in the +first place, arise from the fact that the many are more powerful than +the few. Although, or rather because, the individuals participating in a +vote are supposed to be equals, the majority have the physical power to +coerce the minority. The taking of a vote and the subjection of the +minority serves the purpose of avoiding such actual measurement of +strength, but accomplishes practically the same result through the count +of votes, since the minority is convinced of the futility of such resort +to force. There exist in the group two parties in opposition as though +they were two groups, between which relative strength, represented by +the vote, is to decide. + +Quite another principle is in force, however, in the second place, where +the group as a unity predominates over all individuals and so proceeds +that the passing of votes shall _merely give expression to the unitary +group will_. In the transition from the former to this second principle +the enormously important step is taken from a unity made up merely of +the sum of individuals to recognition and operation of an abstract +objective group unity. Classic antiquity took this step much +earlier--not only absolutely but relatively earlier--than the German +peoples. Among the latter the oneness of the community did not exist +over and against the individuals who composed it but entirely in them. +Consequently the group will was not only not enacted but it did not even +exist so long as a single member dissented. The group was not complete +unless all its members were united, since it was only in the sum of its +members that the group consisted. In case the group, however, is a +self-existent structure--whether consciously or merely in point of +fact--in case the group organization effected by union of the +individuals remains along with and in spite of the individual changes, +this self-existent unity--state, community, association for a +distinctive purpose--must surely will and act in a definite manner. +Since, however, only one of two contradictory opinions can ultimately +prevail, it is assumed as more probable that the majority knows or +represents this will better than the minority. According to the +presumptive principle involved the minority is, in this case, not +excluded but included. The subordination of the minority is thus in this +stage of sociological development quite different from that in case the +majority simply represents the stronger power. In the case in hand the +majority does not speak in its own name but in that of the ideal unity +and totality. It is only to this unity, which speaks by the mouth of the +majority, that the minority subordinates itself. This is the immanent +principle of our parliamentary decisions. + +c) _Subordination to an impersonal principle._--To these must be +joined, third, those formations in which subordination is neither to an +individual nor yet to a majority, but to an impersonal objective +principle. Here, where we seem to be estopped from speaking of a +_reciprocal influence_ between the superior and the subordinate, a +sociological interest enters in but two cases: first, when this ideal +superior principle is to be interpreted as the psychological +consolidation of a real social power; second, when the principle +establishes specific and characteristic relationships between those who +are subject to it in common. The former case appears chiefly in +connection with the moral imperatives. In the moral consciousness we +feel ourselves subject to a decree which does not appear to be issued by +any personal human power; we hear the voice of conscience only in +ourselves, although with a force and definiteness, in contrast with all +subjective egoism, which, as it seems, could have had its source only +from an authority outside the subject. As is well known, the attempt has +been made to resolve this contradiction by the assumption that we have +derived the content of morality from social decrees. Whatever is +serviceable to the species and to the group, whatever on that account is +demanded of the members for the self-preservation of the group, is +gradually bred into individuals as an instinct, so that it asserts +itself as a peculiar autonomous impression by the side of the properly +personal, and consequently often contradictory, impulses. Thus would be +explained the double character of the moral command. On the one side it +appears to us as an impersonal order to which we have simply to yield. +On the other side, however, no visible external power but only our own +most real and personal instinct enforces it upon us. Sociologically this +is of interest as an example of a wholly peculiar form of reaction +between the individual and his group. The social force is here +completely grown into the individual himself. + +We now turn to the second sociological question raised by the case of +subordination to an impersonal ideal principle. How does this +subordination affect the reciprocal relation of the persons thus +subordinated in common? The development of the position of the _pater +familias_ among the Aryans exhibits this process clearly. The power of +the _pater familias_ was originally unlimited and entirely subjective; +that is, his momentary desire, his personal advantage, was permitted to +give the decision upon all regulations. But this arbitrary power +gradually became limited by a feeling of responsibility. The unity of +the domestic group, embodied in the _spiritus familiaris_, grew into the +ideal power, in relation to which the lord of the whole came to regard +himself as merely an obedient agent. Accordingly it follows that morals +and custom, instead of subjective preference, determine his acts, his +decisions, his judicial judgments; that he no longer behaves as though +he were absolute lord of the family property, but rather the manager of +it in the interest of the whole; that his position bears more the +character of an official station than that of an unlimited right. Thus +the relation between superiors and inferiors is placed upon an entirely +new basis. The family is thought of as standing above all the individual +members. The guiding patriarch himself is, like every other member, +subordinate to the family idea. He may give directions to the other +members of the family only in the name of the higher ideal unity. + + +C. CONFLICT AND ACCOMMODATION + + +1. War and Peace as Types of Conflict and Accommodation[233] + +It is obvious that the transition from war to peace must present a more +considerable problem than the reverse, i.e., the transition from peace +to war. The latter really needs no particular scrutiny. For the +situations existing in time of peace are precisely the conditions out of +which war emerges and contain in themselves struggle in a diffused, +unobserved, or latent form. For instance, if the economic advantage +which the southern states of the American Union had over the northern +states in the Civil War as a consequence of the slave system was also +the reason for this war, still, so long as no antagonism arises from it, +but is merely immanent in the existing conditions, this source of +conflict did not become specifically a question of war and peace. At the +moment, however, at which the antagonism began to assume a color which +meant war, an accumulation of antagonisms, feelings of hatred, +newspaper polemics, frictions between private persons, and on the +borders reciprocal moral equivocations in matters outside of the central +antithesis at once manifested themselves. The transition from peace to +war is thus not distinguished by a special sociological situation. +Rather out of relationships existing within a peaceful situation +antagonism is developed immediately, in its most visible and, energetic +form. The case is different, however, if the matter is viewed from the +opposite direction. Peace does not follow so immediately upon conflict. +The termination of strife is a special undertaking which belongs neither +in the one category nor in the other, like a bridge which is of a +different nature from that of either bank which it unites. The sociology +of struggle demands, therefore, at least as an appendix, an analysis of +the forms in which conflict is terminated, and these exhibit certain +special forms of reaction not to be observed in other circumstances. + +The particular motive which in most cases corresponds with the +transition from war to peace is the simple longing for peace. With the +emergence of this factor there comes into being, as a matter of fact, +peace itself, at first in the form of the wish immediately parallel with +the struggle itself, and it may without any special transitional form +displace struggle. We need not pause long to observe that the desire for +peace may spring up both directly and indirectly; the former may occur +either through the return to power of this peaceful character in the +party which is essentially in favor of peace; or through the fact that, +through the mere change of the formal stimulus of struggle and of peace +which is peculiar to all natures, although in different rhythms, the +latter comes to the surface and assumes a control which is sanctioned by +its own nature alone. In the case of the indirect motive, however, we +may distinguish, on the one hand, the exhaustion of resources which, +without removal of the persistent contentiousness, may instal the demand +for peace; and, on the other hand, the withdrawal of interest from +struggle through a higher interest in some other object. The latter case +begets all sorts of hypocrisies and self-deceptions. It is asserted and +believed that peace is desired from ideal interest in peace itself and +the suppression of antagonism, while in reality only the object fought +for has lost its interest and the fighters would prefer to have their +powers free for other kinds of activity. + +The simplest and most radical sort of passage from war to peace is +victory--a quite unique phenomenon in life, of which there are, to be +sure, countless individual forms and measures, which, however, have no +resemblance to any of the otherwise mentioned forms which may occur +between persons. Victory is a mere watershed between war and peace; when +considered absolutely, only an ideal structure which extends itself over +no considerable time. For so long as struggle endures there is no +definitive victor, and when peace exists a victory _has been_ gained but +the act of victory has ceased to exist. Of the many shadings of victory, +through which it qualifies the following peace, I mention here merely as +an illustration the one which is brought about, not exclusively by the +preponderance of the one party, but, at least in part, through the +resignation of the other. This confession of inferiority, this +acknowledgment of defeat, or this consent that victory shall go to the +other party without complete exhaustion of the resources and chances for +struggle, is by no means always a simple phenomenon. A certain ascetic +tendency may also enter in as a purely individual factor, the tendency +to self-humiliation and to self-sacrifice, not strong enough to +surrender one's self from the start without a struggle, but emerging so +soon as the consciousness of being vanquished begins to take possession +of the soul; or another variation may be that of finding its supreme +charm in the contrast to the still vital and active disposition to +struggle. Still further, there is impulse to the same conclusion in the +feeling that it is worthier to yield rather than to trust to the last +moment in the improbable chance of a fortunate turn of affairs. To throw +away this chance and to elude at this price the final consequences that +would be involved in utter defeat--this has something of the great and +noble qualities of men who are sure, not merely of their strengths, but +also of their weaknesses, without making it necessary for them in each +case to make these perceptibly conscious. Finally, in this voluntariness +of confessed defeat there is a last proof of power on the part of the +agent; the latter has of himself been able to act. He has therewith +virtually made a gift to the conqueror. Consequently, it is often to be +observed in personal conflicts that the concession of the one party, +before the other has actually been able to compel it, is regarded by the +latter as a sort of insult, as though this latter party were really the +weaker, to whom, however, for some reason or other, there is made a +concession without its being really necessary. Behind the objective +reasons for yielding "for the sake of sweet peace" a mixture of these +subjective motives is not seldom concealed. The latter may not be +entirely without visible consequences, however, for the further +sociological attitude of the parties. In complete antithesis with the +end of strife by victory is its ending by compromise. One of the most +characteristic ways of subdividing struggles is on the basis of whether +they are of a nature which admits of compromise or not. + + +2. Compromise and Accommodation[234] + +On the whole, compromise, especially of that type which is brought to +pass through negotiation, however commonplace and matter of fact it has +come to be in the processes of modern life, is one of the most important +inventions for the uses of civilization. The impulse of uncivilized men, +like that of children, is to seize upon every desirable object without +further consideration, even though it be already in the possession of +another. Robbery and gift are the most naive forms of transfer of +possession, and under primitive conditions change of possession seldom +takes place without a struggle. It is the beginning of all civilized +industry and commerce to find a way of avoiding this struggle through a +process in which there is offered to the possessor of a desired object +some other object from the possessions of the person desiring the +exchange. Through this arrangement a reduction is made in the total +expenditure of energy as compared with the process of continuing or +beginning a struggle. All exchange is a compromise. We are told of +certain social conditions in which it is accounted as knightly to rob +and to fight for the sake of robbery; while exchange and purchase are +regarded in the same society as undignified and vulgar. The +psychological explanation of this situation is to be found partly in the +fact of the element of compromise in exchange, the factors of withdrawal +and renunciation which make exchange the opposite pole to all struggle +and conquest. Every exchange presupposes that values and interest have +assumed an objective character. The decisive element is accordingly no +longer the mere subjective passion of desire, to which struggle alone +corresponds, but the value of the object, which is recognized by both +interested parties but which without essential modification may be +represented by various objects. Renunciation of the valued object in +question, because one receives in another form the quantum of value +contained in the same, is an admirable reason, wonderful also in its +simplicity, whereby opposed interests are brought to accommodation +without struggle. It certainly required a long historical development to +make such means available, because it presupposes a psychological +generalization of the universal valuation of the individual object, an +abstraction, in other words, of the value for the objects with which it +is at first identified; that is, it presupposes ability to rise above +the prejudices of immediate desire. Compromise by representation, of +which exchange is a special case, signifies in principle, although +realized only in part, the possibility of avoiding struggle or of +setting a limit to it before the mere force of the interested parties +has decided the issue. + +In distinction from the objective character of accommodation of struggle +through compromise, we should notice that conciliation is a purely +subjective method of avoiding struggle. I refer here not to that sort of +conciliation which is the consequence of a compromise or of any other +adjournment of struggle but rather to the reasons for this adjournment. +The state of mind which makes conciliation possible is an elementary +attitude which, entirely apart from objective grounds, seeks to end +struggle, just as, on the other hand, a disposition to quarrel, even +without any real occasion, promotes struggle. Probably both mental +attitudes have been developed as matters of utility in connection with +certain situations; at any rate, they have been developed +psychologically to the extent of independent impulses, each of which is +likely to make itself felt where the other would be more practically +useful. We may even say that in the countless cases in which struggle is +ended otherwise than in the pitiless consistency of the exercise of +force, this quite elementary and unreasoned tendency to conciliation is +a factor in the result--a factor quite distinct from weakness, or good +fellowship; from social morality or fellow-feeling. This tendency to +conciliation is, in fact, a quite specific sociological impulse which +manifests itself exclusively as a pacificator, and is not even identical +with the peaceful disposition in general. The latter avoids strife under +all circumstances, or carries it on, if it is once undertaken, without +going to extremes, and always with the undercurrents of longing for +peace. The spirit of conciliation, however, manifests itself frequently +in its full peculiarity precisely after complete surrender to the +struggle, after the conflicting energies have exercised themselves to +the full in the conflict. + +Conciliation depends very definitely upon the external situation. It can +occur both after the complete victory of the one party and after the +progress of indecisive struggle, as well as after the arrangement of the +compromise. Either of these situations may end the struggle without the +added conciliation of the opponents. To bring about the latter it is not +necessary that there shall be a supplementary repudiation or expression +of regret with reference to the struggle. Moreover, conciliation is to +be distinguished from the situation which may follow it. This may be +either a relationship of attachment or alliance, and reciprocal respect, +or a certain permanent distance which avoids all positive contacts. +Conciliation is thus a removal of the roots of conflict, without +reference to the fruits which these formerly bore, as well as to that +which may later be planted in their place. + + +D. COMPETITION, STATUS, AND SOCIAL SOLIDARITY + + +1. Personal Competition, Social Selection, and Status[235] + +The function of personal competition, considered as a part of the social +system, is to assign to each individual his place in that system. If +"all the world's a stage," this is a process that distributes the parts +among the players. It may do it well or ill, but after some fashion it +does it. Some may be cast in parts unsuited to them; good actors may be +discharged altogether and worse ones retained; but nevertheless the +thing is arranged in some way and the play goes on. + +That such a process must exist can hardly, it seems to me, admit of +question; in fact, I believe that those who speak of doing away with +competition use the word in another sense than is here intended. Within +the course of the longest human life there is necessarily a complete +renewal of the persons whose communication and co-operation make up the +life of society. The new members come into the world without any legible +sign to indicate what they are fit for, a mystery to others from the +first and to themselves as soon as they are capable of reflection: the +young man does not know for what he is adapted, and no one else can tell +him. The only possible way to get light upon the matter is to adopt the +method of experiment. By trying one thing and another and by reflecting +upon his experience, he begins to find out about himself, and the world +begins to find out about him. His field of investigation is of course +restricted, and his own judgment and that of others liable to error, but +the tendency of it all can hardly be other than to guide his choice to +that one of the available careers in which he is best adapted to hold +his own. I may say this much, perhaps, without assuming anything +regarding the efficiency or justice of competition as a distributor of +social functions, a matter regarding which I shall offer some +suggestions later. All I wish to say here is that the necessity of some +selective process is inherent in the conditions of social life. + +It will be apparent that, in the sense in which I use the term, +competition is not necessarily a hostile contention, nor even something +of which the competing individual is always conscious. From our infancy +onward throughout life judgments are daily forming regarding us of which +we are unaware, but which go to determine our careers. "The world is +full of judgment days." A and B, for instance, are under consideration +for some appointment; the experience and personal qualifications of each +are duly weighed by those having the appointment to make, and A, we will +say, is chosen. Neither of the two need know anything about the matter +until the selection is made. It is eligibility to perform some social +function that makes a man a competitor, and he may or may not be aware +of it, or, if aware of it, he may or may not be consciously opposed to +others. I trust that the reader will bear in mind that I always use the +word competition in the sense here explained. + +There is but one alternative to competition as a means of determining +the place of the individual in the social system, and that is some form +of status, some fixed, mechanical rule, usually a rule of inheritance, +which decides the function of the individual without reference to his +personal traits, and thus dispenses with any process of comparison. It +is possible to conceive of a society organized entirely upon the basis +of the inheritance of functions, and indeed societies exist which may be +said to approach this condition. In India, for example, the prevalent +idea regarding the social function of the individual is that it is +unalterably determined by his parentage, and the village blacksmith, +shoemaker, accountant, or priest has his place assigned to him by a rule +of descent as rigid as that which governs the transmission of one of the +crowns of Europe. If all functions were handed down in this way, if +there were never any deficiency or surplus of children to take the place +of their parents, if there were no progress or decay in the social +system making necessary new activities or dispensing with old ones, then +there would be no use for a selective process. But precisely in the +measure that a society departs from this condition, that individual +traits are recognized and made available, or social change of any sort +comes to pass, in that measure must there be competition. + +Status is not an active process, as competition is; it is simply a rule +of conservation, a makeshift to avoid the inconveniences of continual +readjustment in the social structure. Competition or selection is the +only constructive principle, and everything worthy the name of +organization had at some time or other a competitive origin. At the +present day the eldest son of a peer may succeed to a seat in the House +of Lords simply by right of birth; but his ancestor got the seat by +competition, by some exercise of personal qualities that made him valued +or loved or feared by a king or a minister. + +Sir Henry Maine has pointed out that the increase of competition is a +characteristic trait of modern life, and that the powerful ancient +societies of the old world were for the most part non-competitive in +their structure. While this is true, it would be a mistake to draw the +inference that status is a peculiarly natural or primitive principle of +organization and competition a comparatively recent discovery. On the +contrary the spontaneous relations among men, as we see in the case of +children, and as we may infer from the life of the lower animals, are +highly competitive, personal prowess and ascendency being everything and +little regard being paid to descent simply as such. The regime of +inherited status, on the other hand, is a comparatively complex and +artificial product, necessarily of later growth, whose very general +prevalence among the successful societies of the old world is doubtless +to be explained by the stability and consequently the power which it was +calculated to give to the social system. It survived because under +certain conditions it was the fittest. It was not and is not +universally predominant among savages or barbarous peoples. With the +American Indians, for example, the definiteness and authority of status +were comparatively small, personal prowess and initiative being +correspondingly important. The interesting monograph on Omaha sociology, +by Dorsey, published by the United States Bureau of Ethnology, contains +many facts showing that the life of this people was highly competitive. +When the tribe was at war any brave could organize an expedition against +the enemy, if he could induce enough others to join him, and this +organizer usually assumed the command. In a similar way the managers of +the hunt were chosen because of personal skill; and, in general, "any +man can win a name and rank in the state by becoming 'wacuce' or brave, +either in war or by the bestowal of gifts and the frequent giving of +feasts." + +Throughout history there has been a struggle between the principles of +status and competition regarding the part that each should play in the +social system. Generally speaking the advantage of status is in its +power to give order and continuity. As Gibbon informs us, "The superior +prerogative of birth, when it has obtained the sanction of time and +popular opinion, is the plainest and least invidious of all distinctions +among mankind," and he is doubtless right in ascribing the confusion of +the later Roman Empire largely to the lack of an established rule for +the transmission of imperial authority. The chief danger of status is +that of suppressing personal development, and so of causing social +enfeeblement, rigidity, and ultimate decay. On the other hand, +competition develops the individual and gives flexibility and animation +to the social order, its danger being chiefly that of disintegration in +some form or other. The general tendency in modern times has been toward +the relative increase of the free or competitive principle, owing to the +fact that the rise of other means of securing stability has diminished +the need for status. The latter persists, however, even in the freest +countries, as the method by which wealth is transmitted, and also in +social classes, which, so far as they exist at all, are based chiefly +upon inherited wealth and the culture and opportunities that go with it. +The ultimate reason for this persistence--without very serious +opposition--in the face of the obvious inequalities and limitations +upon liberty that it perpetuates is perhaps the fact that no other +method of transmission has arisen that has shown itself capable of +giving continuity and order to the control of wealth. + + +2. Personal Competition and the Evolution of Individual Types[236] + +The ancient city was primarily a fortress, a place of refuge in time of +war. The modern city, on the contrary, is primarily a convenience of +commerce and owes its existence to the market place around which it +sprang up. Industrial competition and the division of labor, which have +probably done most to develop the latent powers of mankind, are possible +only upon condition of the existence of markets, of money and other +devices for the facilitation of trade and commerce. + +The old adage which describes the city as the natural environment, of +the free man still holds so far as the individual man finds in the +chances, the diversity of interests and tasks, and in the vast +unconscious co-operation of city life, the opportunity to choose his own +vocation and develop his peculiar individual talents. The city offers a +market for the special talents of individual men. Personal competition +tends to select for each special task the individual who is best suited +to perform it. + + The difference of natural talents in different men is, in + reality, much less than we are aware of; and the very different + genius which appears to distinguish men of different + professions, when grown up to maturity, is not upon many + occasions so much the cause, as the effect of the division of + labour. The difference between the most dissimilar characters, + between a philosopher and a common street porter, for example, + seems to arise not so much from nature, as from habit, custom + and education. When they came into the world, and for the first + six or eight years of their existence, they were perhaps very + much alike, and neither their parents nor playfellows could + perceive any remarkable difference. About that age, or soon + after, they come to be employed in different occupations. The + difference of talents comes then to be taken notice of, and + widens by degrees, till at last the vanity of the philosopher + is willing to acknowledge scarce any resemblance. But without + the disposition to truck, barter, and exchange, every man must + have procured to himself every necessary and conveniency of + life which he wanted. All must have had the same duties to + perform, and the same work to do, and there could have been no + such difference of employment as could alone give occasion to + any great difference of talent. + + As it is the power of exchanging that gives occasion to the + division of labour, so the extent of this division must always + be limited by the extent of that power, or, in other words, by + the extent of the market.... There are some sorts of industry, + even of the lowest kind, which can be carried on nowhere but in + a great town. + +Success, under conditions of personal competition, depends upon +concentration upon some single task, and this concentration stimulates +the demand for rational methods, technical devices, and exceptional +skill. Exceptional skill, while based on natural talent, requires +special preparation, and it has called into existence the trade and +professional schools, and finally bureaus for vocational guidance. All +of these, either directly or indirectly, serve at once to select and +emphasize individual differences. + +Every device which facilitates trade and industry prepares the way for a +further division of labor and so tends further to specialize the tasks +in which men find their vocations. + +The outcome of this process is to break down or modify the older +organization of society, which was based on family ties, on local +associations, on culture, caste, and status, and to substitute for it an +organization based on vocational interests. + +In the city every vocation, even that of a beggar, tends to assume the +character of a profession, and the discipline which success in any +vocation imposes, together with the associations that it enforces, +emphasizes this tendency. + +The effect of the vocations and the division of labor is to produce, in +the first instance, not social groups but vocational types--the actor, +the plumber, and the lumber-jack. The organizations, like the trade and +labor unions, which men of the same trade or profession form are based +on common interests. In this respect they differ from forms of +association like the neighborhood, which are based on contiguity, +personal association, and the common ties of humanity. The different +trades and professions seem disposed to group themselves in classes, +that is to say, the artisan, business, and professional classes. But in +the modern democratic state the classes have as yet attained no +effective organization. Socialism, founded on an effort to create an +organization based on "class consciousness," has never succeeded in +creating more than a political party. + +The effects of the division of labor as a discipline may therefore be +best studied in the vocational types it has produced. Among the types +which it would be interesting to study are: the shopgirl, the policeman, +the peddler, the cabman, the night watchman, the clairvoyant, the +vaudeville performer, the quack doctor, the bartender, the ward boss, +the strike-breaker, the labor agitator, the school teacher, the +reporter, the stockbroker, the pawnbroker; all of these are +characteristic products of the conditions of city life; each with its +special experience, insight, and point of view determines for each +vocational group and for the city as a whole its individuality. + + +3. Division of Labor and Social Solidarity[237] + +The most remarkable effect of the division of labor is not that it +accentuates the distinction of functions already divided but that it +makes them interdependent. Its role in every case is not simply to +embellish or perfect existing societies but to make possible societies +which, without it, would not exist. Should the division of labor between +the sexes be diminished beyond a certain point, the family would cease +to exist and only ephemeral sexual relations would remain. If the sexes +had never been separated at all, no form of social life would ever have +arisen. It is possible that the economic utility of the division of +labor has been a factor in producing the existing form of conjugal +society. Nevertheless, the society thus created is not limited to merely +economic interests; it represents a unique social and moral order. +Individuals are mutually bound together who otherwise would be +independent. Instead of developing separately, they concert their +efforts; they are interdependent parts of a unity which is effective not +only in the brief moments during which there is an interchange of +services but afterward indefinitely. For example, does not conjugal +solidarity of the type which exists today among the most cultivated +people exert its influence constantly and in all the details of life? On +the other hand, societies which are created by the division of labor +inevitably bear the mark of their origin. Having this special origin, it +is not possible that they should resemble those societies which have +their origin in the attraction of like for like; the latter are +inevitably constituted in another manner, repose on other foundations, +and appeal to other sentiments. + +The assumption that the social relations resulting from the division of +labor consist in an exchange of services merely is a misconception of +what this exchange implies and of the effects it produces. It assumes +that two beings are mutually dependent the one on the other, because +they are both incomplete without the other. It interprets this mutual +dependence as a purely external relation. Actually this is merely the +superficial expression of an internal and more profound state. Precisely +because this state is constant, it provokes a complex of mental images +which function with a continuity independent of the series of external +relations. The image of that which completes us is inseparable from the +image of ourselves, not only because it is associated with us, but +especially because it is our natural complement. It becomes then a +permanent and integral part of self-consciousness to such an extent that +we cannot do without it and seek by every possible means to emphasize +and intensify it. We like the society of the one whose image haunts us, +because the presence of the object reinforces the actual perception and +gives us comfort. We suffer, on the contrary, from every circumstance +which, like separation and death, is likely to prevent the return or +diminish the vivacity of the idea which has become identified with our +idea of ourselves. + +Short as this analysis is, it suffices to show that this complex is not +identical with that which rests on sentiments of sympathy which have +their source in mere likeness. Unquestionably there can be the sense of +solidarity between others and ourselves only so far as we conceive +others united with ourselves. When the union results from a perception +of likeness, it is a cohesion. The two representations become +consolidated because, being undistinguished totally or in part, they are +mingled and are no more than one, and are consolidated only in the +measure in which they are mingled. On the contrary, in the case of the +division of labor, each is outside the other, and they are united only +because they are distinct. It is not possible that sentiments should be +the same in the two cases, nor the social relations which are derived +from them the same. + +We are then led to ask ourselves if the division of labor does not play +the same role in more extended groups; if, in the contemporaneous +societies where it has had a development with which we are familiar, it +does not function in such a way as to integrate the social body and to +assure its unity. It is quite legitimate to assume that the facts which +we have observed reproduce themselves there, but on a larger scale. The +great political societies, like smaller ones, we may assume maintain +themselves in equilibrium, thanks to the specialization of their tasks. +The division of labor is here, again, if not the only, at least the +principal, source of the social solidarity. Comte had already reached +this point of view. Of all the sociologists, so far as we know, he is +the first who has pointed out in the division of labor anything other +than a purely economic phenomenon. He has seen there "the most essential +condition of the social life," provided that one conceives it "in all +its rational extent, that is to say, that one applies the conception to +the ensemble of all our diverse operations whatsoever, instead of +limiting it, as we so often do, to the simple material usages." +Considered under this aspect, he says: + + It immediately leads us to regard not only individuals and + classes but also, in many respects, the different peoples as + constantly participating, in their own characteristic ways and + in their own proper degree, in an immense and common work whose + inevitable development gradually unites the actual co-operators + in a series with their predecessors and at the same time in a + series with their successors. It is, then, the continuous + redivison of our diverse human labors which mainly constitutes + social solidarity and which becomes the elementary cause of the + extension and increasing complexity of the social organism. + +If this hypothesis is demonstrated, division of labor plays a role much +more important than that which has ordinarily been attributed to it. It +is not to be regarded as a mere luxury, desirable perhaps, but not +indispensable to society; it is rather a condition of its very +existence. It is this, or at least it is mainly this, that assures the +solidarity of social groups; it determines the essential traits of their +constitution. It follows--even though we are not yet prepared to give a +final solution to the problem, we can nevertheless foresee from this +point--that, if such is really the function of the division of labor, it +may be expected to have a moral character, because the needs of order, +of harmony, of social solidarity generally, are what we understand by +moral needs. + +Social life is derived from a double source: (a) from a similarity of +minds, and (b) from the division of labor. The individual is +socialized in the first case, because, not having his own individuality, +he is confused, along with his fellows, in the bosom of the same +collective type; in the second case, because, even though he possesses a +physiognomy and a temperament which distinguish him from others, he is +dependent upon these in the same measure in which he is distinguished +from them. Society results from this union. + +Like-mindedness gives birth to judicial regulations which, under the +menace of measures of repression, impose upon everybody uniform beliefs +and practices. The more pronounced this like-mindedness, the more +completely the social is confused with the religious life, the more +nearly economic institutions approach communism. + +The division of labor, on the other hand, gives birth to regulations and +laws which determine the nature and the relations of the divided +functions, but the violation of which entails only punitive measures not +of an expiatory character. + +Every code of laws is accompanied by a body of regulations purely moral. +Where the penal law is voluminous, moral consensus is very extended; +that is to say, a multitude of collective activities is under the +guardianship of public opinion. Where the right of reparation is well +developed, there each profession maintains a code of professional +ethics. In a group of workers there invariably exists a body of opinion, +diffused throughout the limits of the group, which, although not +fortified with legal sanctions, still enforces its decrees. There are +manners and customs, recognized by all the members of a profession, +which no one of them could infringe without incurring the blame of +society. Certainly this code of morals is distinguished from the +preceding by differences analogous to those which separate the two +corresponding kinds of laws. It is, in fact, a code localized in a +limited region of society. Furthermore, the repressive character of the +sanctions which are attached to it is sensibly less accentuated. +Professional faults arouse a much feebler response than offenses against +the mores of the larger society. + +Nevertheless, the customs and code of a profession are imperative. They +oblige the individual to act in accordance with ends which to him are +not his own, to make concessions, to consent to compromises, to take +account of interests superior to his own. The consequence is that, even +where the society rests most completely upon the division of labor, it +does not disintegrate into a dust of atoms, between which there can +exist only external and temporary contacts. Every function which one +individual exercises is invariably dependent upon functions exercised by +others and forms with them a system of interdependent parts. It follows +that, from the nature of the task one chooses, corresponding duties +follow. Because we fill this or that domestic or social function, we are +imprisoned in a net of obligations from which we do not have the right +to free ourselves. There is especially one organ toward which our state +of dependencies is ever increasing--the state. The points at which we +are in contact with it are multiplying. So are the occasions in which it +takes upon itself to recall us to a sense of the common solidarity. + +There are then two great currents in the social life, collectivism and +individualism, corresponding to which we discover two types of structure +not less different. Of these currents, that which has its origin in +like-mindedness is at first alone and without rival. At this moment it +is identified with the very life of the society; little by little it +finds its separate channels and diminishes, whilst the second becomes +ever larger. In the same way, the segmentary structure of society is +more and more overlaid by the other, but without ever disappearing +completely. + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + + +1. Forms of Accommodation + +The literature upon accommodation will be surveyed under four heads; +(a) forms of accommodation; (b) subordination and superordination; +(c) accommodation groups; and (d) social organization. + +The term accommodation, as has been noted, developed as a +differentiation within the field of the biological concept of +adaptation. Ward's dictum that "the environment transforms the animal, +while man transforms the environment"[238] contained the distinction. +Thomas similarly distinguished between the animal with its method of +adaptation and man with his method of control. Bristol in his work on +_Social Adaptation_ is concerned, as the subtitle of the volume +indicates, "with the development of the doctrine of adaptation as a +theory of social progress." Of the several types of adaptation that he +proposes, however, all but the first represent accommodations. Baldwin, +though not the first to make the distinction, was the first student to +use the separate term accommodation. "By accommodation old habits are +broken up, and new co-ordinations are made which are more complex."[239] + +Baldwin suggested a division of accommodation into the three fields: +acclimatization, naturalization, and equilibrium. The term equilibrium +accurately describes the type of organization established by competition +between the different biological species and the environment, but not +the more permanent organizations of individuals and groups which we find +in human society. In human society equilibrium means organization. The +research upon acclimatization is considerable, although there is far +from unanimity of opinion in regard to its findings. + +Closely related to acclimatization but in the field of social +naturalization are the accommodations that take place in colonization +and immigration. In colonization the adjustment is not only to climatic +conditions but to the means of livelihood and habits of life required by +the new situation. Historic colonial settlements have most infrequently +been made in inhospitable areas, and that involved accommodations to +primitive peoples of different and generally lower cultural level than +the settlers. Professor Keller's work on _Colonization_ surveys the +differences in types of colonial ventures and describes the adjustments +involved. It includes also a valuable bibliography of the literature of +the subject. + +In immigration the accommodation to the economic situation and to the +folkways and mores of the native society are more important than in +colonization. The voluminous literature upon immigration deals but +slightly with the interesting accommodations of the newcomer to his new +environment. One of the important factors in the process, as emphasized +in the recent "Americanization Study" of the Carnegie Corporation, is +the immigrant community which serves as a mediating agency between the +familiar and the strange. The greater readiness of accommodation of +recent immigrants as compared with that of an earlier period has been +explained in terms of facilities of transportation, communication, and +even more in the mobility of employment in large-scale modern industry +with its minute subdivision of labor and its slight demand for skill and +training on the part of the employees. + +The more subtle forms of accommodation to new social situations have not +been subjected to analysis, although there is a small but important +number of studies upon homesickness. In fiction, to be sure, the +difficulties of the tenderfoot in the frontier community, or the awkward +rural lad in an urban environment and the _nouveau riche_ in their +successful entree among the social elite are often accuately and +sympathetically described. The recent immigrant autobiographies contain +materials which throw much new light on the situation of the immigrant +in process of accommodation to the American environment. + +The whole process of social organization is involved in the processes by +which persons find their places in groups and groups are articulated +into the life of the larger and more inclusive societies. The literature +on the taming of animals, the education of juveniles and adults, and on +social control belongs in this field. The writings on diplomacy, on +statescraft, and upon adjudication of disputes are also to be considered +here. The problem of the person whether in the narrow field of social +work or the broader fields of human relations is fundamentally a problem +of the adjustment of the person to his social milieu, to his family, to +his primary social groups, to industry, and to cultural, civic, and +religious institutions. The problems of community organization are for +the most part problems of accommodation, of articulation of groups +within the community and of the adjustment of the local Community to the +life of the wider community of which it is a part. + +Adjustments of personal and social relations in the past have been made +unreflectively and with a minimum of personal and social consciousness. +The extant literature reveals rather an insistent demand for these +accommodations than any systematic study of the processes by which the +accommodations take place. Simmel's observation upon subordination and +superordination is almost the only attempt that has been made to deal +with the subject from the point of view of sociology. + + +2. Subordination and Superordination + +Materials upon subordination and superordination may be found in the +literature under widely different names. Thorndike, McDougall, and +others have reported upon the original tendencies in the individual to +domination and submission or to self-assertion and self-abasement. +Veblen approaches nearer to a sociological explanation in his analysis +of the self-conscious attitudes of invidious comparison and conspicuous +waste in the leisure class. + +The application of our knowledge of rapport, esprit de corps, and morale +to an explanation of personal conduct and group behavior is one of the +most promising fields for future research. In the family, rapport and +consensus represent the most complete co-ordination of its members. The +life of the family should be studied intensively in order to define more +exactly the nature of the family consensus, the mechanism of family +rapport, and minor accommodations made to minimize conflict and to avert +tendencies to disintegration in the interest of this real unity. + +Strachey's _Life of Queen Victoria_ sketches an interesting case of +subordination and superordination in which the queen is the subordinate, +and her adroit but cynical minister, Disraeli, is the master. + +Future research will provide a more adequate sociology of subordination +and superordination. A survey of the present output of material upon the +nature and the effects of personal contacts reinforces the need for such +a fundamental study. The obsolete writings upon personal magnetism have +been replaced by the so-called "psychology of salesmanship," "scientific +methods of character reading," and "the psychology of leadership." The +wide sale of these books indicates the popular interest, quite as much +as the lack of any fundamental understanding of the technique of human +relations. + + +3. Accommodation Groups + +The field of investigation available for the study of accommodation +groups and their relation to conflict groups may perhaps be best +illustrated by the table on page 722. + +The existence of conflict groups like parties, sects, nationalities, +represents the area in any society of unstable equilibrium. +Accommodation groups, classes, castes, and denominations on the other +hand, represent in this same society the areas of stable equilibrium. A +boys' club carries on contests, under recognized rules, with similar +organizations. A denomination engages in fraternal rivalry with other +denominations for the advancement of common interests of the church +universal. A nation possesses status, rights, and responsibilities only +in a commonwealth of nations of which it is a member. + +Conflict Groups Accommodation Groups + +1. Gangs 1. Clubs +2. Labor organizations, employers' 2. Social classes, vocational + associations, middle-class unions, groups + tenant protective unions +3. Races 3. Castes +4. Sects 4. Denominations +5. Nationalities 5. Nations + +The works upon accommodation groups are concerned almost exclusively +with the principles, methods, and technique of organization. There are, +indeed, one or two important descriptive works upon secret organizations +in primitive and modern times. The books and articles, however, on +organized boys' groups deal with the plan of organization of Boy Scouts, +Boys' Brotherhood Republic, George Junior Republics, Knights of King +Arthur, and many other clubs of these types. They are not studies of +natural groups. + +The comparative study of social classes and vocational groups is an +unworked field. The differentiation of social types, especially in urban +life, and the complexity and subtlety of the social distinctions +separating social and vocational classes, opens a fruitful prospect for +investigation. Scattered through a wide literature, ranging from +official inquiries to works of fiction, there are, in occasional +paragraphs, pages, and chapters, observations of value. + +In the field of castes the work of research is well under way. The caste +system of India has been the subject of careful examination and +analysis. Sighele points out that the prohibition of intermarriage +observed in its most rigid and absolute form is a fundamental +distinction of the caste. If this be regarded as the fundamental +criterion, the Negro race in the United States occupies the position of +a caste. The prostitute, in America, until recently constituted a +separate caste. With the systematic breaking up of the segregated vice +districts in our great cities prostitution, as a caste, seems to have +disappeared. The place of the prostitute seems to have been occupied by +the demimondaine who lives on the outskirts of society but who is not by +any means an outcast. + +It is difficult to dissociate the materials upon nationalities from +those upon nations. The studies, however, of the internal organization +of the state, made to promote law and order, would come under the latter +head. Here, also, would be included studies of the extension of the +police power to promote the national welfare. In international relations +studies of international law, of international courts of arbitration, of +leagues or associations of nations manifest the increasing interest in +the accommodations that would avert or postpone conflicts of militant +nationalities. + +In the United States there is considerable literature upon church +federation and the community church. This literature is one expression +of the transition of the Protestant churches from sectarian bodies, +engaged in warfare for the support of distinctive doctrines and dogmas, +to co-operating denominations organized into the Federal Council of the +Churches of Christ in America. + + +4. Social Organization + +Until recently there has been more interest manifested in elaborating +theories of the stages in the evolution of society than in analyzing the +structure of different types of societies. Durkheim, however, in _De la +division du travail social_, indicated how the division of labor and the +social attitudes, or the mental accommodations to the life-situation, +shape social organization. Cooley, on the other hand, in his work +_Social Organization_ conceived the structure of society to be "the +larger mind," or an outgrowth of human nature and human ideals. + +The increasing number of studies of individual primitive communities has +furnished data for the comparative study of different kinds of social +organization. Schurtz, Vierkandt, Rivers, Lowie, and others in the last +twenty years have made important comparative studies in this field. The +work of these scholars has led to the abandonment of the earlier notions +of uniform evolutionary stages of culture in which all peoples, +primitive, ancient, and modern alike, might be classified. New light has +been thrown upon the actual accommodations in the small family, in the +larger family group, the clan, gens or sib, in the secret society, and +in the tribe which determined the patterns of life of primitive peoples +under different geographical and historical conditions. + +At the present time, the investigations of social organization of +current and popular interest have to do with the problems of social work +and of community life. "Community organization," "community action," +"know your own community" are phrases which express the practical +motives behind the attempts at community study. Such investigations as +have been made, with a few shining exceptions, the Pittsburgh Survey and +the community studies of the Russell Sage Foundation, have been +superficial. All, perhaps, have been tentative and experimental. The +community has not been studied from a fundamental standpoint. Indeed, +there was not available, as a background of method and of orientation, +any adequate analysis of social organization. + +A penetrating analysis of the social structure of a community must quite +naturally be based upon studies of human geography. Plant and animal +geography has been studied, but slight attention has been given to human +geography, that is, to the local distribution of persons who constitute +a community and the accommodations that are made because of the +consequent physical distances and social relationships. + +Ethnological and historical studies of individual communities furnish +valuable comparative materials for a treatise upon human ecology which +would serve as a guidebook for studies in community organization. C. J. +Galpin's _The Social Anatomy of an Agricultural Community_ is an example +of the recognition of ecological factors as basic in the study of social +organization. + +In the bibliography of this chapter is given a list of references to +certain of the experiments in community organization. Students should +study this literature in the light of the more fundamental studies of +types of social groups and studies of individual communities listed in +an earlier bibliography.[240] It is at once apparent that the rural +community has been more carefully studied than has the urban community. +Yet more experiments in community organization have been tried out in +the city than in the country. Reports upon social-center activities, +upon community councils, and other types of community organization have +tended to be enthusiastic rather than factual and critical. The most +notable experiment of community organization, the Social Unit Plan, +tried out in Cincinnati, was what the theatrical critics call a _succes +d'estime_, but after the experiment had been tried it was abandoned. +Control of conditions of community life is not likely to meet with +success unless based on an appreciation and understanding of human +nature on the one hand, and of the natural or ecological organization of +community life on the other. + + +SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY + + +I. THE PSYCHOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY OF ACCOMMODATION + + +A. _Accommodation Defined_ + +(1) Morgan, C. Lloyd, and Baldwin, J. Mark. Articles on "Accommodation +and Adaptation," _Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology_, I, 7-8, +14-15. + +(2) Baldwin, J. Mark. _Mental Development in the Child and the Race._ +Methods and processes. Chap, xvi, "Habit and Accommodation," pp. 476-88. +New York, 1895. + +(3) Simmel, Georg. _Soziologie._ Untersuchungen ueber die Formen der +Vergesellschaftung. "Kompromiss und Versoehnung," pp. 330-36. Leipzig, +1908. + +(4) Bristol, L. M. _Social Adaptation._ A study in the development of +the doctrine of adaptation as a theory of social progress. Cambridge, +Mass., 1915. + +(5) Ross, E. A. _Principles of Sociology._ "Toleration," "Compromise," +"Accommodation," pp. 225-34. New York, 1920. + +(6) Ritchie, David G. _Natural Rights._ A criticism of some political +and ethical conceptions. Chap. viii, "Toleration," pp. 157-209. London, +1895. + +(7) Morley, John. _On Compromise._ London, 1874. + +(8) Tardieu, E. "Le cynisme: etude psychologique," _Revue +philosophique_, LVII (1904), 1-28. + +(9) Jellinek, Georg. _Die Lehre von den Staatenverbindungen._ Berlin, +1882. + + +B. _Acclimatization and Colonization_ + +(1) Wallace, Alfred R. Article on "Acclimatization." _Encyclopaedia +Britannica_, I, 114-19. + +(2) Brinton, D. G. _The Basis of Social Relations._ A study in ethnic +psychology. Part II, chap. iv, "The Influence of Geographic +Environment," pp. 180-99. New York, 1902. + +(3) Ripley, W. Z. _The Races of Europe._ A sociological study. Chap. +xxi, "Acclimatization: the Geographical Future of the European Races," +pp. 560-89. New York, 1899. [Bibliography.] + +(4) Virchow, Rudolph. "Acclimatization," _Popular Science Monthly_, +XXVIII (1886), 507-17. + +(5) Boas, Franz. "Changes in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants," +_Report of Immigration Commission, 1907._ Washington, 1911. + +(6) Keller, Albert G. _Colonization._ A study of the founding of new +societies. Boston, 1908. [Bibliography.] + +(7) ----. "The Value of the Study of Colonies for Sociology," _American +Journal of Sociology_, XII (1906), 417-20. + +(8) Roscher, W., and Jannasch, R. _Kolonien, Kolonialpolitik und +Auswanderung._ 3d ed. Leipzig, 1885. + +(9) Leroy-Beaulieu, P. _De la colonisation chez les peuples modernes._ +5th ed., 2 vols. Paris, 1902. + +(10) Huntington, Ellsworth. _Civilization and Climate._ Chap. iii, "The +White Man in the Tropics," pp. 35-48. New Haven, 1915. + +(11) Ward, Robert De C. _Climate._ Considered especially in relation to +man. Chap. viii, "The Life of Man in the Tropics," pp. 220-71. New York, +1908. + +(12) Bryce, James. "British Experience in the Government of Colonies," +_Century_, LVII (1898-99), 718-29. + + +C. _Superordination and Subordination_ + +(1) Simmel, Georg. "Superiority and Subordination as Subject Matter of +Sociology," translated from the German by Albion W. Small, _American +Journal of Sociology_, II (1896-97), 167-89, 392-415. + +(2) Thorndike, E. L. _The Original Nature of Man._ "Mastering and +Submissive Behavior," pp. 92-97. New York, 1913. + +(3) McDougall, William. _An Introduction to Social Psychology._ "The +Instincts of Self-Abasement (or Subjection) and of Self-Assertion (or +Self-Display) and the Emotions of Subjection and Elation," pp. 62-66. +12th ed. Boston, 1917. + +(4) Muensterberg, Hugo. _Psychology, General and Applied._ Chap. xviii, +"Submission," pp. 254-64. New York, 1914. + +(5) Galton, Francis. _Inquiries into Human Faculty and Its Development._ +"Gregarious and Slavish Instincts," pp. 68-82. New York, 1883. + +(6) Ellis, Havelock. _Studies in the Psychology of Sex._ Vol. III, +"Analysis of the Sexual Impulse." "Sexual Subjection," pp. 60-71; 85-87. +Philadelphia, 1914. + +(7) Calhoun, Arthur W. _A Social History of the American Family._ From +colonial times to the present. Vol. II, "From Independence through the +Civil War." Chap. iv, "The Social Subordination of Woman," pp. 79-101. 3 +vols. Cincinnati, 1918. + +(8) Galton, Francis. "The First Steps toward the Domestication of +Animals," _Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London_, III, +122-38. + + +D. _Conversion_ + +(1) Starbuck, Edwin D. _The Psychology of Religion._ London, 1899. + +(2) James, William. _The Varieties of Religious Experience._ Lectures ix +and x, "Conversion," pp. 189-258. London, 1902. + +(3) Coe, George A. _The Psychology of Religion._ Chap. x, "Conversion," +pp. 152-74. Chicago, 1916. + +(4) Prince, Morton. "The Psychology of Sudden Religious Conversion," +_Journal of Abnormal Psychology_, I (1906-7), 42-54. + +(5) Tawney, G. A. "The Period of Conversion," _Psychological Review_, XI +(1904), 210-16. + +(6) Partridge, G. E. _Studies in the Psychology of Intemperance._ Pp. +152-63. New York, 1912. [Mental cures of alcoholism.] + +(7) Begbie, Harold. _Twice-born Men._ A clinic in regeneration. A +footnote in narrative to Professor William James's _The Varieties of +Religious Experience_. New York, 1909. + +(8) Burr, Anna R. _Religious Confessions and Confessants._ With a +chapter on the history of introspection. Boston, 1914. + +(9) Patterson, R. J. _Catch-My-Pal._ A story of Good Samaritanship. New +York, 1913. + +(10) Weber, John L. "A Modern Miracle, the Remarkable Conversion of +Former Governor Patterson of Tennessee," _Congregationalist_, XCIX +(1914), 6, 8. [See also "The Conversion of Governor Patterson," +_Literary Digest_, XLVIII (1914), 111-12.] + + +II. FORMS OF ACCOMMODATION + + +A. _Slavery_ + +(1) Letourneau, Ch. _L'evolution de l'esclavage dans les diverses races +humaines._ Paris, 1897. + +(2) Nieboer, Dr. H. J. _Slavery as an Industrial System._ Ethnological +researches. The Hague, 1900. [Bibliography.] + +(3) Wallon, H. _Historie de l'esclavage dans l'antiquite._ 2d ed., 3 +vols. Paris, 1879. + +(4) Sugenheim, S. _Geschichte der Aufhebung der Leibeigenschaft und +Hoerigkeit in Europa bis um die Mitte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts._ St. +Petersburg, 1861. + +(5) Edwards, Bryan. _The History, Civil and Commercial, of the British +Colonies in the West Indies._ 3 vols. London, 1793-1801. + +(6) Helps, Arthur. _Life of Las Casas, "the Apostle of the Indies."_ 5th +ed. London, 1890. + +(7) Phillips, Ulrich B. _American Negro Slavery._ A survey of the +supply, employment, and control of Negro labor as determined by the +plantation regime. New York, 1918. + +(8) ----. _Plantation and Frontier, 1649-1863._ Documentary history of +American industrial society. Vols. I-II. Cleveland, 1910-11. + +(9) _A Professional Planter._ Practical rules for the management and +medical treatment of Negro slaves in the Sugar Colonies. London, 1803. +[Excerpt in Phillips, U. B., _Plantation and Frontier_, I, 129-30.] + +(10) Russell, J. H. "Free Negro in Virginia, 1619-1865," _Johns Hopkins +University Studies in Historical and Political Science._ Baltimore, +1913. + +(11) Olmsted, F. L. _A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States._ With +remarks on their economy. New York, 1856. + +(12) Smedes, Susan D. _Memorials of a Southern Planter._ Baltimore, +1887. + +(13) Sartorius von Walterhausen, August. _Die Arbeitsverfassung der +englischen Kolonien in Nordamerika._ Strassburg, 1894. + +(14) Ballagh, James C. "A History of Slavery in Virginia," _Johns +Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science_. +Baltimore, 1902. + +(15) McCormac, E. I. "White Servitude in Maryland, 1634-1820," _Johns +Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science_. +Baltimore, 1904. + +(16) Kemble, Frances A. _Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation +in 1838-1839._ New York, 1863. + + +B. _Caste_ + +(1) Risley, Herbert H. _The People of India._ Calcutta and London, 1915. + +(2) ----. _India._ Ethnographic Appendices, being the data upon which +the caste chapter of the report is based. Appendix IV. Typical Tribes +and Castes. Calcutta, 1903. + +(3) Bougle, M. C. "Remarques generales sur le regime des castes," +_L'Annee sociologique_, IV (1899-1900), 1-64. + +(4) Crooke, W. "The Stability of Caste and Tribal Groups in India," +_Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, XLIV (1914), 270-81. + +(5) Bhattacharya, Jogendra Nath. _Hindu Castes and Sects._ An exposition +of the origin of the Hindu caste system and the bearing of the sects +toward each other and toward other religious systems. Calcutta, 1896. + +(6) Somlo, F. _Der Gueterverkehr in der Urgesellschaft._ "Zum Ursprung +der Kastenbildung," pp. 157-59. Instituts Solvay: Travaux de l'Institut +de Sociologie. _Notes et memoires_, Fascicule 8. Bruxelles, 1909. + +(7) Ratzel, Friedrich. _Voelkerkunde._ I, 81. 2d rev. ed. Leipzig and +Wien, 1894. [The origin of caste in the difference of occupation.] + +(8) Iyer, L. K. Anantha Krishna. _The Cochin Tribes and Castes._ London, +1909. + +(9) Bailey, Thomas P. _Race Orthodoxy in the South._ And other aspects +of the Negro question. New York, 1914. + + +C. _Classes_ + +(1) Buecher, Carl. _Industrial Evolution._ Translated from the 3d German +edition by S. Morley Wickett. Chap. ix, "Organization of Work and the +Formation of Social Classes," pp. 315-44. New York, 1907. + +(2) Hobhouse, L. T. _Morals in Evolution._ A study in comparative +ethics. Part I, chap. vii, "Class Relations," pp. 270-317. New York, +1915. + +(3) Schmoller, Gustav. _Grundriss der allgemeinen +Volkswirtschaftslehre._ Vol. I, Book II, chap. vi, "Die +gesellschaftliche Klassenbildung," pp. 391-411. 6. Aufl. Leipzig, 1901. + +(4) Cooley, Charles H. _Social Organization._ Part IV, "Social Classes," +pp. 209-309. New York, 1909. + +(5) Bauer, Arthur. "Les classes sociales," _Revue internationale de +sociologie_, XI (1903), 119-35; 243-58; 301-16; 398-413; 474-98; 576-87. +[Includes discussions at successive meetings of the Societe de +Sociologie de Paris by G. Tarde, Ch. Limousin, H. Monin, Rene Worms, E. +Delbet, L. Philippe, M. Coicou, H. Blondel, G. Pinet, P. Vavin, E. de +Roberty, G. Lafargue, M. le Gouix, M. Kovalewsky, I. Loutschisky, E. +Semenoff, Mme. de Mouromtzeff, R. de la Grasserie, E. Cheysson, D. +Draghicesco.] + +(6) Bougle, C. _Les idees egalitaires._ Etude sociologique. Paris, 1899. + +(7) Thomas, William I. _Source Book for Social Origins._ "The Relation +of the Medicine Man to the Origin of the Professional Occupations," pp. +281-303. Chicago, 1909. + +(8) Tarde, Gabriel. "L'heredite des professions," _Revue internationale +de sociologie_, VIII (1900), 50-59. [Discussion of the subject was +continued under the title "L'heredite et la continuite des professions," +pp. 117-24, 196-207.] + +(9) Knapp, Georg F. _Die Bauernbefreiung und der Ursprung der +Landarbeiter in den aelteren Theilen Preussens._ Leipzig, 1887. + +(10) Zimmern, Alfred E. _The Greek Commonwealth._ Politics and economics +in fifth-century Athens. Pp. 255-73, 323-47, 378-94. 2d rev. ed. Oxford, +1915. + +(11) Mallock, W. H. _Aristocracy and Evolution._ A study of the rights, +the origin, and the social functions of the wealthier classes. New York, +1898. + +(12) Veblen, Thorstein. _The Theory of the Leisure Class._ An economic +study in the evolution of institutions. New York, 1899. + +(13) D'Aeth, F. G. "Present Tendencies of Class Differentiation," +_Sociological Review_, III (1910), 267-76. + + +III. ACCOMMODATION AND ORGANIZATION + + +A. _Social Organization_ + +(1) Durkheim, E. _De la division du travail social._ 2d ed. Paris, 1902. + +(2) Cooley, Charles H. _Social Organization._ A study of the larger +mind. Part V, "Institutions," pp. 313-92. New York, 1909. + +(3) Salz, Arthur. "Zur Geschichte der Berufsidee," _Archiv fuer +Sozialwissenschaft_, XXXVII (1913), 380-423. + +(4) Rivers, W. H. R. _Kinship and Social Organization._ Studies in +economic and political science. London, 1914. + +(5) Schurtz, Heinrich. _Altersklassen und Maennerbuende._ Eine Darstellung +der Grundformen der Gesellschaft. Berlin, 1902. + +(6) Vierkandt, A. "Die politischen Verhaeltnisse der Naturvoelker," +_Zeitschrift fuer Sozialwissenschaft_, IV, 417-26, 497-510. + +(7) Lowie, Robert H. _Primitive Society._ Chap. x, "Associations," chap. +xi, "Theory of Associations," pp. 257-337. New York, 1920. + +(8) Zimmern, Alfred E. _The Greek Commonwealth._ Politics and economics +in fifth-century Athens. 2d rev. ed. Oxford, 1915. + +(9) Thomas, William I. _Source Book for Social Origins._ Ethnological +materials, psychological standpoint, classified and annotated +bibliographies for the interpretation of savage society. Part VII, +"Social Organization, Morals, the State," pp. 753-869. Chicago, 1909. +[Bibliography.] + + +B. _Secret Societies_ + +(1) Simmel, Georg. "The Sociology of Secrecy and of Secret Societies," +translated from the German by Albion W. Small, _American Journal of +Sociology_, XI (1905-6), 441-98. + +(2) Heckethorn, C. W. _The Secret Societies of All Ages and Countries._ +A comprehensive account of upwards of one hundred and sixty secret +organizations--religious, political, and social--from the most remote +ages down to the present time. New ed., rev. and enl., 2 vols. London, +1897. + +(3) Webster, Hutton. _Primitive Secret Societies._ A study in early +politics and religion. New York, 1908. + +(4) Schuster, G. _Die geheimen Gesellschaften, Verbindungen und Orden._ +2 vols. Leipzig, 1906. + +(5) Boas, Franz. "The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of +the Kwakiutl Indians," _U.S. National Museum, Annual Report, 1895_, pp. +311-738. Washington, 1897. + +(6) Frobenius, L. "Die Masken und Geheimbuende Afrikas," _Abhandlungen +der Kaiserlichen Leopoldinisch-Carolinischen deutschen Akademie der +Naturforscher_, LXXIV, 1-278. + +(7) Pfleiderer, Otto. _Primitive Christianity, Its Writings and +Teachings in Their Historical Connections._ Vol. III, chap, i, "The +Therapeutae and the Essenes," pp. 1-22. Translated from the German by W. +Montgomery. New York, 1910. + +(8) Jennings, Hargrave. _The Rosicrucians, Their Rites and Mysteries._ +3d rev. and enl. ed., 2 vols. London, 1887. + +(9) Stillson, Henry L., and Klein, Henri F. Article on "The Masonic +Fraternity," _The Americana_, XVIII, 383-89. [Bibliography.] + +(10) Johnston, R. M. _The Napoleonic Empire in Southern Italy and the +Rise of the Secret Societies._ Part II, "The Rise of the Secret +Societies," Vol. II, pp. 3-139, 153-55; especially chap. ii, "Origin and +Rites of the Carbonari," Vol. II, pp. 19-44. London, 1904. +[Bibliography.] + +(11) Fleming, Walter L. _Documentary History of Reconstruction._ Vol. +II, chap. xii, "The Ku Klux Movement," pp. 327-77. Cleveland, 1907. + +(12) Lester, J. C., and Wilson, D. L. _The Ku Klux Klan._ Its origin, +growth, and disbandment. With appendices containing the prescripts of +the Ku Klux Klan, specimen orders and warnings. With introduction and +notes by Walter L. Fleming. New York and Washington, 1905. + +(13) La Hodde, Lucien de. _The Cradle of Rebellions._ A history of the +secret societies of France. Translated from the French by J. W. Phelps. +New York, 1864. + +(14) Spadoni, D. _Sette, cospirazioni e cospiratori nello Stato +Pontificio all'indomani della restaurazioni._ Torino, 1904. + +(15) "Societies, Criminal," _The Americana_, XXV, 201-5. + +(16) Clark, Thomas A. _The Fraternity and the College._ Being a series +of papers dealing with fraternity problems. Menasha, Wis., 1915. + + +C. _Social Types_ + +(1) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and +America._ Monograph of an immigrant group. Vol. III, "Life Record of an +Immigrant." Boston, 1919. ["Introduction," pp. 5-88, analyzes and +interprets three social types: the philistine, the bohemian, and the +creative.] + +(2) Paulhan, Fr. _Les caracteres._ Livre II, "Les types determines par +les tendances sociales," pp. 143-89. Paris, 1902. + +(3) Rousiers, Paul de. _L'elite dans la societe moderne._ Son role, etc. +Paris, 1914. + +(4) Bradford, Gamaliel, Jr. _Types of American Character._ New York, +1895. + +(5) Kellogg, Walter G. _The Conscientious Objector._ Introduction by +Newton D. Baker. New York, 1919. + +(6) Hapgood, Hutchins. _Types from City Streets._ New York, 1910. + +(7) Bab, Julius. _Die Berliner Boheme._ Berlin, 1905. + +(8) Cory, H. E. _The Intellectuals and the Wage Workers._ A study in +educational psychoanalysis. New York, 1919. + +(9) Buchanan, J. R. _The Story of a Labor Agitator._ New York, 1903. + +(10) Taussig, F. W. _Inventors and Money-Makers._ New York, 1915. + +(11) Stoker, Bram. _Famous Impostors._ London, 1910. + + +D. _Community Organization_ + +(1) Galpin, Charles J. "Rural Relations of the Village and Small City," +_University of Wisconsin Bulletin No. 411._ + +(2) ----. _Rural Life._ Chaps. vii-xi, pp. 153-314. New York, 1918. + +(3) Hayes, A. W. _Rural Community Organization._ Chicago, 1921. [In +Press.] + +(4) Morgan, E. L. "Mobilizing a Rural Community," _Massachusetts +Agricultural College, Extension Bulletin No. 23._ Amherst, 1918. + +(5) "Rural Organization," _Proceedings of the Third National Country +Life Conference, Springfield, Massachusetts, 1920._ Chicago, 1921. + +(6) Hart, Joseph K. _Community Organization._ New York, 1920. + +(7) _National Social Unit Organization, Bulletins 1, 2, 2a, 3, 4, 5._ +Cincinnati, 1917-19. + +(8) Devine, Edward T. "Social Unit in Cincinnati," _Survey_, XLIII +(1919), 115-26. + +(9) Hicks, Mary L., and Eastman, Rae S. "Block Workers as Developed +under the Social Unit Experiment in Cincinnati," _Survey_ XLIV (1920), +671-74. + +(10) Ward, E. J. _The Social Center._ New York, 1913. [Bibliography.] + +(11) Collier, John. "Community Councils--Democracy Every Day," _Survey_, +XL (1918), 604-6; 689-91; 709-11. [Describes community defense +organizations formed in rural and urban districts during the war.] + +(12) Weller, Charles F. "Democratic Community Organization," An +after-the-war experiment in Chester, _Survey_, XLIV (1920), 77-79. + +(13) Rainwater, Clarence E. _Community Organization._ Sociological +Monograph No. 15, University of Southern California. Los Angeles, 1920. +[Bibliography.] + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. Biological Accommodation and Social Accommodation. + +2. Acclimatization as Accommodation. + +3. The Psychology of Accommodation. + +4. Conversion as a Form of Accommodation: A Study of Mutations of +Attitudes in Religion, Politics, Morals, Personal Relation, etc. + +5. The Psychology and Sociology of Homesickness and Nostalgia. + +6. Conflict and Accommodation: War and Peace, Enmity and Conciliation, +Rivalry and Status. + +7. Compromise as a Form of Accommodation. + +8. The Subtler Forms of Accommodation: Flattery, "Front," Ceremony, etc. + +9. The Organization of Attitudes in Accommodation: Prestige, Taboo, +Rapport, Prejudice, Fear, etc. + +10. Slavery, Caste, and Class as Forms of Accommodation. + +11. The Description and Analysis of Typical Examples of Accommodation: +the Political "Boss" and the Voter, Physician and Patient, the Coach and +the Members of the Team, the Town Magnate and His Fellow-Citizens, "The +Four Hundred" and "Hoi Polloi," etc. + +12. Social Solidarity as the Organization of Competing Groups. + +13. Division of Labor as a Form of Accommodation. + +14. A Survey of Historical Types of the Family in Terms of the Changes +in Forms of Subordination and Superordination of Its Members. + +15. Social Types as Accommodations: the Quack Doctor, the Reporter, the +Strike Breaker, the Schoolteacher, the Stockbroker, etc. + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. How do you distinguish between biological adaptation and social +accommodation? + +2. Is domestication biological adaptation or accommodation? + +3. Give illustrations of acclimatization as a form of accommodation. + +4. Discuss phenomena of colonization with reference to accommodation. + +5. What is the relation of lonesomeness to accommodation? + +6. Do you agree with Nieboer's definition of slavery? Is the slave a +person? If so, to what extent? How would you compare the serf with the +slave in respect to his status? + +7. To what extent do slavery and caste as forms of accommodation rest +upon (a) physical force, (b) mental attitudes? + +8. What is the psychology of subordination and superordination? + +9. What do you understand to be the relation of suggestion and rapport +to subordination and superordination? + +10. What is meant by a person "knowing his place"? + +11. How do you explain the attitude of "the old servant" to society? Do +you agree with her in lamenting the change in attitude of persons +engaged in domestic service? + +12. What types of the subtler forms of accommodation occur to you? + +13. What arguments would you advance for the proposition that the +relation of superiority and inferiority is reciprocal? + +14. "All leaders are also led, as in countless cases the master is the +slave of his slaves." Explain. + +15. What illustrations, apart from the text, occur to you of reciprocal +relations in superiority and subordination? + +16. What do you understand to be the characteristic differences of the +three types of superordination and subordination? + +17. How would you classify the following groups according to these three +types: the patriarchal family, the modern family, England from 1660 to +1830, manufacturing enterprise, labor union, army, boys' gang, boys' +club, Christianity, humanitarian movement? + +18. What do you think Simmel means by the term "accommodation"? + +19. How is accommodation related to peace? + +20. Does accommodation end struggle? + +21. In what sense does commerce imply accommodation? + +22. What type of interaction is involved in compromise? What +illustrations would you suggest to bring out your point? + +23. Does compromise make for progress? + +24. Is a compromise better or worse than either or both of the proposals +involved in it? + +25. What, in your judgment, is the relation of personal competition to +the division of labor? + +26. What examples of division of labor outside the economic field would +you suggest? + +27. What do you understand to be the relation of personal competition +and group competition? + +28. In what different ways does status (a) grow out of, and (b) +prevent, the processes of personal competition and group competition? + +29. To what extent, at the present time, is success in life determined +by personal competition, and social selection by status? + +30. In what ways does the division of labor make for social solidarity? + +31. What is the difference between social solidarity based upon +like-mindedness and based upon diverse-mindedness? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[221] _Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology_, I, 15, 8. + +[222] _Social Organization_, p. 4. + +[223] A teacher in the public schools of Chicago came in possession of +the following letter written to a friend in Mississippi by a Negro boy +who had come to the city from the South two months previously. It +illustrates his rapid accommodation to the situation including the +hostile Irish group (the Wentworth Avenue "Mickeys"). + + Dear leon I write to you--to let you hear from me--Boy you + don't know the time we have with Sled. it Snow up here Regular. + We Play foot Ball. But Now we have So much Snow we don't Play + foot Ball any More. We Ride on Sled. Boy I have a Sled call The + king of The hill and She king to. tell Mrs. Sara that Coln + Roscoe Conklin Simon Spoke at St Mark the church we Belong to. + + Gus I havnt got chance to Beat But to Boy. Sack we show Runs + them Mickeys. Boy them scoundle is bad on Wentworth Avenue. + + Add 3123a Breton St Chi ill. + +[224] From Daniel G. Brinton, _The Basis of Social Relations_, pp. +194-99. (Courtesy of G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London, 1902.) + +[225] From Dr. H. J. Nieboer, _Slavery as an Industrial System_, pp. +1-7. (Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, 1910.) + +[226] From Matthew G. Lewis, _Journal of a West India Proprietor_, pp. +60-337. (John Murray, 1834.) + +[227] From "Modern Theories of Caste: Mr. Nesfield's Theory," Appendix +V, in Sir Herbert Risley, _The People of India_, pp. 407-8. (W. Thacker +& Co., 1915.) + +[228] From Sir Herbert Risley, _The People of India_, pp. 130-39. (W. +Thacker & Co., 1915.) + +[229] From Hugo Muensterberg, _Psychology, General and Applied_, pp. +259-64, (D. Appleton & Co., 1914.) + +[230] Adapted from _Domestic Service_, by An Old Servant, pp. 10-110. +(Houghton Mifflin Co., 1917.) + +[231] Adapted from a translation of Georg Simmel by Albion W. Small, +"Superiority and Subordination," in the _American Journal of Sociology_, +II (1896-97), 169-71. + +[232] Adapted from a translation of Georg Simmel by Albion W. Small, +"Superiority and Subordination," in the _American Journal of Sociology_, +II (1896-97), 172-86. + +[233] Adapted from a translation of Georg Simmel by Albion W. Small, +"The Sociology of Conflict," in the _American Journal of Sociology_, IX +(1903-4), 799-802. + +[234] Adapted from a translation of Georg Simmel by Albion W. Small, +"The Sociology of Conflict," in the _American Journal of Sociology_, IX +(1903-4), 804-6. + +[235] Adapted from Charles H. Cooley, "Personal Competition," in +_Economic Studies_, IV (1899), No. 2, 78-86. + +[236] From Robert E. Park, "The City," in the _American Journal of +Sociology_, XX (1915), 584-86. + +[237] Translated and adapted from Emile Durkheim, _La division du +travail social_, pp. 24-209. (Felix Alcan, 1902.) + +[238] _Pure Sociology_, p. 16. + +[239] _Mental Development in the Child and the Race_, p. 23. + +[240] _Supra_, pp. 218-19. + + + + +CHAPTER XI + +ASSIMILATION + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. Popular Conceptions of Assimilation + +The concept assimilation, so far as it has been defined in popular +usage, gets its meaning from its relation to the problem of immigration. +The more concrete and familiar terms are the abstract noun +Americanization and the verbs Americanize, Anglicize, Germanize, and the +like. All of these words are intended to describe the process by which +the culture of a community or a country is transmitted to an adopted +citizen. Negatively, assimilation is a process of denationalization, and +this is, in fact, the form it has taken in Europe. + +The difference between Europe and America, in relation to the problem of +cultures, is that in Europe difficulties have arisen from the forcible +incorporation of minor cultural groups, i.e., nationalities, within the +limits of a larger political unit, i.e., an empire. In America the +problem has arisen from the voluntary migration to this country of +peoples who have abandoned the political allegiances of the old country +and are gradually acquiring the culture of the new. In both cases the +problem has its source in an effort to establish and maintain a +political order in a community that has no common culture. Fundamentally +the problem of maintaining a democratic form of government in a southern +village composed of whites and blacks, and the problem of maintaining an +international order based on anything but force are the same. The +ultimate basis of the existing moral and political order is still +kinship and culture. Where neither exist, a political order, not based +on caste or class, is at least problematic. + +Assimilation, as popularly conceived in the United States, was expressed +symbolically some years ago in Zangwill's dramatic parable of _The +Melting Pot_. William Jennings Bryan has given oratorical expression to +the faith in the beneficent outcome of the process: "Great has been the +Greek, the Latin, the Slav, the Celt, the Teuton, and the Saxon; but +greater than any of these is the American, who combines the virtues of +them all." + +Assimilation, as thus conceived, is a natural and unassisted process, +and practice, if not policy, has been in accord with this laissez faire +conception, which the outcome has apparently justified. In the United +States, at any rate, the tempo of assimilation has been more rapid than +elsewhere. + +Closely akin to this "magic crucible" notion of assimilation is the +theory of "like-mindedness." This idea was partly a product of Professor +Giddings' theory of sociology, partly an outcome of the popular notion +that similarities and homogeneity are identical with unity. The ideal of +assimilation was conceived to be that of feeling, thinking, and acting +alike. Assimilation and socialization have both been described in these +terms by contemporary sociologists. + +Another and a different notion of assimilation or Americanization is +based on the conviction that the immigrant has contributed in the past +and may be expected in the future to contribute something of his own in +temperament, culture, and philosophy of life to the future American +civilization. This conception had its origin among the immigrants +themselves, and has been formulated and interpreted by persons who are, +like residents in social settlements, in close contact with them. This +recognition of the diversity in the elements entering into the cultural +process is not, of course, inconsistent with the expectation of an +ultimate homogeneity of the product. It has called attention, at any +rate, to the fact that the process of assimilation is concerned with +differences quite as much as with likenesses. + + +2. The Sociology of Assimilation + +Accommodation has been described as a process of adjustment, that is, an +organization of social relations and attitudes to prevent or to reduce +conflict, to control competition, and to maintain a basis of security in +the social order for persons and groups of divergent interests and types +to carry on together their varied life-activities. Accommodation in the +sense of the composition of conflict is invariably the goal of the +political process. + +Assimilation is a process of interpenetration and fusion in which +persons and groups acquire the memories, sentiments, and attitudes of +other persons or groups, and, by sharing their experience and history, +are incorporated with them in a common cultural life. In so far as +assimilation denotes this sharing of tradition, this intimate +participation in common experiences, assimilation is central in the +historical and cultural processes. + +This distinction between accommodation and assimilation, with reference +to their role in society, explains certain significant formal +differences between the two processes. An accommodation of a conflict, +or an accommodation to a new situation, may take place with rapidity. +The more intimate and subtle changes involved in assimilation are more +gradual. The changes that occur in accommodation are frequently not only +sudden but revolutionary, as in the mutation of attitudes in conversion. +The modifications of attitudes in the process of assimilation are not +only gradual, but moderate, even if they appear considerable in their +accumulation over a long period of time. If mutation is the symbol for +accommodation, growth is the metaphor for assimilation. In accommodation +the person or the group is generally, though not always, highly +conscious of the occasion, as in the peace treaty that ends the war, in +the arbitration of an industrial controversy, in the adjustment of the +person to the formal requirements of life in a new social world. In +assimilation the process is typically unconscious; the person is +incorporated into the common life of the group before he is aware and +with little conception of the course of events which brought this +incorporation about. + +James has described the way in which the attitude of the person changes +toward certain subjects, woman's suffrage, for example, not as the +result of conscious reflection, but as the outcome of the unreflective +responses to a series of new experiences. The intimate associations of +the family and of the play group, participation in the ceremonies of +religious worship and in the celebrations of national holidays, all +these activities transmit to the immigrant and to the alien a store of +memories and sentiments common to the native-born, and these memories +are the basis of all that is peculiar and sacred in our cultural life. + +As social contact initiates interaction, assimilation is its final +perfect product. The nature of the social contacts is decisive in the +process. Assimilation naturally takes place most rapidly where contacts +are primary, that is, where they are the most intimate and intense, as +in the area of touch relationship, in the family circle and in intimate +congenial groups. Secondary contacts facilitate accommodations, but do +not greatly promote assimilation. The contacts here are external and too +remote. + +A common language is indispensable for the most intimate association of +the members of the group; its absence is an insurmountable barrier to +assimilation. The phenomenon "that every group has its own language," +its peculiar "universe of discourse," and its cultural symbols is +evidence of the interrelation between communication and assimilation. + +Through the mechanisms of imitation and suggestion, communication +effects a gradual and unconscious modification of the attitudes and +sentiments of the members of the group. The unity thus achieved is not +necessarily or even normally like-mindedness; it is rather a unity of +experience and of orientation, out of which may develop a community of +purpose and action. + + +3. Classification of the Materials + +The selections in the materials on assimilation have been arranged under +three heads: (a) biological aspects of assimilation; (b) the +conflict and fusion of cultures; and (c) Americanization as a problem +in assimilation. The readings proceed from an analysis of the nature of +assimilation to a survey of its processes, as they have manifested +themselves historically, and finally to a consideration of the problems +of Americanization. + +a) _Biological aspects of assimilation._--Assimilation is to be +distinguished from amalgamation, with which it is, however, closely +related. Amalgamation is a biological process, the fusion of races by +interbreeding and intermarriage. Assimilation, on the other hand, is +limited to the fusion of cultures. Miscegenation, or the mingling of +races, is a universal phenomenon among the historical races. There are +no races, in other words, that do not interbreed. Acculturation, or the +transmission of cultural elements from one social group to another, +however, has invariably taken place on a larger scale and over a wider +area than miscegenation. + +Amalgamation, while it is limited to the crossing of racial traits +through intermarriage, naturally promotes assimilation or the +cross-fertilization of social heritages. The offspring of a "mixed" +marriage not only biologically inherits physical and temperamental +traits from both parents, but also acquires in the nurture of family +life the attitudes, sentiments, and memories of both father and mother. +Thus amalgamation of races insures the conditions of primary social +contacts most favorable for assimilation. + +b) _The conflict and fusion of cultures._--The survey of the process +of what the ethnologists call _acculturation_, as it is exhibited +historically in the conflicts and fusions of cultures, indicates the +wide range of the phenomena in this field. + +(1) Social contact, even when slight or indirect, is sufficient for the +transmission from one cultural group to another of the material elements +of civilization. Stimulants and firearms spread rapidly upon the +objective demonstration of their effects. The potato, a native of +America, has preceded the white explorer in its penetration into many +areas of Africa. + +(2) The changes in languages in the course of the contacts, conflicts, +and fusions of races and nationalities afford data for a more adequate +description of the process of assimilation. Under what conditions does a +ruling group impose its speech upon the masses, or finally capitulate to +the vulgar tongue of the common people? In modern times the +printing-press, the book, and the newspaper have tended to fix +languages. The press has made feasible language revivals in connection +with national movements on a scale impossible in earlier periods. + +The emphasis placed upon language as a medium of cultural transmission +rests upon a sound principle. For the idioms, particularly of a spoken +language, probably reflect more accurately the historical experiences of +a people than history itself. The basis of unity among most historical +peoples is linguistic rather than racial. The Latin peoples are a +convenient example of this fact. The experiment now in progress in the +Philippine Islands is significant in this connection. To what extent +will the national and cultural development of those islands be +determined by native temperament, by Spanish speech and tradition, or by +the English language and the American school system? + +(3) Rivers in his study of Melanesian and Hawaiian cultures was +impressed by the persistence of fundamental elements of the social +structure. The basic patterns of family and social life remained +practically unmodified despite profound transformations in technique, +in language, and in religion. Evidently many material devices and formal +expressions of an alien society can be adopted without significant +changes in the native culture. + +The question, however, may be raised whether or not the complete +adoption of occidental science and organization of industry would not +produce far-reaching changes in social organization. The trend of +economic, social, and cultural changes in Japan will throw light on this +question. Even if revolutionary social changes actually occur, the point +may well be made that they will be the outcome of the new economic +system, and therefore not effects of acculturation. + +(4) The rapidity and completeness of assimilation depends directly upon +the intimacy of social contact. By a curious paradox, slavery, and +particularly household slavery, has probably been, aside from +intermarriage, the most efficient device for promoting assimilation. + +Adoption and initiation among primitive peoples provided a ceremonial +method for inducting aliens and strangers into the group, the +significance of which can only be understood after a more adequate study +of ceremonial in general. + +c) _Americanization as a problem of assimilation._--Any consideration +of policies, programs, and methods of Americanization gain perspective +when related to the sociology of assimilation. The "Study of Methods of +Americanization," of the Carnegie Corporation, defines Americanization +as "the participation of the immigrant in the life of the community in +which he lives." From this standpoint participation is both the medium +and the goal of assimilation. Participation of the immigrant in American +life in any area of life prepares him for participation in every other. +What the immigrant and the alien need most is an opportunity for +participation. Of first importance, of course, is the language. In +addition he needs to know how to use our institutions for his own +benefit and protection. But participation, to be real, must be +spontaneous and intelligent, and that means, in the long run, that the +immigrant's life in America must be related to the life he already +knows. Not by the suppression of old memories, but by their +incorporation in his new life is assimilation achieved. The failure of +conscious, coercive policies of denationalization in Europe and the +great success of the early, passive phase of Americanization in this +country afford in this connection an impressive contrast. It follows +that assimilation cannot be promoted directly, but only indirectly, that +is, by supplying the conditions that make for participation. + +There is no process but life itself that can effectually wipe out the +immigrant's memory of his past. The inclusion of the immigrant in our +common life may perhaps be best reached, therefore, in co-operation that +looks not so much to the past as to the future. The second generation of +the immigrant may share fully in our memories, but practically all that +we can ask of the foreign-born is participation in our ideals, our +wishes, and our common enterprises. + + +II. MATERIALS + +A. BIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF ASSIMILATION + + +1. Assimilation and Amalgamation[241] + +Writers on historical and social science are just beginning to turn +their attention to the large subject of social assimilation. That the +subject has until recently received little attention is readily seen by +a mere glance at the works of our leading sociologists and historians. +The word itself rarely appears; and when the theme is touched upon, no +clearly defined, stable idea seems to exist, even in the mind of the +author. Thus Giddings at one time identifies assimilation with +"reciprocal accommodation." In another place he defines it as "the +process of growing alike," and once again he tells us it is the method +by which foreigners in the United States society become Americans. Nor +are M. Novicow's ideas on the subject perfectly lucid, for he considers +assimilation sometimes as a _process_, at other times as an _art_, and +again as a _result_. He makes the term "denationalization" coextensive +with our "assimilation," and says that the ensemble of measures which a +government takes for inducing a population to abandon one type of +culture for another is denationalization. Denationalization by the +authority of the state carries with it a certain amount of coercion; it +is always accompanied by a measure of violence. In the next sentence, +however, we are told that the word "denationalization" may also be used +for the non-coercive _process_ by which one nationality is assimilated +with another. M. Novicow further speaks of the _art_ of assimilation, +and he tells us that the _result_ of the intellectual struggle between +races living under the same government, whether free or forced, is in +every case assimilation. Burgess also takes a narrow view of the +subject, restricting the operation of assimilating forces to the present +and considering assimilation a result of modern political union. He +says: "In modern times the political union of different races under the +leadership of the dominant race results in assimilation." + +From one point of view assimilation is a process with its active and +passive elements; from another it is a result. In this discussion, +however, assimilation is considered as a process due to prolonged +contact. It may, perhaps, be defined as that process of adjustment or +accommodation which occurs between the members of two different races, +if their contact is prolonged and if the necessary psychic conditions +are present. The result is group homogeneity to a greater or less +degree. Figuratively speaking, it is the process by which the +aggregation of peoples is changed from a mere mechanical mixture into a +chemical compound. + +The process of assimilation is of a psychological rather than of a +biological nature, and refers to the growing alike in character, +thoughts, and institutions, rather than to the blood-mingling brought +about by intermarriage. The intellectual results of the process of +assimilation are far more lasting than the physiological. Thus in France +today, though nineteen-twentieths of the blood is that of the aboriginal +races, the language is directly derived from that imposed by the Romans +in their conquest of Gaul. Intermarriage, the inevitable result to a +greater or less extent of race contact, plays its part in the process of +assimilation, but mere mixture of races will not cause assimilation. +Moreover, assimilation is possible, partially at least, without +intermarriage. Instances of this are furnished by the partial +assimilation of the Negro and the Indian of the United States. Thinkers +are beginning to doubt the great importance once attributed to +intermarriage as a factor in civilization. Says Mayo-Smith, "It is not +in unity of blood but in unity of institutions and social habits and +ideals that we are to seek that which we call nationality," and +nationality is the result of assimilation. + + +2. The Instinctive Basis of Assimilation[242] + +It is a striking fact that among animals there are some whose conduct +can be generalized very readily in the categories of self-preservation, +nutrition, and sex, while there are others whose conduct cannot be thus +summarized. The behavior of the tiger and the cat is simple and easily +comprehensible, whereas that of the dog with his conscience, his humor, +his terror of loneliness, his capacity for devotion to a brutal master, +or that of the bee with her selfless devotion to the hive, furnishes +phenomena which no sophistry can assimilate without the aid of a fourth +instinct. But little examination will show that the animals whose +conduct it is difficult to generalize under the three primitive +instinctive categories are gregarious. If, then, it can be shown that +gregariousness is of a biological significance approaching in importance +that of the other instincts we may expect to find in it the source of +these anomalies of conduct, and of the complexity of human behavior. + +Gregariousness seems frequently to be regarded as a somewhat superficial +character, scarcely deserving, as it were, the name of an instinct, +advantageous, it is true, but not of fundamental importance or likely to +be deeply ingrained in the inheritance of the species. This attitude may +be due to the fact that among mammals, at any rate, the appearance of +gregariousness has not been accompanied by any very gross physical +changes which are obviously associated with it. + +To whatever it may be due, this method of regarding the social habit is, +in the opinion of the present writer, not justified by the facts, and +prevents the attainment of conclusions of considerable fruitfulness. + +A study of bees and ants shows at once how fundamental the importance of +gregariousness may become. The individual in such communities is +completely incapable, often physically, of existing apart from the +community, and this fact at once gives rise to the suspicion that, even +in communities less closely knit than those of the ant and the bee, the +individual may in fact be more dependent on communal life than appears +at first sight. + +Another very striking piece of general evidence of the significance of +gregariousness as no mere late acquirement is the remarkable coincidence +of its occurrence with that of exceptional grades of intelligence or +the possibility of very complex reactions to environment. It can +scarcely be regarded as an unmeaning accident that the dog, the horse, +the ape, the elephant, and man are all social animals. The instances of +the bee and the ant are perhaps the most amazing. Here the advantages of +gregariousness seem actually to outweigh the most prodigious differences +of structure, and we find a condition which is often thought of as a +mere habit, capable of enabling the insect nervous system to compete in +the complexity of its power of adaptation with that of the higher +vertebrates. + +From the biological standpoint the probability of gregariousness being a +primitive and fundamental quality in man seems to be considerable. It +would appear to have the effect of enlarging the advantages of +variation. Varieties not immediately favorable, varieties departing +widely from the standard, varieties even unfavorable to the individual, +may be supposed to be given by it a chance of survival. Now the course +of the development of man seems to present many features incompatible +with its having proceeded among isolated individuals exposed to the +unmodified action of natural selection. Changes so serious as the +assumption of the upright posture, the reduction in the jaw and its +musculature, the reduction in the acuity of smell and hearing, demand, +if the species is to survive, either a delicacy of adjustment with the +compensatingly developing intelligence so minute as to be almost +inconceivable, or the existence of some kind of protective enclosure, +however imperfect, in which the varying individuals may be sheltered +from the direct influence of natural selection. The existence of such a +mechanism would compensate losses of physical strength in the individual +by the greatly increased strength of the larger unit, of the unit, that +is to say, upon which natural selection still acts unmodified. + +The cardinal quality of the herd is homogeneity. It is clear that the +great advantage of the social habit is to enable large numbers to act as +one, whereby in the case of the hunting gregarious animal strength in +pursuit and attack is at once increased beyond that of the creatures +preyed upon, and in protective socialism the sensitiveness of the new +unit to alarms is greatly in excess of that of the individual member of +the flock. + +To secure these advantages of homogeneity, it is evident that the +members of the herd must possess sensitiveness to the behavior of their +fellows. The individual isolated will be of no meaning; the individual +as part of the herd will be capable of transmitting the most potent +impulses. Each member of the flock tending to follow his neighbor, and +in turn to be followed, each is in some sense capable of leadership; but +no lead will be followed that departs widely from normal behavior. A +lead will only be followed from its resemblance to the normal. If the +leader go so far ahead as definitely to cease to be in the herd, he will +necessarily be ignored. + +The original in conduct, that is to say, resistiveness to the voice of +the herd, will be suppressed by natural selection; the wolf which does +not follow the impulses of the herd will be starved; the sheep which +does not respond to the flock will be eaten. + +Again, not only will the individual be responsive to impulses coming +from the herd but he will treat the herd as his normal environment. The +impulse to be in and always to remain with the herd will have the +strongest instinctive weight. Anything which tends to separate him from +his fellows, as soon as it becomes perceptible as such, will be strongly +resisted. + +So far we have regarded the gregarious animal objectively. Let us now +try to estimate the mental aspects of these impulses. Suppose a species +in possession of precisely the instinctive endowments which we have been +considering to be also self-conscious, and let us ask what will be the +forms under which these phenomena will present themselves in its mind. +In the first place, it is quite evident that impulses derived from herd +feeling will enter the mind with the value of instincts--they will +present themselves as "a priori syntheses of the most perfect sort +needing no proof but their own evidence." They will not, however, it is +important to remember, necessarily always give this quality to the same +specific acts, but will show this great distinguishing characteristic +that they may give to any opinion whatever the characters of instinctive +belief, making it into an "a priori synthesis"; so that we shall expect +to find acts which it would be absurd to look upon as the results of +specific instincts carried out with all the enthusiasm of instinct and +displaying all the marks of instinctive behavior. + +In interpreting into mental terms the consequences of gregariousness we +may conveniently begin with the simplest. The conscious individual will +feel an unanalysable primary sense of comfort in the actual presence of +his fellows and a similar sense of discomfort in their absence. It will +be obvious truth to him that it is not good for man to be alone. +Loneliness will be a real terror insurmountable by reason. + +Again, certain conditions will become secondarily associated with +presence with, or absence from, the herd. For example, take the +sensations of heat and cold. The latter is prevented in gregarious +animals by close crowding and experienced in the reverse condition; +hence it comes to be connected in the mind with separation and so +acquires altogether unreasonable associations of harmfulness. Similarly, +the sensation of warmth is associated with feelings of the secure and +salutary. + +Slightly more complex manifestations of the same tendency to homogeneity +are seen in the desire for identification with the herd in matters of +opinion. Here we find the biological explanation of the ineradicable +impulse mankind has always displayed toward segregation into classes. +Each one of us in his opinions, and his conduct, in matters of dress, +amusement, religion, and politics, is compelled to obtain the support of +a class, of a herd within the herd. The most eccentric in opinion or +conduct is, we may be sure, supported by the agreement of a class, the +smallness of which accounts for his apparent eccentricity, and the +preciousness of which accounts for his fortitude in defying general +opinion. Again, anything which tends to emphasize difference from the +herd is unpleasant. In the individual mind there will be an analysable +dislike of the novel in action or thought. It will be "wrong," "wicked," +"foolish," "undesirable," or, as we say, "bad form," according to +varying circumstances which we can already to some extent define. + +Manifestations relatively more simple are shown in the dislike of being +conspicuous, in shyness, and in stage fright. It is, however, +sensitiveness to the behavior of the herd which has the most important +effects upon the structure of the mind of the gregarious animal. This +sensitiveness is, as Sidis has clearly seen, closely associated with the +suggestibility of the gregarious animal, and therefore with that of man. +The effect of it will clearly be to make acceptable those suggestions +which come from the herd, and those only. It is of especial importance +to note that this suggestibility is not general, and that it is only +herd suggestions which are rendered acceptable by the action of +instinct. + + +B. THE CONFLICT AND FUSION OF CULTURES + + +1. The Analysis of Blended Cultures[243] + +In the analysis of any culture, a difficulty which soon meets the +investigator is that he has to determine what is due to mere contact and +what is due to intimate intermixture, such intermixture, for instance, +as is produced by the permanent blending of one people with another, +either through warlike invasion or peaceful settlement. The fundamental +weakness of most of the attempts hitherto made to analyze existing +cultures is that they have had their starting-point in the study of +material objects, and the reason for this is obvious. Owing to the fact +that material objects can be collected by anyone and subjected at +leisure to prolonged study by experts, our knowledge of the distribution +of material objects and of the technique of their manufacture has very +far outrun that of the less material elements. What I wish now to point +out is that in distinguishing between the effects of mere contact and +the intermixture of peoples, material objects are the least trustworthy +of all the constituents of culture. Thus in Melanesia we have the +clearest evidence that material objects and processes can spread by mere +contact, without any true admixture of peoples and without influence on +other features of the culture. While the distribution of material +objects is of the utmost importance in suggesting at the outset +community of culture, and while it is of equal importance in the final +process of determining points of contact and in filling in the details +of the mixture of cultures, it is the least satisfactory guide to the +actual blending of peoples which must form the solid foundation of the +ethnological analysis of culture. The case for the value of +magico-religious institutions is not much stronger. Here, again, in +Melanesia there is little doubt that whole cults can pass from one +people to another without any real intermixture of peoples. I do not +wish to imply that such religious institutions can pass from people to +people with the ease of material objects, but to point out that there is +evidence that they can and do so pass with very little, if any, +admixture of peoples or of the deeper and more fundamental elements of +the culture. Much more important is language; and if you will think over +the actual conditions when one people either visit or settle among +another, this greater importance will be obvious. Let us imagine a party +of Melanesians visiting a Polynesian island, staying there for a few +weeks, and then returning home (and here I am not taking a fictitious +occurrence, but one which really happens). We can readily understand +that the visitors may take with them their betel-mixture, and thereby +introduce the custom of betel-chewing into a new home; we can readily +understand that they may introduce an ornament to be worn in the nose +and another to be worn on the chest; that tales which they tell will be +remembered, and dances they perform will be imitated. A few Milanesian +words may pass into the language of the Polynesian island, especially as +names for the objects or processes which the strangers have introduced; +but it is incredible that the strangers should thus in a short visit +produce any extensive change in the vocabulary, and still more that they +should modify the structure of the language. Such changes can never be +the result of mere contact or transient settlement but must always +indicate a far more deeply seated and fundamental process of blending of +peoples and cultures. + +Few will perhaps hesitate to accept this position; but I expect my next +proposition to meet with more skepticism, and yet I believe it to be +widely, though not universally, true. This proposition is that the +social structure, the framework of society, is still more fundamentally +important and still less easily changed except as the result of the +intimate blending of peoples, and for that reason furnishes by far the +firmest foundation on which to base the process of analysis of culture. +I cannot hope to establish the truth of this proposition in the course +of a brief address, and I propose to draw your attention to one line of +evidence only. + +At the present moment we have before our eyes an object-lesson in the +spread of our own people over the earth's surface, and we are thus able +to study how external influence affects different elements of culture. +What we find is that mere contact is able to transmit much in the way of +material culture. A passing vessel, which does not even anchor, may be +able to transmit iron, while European weapons may be used by people who +have never even seen a white man. Again, missionaries introduce the +Christian religion among people who cannot speak a word of English or +any language but their own or only use such European words as have been +found necessary to express ideas or objects connected with the new +religion. There is evidence how readily language may be affected, and +here again the present day suggests a mechanism by which such a change +takes place. English is now becoming the language of the Pacific and of +other parts of the world through its use as a _lingua franca_, which +enables natives who speak different languages to converse not only with +Europeans but with one another, and I believe that this has often been +the mechanism in the past; that, for instance, the introduction of what +we now call the Melanesian structure of language was due to the fact +that the language of an immigrant people who settled in a region of +great linguistic diversity came to be used as a _lingua franca_, and +thus gradually became the basis of the languages of the whole people. + +But now let us turn to social structure. We find in Oceania islands +where Europeans have been settled as missionaries or traders perhaps for +fifty or a hundred years; we find the people wearing European clothes +and European ornaments, using European utensils and even European +weapons when they fight; we find them holding the beliefs and practicing +the ritual of a European religion; we find them speaking a European +language, often even among themselves, and yet investigation shows that +much of their social structure remains thoroughly native and +uninfluenced, not only in its general form, but often even in its minute +details. The external influence has swept away the whole material +culture, so that objects of native origin are manufactured only to sell +to tourists; it has substituted a wholly new religion and destroyed +every material, if not every moral, vestige of the old; it has caused +great modification and degeneration of the old language; and yet it may +have left the social structure in the main untouched. And the reasons +for this are clear. Most of the essential social structure of a people +lies so below the surface, it is so literally the foundation of the +whole life of the people, that it is not seen; it is not obvious, but +can only be reached by patient and laborious exploration. I will give a +few specific instances. In several islands of the Pacific, some of which +have had European settlers on them for more than a century, a most +important position in the community is occupied by the father's sister. +If any native of these islands were asked who is the most important +person in the determination of his life-history, he would answer, "My +father's sister"; and yet the place of this relative in the social +structure has remained absolutely unrecorded, and, I believe, absolutely +unknown, to the European settlers in those islands. Again, Europeans +have settled in Fiji for more than a century, and yet it is only during +this summer that I have heard from Mr. A. M. Hocart, who is working +there at present, that there is the clearest evidence of what is known +as the dual organization of society as a working social institution at +the present time. How unobtrusive such a fundamental fact of social +structure may be comes home to me in this case very strongly, for it +wholly eluded my own observation during a visit three years ago. + +Lastly, the most striking example of the permanence of social structure +which I have met is in the Hawaiian Islands. There the original native +culture is reduced to the merest wreckage. So far as material objects +are concerned, the people are like ourselves; the old religion has gone, +though there probably still persists some of the ancient magic. The +people themselves have so dwindled in number, and the political +conditions are so altered, that the social structure has also +necessarily been greatly modified, and yet I was able to ascertain that +one of its elements, an element which I believe to form the deepest +layer of the foundation, the very bedrock of social structure, the +system of relationship, is still in use unchanged. I was able to obtain +a full account of the system as actually used at the present time, and +found it to be exactly the same as that recorded forty years ago by +Morgan and Hyde, and I obtained evidence that the system is still deeply +interwoven with the intimate mental life of the people. + +If, then, social structure has this fundamental and deeply seated +character, if it is the least easily changed, and only changed as the +result either of actual blending of peoples or of the most profound +political changes, the obvious inference is that it is with social +structure that we must begin the attempt to analyze culture and to +ascertain how far community of culture is due to the blending of +peoples, how far to transmission through mere contact or transient +settlement. + +The considerations I have brought forward have, however, in my opinion +an importance still more fundamental. If social institutions have this +relatively great degree of permanence, if they are so deeply seated and +so closely interwoven with the deepest instincts and sentiments of a +people that they can only gradually suffer change, will not the study +of this change give us our surest criterion of what is early and what is +late in any given culture, and thereby furnish a guide for the analysis +of culture? Such criteria of early and late are necessary if we are to +arrange the cultural elements reached by our analysis in order of time, +and it is very doubtful whether mere geographical distribution itself +will ever furnish a sufficient basis for this purpose. I may remind you +here that before the importance of the complexity of Melanesian culture +had forced itself on my mind, I had already succeeded in tracing out a +course for the development of the structure of Melanesian society, and +after the complexity of the culture had been established, I did not find +it necessary to alter anything of essential importance in this scheme. I +suggest, therefore, that while the ethnological analysis of cultures +must furnish a necessary preliminary to any general evolutionary +speculations, there is one element of culture which has so relatively +high a degree of permanence that its course of development may furnish a +guide to the order in time of the different elements into which it is +possible to analyze a given complex. + +If the development of social structure is thus to be taken as a guide to +assist the process of analysis, it is evident that there will be +involved a logical process of considerable complexity in which there +will be the danger of arguing in a circle. If, however, the analysis of +culture is to be the primary task of the anthropologist, it is evident +that the logical methods of the science will attain a complexity far +exceeding those hitherto in vogue. I believe that the only logical +process which will in general be found possible will be the formulation +of hypothetical working schemes into which the facts can be fitted, and +that the test of such schemes will be their capacity to fit in with +themselves, or, as we generally express it, "explain" new facts as they +come to our knowledge. This is the method of other sciences which deal +with conditions as complex as those of human society. In many other +sciences these new facts are discovered by experiment. In our science +they must be found by exploration, not only of the cultures still +existent in living form, but also of the buried cultures of past ages. + + +2. The Extension of Roman Culture in Gaul[244] + +The Roman conquest of Gaul was partially a feat of arms; but it was much +more a triumph of Roman diplomacy and a genius for colonial government. +Roman power in Gaul was centered in the larger cities and in their +strongly fortified camps. There the laws and decrees of Rome were +promulgated and the tribute of the conquered tribes received. There, +too, the law courts were held and justice administered. Rome bent her +efforts to the Latinizing of her newly acquired possessions. Gradually +she forced the inhabitants of the larger cities to use the Latin tongue. +But this forcing was done in a diplomatic, though effective, manner. +Even in the days of Caesar, Latin was made the only medium for the +administration of the law, the promulgation of decrees, the exercise of +the functions of government, the administration of justice, and the +performing of the offices of religion. It was the only medium of +commerce and trade with the Romans, of literature and art, of the +theater and of social relations. Above all, it was the only road to +office under the Roman government and to political preferment. The Roman +officials in Gaul encouraged and rewarded the mastery of the Latin +tongue and the acquirement of Roman culture, customs, and manners. +Thanks to this well-defined policy of the Roman government, native Gauls +were found in important offices even in Caesar's time. The number of +these Gallo-Roman offices increased rapidly, and their influence was +steadily exercised in favor of the acquirement, by the natives, of the +Latin language. A greater inducement still was held out to the Gauls to +acquire the ways and culture of their conquerors. This was the prospect +of employment or political preference and honors in the imperial city of +Rome itself. Under this pressure so diplomatically applied, the study of +the Latin language, grammar, literature, and oratory became a passion +throughout the cities of Gaul, which were full of Roman merchants, +traders, teachers, philosophers, lawyers, artists, sculptors, and +seekers for political and other offices. Latin was the symbol of success +in every avenue of life. Native Gauls became noted merchant princes, +lawyers, soldiers, local potentates at home, and favorites of powerful +political personages in Rome and even in the colonies outside Gaul. +Natives of Gaul, too, reached the highest offices in the land, becoming +even members of the Senate; and later on a native Gaul became one of the +most noted of the Roman emperors. The political policy of Rome made the +imposition of the Latin language upon the cities of Gaul a comparatively +easy matter, requiring only time to assure its accomplishment. +Everywhere throughout the populous cities of Gaul there sprang up +schools that rivaled, in their efficacy and reputation, the most famous +institutions of Rome. Rich Romans sent their sons to these schools +because of their excellence and the added advantage that they could +acquire there a first-hand knowledge of the life and customs of the +natives, whom they might be called upon in the future to govern or to +have political or other relations with. Thus all urban Gaul traveled +Rome-ward--"all roads led to Rome." + +The influence of Roman culture extended itself much more slowly over the +rural districts, the inhabitants of which, in addition to being much +more conservative and passionately attached to their native institutions +and language, lacked the incentive of ambition and of commercial and +trade necessity. A powerful Druidical priesthood held the rural Celts +together and set their faces against Roman culture and religion. But +even in the rural districts Latin made its way slowly and in a mangled +form, yet none the less surely. This was accomplished almost entirely +through the natural pressure from without exercised by the growing power +of the Latin tongue, which had greatly increased during the reign of the +Emperor Claudius (41-54 A.D.). Claudius, who was born in Lyon and +educated in Gaul, opened to the Gauls all the employments and dignities +of the empire. On the construction of the many extensive public works he +employed many inhabitants of Gaul in positions requiring faithfulness, +honesty, and skill. These, in their turn, frequently drew laborers from +the rural districts of Gaul. These latter, during their residence in +Rome or other Italian cities, or in the populous centers of Gaul, +acquired some knowledge of Latin. Thus, in time, through these and other +agencies, a sort of _lingua franca_ sprang up throughout the rural +districts of Gaul and served as a medium of communication between the +Celtic-speaking population and the inhabitants of the cities and towns. +This consisted of a frame of Latin words stripped of most of their +inflections and subjected to word-contractions and other modifications. +Into this frame were fitted many native words which had already become +the property of trade and commerce and the other activities of life in +the city, town, and country. Thus, as the influence of Latin became +stronger in the cities, it continued to exercise greater pressure on the +rural districts. This pressure soon began to react upon the centers of +Latin culture. The uneducated classes of Gaul everywhere, even in the +cities, spoke very imperfect Latin, the genius of which is so different +from that of the native tongues of Gaul. But while the cities afforded +some correction for this universal tendency among the masses to corrupt +the Latin language, the life of the rural districts, where the native +tongues were still universally spoken, made the disintegration of the +highly inflected Roman speech unavoidable. As the masses in the city and +country became more Latinized, at the expense of their native tongues, +the corrupted Latin spoken over immense districts of the country tended +to pass current as the speech of the populace and to crowd out classical +or school Latin. As this corrupted local Latin varied greatly in +different parts of the country, due to linguistic and other influences, +there resulted numerous Roman dialects throughout Gaul, many of which +are still in existence. + +The introduction of Christianity gave additional impulse to the study of +Latin, which soon became the official language of the Christian church; +and it was taught everywhere by the priests to the middle and upper +classes, and they also encouraged the masses to learn it. It seemed as +if this was destined to maintain the prestige of Latin as the official +language of the country. But in reality it hastened its downfall by +making it more and more the language of the illiterate masses. Soon the +rural districts furnished priests who spoke their own Roman tongue; and +the struggle to rehabilitate the literary Latin among the masses was +abandoned. The numerous French dialects of Latin had already begun to +assume shape when the decline of the Roman Empire brought the Germanic +tribes down upon Gaul and introduced a new element into the Romanic +speech, which had already worked its will upon the tongue of the +Caesars. Under its influence the loose Latin construction disappeared; +articles and prepositions took the place of the inflectional +terminations brought to a high state of artificial perfection in Latin; +and the wholesale suppression of unaccented syllables had so contracted +the Latin words that they were often scarcely recognizable. The +modification of vowel sounds increased the efficacy of the disguise +assumed by Latin words masquerading in the Romanic dialects throughout +Gaul; and the Celtic and other native words in current use to designate +the interests and occupations of the masses helped to differentiate the +popular speech from the classical Latin. Already Celtic, as a spoken +tongue, had almost entirely disappeared from the cities; and even in the +rural districts it had fallen into a certain amount of neglect, as the +_lingua franca_ of the first centuries of Roman occupation, reaching out +in every direction, became the ever-increasing popular speech. + + +3. The Competition of the Cultural Languages[245] + +Some time ago a typewriter firm, in advertising a machine with Arabic +characters, made the statement that the Arabic alphabet is used by more +people than any other. A professor of Semitic languages was asked: "How +big a lie is that?" He answered: "It is true." + +In a certain sense, it is true; the total population of all the +countries whose inhabitants use the Arabic alphabet (if they use any) is +slightly larger than that of those who use the Latin alphabet and its +slight variations, or the Chinese characters (which of course are not an +alphabet), or the Russian alphabet. If, however, the question is how +many people can actually use any alphabet or system of writing, the +Arabic stands lowest of the four. + +The question of the relative importance of a language as a literary +medium is a question of how many people want to read it. There are two +classes of these: those to whom it is vernacular, and those who learn it +in addition to their own language. The latter class is of the greater +importance in proportion to its numbers; a man who has education enough +to acquire a foreign language is pretty sure to use it, while many of +the former class, who can read, really do read very little. Those who +count in this matter are those who can get information from a printed +page as easily as by listening to someone talking. A fair index of the +relative number of these in a country is the newspaper circulation +there. + +A language must have a recognized literary standard and all the people +in its territory must learn to use it as such before its influence goes +far abroad. English, French, and German, and they alone, have reached +this point. French and German have no new country, and practically the +whole of their country is now literate; their relative share in the +world's reading can only increase as their population increases. Spanish +and Russian, on the other hand, have both new country and room for a +much higher percentage of literacy. + +It is probable that all the countries in temperate zones will have +universal literacy by the end of the century. In this case, even if no +one read English outside its vernacular countries, it would still hold +its own as the leading literary language. German and French are bound to +fall off relatively as vernaculars, and this implies a falling off of +their importance as culture languages; but the importance of English in +this respect is bound to grow. The first place among foreign languages +has been given to it in the schools of many European and South American +countries; Mexico and Japan make it compulsory in all schools of upper +grades; and China is to follow Japan in this respect as soon as the work +can be organized. + +The number of people who can actually read, or will learn if now too +young, for the various languages of the world appears to be as follows: + + Number + in Millions Per Cent + +English 136 27.2 +German 82 16.4 +Chinese[A] 70 14.0 +French 28 9.6 +Russian 30 6.0 +Arabic 25 5.0 +Italian 18 4.6 +Spanish 12 2.6 +Scandinavian 11 2.2 +Dutch and Flemish 9 1.9 +Minor European[B] 34 6.8 +Minor Asiatic[B] 16 3.2 +Minor African and Polynesian[B] 2+ 0.5 + +Total 473+ 100.0 + +Notes: +[A] Not a spoken language, but a system of writing. + +[B] None representing as much as 1 per cent of total. + +English, therefore, now leads all other languages in the number of its +readers. Three-fourths of the world's mail matter is addressed in +English. More than half of the world's newspapers are printed in +English, and, as they have a larger circulation than those in other +languages, probably three-fourths of the world's newspaper reading is +done in English. + +The languages next in importance, French and German, cannot maintain +their relative positions because English has more than half of the new +land in the temperate zone and they have none. The languages which have +the rest of the new territory, Spanish and Russian, are not established +as culture languages, as English is. No other language, not even French +or German, has a vernacular so uniform and well established, and with so +few variations from the literary language. English is spoken in the +United States by more than fifty million people with so slight +variations that no foreigner would ever notice them. No other language +whatever can show more than a fraction of this number of persons who +speak so nearly alike. + +It is then probable that, within the century, English will be the +vernacular of a quarter instead of a tenth of the people of the world, +and be read by a half instead of a quarter of the people who can read. + + +4. The Assimilation of Races[246] + +The race problem has sometimes been described as a problem in +assimilation. It is not always clear, however, what assimilation means. +Historically the word has had two distinct significations. According to +earlier usage it meant "to compare" or "to make like." According to +later usage it signifies "to take up and incorporate." + +There is a process that goes on in society by which individuals +spontaneously acquire one another's language, characteristic attitudes, +habits, and modes of behavior. There is also a process by which +individuals and groups of individuals are taken over and incorporated +into larger groups. Both processes have been concerned in the formation +of modern nationalities. The modern Italian, Frenchman, and German is a +composite of the broken fragments of several different racial groups. +Interbreeding has broken up the ancient stocks, and interaction and +imitation have created new national types which exhibit definite +uniformities in language, manners, and formal behavior. + +It has sometimes been assumed that the creation of a national type is +the specific function of assimilation and that national solidarity is +based upon national homogeneity and "like-mindedness." The extent and +importance of the kind of homogeneity that individuals of the same +nationality exhibit have been greatly exaggerated. Neither interbreeding +nor interaction has created, in what the French term "nationals," a more +than superficial likeness or like-mindedness. Racial differences have, +to be sure, disappeared or been obscured, but individual differences +remain. Individual differences, again, have been intensified by +education, personal competition, and the division of labor, until +individual members of cosmopolitan groups probably represent greater +variations in disposition, temperament, and mental capacity than those +which distinguished the more homogeneous races and peoples of an earlier +civilization. + +What then, precisely, is the nature of the homogeneity which +characterizes cosmopolitan groups? + +The growth of modern states exhibits the progressive merging of smaller, +mutually exclusive, into larger and more inclusive, social groups. This +result has been achieved in various ways, but it has usually been +followed or accompanied by a more or less complete adoption by the +members of the smaller groups of the language, technique, and mores of +the larger and more inclusive ones. The immigrant readily takes over the +language, manners, the social ritual, and outward forms of his adopted +country. In America it has become proverbial that a Pole, Lithuanian, or +Norwegian cannot be distinguished, in the second generation, from an +American born of native parents. + +There is no reason to assume that this assimilation of alien groups to +native standards has modified to any great extent fundamental racial +characteristics. It has, however, erased the external signs which +formerly distinguished the members of one race from those of another. + +On the other hand, the breaking up of the isolation of smaller groups +has had the effect of emancipating the individual man, giving him room +and freedom for the expansion and development of his individual +aptitudes. + +What one actually finds in cosmopolitan groups, then, is a superficial +uniformity, a homogeneity in manners and fashion, associated with +relatively profound differences in individual opinions, sentiments, and +beliefs. This is just the reverse of what one meets among primitive +peoples, where diversity in external forms, as between different groups, +is accompanied by a monotonous sameness in the mental attitudes of +individuals. There is a striking similarity in the sentiments and mental +attitudes of peasant peoples in all parts of the world, although the +external differences are often great. In the Black Forest, in Baden, +Germany, almost every valley shows a different style of costume, a +different type of architecture, although in each separate valley every +house is like every other and the costume, as well as the religion, is +for every member of each separate community absolutely after the same +pattern. On the other hand, a German, Russian, or Negro peasant of the +southern states, different as each is in some respects, are all very +much alike in certain habitual attitudes and sentiments. + +What, then, is the role of homogeneity and like-mindedness, such as we +find them to be, in cosmopolitan states? So far as it makes each +individual look like every other--no matter how different under the +skin--homogeneity mobilizes the individual man. It removes the social +taboo, permits the individual to move into strange groups, and thus +facilitates new and adventurous contacts. In obliterating the external +signs, which in secondary groups seem to be the sole basis of caste and +class distinctions, it realizes, for the individual, the principle of +_laissez faire_, _laissez aller_. Its ultimate economic effect is to +substitute personal for racial competition, and to give free play to +forces that tend to relegate every individual, irrespective of race or +status, to the position he or she is best fitted to fill. + +As a matter of fact, the ease and rapidity with which aliens, under +existing conditions in the United States, have been able to assimilate +themselves to the customs and manners of American life have enabled this +country to swallow and digest every sort of normal human difference, +except the purely external ones, like the color of the skin. + +It is probably true, also, that like-mindedness of the kind that +expresses itself in national types contributes indirectly by +facilitating the intermingling of the different elements of the +population to the national solidarity. This is due to the fact that the +solidarity of modern states depends less on the homogeneity of +population than, as James Bryce has suggested, upon the thoroughgoing +mixture of heterogeneous elements. Like-mindedness, so far as that term +signifies a standard grade of intelligence, contributes little or +nothing to national solidarity. Likeness is, after all, a purely formal +concept which of itself cannot hold anything together. + +In the last analysis social solidarity is based on sentiment and habit. +It is the sentiment of loyalty and the habit of what Sumner calls +"concurrent action" that gives substance and insures unity to the state +as to every other type of social group. This sentiment of loyalty has +its basis in a _modus vivendi_, a working relation and mutual +understanding of the members of the group. Social institutions are not +founded in similarities any more than they are founded in differences, +but in relations, and in the mutual interdependence of parts. When these +relations have the sanction of custom and are fixed in individual habit, +so that the activities of the group are running smoothly, personal +attitudes and sentiments, which are the only forms in which individual +minds collide and clash with one another, easily accommodate themselves +to the existing situation. + +It may, perhaps, be said that loyalty itself is a form of +like-mindedness or that it is dependent in some way upon the +like-mindedness of the individuals whom it binds together. This, +however, cannot be true, for there is no greater loyalty than that which +binds the dog to his master, and this is a sentiment which that faithful +animal usually extends to other members of the household to which he +belongs. A dog without a master is a dangerous animal, but the dog that +has been domesticated is a member of society. He is not, of course, a +citizen, although he is not entirely without rights. But he has got into +some sort of practical working relations with the group to which he +belongs. + +It is this practical working arrangement, into which individuals with +widely different mental capacities enter as co-ordinate parts, that +gives the corporate character to social groups and insures their +solidarity. It is the process of assimilation by which groups of +individuals, originally indifferent or perhaps hostile, achieve this +corporate character, rather than the process by which they acquire a +formal like-mindedness, with which this paper is mainly concerned. + +The difficulty with the conception of assimilation which one ordinarily +meets in discussions of the race problem is that it is based on +observations confined to individualistic groups where the characteristic +relations are indirect and secondary. It takes no account of the kind of +assimilation that takes place in primary groups where relations are +direct and personal--in the tribe, for example, and in the family. + +Thus Charles Francis Adams, referring to the race problem in an address +at Richmond, Virginia, in November, 1908, said: + + The American system, as we know, was founded on the assumed + basis of a common humanity, that is, absence of absolutely + fundamental racial characteristics was accepted as an + established truth. Those of all races were welcomed to our + shores. They came, aliens; they and their descendants would + become citizens first, natives afterward. It was a process + first of assimilation and then of absorption. On this all + depended. There could be no permanent divisional lines. That + theory is now plainly broken down. We are confronted by the + obvious fact, as undeniable as it is hard, that the African + will only partially assimilate and that he cannot be absorbed. + He remains an alien element in the body politic. A foreign + substance, he can neither be assimilated nor thrown out. + +More recently an editorial in the _Outlook_, discussing the Japanese +situation in California, made this statement: + + The hundred millions of people now inhabiting the United States + must be a united people, not merely a collection of groups of + different peoples, different in racial cultures and ideals, + agreeing to live together in peace and amity. These hundred + millions must have common ideals, common aims, a common custom, + a common culture, a common language, and common + characteristics, if the nation is to endure. + +All this is quite true and interesting, but it does not clearly +recognize the fact that the chief obstacle to the assimilation of the +Negro and the Oriental are not mental but physical traits. It is not +because the Negro and the Japanese are so differently constituted that +they do not assimilate. If they were given an opportunity, the Japanese +are quite as capable as the Italians, the Armenians, or the Slavs of +acquiring our culture and sharing our national ideals. The trouble is +not with the Japanese mind but with the Japanese skin. The Jap is not +the right color. + +The fact that the Japanese bears in his features a distinctive racial +hallmark, that he wears, so to speak, a racial uniform, classifies him. +He cannot become a mere individual, indistinguishable in the +cosmopolitan mass of the population, as is true, for example, of the +Irish, and, to a lesser extent, of some of the other immigrant races. +The Japanese, like the Negro, is condemned to remain among us an +abstraction, a symbol--and a symbol not merely of his own race but of +the Orient and of that vague, ill-defined menace we sometimes refer to +as the "yellow peril." This not only determines to a very large extent +the attitude of the white world toward the yellow man but it determines +the attitude of the yellow man toward the white. It puts between the +races the invisible but very real gulf of self-consciousness. + +There is another consideration. Peoples we know intimately we respect +and esteem. In our casual contact with aliens, however, it is the +offensive rather than the pleasing traits that impress us. These +impressions accumulate and reinforce natural prejudices. Where races are +distinguished by certain external marks, these furnish a permanent +physical substratum upon which and around which the irritations and +animosities, incidental to all human intercourse, tend to accumulate and +so gain strength and volume. + +Assimilation, as the word is here used, brings with it a certain +borrowed significance which it carried over from physiology, where it is +employed to describe the process of nutrition. By a process of +nutrition, somewhat similar to the physiological one, we may conceive +alien peoples to be incorporated with, and made part of, the community +or state. Ordinarily assimilation goes on silently and unconsciously, +and only forces itself into popular conscience when there is some +interruption or disturbance of the process. + +At the outset it may be said, then, that assimilation rarely becomes a +problem except in secondary groups. Admission to the primary group, that +is to say, the group in which relationships are direct and personal, as, +for example, in the family and in the tribe, makes assimilation +comparatively easy and almost inevitable. + +The most striking illustration of this is the fact of domestic slavery. +Slavery has been, historically, the usual method by which peoples have +been incorporated into alien groups. When a member of an alien race is +adopted into the family as a servant or as a slave, and particularly +when that status is made hereditary, as it was in the case of the Negro +after his importation to America, assimilation followed rapidly and as a +matter of course. + +It is difficult to conceive two races farther removed from each other in +temperament and tradition than the Anglo-Saxon and the Negro, and yet +the Negro in the southern states, particularly where he was adopted into +the household as a family servant, learned in a comparatively short time +the manners and customs of his master's family. He very soon possessed +himself of so much of the language, religion, and the technique of the +civilization of his master as, in his station, he was fitted or +permitted to acquire. Eventually, also, Negro slaves transferred their +allegiance to the state of which they were only indirectly members, or +at least to their masters' families, with whom they felt themselves in +most things one in sentiment and interest. + +The assimilation of the Negro field hand, where the contact of the slave +with his master and his master's family was less intimate, was naturally +less complete. On the large plantations, where an overseer stood between +the master and the majority of his slaves, and especially on the sea +island plantations off the coast of South Carolina, where the master and +his family were likely to be merely winter visitors, this distance +between master and slave was greatly increased. The consequence is that +the Negroes in these regions are less touched today by the white man's +influence and civilization than elsewhere in the southern states. + + +C. AMERICANIZATION AS A PROBLEM IN ASSIMILATION[247] + + +1. Americanization as Assimilation + +The Americanization Study has assumed that the fundamental condition of +what we call "Americanization" is the participation of the immigrant in +the life of the community in which he lives. The point here emphasized +is that patriotism, loyalty, and common sense are neither created nor +transmitted by purely intellectual processes. Men must live and work and +fight together in order to create that community of interest and +sentiment which will enable them to meet the crises of their common life +with a common will. + +It is evident, however, that the word "participation" as here employed +has a wide application, and it becomes important for working purposes to +give a more definite and concrete meaning to the term. + + +2. Language as a Means and a Product of Participation + +Obviously any organized social activity whatever and any participation +in this activity implies "communication." In human, as distinguished +from animal, society common life is based on a common speech. To share a +common speech does not guarantee participation in the community life but +it is an instrument of participation, and its acquisition by the members +of an immigrant group is rightly considered a sign and a rough index of +Americanization. + +It is, however, one of the ordinary experiences of social intercourse +that words and things do not have the same meanings with different +people, in different parts of the country, in different periods of time, +and, in general, in different contexts. The same "thing" has a different +meaning for the naive person and the sophisticated person, for the child +and the philosopher; the new experience derives its significance from +the character and organization of the previous experiences. To the +peasant a comet, a plague, and an epileptic person may mean a divine +portent, a visitation of God, a possession by the devil; to the +scientific man they mean something quite different. The word "slavery" +had very different connotations in the ancient world and today. It has a +very different significance today in the southern states and in the +northern states. "Socialism" has a very different significance to the +immigrant from the Russian pale living on the "East Side" of New York +City, to the citizen on Riverside Drive, and to the native American in +the hills of Georgia. + +Psychologists explain this difference in the connotation of the same +word among people using the same language in terms of difference in the +"apperception mass" in different individuals and different groups of +individuals. In their phraseology the "apperception mass" represents the +body of memories and meanings deposited in the consciousness of the +individual from the totality of his experiences. It is the body of +material with which every new datum of experience comes into contact, to +which it is related, and in connection with which it gets its meaning. + +When persons interpret data on different grounds, when the apperception +mass is radically different, we say popularly that they live in +different worlds. The logician expresses this by saying that they occupy +different "universes of discourse"--that is, they cannot talk in the +same terms. The ecclesiastic, the artist, the mystic, the scientist, the +Philistine, the Bohemian, represent more or less different "universes of +discourse." Even social workers occupy universes of discourse not +mutually intelligible. + +Similarly, different races and nationalities as wholes represent +different apperception masses and consequently different universes of +discourse and are not mutually intelligible. Even our remote forefathers +are with difficulty intelligible to us, though always more intelligible +than the Eastern immigrant because of the continuity of our tradition. +Still it is almost as difficult for us to comprehend _Elsie Dinsmore_ or +the _Westminster Catechism_ as the Koran or the Talmud. + +It is apparent, therefore, that in the wide extension and vast +complexity of modern life, in which peoples of different races and +cultures are now coming into intimate contact, the divergences in the +meanings and values which individuals and groups attach to objects and +forms of behavior are deeper than anything expressed by differences in +language. + +Actually common participation in common activities implies a common +"definition of the situation." In fact, every single act, and eventually +all moral life, is dependent upon the definition of the situation. A +definition of the situation precedes and limits any possible action, and +a redefinition of the situation changes the character of the action. An +abusive person, for example, provokes anger and possibly violence, but +if we realize that the man is insane this redefinition of the situation +results in totally different behavior. + +Every social group develops systematic and unsystematic means of +defining the situation for its members. Among these means are the +"don'ts" of the mother, the gossip of the community, epithets ("liar," +"traitor," "scab"), the sneer, the shrug, the newspaper, the theater, +the school, libraries, the law, and the gospel. Education in the widest +sense--intellectual, moral, aesthetic--is the process of defining the +situation. It is the process by which the definitions of an older +generation are transmitted to a younger. In the case of the immigrant it +is the process by which the definitions of one cultural group are +transmitted to another. + +Differences in meanings and values, referred to above in terms of the +"apperception mass," grow out of the fact that different individuals and +different peoples have defined the situation in different ways. When we +speak of the different "heritages" or "traditions" which our different +immigrant groups bring, it means that, owing to different historical +circumstances, they have defined the situation differently. Certain +prominent personalities, schools of thought, bodies of doctrine, +historical events, have contributed in defining the situation and +determining the attitudes and values of our various immigrant groups in +characteristic ways in their home countries. To the Sicilian, for +example, marital infidelity means the stiletto; to the American, the +divorce court. And even when the immigrant thinks that he understands +us, he nevertheless does not do this completely. At the best he +interprets our cultural traditions in terms of his own. Actually the +situation is progressively redefined by the consequences of the actions, +provoked by the previous definitions, and a prison experience is +designed to provide a datum toward the redefinition of the situation. + +It is evidently important that the people who compose a community and +share in the common life should have a sufficient body of common +memories to understand one another. This is particularly true in a +democracy, where it is intended that the public institutions should be +responsive to public opinion. There can be no public opinion except in +so far as the persons who compose the public are able to live in the +same world and speak and think in the same universe of discourse. For +that reason it seems desirable that the immigrants should not only speak +the language of the country but should know something of the history of +the people among whom they have chosen to dwell. For the same reason it +is important that native Americans should know the history and social +life of the countries from which the immigrants come. + +It is important also that every individual should share as fully as +possible a fund of knowledge, experience, sentiments, and ideals common +to the whole community and himself contribute to this fund. It is for +this reason that we maintain and seek to maintain freedom of speech and +free schools. The function of literature, including poetry, romance, and +the newspaper, is to enable all to share victoriously and imaginatively +in the inner life of each. The function of science is to gather up, +classify, digest, and preserve, in a form in which they may become +available to the community as a whole, the ideas, inventions, and +technical experience of the individuals composing it. Thus not merely +the possession of a common language but the wide extension of the +opportunities for education become conditions of Americanization. + +The immigration problem is unique in the sense that the immigrant brings +divergent definitions of the situation, and this renders his +participation in our activities difficult. At the same time this problem +is of the same general type as the one exemplified by "syndicalism," +"bolshevism," "socialism," etc., where the definition of the situation +does not agree with the traditional one. The modern "social unrest," +like the immigrant problem, is a sign of the lack of participation and +this is true to the degree that certain elements feel that violence is +the only available means of participating. + + +3. Assimilation and the Mediation of Individual Differences + +In general, a period of unrest represents the stage in which a new +definition of the situation is being prepared. Emotion and unrest are +connected with situations where there is loss of control. Control is +secured on the basis of habits and habits are built up on the basis of +the definition of the situation. Habit represents a situation where the +definition is working. When control is lost it means that the habits are +no longer adequate, that the situation has changed and demands a +redefinition. This is the point at which we have unrest--a heightened +emotional state, random movements, unregulated behavior--and this +continues until the situation is redefined. The unrest is associated +with conditions in which the individual or society feels unable to act. +It represents energy, and the problem is to use it constructively. + +The older societies tended to treat unrest by defining the situation in +terms of the suppression or postponement of the wish; they tried to make +the repudiation of the wish itself a wish. "Contentment," "conformity +to the will of God," ultimate "salvation" in a better world, are +representative of this. The founders of America defined the situation in +terms of participation, but this has actually taken too exclusively the +form of "political participation." The present tendency is to define the +situation in terms of social participation, including demand for the +improvement of social conditions to a degree which will enable all to +participate. + +But, while it is important that the people who are members of the same +community should have a body of common memories and a common +apperception mass, so that they may talk intelligibly to one another, it +is neither possible nor necessary that everything should have the same +meaning for everyone. A perfectly homogeneous consciousness would mean a +tendency to define all situations rigidly and sacredly and once and +forever. Something like this did happen in the Slavic village +communities and among all savage people, and it was the ideal of the +medieval church, but it implies a low level of efficiency and a slow +rate of progress. + +Mankind is distinguished, in fact, from the animal world by being +composed of persons of divergent types, of varied tastes and interests, +of different vocations and functions. Civilization is the product of an +association of widely different individuals, and with the progress of +civilization the divergence in individual human types has been and must +continue to be constantly multiplied. Our progress in the arts and +sciences and in the creation of values in general has been dependent on +specialists whose distinctive worth was precisely their divergence from +other individuals. It is even evident that we have been able to use +productively individuals who in a savage or peasant society would have +been classed as insane--who perhaps were indeed insane. + +The ability to participate productively implies thus a diversity of +attitudes and values in the participants, but a diversity not so great +as to lower the morals of the community and to prevent effective +co-operation. It is important to have ready definitions for all +immediate situations, but progress is dependent on the constant +redefinitions for all immediate situations, and the ideal condition for +this is the presence of individuals with divergent definitions, who +contribute, in part consciously and in part unconsciously, through their +individualism and labors to a common task and a common end. It is only +in this way that an intelligible world, in which each can participate +according to his intelligence, comes into existence. For it is only +through their consequences that words get their meanings or that +situations become defined. It is through conflict and co-operation, or, +to use a current phrase of economists, through "competitive +co-operation," that a distinctively human type of society does anywhere +exist. Privacy and publicity, "society" and solitude, public ends and +private enterprises, are each and all distinctive factors in human +society everywhere. They are particularly characteristic of historic +American democracy. + +In this whole connection it appears that the group consciousness and the +individual himself are formed by communication and participation, and +that the communication and participation are themselves dependent for +their meaning on common interests. + +But it would be an error to assume that participation always implies an +intimate personal, face-to-face relation. Specialists participate +notably and productively in our common life, but this is evidently not +on the basis of personal association with their neighbors. Darwin was +assisted by Lyell, Owen, and other contemporaries in working out a new +definition of the situation, but these men were not his neighbors. When +Mayer worked out his theory of the transmutation of energy, his +neighbors in the village of Heilbronn were so far from participating +that they twice confined him in insane asylums. A postage stamp may be a +more efficient instrument of participation than a village meeting. + +Defining the situation with reference to the participation of the +immigrant is of course not solving the problem of immigration. This +involves an analysis of the whole significance of the qualitative and +quantitative character of a population, with reference to any given +values--standards of living, individual level of efficiency, liberty and +determinism, etc. We have, for instance, in America a certain level of +culture, depending, let us say as a minimum, on the perpetuation of our +public-school system. But, if by some conceivable _lusus naturae_ the +birth rate was multiplied a hundred fold, or by some conceivable +cataclysm a hundred million African blacks were landed annually on our +eastern coast and an equal number of Chinese coolies on our western +coast, then we should have neither teachers enough nor buildings enough +nor material resources enough to impart even the three R's to a +fraction of the population, and the outlook of democracy, so far as it +is dependent upon participation, would become very dismal. On the other +hand, it is conceivable that certain immigrant populations in certain +numbers, with their special temperaments, endowments, and social +heritages, would contribute positively and increasingly to our stock of +civilization. These are questions to be determined, but certainly if the +immigrant is admitted on any basis whatever the condition of his +Americanization is that he shall have the widest and freest opportunity +to contribute in his own way to the common fund of knowledge, ideas, and +ideals which makes up the culture of our common country. It is only in +this way that the immigrant can "participate" in the fullest sense of +the term. + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + + +1. Assimilation and Amalgamation + +The literature upon assimilation falls naturally under three main heads: +(1) assimilation and amalgamation; (2) the conflict and fusion of +cultures; and (3) immigration and Americanization. + +Literature on assimilation is very largely a by-product of the +controversy in regard to the relative superiority and inferiority of +races. This controversy owes its existence, in the present century, to +the publication in 1854 of Gobineau's _The Inequality of Human Races_. +This treatise appeared at a time when the dominant peoples of Europe +were engaged in extending their benevolent protection over all the +"unprotected" lesser breeds, and this book offered a justification, on +biological grounds, of the domination of the "inferior" by the +"superior" races. + +Gobineau's theory, and that of the schools which have perpetuated and +elaborated his doctrines, defined culture as an essentially racial +trait. Other races might accommodate themselves to, but could not +originate nor maintain a superior culture. This is the aristocratic +theory of the inequalities of races and, as might be expected, was +received with enthusiasm by the chauvinists of the "strong" nations. + +The opposing school is disposed to treat the existing civilizations as +largely the result of historical accident. The superior peoples are +those who have had access to the accumulated cultural materials of the +peoples that preceded them. Modern Europe owes its civilization to the +fact that it went to school to the ancients. The inferior peoples are +those who did not have this advantage. + +Ratzel was one of the first to venture the theory that the natural and +the cultural peoples were fundamentally alike and that the existing +differences, great as they are, were due to geographical and cultural +isolation of the less advanced races. Boas' _Mind of Primitive Man_ is +the most systematic and critical statement of that view of the matter. + +The discussion which these rival theories provoked has led students to +closer studies of the effects of racial contacts and to a more +penetrating analysis of the cultural process. + +The contacts of races have invariably led to racial intermixture, and +the mixed breed, as in the case of the mulatto, the result of the +white-Negro cross, has tended to create a distinct cultural as well as a +racial type. E. B. Reuter's volume on _The Mulatto_ is the first serious +attempt to study the mixed blood as a cultural type and define his role +in the conflict of races and cultures. + +Historical cases of the assimilation of one group by another are +frequent. Kaindl's investigations of the German settlements in the +Carpathian lands are particularly instructive. The story of the manner +in which the early German settlers in Cracow, Galicia, were Polonized +mainly under the influence of the Polish nobility, is all the more +interesting when it is contrasted with the German colonists in the +Siebenbuergen, which have remained strongholds of the German language and +culture in the midst of a population of Roumanian peasants for nearly +eight hundred years. Still more interesting are the recent attempts of +the Prussians to Germanize the former province of Posen, now reunited to +Poland. Prussia's policy of colonization of German peasants in Posen +failed for several reasons, but it failed finally because the German +peasant, finding himself isolated in the midst of a Polish community, +either gave up the land the government had acquired for him and returned +to his native German province, or identified himself with the Polish +community and was thus lost to the cause of German nationalism. The +whole interesting history of that episode is related in Bernard's _Die +Polenfrage_, which is at the same time an account of the organization of +an autonomous Polish community within the limits of a German state. + +The competition and survival of languages affords interesting material +for the study of cultural contacts and the conditions that determine +assimilation. Investigations of the racial origins of European peoples +have discovered a great number of curious cultural anomalies. There are +peoples like the Spreewaelder who inhabit a little cultural island of +about 240 miles square in the Province of Brandenburg, Prussia. +Surviving remnants of a Slavic people, they still preserve their +language and their tribal costumes, and, although but thirty thousand in +number and surrounded by Germans, maintain a lively literary movement +all their own. On the other hand, the most vigorous and powerful of the +Germanic nationalities, the Prussian, bears the name of a conquered +Slavic people whose language, "Old Prussian," not spoken since the +seventeenth century, is preserved only in a few printed books, including +a catechism and German-Prussian vocabulary, which the German +philologists have rescued from oblivion. + + +2. The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures + +The contacts and transmission of cultures have been investigated in +different regions of social life under different titles. The +ethnologists have investigated the process among primitive peoples under +the title acculturation. Among historical peoples, on the other hand, +acculturation has been called assimilation. The aim of missions has +been, on the whole, to bring the world under the domination of a single +moral order; but in seeking to accomplish this task they have +contributed greatly to the fusion and cross-fertilization of racial and +national cultures. + +The problem of origin is the first and often the most perplexing problem +which the study of primitive cultures presents.[248] Was a given +cultural trait, i.e., a weapon, a tool, or a myth, borrowed or invented? +For example, there are several independent centers of origin and +propagation of the bow and arrow. Writing approached or reached +perfection in at least five different, widely separated regions. Other +problems of acculturation which have been studied include the following: +the degree and order of transmissibility of different cultural traits; +the persistence or the immunity against change of different traits; the +modification of cultural traits in the process of transmission; the +character of social contacts between cultural groups; the distance that +divides cultural levels; and the role of prestige in stimulating +imitation and copying. + +The development of a world-commerce, the era of European colonization +and imperial expansion in America, Asia, and Africa and Australia, the +forward drive of occidental science and the Western system of +large-scale competitive industry have created racial contacts, cultural +changes, conflicts, and fusions of unprecedented and unforeseen extent, +intensity, and immediateness. The crash of a fallen social order in +Russia reverberates throughout the world; reports of the capitalization +of new enterprises indicate that India is copying the economic +organization of Europe; the feminist movement has invaded Japan; +representatives of close to fifty nations of the earth meet in conclave +in the assembly of the League of Nations. + +So complete has been in recent years the interpenetration of peoples and +cultures that nations are now seeking to preserve their existence not +alone from assault from without by force of arms, but they are equally +concerned to protect themselves from the more insidious attacks of +propaganda from within. Under these circumstances the ancient liberties +of speech and press are being scrutinized and questioned. Particularly +is this true when this freedom of speech and press is exercised by alien +peoples, who criticize our institutions in a foreign tongue and claim +the right to reform native institutions before they have become citizens +and even before they are able to use the native language. + + +3. Immigration and Americanization + +The presence of large groups of foreign-born in the United States was +first conceived of as a problem of immigration. From the period of the +large Irish immigration to this country in the decades following 1820 +each new immigrant group called forth a popular literature of protest +against the evils its presence threatened. After 1890 the increasing +volume of immigration and the change in the source of the immigrants +from northwestern Europe to southeastern Europe intensified the general +concern. In 1907 the Congress of the United States created the +Immigration Commission to make "full inquiry, examination, and +investigation into the subject of immigration." The plan and scope of +the work as outlined by the Commission "included a study of the sources +of recent immigration in Europe, the general character of incoming +immigrants, the methods employed here and abroad to prevent the +immigration of persons classed as undesirable in the United States +immigration law, and finally a thorough investigation into the general +status of the more recent immigrants as residents of the United States, +and the effect of such immigration upon the institutions, industries, +and people of this country." In 1910 the Commission made a report of its +investigations and findings together with its conclusions and +recommendations which were published in forty-one volumes. + +The European War focused the attention of the country upon the problem +of Americanization. The public mind became conscious of the fact that +"the stranger within our gates," whether naturalized or unnaturalized, +tended to maintain his loyalty to the land of his origin, even when it +seemed to conflict with loyalty to the country of his sojourn or his +adoption. A large number of superficial investigations called "surveys" +were made of immigrant colonies in the larger cities of the country. +Americanization work of many varieties developed apace. A vast +literature sprang up to meet the public demand for information and +instruction on this topic. In view of this situation the Carnegie +Corporation of New York City undertook in 1918 a "Study of the Methods +of Americanization or Fusion of Native and Foreign Born." The point of +view from which the study was made may be inferred from the following +statement by its director, Allen T. Burns: + + Americanization is the uniting of new with native born + Americans in fuller common understanding and appreciation to + secure by means of self-government the highest welfare of all. + Such Americanization should produce no unchangeable political, + domestic, and economic regime delivered once for all to the + fathers, but a growing and broadening national life, inclusive + of the best wherever found. With all our rich heritages, + Americanism will develop through a mutual giving and taking of + contributions from both newer and older Americans in the + interest of the common weal. This study will follow such an + understanding of Americanization. + +The study, as originally planned, was divided into ten divisions, as +follows: the schooling of the immigrant, the press and the theater, +adjustment of homes and family life, legal protection and correction, +health standards and care, naturalization and political life, +industrial and economic amalgamation, treatment of immigrant heritages, +neighborhood agencies, and rural developments. The findings of these +different parts of the study are presented in separate volumes. + +This is the most recent important survey-investigation of the immigrant, +although there are many less imposing but significant studies in this +field. Among these are the interesting analyses of the assimilation +process in Julius Drachsler's _Democracy and Assimilation_ and in A. M. +Dushkin's study of _Jewish Education in New York City_. + +The natural history of assimilation may be best studied in personal +narratives and documents, such as letters and autobiographies, or in +monographs upon urban and rural immigrant communities. In recent years a +series of personal narrative and autobiographical sketches have revealed +the intimate personal aspects of the assimilation process. The +expectancy and disillusionment of the first experiences, the consequent +nostalgia and homesickness, gradual accommodation to the new situation, +the first participations in American life, the fixation of wishes in the +opportunities of the American social environment, the ultimate +identification of the person with the memories, sentiments, and future +of his adopted country--all these steps in assimilation are portrayed in +such interesting books as _The Far Journey_ by Abraham Rihbany, _The +Promised Land_ by Mary Antin, _Out of the Shadow_ by Rose Cohen, _An +American in the Making_ by M. E. Ravage, _My Mother and I_ by E. C. +Stern. + +The most reflective use of personal documents for the study of the +problems of the immigrant has been made by Thomas and Znaniecki in _The +Polish Peasant in Europe and America_. In these studies letters and +life-histories have been, for the first time, methodically employed to +exhibit the processes of adjustment in the transition from a European +peasant village to the immigrant colony of an American industrial +community. + +The work of Thomas and Znaniecki is in a real sense a study of the +Polish community in Europe and America. Less ambitious studies have been +made of individual immigrant communities. Several religious communities +composed of isolated and unassimilated groups, such as the German +Mennonites, have been intensively studied. + +Materials valuable for the study of certain immigrant communities, +assembled for quite other purposes, are contained in the almanacs, +yearbooks, and local histories of the various immigrant communities. The +most interesting of these are the _Jewish Communal Register_ of New York +and the studies made by the Norwegian Lutheran Church in America under +the direction of O. M. Norlie.[249] + + +SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY + + +I. ASSIMILATION AND AMALGAMATION + + +A. _The Psychology and Sociology of Assimilation_ + +(1) Wundt, Wilhelm. "Bermerkungen zur Associationslehre," +_Philosophische Studien_, VII (1892), 329-61. ["Complication und +Assimilation," pp. 334-53.] + +(2) ----. _Grundzuege der physiologischen Psychologie._ "Assimilationen," +III, 528-35. 5th ed. Leipzig, 1903. + +(3) Ward, James. "Association and Assimilation," _Mind_, N.S., II +(1893), 347-62; III (1894), 509-32. + +(4) Baldwin, J. Mark. _Mental Development in the Child and the Race._ +Methods and processes. "Assimilation, Recognition," pp. 308-19. New +York, 1895. + +(5) Novicow, J. _Les Luttes entre societes humaines et leur phases +successives._ Book II, chap. vii, "La Denationalisation," pp. 125-53. +Paris, 1893. [Definition of denationalization.] + +(6) Ratzenhofer, Gustav. _Die sociologische Erkenntnis_, pp. 41-42. +Leipzig, 1898. + +(7) Park, Robert E. "Racial Assimilation in Secondary Groups with +Particular Reference to the Negro," _American Journal of Sociology_, XIX +(1913-14), 606-23. + +(8) Simons, Sarah E. "Social Assimilation," _American Journal of +Sociology_, VI (1900-1901), 790-822; VII (1901-2), 53-79, 234-48, +386-404, 539-56. [Bibliography.] + +(9) Jenks, Albert E. "Assimilation in the Philippines as Interpreted in +Terms of Assimilation in America," _Publications of the American +Sociological Society_, VIII (1913), 140-58. + +(10) McKenzie, F. A. "The Assimilation of the American Indian," +_Publications of the American Sociological Society_, VIII (1913), 37-48. +[Bibliography.] + +(11) Ciszewski, S. _Kunstliche Verwandschaft bei den Suedslaven._ +Leipzig, 1897. + +(12) Windisch, H. _Taufe und Suende im aeltesten Christentum bis auf +Origines_. Ein Beitrag zur altchristlichen Dogmengeschichte. Tuebingen, +1908. + + +B. _Assimilation and Amalgamation_ + +(1) Gumplowicz, Ludwig. _Der Rassenkampf._ Sociologische Untersuchungen, +sec. 38, "Wie die Amalgamirung vor sich geht," pp. 253-63. Innsbruck, +1883. + +(2) Commons, John R. _Races and Immigrants in America._ Chap. ix, +"Amalgamation and Assimilation," pp. 198-238. New ed. New York, 1920. +[See also pp. 17-21.] + +(3) Ripley, William Z. _The Races of Europe._ A sociological study. +Chap. ii, "Language, Nationality, and Race," pp. 15-36. Chap. xviii, +"European Origins: Race and Culture," pp. 486-512. New York, 1899. + +(4) Fischer, Eugen. _Die Rehobother Bastards und das +Bastardierungsproblem beim Menschen._ Anthropologische und +ethnographische Studien am Rehobother Bastardvolk in Deutsch-Suedwest +Afrika. Jena, 1913. + +(5) Mayo-Smith, Richmond. "Theories of Mixture of Races and +Nationalities," _Yale Review_, III (1894), 166-86. + +(6) Smith, G. Elliot. "The Influence of Racial Admixture in Egypt," +_Eugenics Review_, VII (1915-16), 163-83. + +(7) Reuter, E. B. _The Mulatto in the United States._ Including a study +of the role of mixed-blood races throughout the world. Boston, 1918. + +(8) Weatherly, Ulysses G. "The Racial Element in Social Assimilation," +_Publications of the American Sociological Society_, V (1910), 57-76. + +(9) ----. "Race and Marriage," _American Journal of Sociology_, XV +(1909-10), 433-53. + +(10) Roosevelt, Theodore. "Brazil and the Negro," _Outlook_, CVI (1904), +409-11. + + +II. THE CONFLICT AND FUSION OF CULTURES + + +A. _Process of Acculturation_ + +(1) Ratzel, Friedrich. _The History of Mankind._ Vol. I, Book I, sec. 4, +"Nature, Rise and Spread of Civilization," pp. 20-30. Vol. II, Book II, +sec. 31, "Origin and Development of the Old American Civilization," pp. +160-70. Translated from the 2d German ed. by A. J. Butler. 3 vols. +London, 1896-98. + +(2) Rivers, W. H. R. "The Ethnological Analysis of Culture," _Report of +the 81st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of +Science_, 1911, pp. 490-99. + +(3) Frobenius, L. _Der Ursprung der afrikanischen Kulturen._ Berlin, +1898. + +(4) Boas, Franz. _The Mind of Primitive Man._ Chap. vi, "The +Universality of Cultural Traits," pp. 155-73. Chap. vii, "The +Evolutionary Viewpoint," pp. 174-96. New York, 1911. + +(5) Vierkandt, A. _Die Stetigkeit im Kulturwandel._ Eine sociologische +Studie. Leipzig, 1908. + +(6) McGee, W. J. "Piratical Acculturation," _American Anthropologist_, +XI (1898), 243-51. + +(7) Crooke, W. "Method of Investigation and Folklore Origins," +_Folklore_, XXIV (1913), 14-40. + +(8) Graebner, F. "Die melanesische Bogenkultur und ihre Verwandten," +_Anthropos_, IV (1909), 726-80, 998-1032. + +(9) Lowie, Robert H. "On the Principle of Convergence in Ethnology," +_Journal of American Folklore_, XXV (1912), 24-42. + +(10) Goldenweiser, A. A. "The Principle of Limited Possibilities in the +Development of Culture," _Journal of American Folklore_, XXVI (1913), +259-90. + +(11) Dixon, R. B. "The Independence of the Culture of the American +Indian," _Science_, N.S., XXXV (1912), 46-55. + +(12) Johnson, W. _Folk-Memory._ Or the continuity of British +archaeology. Oxford, 1908. + +(13) Wundt, Wilhelm. _Voelkerpsychologie._ Eine Untersuchung der +Entwicklungsgesetze von Sprache, Mythus, und Sitte. Band I, "Die +Sprache." 3 vols. Leipzig, 1900-1909. + +(14) Tarde, Gabriel. _The Laws of Imitation._ Translated from the 2d +French ed. by Elsie Clews Parsons. New York, 1903. + + +B. _Nationalization and Denationalization_ + +(1) Bauer, Otto. _Die Nationalitaetenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie._ +Wien, 1907. Chap. vi, sec. 30, "Der Sozialismus und das +Nationalitaetsprinzip," pp. 507-21. (In: Adler, M. and Hildering, R. +_Marx-Studien; Blaetter zur Theorie und Politik des wissenschaftlichen +Sozialismus._ Band II. Wien, 1904. + +(2) Kerner, R. J. _Slavic Europe._ A selected bibliography in the +western European languages, comprising history, languages, and +literature. "The Slavs and Germanization," Nos. 2612-13, pp. 193-95. +Cambridge, Mass., 1918. + +(3) Delbrueck, Hans. "Das Polenthum," _Preussische Jahrbuecher_, LXXVI +(April, 1894), 173-86. + +(4) Warren, H. C. "Social Forces and International Ethics," +_International Journal of Ethics_, XXVII (1917), 350-56. + +(5) Prince, M. "A World Consciousness and Future Peace," _Journal of +Abnormal Psychology_, XI (1917), 287-304. + +(6) Reich, Emil. _General History of Western Nations, from 5000 B.C. to +1900 A.D._ "Europeanization of Humanity," pp. 33-65, 480-82. (Vols. I-II +published.) London, 1908. + +(7) Thomas, William I. "The Prussian-Polish Situation: an Experiment in +Assimilation," _American Journal of Sociology_, XIX (1913-14), 624-39. + +(8) Parkman, Francis. _Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian Wars after +the Conquest of Canada._ 8th ed., 2 vols. Boston, 1877. [Discusses the +cultural effects of the mingling of French and Indians in Canada.] + +(9) Moore, William H. _The Clash._ A study in nationalities. New York, +1919. [French and English cultural contacts in Canada.] + +(10) Mayo-Smith, Richmond. "Assimilation of Nationalities in the United +States," _Political Science Quarterly_, IX (1894), 426-44, 649-70. + +(11) Kelly, J. Liddell. "New Race in the Making; Many Nationalities in +the Territory of Hawaii--Process of Fusion Proceeding--the Coming +Pacific Race," _Westminster Review_, CLXXV (1911), 357-66. + +(12) Kallen, H. M. _Structure of Lasting Peace._ An inquiry into the +motives of war and peace. Boston, 1918. + +(13) Westermarck, Edward. "Finland and the Czar," _Contemporary Review_, +LXXV (1899), 652-59. + +(14) Brandes, Georg. "Denmark and Germany," _Contemporary Review_, LXXVI +(1899), 92-104. + +(15) Marvin, Francis S. _The Unity of Western Civilization._ Essays. +London and New York, 1915. + +(16) Fishberg, Maurice. _The Jews: a Study in Race and Environment._ +London and New York, 1911. [Chap. xxii deals with assimilation versus +nationalism.] + +(17) Bailey, W. F., and Bates, Jean V. "The Early German Settlers in +Transylvania," _Fortnightly Review_, CVII (1917), 661-74. + +(18) Auerbach, Bertrand. _Les Races et les nationalites en +Autriche-Hongrie._ Paris, 1898. + +(19) Cunningham, William. _Alien Immigrants to England._ London and New +York, 1897. + +(20) Kaindl, Raimund Friedrich. _Geschichte der Deutschen in den +Karpathenlaendern._ Vol. I, "Geschichte der Deutschen in Galizien bis +1772." 3 vols. in 2. Gotha, 1907-11. + + +C. _Missions_ + +(1) Moore, Edward C. _The Spread of Christianity in the Modern World._ +Chicago, 1919. [Bibliography.] + +(2) World Missionary Conference. _Report of the World Missionary +Conference, 1910._ 9 vols. Chicago, 1910. + +(3) Robinson, Charles H. _History of Christian Missions._ New York, +1915. + +(4) Speer, Robert E. _Missions and Modern History._ A study of the +missionary aspects of some great movements of the nineteenth century. 2 +vols. New York, 1904. + +(5) Warneck, Gustav. _Outline of a History of Protestant Missions from +the Reformation to the Present Time._ A contribution to modern church +history. Translated from the German by George Robson. Chicago, 1901. + +(6) Creighton, Louise. _Missions._ Their rise and development. New York, +1912. [Bibliography.] + +(7) Pascoe, C. F. _Two Hundred Years of the Society for the Propagation +of the Gospel, 1701-1900._ Based on a digest of the Society's records. +London, 1901. + +(8) Parkman, Francis. _The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth +Century._ Part II. "France and England in North America." Boston, 1902. + +(9) Bryce, James. _Impressions of South Africa._ Chap. xxii, "Missions," +pp. 384-93. 3d ed. New York, 1900. + +(10) Sumner, W. G. _Folkways._ "Missions and Antagonistic Mores," pp. +111-14, 629-31. New York, 1906. + +(11) Coffin, Ernest W. "On the Education of Backward Races," +_Pedagogical Seminary_, XV (1908), 1-62. [Bibliography.] + +(12) Blackmar, Frank W. _Spanish Colonization in the South West._ "The +Mission System," pp. 28-48. "Johns Hopkins University Studies in +Historical and Political Science." Baltimore, 1890. + +(13) Johnston, Harry H. _George Grenfell and the Congo._ A history and +description of the Congo Independent State and adjoining districts of +Congoland, together with some account of the native peoples and their +languages, the fauna and flora, and similar notes on the Cameroons, and +the Island of Fernando Po, the whole founded on the diaries and +researches of the late Rev. George Grenfell, B.M.S., F.R.S.G.; and on +the records of the British Baptist Missionary society; and on additional +information contributed by the author, by the Rev. Lawson Forfeitt, Mr. +Emil Torday, and others. 2 vols. London, 1908. + +(14) Kingsley, Mary H. _West African Studies._ Pp. 107-9, 272-75. 2d ed. +London, 1901. + +(15) Morel, E. D. _Affairs of West Africa._ Chaps. xxii-xxiii, "Islam in +West Africa," pp. 208-37. London, 1902. + +(16) Sapper, Karl. "Der Charakter der mittelamerikanischen Indianer," +_Globus_, LXXXVII (1905), 128-31. + +(17) Fleming, Daniel J. _Devolution in Mission Administration._ As +exemplified by the legislative history of five American missionary +societies in India. New York, 1916. [Bibliography.] + + +III. IMMIGRATION AND AMERICANIZATION + + +A. _Immigration and the Immigrant_ + +(1) United States Immigration Commission. _Reports of the Immigration +Commission._ 41 vols. Washington, 1911. + +(2) Lauck, William J., and Jenks, Jeremiah. _The Immigration Problem._ +New York, 1912. + +(3) Commons, John R. _Races and Immigrants in America._ New ed. New +York, 1920. + +(4) Fairchild, Henry P. _Immigration._ A world-movement and its American +significance. New York, 1913. [Bibliography.] + +(5) Ross, E. A. _The Old World in the New._ The significance of past and +present immigration to the American people. New York, 1914. + +(6) Abbott, Grace. _The Immigrant and the Community._ With an +introduction by Judge Julian W. Mack. New York, 1917. + +(7) Steiner, Edward A. _On the Trail of the Immigrant._ New York, 1906. + +(8) ----. _The Immigrant Tide, Its Ebb and Flow._ Chicago, 1909. + +(9) Brandenburg, Broughton. _Imported Americans._ The story of the +experiences of a disguised American and his wife studying the +immigration question. New York, 1904. + +(10) Kapp, Friedrich. _Immigration and the Commissioners of Emigration +of the State of New York._ New York, 1880. + + +B. _Immigrant Communities_ + +(1) Faust, Albert B. _The German Element in the United States._ With +special reference to its political, moral, social, and educational +influence. New York, 1909. + +(2) Green, Samuel S. _The Scotch-Irish in America, 1895._ A paper read +as the report of the Council of the American Antiquarian Society, at the +semi-annual meeting, April 24, 1895, with correspondence called out by +the paper. Worcester, Mass., 1895. + +(3) Hanna, Charles A. _The Scotch-Irish._ Or the Scot in North Britain, +North Ireland, and North America. New York and London, 1902. + +(4) Jewish Publication Society of America. _The American Jewish +Yearbook._ Philadelphia, 1899. + +(5) _Jewish Communal Register, 1917-1918._ 2d ed. Edited and published +by the Kehillah (Jewish Community) of New York City. New York, 1919. + +(6) Balch, Emily G. _Our Slavic Fellow Citizens._ New York, 1910. + +(7) Horak, Jakub. _Assimilation of Czechs in Chicago._ [In press.] + +(8) Millis, Harry A. _The Japanese Problem in the United States._ An +investigation for the Commission on Relations with Japan appointed by +the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America. New York, +1915. + +(9) Fairchild, Henry P. _Greek Immigration to the United States._ New +Haven, 1911. + +(10) Burgess, Thomas. _Greeks in America._ An account of their coming, +progress, customs, living, and aspirations; with a historical +introduction and the stories of some famous American-Greeks. Boston, +1913. + +(11) Coolidge, Mary R. _Chinese Immigration._ New York, 1909. + +(12) Foerster, Robert F. _The Italian Emigration of Our Times._ +Cambridge, Mass., 1919. + +(13) Lord, Eliot, Trenor, John J. D., and Barrows, Samuel J. _The +Italian in America._ New York, 1905. + +(14) DuBois, W. E. Burghardt. _The Philadelphia Negro, A Social Study._ +Together with a special report on domestic service by Isabel Eaton. +"Publications of the University of Pennsylvania, Series in Political +Economy and Public Law," No. 14. Philadelphia, 1899. + +(15) Williams, Daniel J. _The Welsh of Columbus, Ohio._ A study in +adaptation and assimilation. Oshkosh, Wis., 1913. + + +C. _Americanization_ + +(1) Drachsler, Julius. _Democracy and Assimilation._ The blending of +immigrant heritages in America. New York, 1920. [Bibliography.] + +(2) Dushkin, Alexander M. _Jewish Education in New York City._ New York, +1918. + +(3) Thompson, Frank V. _Schooling of the Immigrant._ New York, 1920. + +(4) Daniels, John. _America via the Neighborhood._ New York, 1920. + +(5) Park, Robert E., and Miller, Herbert A. _Old World Traits +Transplanted._ New York, 1921. + +(6) Speek, Peter A. _A Stake in the Land._ New York, 1921. + +(7) Davis, Michael M. _Immigrant Health and the Community._ New York, +1921. + +(8) Breckinridge, Sophonisba P. _New Homes for Old._ New York, 1921. + +(9) Leiserson, William M. _Adjusting Immigrant and Industry._ [In +press.] + +(10) Gavit, John P. _Americans by Choice._ [In press.] + +(11) Claghorn, Kate H. _The Immigrant's Day in Court._ [In press.] + +(12) Park, Robert E. _The Immigrant Press and Its Control._ [In press.] +New York, 1921. + +(13) Burns, Allen T. _Summary of the Americanization Studies of the +Carnegie Corporation of New York._ [In press.] + +(14) Miller, Herbert A. _The School and the Immigrant._ Cleveland +Education Survey. Cleveland, 1916. + +(15) Kallen, Horace M. "Democracy versus the Melting-Pot, a Study of +American Nationality." _Nation_, C (1915), 190-94, 217-20. + +(16) Gulick, Sidney L. _American Democracy and Asiatic Citizenship._ New +York, 1918. + +(17) Talbot, Winthrop, editor. _Americanization._ Principles +of Americanism; essentials of Americanization; technic of +race-assimilation. New York, 1917. [Annotated bibliography.] + +(18) Stead, W. T. _The Americanization of the World._ Or the trend of +the twentieth century. New York and London, 1901. + +(19) Aronovici, Carol. _Americanization._ St. Paul, 1919. [Also in +_American Journal of Sociology_, XXV (1919-20), 695-730.] + + +D. _Personal Documents_ + +(1) Bridges, Horace. _On Becoming an American._ Some meditations of a +newly naturalized immigrant. Boston, 1919. + +(2) Riis, Jacob A. _The Making of an American._ New York, 1901. + +(3) Rihbany, Abraham Mitrie. _A Far Journey._ Boston, 1914. + +(4) Hasanovitz, Elizabeth. _One of Them._ Chapters from a passionate +autobiography. Boston, 1918. + +(5) Cohen, Rose. _Out of the Shadow._ New York, 1918. + +(6) Ravage, M. E. _An American in the Making._ The life-story of an +immigrant. New York, 1917. + +(7) Cahan, Abraham. _The Rise of David Levinsky._ A novel. New York, +1917. + +(8) Antin, Mary. _The Promised Land._ New York, 1912. + +(9) ----. _They Who Knock at Our Gates._ A complete gospel of +immigration. New York, 1914. + +(10) Washington, Booker T. _Up from Slavery._ An autobiography. New +York, 1901. + +(11) Steiner, Edward A. _From Alien to Citizen._ The story of my life in +America. New York, 1914. + +(12) Stern, Mrs. Elizabeth Gertrude (Levin). _My Mother and I._ New +York, 1919. + +(13) DuBois, W. E. Burghardt. _Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil._ +New York, 1920. + +(14) ----. _The Souls of Black Folk._ Essays and sketches. Chicago, +1903. + +(15) Hapgood, Hutchins. _The Spirit of the Ghetto._ Studies of the +Jewish quarter in New York. Rev. ed. New York, 1909. + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. Race and Culture, and the Problem of the Relative Superiority and +Inferiority of Races. + +2. The Relation of Assimilation to Amalgamation. + +3. The Mulatto as a Cultural Type. + +4. Language as a Means of Assimilation and a Basis of National +Solidarity. + +5. History and Literature as Means for Preserving National Solidarity. + +6. Race Prejudice and Segregation in Their Relations to Assimilation and +Accommodation. + +7. Domestic Slavery and the Assimilation of the Negro. + +8. A Study of Historical Experiments in Denationalization; the +Germanization of Posen, the Russianization of Poland, the Japanese +Policy in Korea, etc. + +9. The "Melting-Pot" versus "Hyphen" in Their Relation to +Americanization. + +10. A Study of Policies, Programs, and Experiments in Americanization +from the Standpoint of Sociology. + +11. The Immigrant Community as a Means of Americanization. + +12. The Process of Assimilation as Revealed in Personal Documents, as +Antin, _The Promised Land_; Rihbany, _A Far Journey_; Ravage, _An +American in the Making_; etc. + +13. Foreign Missions and Native Cultures. + +14. The Role of Assimilation and Accommodation in the Personal +Development of the Individual Man. + +15. Assimilation and Accommodation in Their Relations to the Educational +Process. + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. What do you understand Simons to mean by the term "assimilation"? + +2. What is the difference between amalgamation and assimilation? + +3. How are assimilation and amalgamation interrelated? + +4. What do you consider to be the difference between Trotter's +explanation of human evolution and that of Crile? + +5. What do you understand Trotter to mean by the gregarious instinct as +a mechanism controlling conduct? + +6. Of what significance is the distinction made by Trotter between (a) +the three individual instincts, and (b) the gregarious instincts? + +7. What is the significance of material and non-material cultural +elements for the study of race contact and intermixture? + +8. How do you explain the difference in rapidity of assimilation of the +various types of cultural elements? + +9. What factors promoted and impeded the extension of Roman culture in +Gaul? + +10. What social factors were involved in the origin of the French +language? + +11. To what extent does the extension of a cultural language involve +assimilation? + +12. In what sense do the cultural languages compete with each other? + +13. Do you agree with the prediction that within a century English will +be the vernacular of a quarter of the people of the world? Justify your +position. + +14. Does Park's definition of assimilation differ from that of Simons? + +15. What do you understand Park to mean when he says, "Social +institutions are not founded in similarities any more than they are +founded in differences, but in relations, and in the mutual +interdependence of the parts"? What is the relation of this principle to +the process of assimilation? + +16. What do you understand to be the difference between the type of +assimilation (a) that makes for group solidarity and corporate action, +and (b) that makes for formal like-mindedness? What conditions favor +the one or the other type of assimilation? + +17. What do you understand by the term "Americanization"? + +18. Is there a difference between Americanization and Prussianization? + +19. With what programs of Americanization are you familiar? Are they +adequate from the standpoint of the sociological interpretation of +assimilation? + +20. In what way is language both a means and a product of assimilation? + +21. What is meant by the phrases "apperception mass," "universes of +discourse," and "definitions of the situations"? What is their +significance for assimilation? + +22. In what way does assimilation involve the mediation of individual +differences? + +23. Does the segregation of immigrants make for or against assimilation? + +24. In what ways do primary and secondary contacts, imitation and +suggestion, competition, conflict and accommodation, enter into the +process of assimilation? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[241] Adapted from Sarah E. Simons, "Social Assimilation," in the +_American Journal of Sociology_, VI (1901), 790-801. + +[242] Adapted from W. Trotter, "Herd Instinct," in the _Sociological +Review_, I (1908), 231-42. + +[243] From W. H. R. Rivers, "The Ethnological Analysis of Culture," in +_Nature_, LXXXVII (1911), 358-60. + +[244] From John H. Cornyn, "French Language," in the _Encyclopedia +Americana_, XI (1919), 646-47. + +[245] Adapted from E. H. Babbitt, "The Geography of the Great +Languages," in _World's Work_, XV (1907-8), 9903-7. + +[246] From Robert E. Park, "Racial Assimilation in Secondary Groups," in +the _Publications of the American Sociological Society_, VIII (1914), +66-72. + +[247] The three selections under this heading are adapted from +_Memorandum on Americanization_, prepared by the Division of Immigrant +Heritages, of the Study of Methods of Americanization, of the Carnegie +Corporation, New York City, 1919. + +[248] See chap. i, pp. 16-24. + +[249] See _Menighetskalenderen_. (Minneapolis, Minn.: Augsburg +Publishing Co. 1917.) + + + + +CHAPTER XII + +SOCIAL CONTROL + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. Social Control Defined + +Social control has been studied, but, in the wide extension that +sociology has given to the term, it has not been defined. All social +problems turn out finally to be problems of social control. In the +introductory chapter to this volume social problems were divided into +three classes: Problems (a) of administration, (b) of policy and +polity, (c) of social forces and human nature.[250] Social control may +be studied in each one of these categories. It is with social forces and +human nature that sociology is mainly concerned. Therefore it is from +this point of view that social control will be considered in this +chapter. + +In the four preceding chapters the process of interaction, in its four +typical forms, competition, conflict, accommodation, and assimilation, +has been analyzed and described. The community and the natural order +within the limits of the community, it appeared, are an effect of +competition. Social control and the mutual subordination of individual +members to the community have their origin in conflict, assume definite +organized forms in the process of accommodation, and are consolidated +and fixed in assimilation. + +Through the medium of these processes, a community assumes the form of a +society. Incidentally, however, certain definite and quite spontaneous +forms of social control are developed. These forms are familiar under +various titles: tradition, custom, folkways, mores, ceremonial, myth, +religious and political beliefs, dogmas and creeds, and finally public +opinion and law. In this chapter it is proposed to define a little more +accurately certain of these typical mechanisms through which social +groups are enabled to act. In the chapter on "Collective Behavior" which +follows, materials will be presented to exhibit the group in action. + +It is in action that the mechanisms of control are created, and the +materials under the title "Collective Behavior" are intended to +illustrate the stages, (a) social unrest, (b) mass movements, (c) +institutions in which society is formed and reformed. Finally, in the +chapter on "Progress," the relation of social change to social control +will be discussed and the role of science and collective representations +in the direction of social changes indicated. + +The most obvious fact about social control is the machinery by which +laws are made and enforced, that is, the legislature, the courts, and +the police. When we think of social control, therefore, these are the +images in which we see it embodied and these are the terms in which we +seek to define it. + +It is not quite so obvious that legislation and the police must, in the +long run, have the support of public opinion. Hume's statement that +governments, even the most despotic, have nothing but opinion to support +them, cannot be accepted without some definition of terms, but it is +essentially correct. Hume included under opinion what we would +distinguish from it, namely, the mores. He might have added, using +opinion in this broad sense, that the governed, no matter how numerous, +are helpless unless they too are united by "opinion." + +A king or a political "boss," having an army or apolitical "machine" at +his command, can do much. It is possible, also, to confuse or mislead +public opinion, but neither the king nor the boss will, if he be wise, +challenge the mores and the common sense of the community. + +Public opinion and the mores, however, representing as they do the +responses of the community to changing situations, are themselves +subject to change and variation. They are based, however, upon what we +have called fundamental human nature, that is, certain traits which in +some form or other are reproduced in every form of society. + + During the past seventy years the various tribes, races, and + nationalities of mankind have been examined in detail by the + students of ethnology, and a comparison of the results shows + that the fundamental patterns of life and behavior are + everywhere the same, whether among the ancient Greeks, the + modern Italians, the Asiatic Mongols, the Australian blacks, or + the African Hottentots. All have a form of family life, moral + and legal regulations, a religious system, a form of + government, artistic practices, and so forth. An examination + of the moral code of any given group, say the African Kaffirs, + will disclose many identities with that of any other given + group, say the Hebrews. All groups have such "commandments" as + "Honor thy father and mother," "Thou shalt not kill," "Thou + shalt not steal." Formerly it was assumed that this similarity + was the result of borrowing between groups. When Bastian + recorded a Hawaiian myth resembling the one of Orpheus and + Eurydice, there was speculation as to how this story had been + carried so far from Greece. But it is now recognized that + similarities of culture are due, in the main, not to imitation, + but to parallel development. The nature of man is everywhere + essentially the same and tends to express itself everywhere in + similar sentiments and institutions.[251] + +There are factors in social control more fundamental than the mores. +Herbert Spencer, in his chapter on "Ceremonial Government," has defined +social control from this more fundamental point of view. In that chapter +he refers to "the modified forms of action caused in men by the presence +of their fellows" as a form of control "out of which other more definite +controls are evolved." The spontaneous responses of one individual to +the presence of another which are finally fixed, conventionalized, and +transmitted as social ritual constitute that "primitive undifferentiated +kind of government from which political and religious government are +differentiated, and in which they continue immersed." + +In putting this emphasis upon ceremonial and upon those forms of +behavior which spring directly and spontaneously out of the innate and +instinctive responses of the individual to a social situation, Spencer +is basing government on the springs of action which are fundamental, so +far, at any rate, as sociology is concerned. + + +2. Classification of the Materials + +The selections on social control have been classified under three heads: +(a) elementary forms of social control, (b) public opinion, and +(c) institutions. This order of the readings indicates the development +of control from its spontaneous forms in the crowd, in ceremony, +prestige, and taboo; its more explicit expression in gossip, rumor, +news, and public opinion; to its more formal organization in law, +dogma, and in religious and political institutions. Ceremonial, public +opinion, and law are characteristic forms in which social life finds +expression as well as a means by which the actions of the individual are +co-ordinated and collective impulses are organized so that they issue in +behavior, that is, either (a) primarily expressive--play, for +example--or (b) positive action. + +A very much larger part of all human behavior than we ordinarily imagine +is merely expressive. Art, play, religious exercises, and political +activity are either wholly or almost wholly forms of expression, and +have, therefore, that symbolic and ceremonial character which belongs +especially to ritual and to art, but is characteristic of every activity +carried on for its own sake. Only work, action which has some ulterior +motive or is performed from a conscious sense of duty, falls wholly and +without reservation into the second class. + +a) _Elementary forms of social control._--Control in the crowd, where +rapport is once established and every individual is immediately +responsive to every other, is the most elementary form of control. + +Something like this same direct and spontaneous response of the +individual in the crowd to the crowd's dominant mood or impulse may be +seen in the herd and the flock, the "animal crowd." + +Under the influence of the vague sense of alarm, or merely as an effect +of heat and thirst, cattle become restless and begin slowly moving about +in circles, "milling." This milling is a sort of collective gesture, an +expression of discomfort or of fear. But the very expression of the +unrest tends to intensify its expression and so increases the tension in +the herd. This continues up to the point where some sudden sound, the +firing of a pistol or a flash of lightning, plunges the herd into a wild +stampede. + +Milling in the herd is a visible image of what goes on in subtler and +less obvious ways in human societies. Alarms or discomforts frequently +provoke social unrest. The very expression of this unrest tends to +magnify it. The situation is a vicious circle. Every attempt to deal +with it merely serves to aggravate it. Such a vicious circle we +witnessed in our history from 1830 to 1861, when every attempt to deal +with slavery served only to bring the inevitable conflict between the +states nearer. Finally there transpired what had for twenty years been +visibly preparing and the war broke. + +Tolstoi in his great historical romance, _War and Peace_, describes, in +a manner which no historian has equaled, the events that led up to the +Franco-Russian War of 1812, and particularly the manner in which +Napoleon, in spite of his efforts to avoid it, was driven by social +forces over which he had no control to declare war on Russia, and so +bring about his own downfall. + +The condition under which France was forced by Bismarck to declare war +on Prussia in 1870, and the circumstances under which Austria declared +war on Serbia in 1914 and so brought on the world-war, exhibit the same +fatal circle. In both cases, given the situation, the preparations that +had been made, the resolutions formed and the agreements entered into, +it seems clear that after a certain point had been reached every move +was forced. + +This is the most fundamental and elementary form of control. It is the +control exercised by the mere play of elemental forces. These forces +may, to a certain extent, be manipulated, as is true of other natural +forces; but within certain limits, human nature being what it is, the +issue is fatally determined, just as, given the circumstances and the +nature of cattle, a stampede is inevitable. Historical crises are +invariably created by processes which, looked at abstractly, are very +much like milling in a herd. The vicious circle is the so-called +"psychological factor" in financial depressions and panics and is, +indeed, a factor in all collective action. + +The effect of this circular form of interaction is to increase the +tensions in the group and, by creating a state of expectancy, to +mobilize its members for collective action. It is like the attention in +the individual: it is the way in which the group prepares to act. + +Back of every other form of control--ceremonial, public opinion, or +law--there is always this interaction of the elementary social forces. +What we ordinarily mean by social control, however, is the arbitrary +intervention of some individual--official, functionary, or leader--in +the social process. A policeman arrests a criminal, an attorney sways +the jury with his eloquence, the judge passes sentence; these are the +familiar formal acts in which social control manifests itself. What +makes the control exercised in this way social, in the strict sense of +that term, is the fact that these acts are supported by custom, law, and +public opinion. + +The distinction between control in the crowd and in other forms of +society is that the crowd has no tradition. It has no point of reference +in its own past to which its members can refer for guidance. It has +therefore neither symbols, ceremonies, rites, nor ritual; it imposes no +obligations and creates no loyalties. + +Ceremonial is one method of reviving in the group a lively sense of the +past. It is a method of reinstating the excitements and the sentiments +which inspired an earlier collective action. The savage war dance is a +dramatic representation of battle and as such serves to rouse and +reawaken the warlike spirit. This is one way in which ceremonial becomes +a means of control. By reviving the memories of an earlier war, it +mobilizes the warriors for a new one. + +Ernst Grosse, in _The Beginnings of Art_, has stated succinctly what has +impressed all first-hand observers, namely, the important role which the +dance plays in the lives of primitive peoples. + + The dances of the hunting peoples are, as a rule, mass dances. + Generally the men of the tribe, not rarely the members of + several tribes, join in the exercises, and the whole assemblage + then moves according to one law in one time. All who have + described the dances have referred again and again to this + "wonderful" unison of the movements. In the heat of the dance + the several participants are fused together as into a single + being, which is stirred and moved as by one feeling. During the + dance they are in a condition of complete social unification, + and the dancing group feels and acts like a single organism. + _The social significance of the primitive dance lies precisely + in this effect of social unification._ It brings and accustoms + a number of men who, in their loose and precarious conditions + of life, are driven irregularly hither and thither by different + individual needs and desires, to act under one impulse with one + feeling for one object. It introduces order and connection, at + least occasionally, into the rambling, fluctuating life of the + hunting tribes. It is, besides wars, perhaps the only factor + that makes their solidarity vitally perceptible to the + adherents of a primitive tribe, and it is at the same time one + of the best preparations for war, for the gymnastic dances + correspond in more than one respect to our military exercises. + It would be hard to overestimate the importance of the + primitive dance in the culture development of mankind. All + higher civilization is conditioned upon the uniformly ordered + co-operation of individual social elements, and primitive men + are trained to this co-operation by the dance.[252] + +The dance, which is so characteristic and so universal a feature of the +life of primitive man--at once a mode of collective expression and of +collective representation--is but a conventionalized form of the +circular reaction, which in its most primitive form is represented by +the milling of the herd. + +b) _Public opinion._--We ordinarily think of public opinion as a sort +of social weather. At certain times, and under certain circumstances, we +observe strong, steady currents of opinion, moving apparently in a +definite direction and toward a definite goal. At other times, however, +we note flurries and eddies and counter-currents in this movement. Every +now and then there are storms, shifts, or dead calms. These sudden +shifts in public opinion, when expressed in terms of votes, are referred +to by the politicians as "landslides." + +In all these movements, cross-currents and changes in direction which a +closer observation of public opinion reveals, it is always possible to +discern, but on a much grander scale, to be sure, that same type of +circular reaction which we have found elsewhere, whenever the group was +preparing to act. Always in the public, as in the crowd, there will be a +circle, sometimes wider, sometimes narrower, within which individuals +are mutually responsive to motives and interests of one another, so that +out of this interplay of social forces there may emerge at any time a +common motive and a common purpose that will dominate the whole. + +Within the circle of the mutual influence described, there will be no +such complete rapport and no such complete domination of the individual +by the group as exists in a herd or a crowd in a state of excitement, +but there will be sufficient community of interest to insure a common +understanding. A public is, in fact, organized on the basis of a +universe of discourse, and within the limits of this universe of +discourse, language, statements of fact, news will have, for all +practical purposes, the same meanings. It is this circle of mutual +influence within which there is a universe of discourse that defines the +limits of the public. + +A public like the crowd is not to be conceived as a formal organization +like a parliament or even a public meeting. It is always the widest area +over which there is conscious participation and consensus in the +formation of public opinion. The public has not only a circumference, +but it has a center. Within the area within which there is +participation and consensus there is always a focus of attention around +which the opinions of the individuals which compose the public seem to +revolve. This focus of attention, under ordinary circumstances, is +constantly shifting. The shifts of attention of the public constitute +what is meant by the changes in public opinion. When these changes take +a definite direction and have or seem to have a definite goal, we call +the phenomenon a social movement. If it were possible to plot this +movement in the form of maps and graphs, it would be possible to show +movement in two dimensions. There would be, for example, a movement in +space. The focus of public opinion, the point namely at which there is +the greatest "intensity" of opinion, tends to move from one part of the +country to another.[253] In America these movements, for reasons that +could perhaps be explained historically, are likely to be along the +meridians, east and west, rather than north and south. In the course of +this geographical movement of public opinion, however, we are likely to +observe changes in intensity and changes in direction (devagation). + + Changes in intensity seem to be in direct proportion to the + area over which opinion on a given issue may be said to exist. + In minorities opinion is uniformly more intense than it is in + majorities and this is what gives minorities so much greater + influence in proportion to their numbers than majorities. While + changes in intensity have a definite relation to the area over + which public opinion on an issue may be said to exist, the + devagations of public opinion, as distinguished from the trend, + will probably turn out to have a direct relation to the + character of the parties that participate. Area as applied to + public opinion will have to be measured eventually in terms of + social rather than geographical distance, that is to say, in + terms of isolation and contact. The factor of numbers is also + involved in any such calculation. Geographical area, + communication, and the number of persons involved are in + general the factors that would determine the concept "area" as + it is used here. If party spirit is strong the general + direction or trend of public opinion will probably be + intersected by shifts and sudden transient changes in + direction, and these shifts will be in proportion to the + intensity of the party spirit. Charles E. Merriam's recent + study of political parties indicates that the minority parties + formulate most of the legislation in the United States.[254] + This is because there is not very great divergence in the + policies of the two great parties and party struggles are + fought out on irrelevant issues. So far as this is true it + insures against any sudden change in policy. New legislation is + adopted in response to the trend of public opinion, rather than + in response to the devagations and sudden shifts brought about + by the development of a radical party spirit. + +All these phenomena may be observed, for example, in the Prohibition +Movement. Dicey's study of _Law and Public Opinion in England_ showed +that while the direction of opinion in regard to specific issues had +been very irregular, on the whole the movement had been in one general +direction. The trend of public opinion is the name we give to this +general movement. In defining the trend, shifts, cross-currents, and +flurries are not considered. When we speak of the tendency or direction +of public opinion we usually mean the trend over a definite period of +time. + +When the focus of public attention ceases to move and shift, when it is +fixed, the circle which defines the limits of the public is narrowed. As +the circle narrows, opinion itself becomes more intense and +concentrated. This is the phenomenon of crisis. It is at this point that +the herd stampedes. + +The effect of crisis is invariably to increase the dangers of +precipitate action. The most trivial incident, in such periods of +tension, may plunge a community into irretrievable disaster. It is under +conditions of crisis that dictatorships are at once possible and +necessary, not merely to enable the community to act energetically, but +in order to protect the community from the mere play of external forces. +The manner in which Bismarck, by a slight modification of the famous +telegram of Ems, provoked a crisis in France and compelled Napoleon III, +against his judgment and that of his advisers, to declare war on +Germany, is an illustration of this danger.[255] + +It is this narrowing of the area over which a definite public opinion +may be said to exist that at once creates the possibility and defines +the limits of arbitrary control, so far as it is created or determined +by the existence of public opinion. + +Thus far the public has been described almost wholly in terms that could +be applied to a crowd. The public has been frequently described as if it +were simply a great crowd, a crowd scattered as widely as news will +circulate and still be news.[256] But there is this difference. In the +heat and excitement of the crowd, as in the choral dances of primitive +people, there is for the moment what may be described as complete fusion +of the social forces. Rapport has, for the time being, made the crowd, +in a peculiarly intimate way, a social unit. + +No such unity exists in the public. The sentiment and tendencies which +we call public opinion are never unqualified expressions of emotion. The +difference is that public opinion is determined by conflict and +discussion, and made up of the opinions of individuals not wholly at +one. In any conflict situation, where party spirit is aroused, the +spectators, who constitute the public, are bound to take sides. The +impulse to take sides is, in fact, in direct proportion to the +excitement and party spirit displayed. The result is, however, that both +sides of an issue get considered. Certain contentions are rejected +because they will not stand criticism. Public opinion formed in this way +has the character of a judgment, rather than a mere unmeditated +expression of emotion, as in the crowd. The public is never ecstatic. It +is always more or less rational. It is this fact of conflict, in the +form of discussion, that introduces into the control exercised by public +opinion the elements of rationality and of fact. + +In the final judgment of the public upon a conflict or an issue, we +expect, to be sure, some sort of unanimity of judgment, but in the +general consensus there will be some individual differences of opinion +still unmediated, or only partially so, and final agreement of the +public will be more or less qualified by all the different opinions that +co-operated to form its judgment. + +In the materials which follow a distinction is made between public +opinion and the mores, and this distinction is important. Custom and the +folkways, like habit in the individual, may be regarded as a mere +residuum of past practices. When folkways assume the character of mores, +they are no longer merely matters of fact and common sense, they are +judgments upon matters which were probably once live issues and as such +they may be regarded as the products of public opinion. + +Ritual, religious or social, is probably the crystallization of forms of +behavior which, like the choral dance, are the direct expression of the +emotions and the instincts. The mores, on the other hand, in so far as +they contain a rational element, are the accumulations, the residuum, +not only of past practices, but of judgments such as find expression in +public opinion. The mores, as thus conceived, are the judgments of +public opinion in regard to issues that have been settled and forgotten. + +L. T. Hobhouse, in his volume, _Morals in Evolution_, has described, in +a convincing way, the process by which, as he conceives it, custom is +modified and grows under the influence of the personal judgments of +individuals and of the public. Public opinion, as he defines it, is +simply the combined and sublimated judgments of individuals. + +Most of these judgments are, to be sure, merely the repetition of old +formulas. But occasionally, when the subject of discussion touches us +more deeply, when it touches upon some matter in which we have had a +deeper and more intimate experience, the ordinary patter that passes as +public opinion is dissipated and we originate a moral judgment that not +only differs from, but is in conflict with, the prevailing opinion. In +that case "we become, as it were, centers from which judgments of one +kind or another radiate and from which they pass forth to fill the +atmosphere of opinion and take their place among the influences that +mould the judgments of men." + +The manner in which public opinion issues from the interaction of +individuals, and moral judgments are formed that eventually become the +basis of law, may be gathered from the way in which the process goes on +in the daily life about us. + + No sooner has the judgment escaped us--a winged word from our + own lips--than it impinges on the judgment similarly flying + forth to do its work from our next-door neighbor, and if the + subject is an exciting one the air is soon full of the winged + forces clashing, deflecting or reinforcing one another as the + case may be, and generally settling down toward some + preponderating opinion which is society's judgment on the case. + But in the course of the conflict many of the original + judgments are modified. Discussion, further consideration, + above all, the mere influence of our neighbour's opinion reacts + on each of us, with a stress that is proportioned to various + mental and moral characteristics of our own, our clearness of + vision, our firmness, or, perhaps, obstinacy of character, our + self-confidence, and so forth. Thus, the controversy will tend + to leave its mark, small or great, on those who took part in + it. It will tend to modify their modes of judgment, confirming + one, perhaps, in his former ways, shaping the confidence of + another, opening the eyes of a third. Similarly, it will tend + to set a precedent for future judgments. It will affect what + men say and think on the next question that turns up. It adds + its weight, of one grain it may be, to some force that is + turning the scale of opinion and preparing society for some new + departure. In any case, we have here in miniature at work every + day before our eyes the essential process by which moral + judgments arise and grow.[257] + +c) _Institutions._--An institution, according to Sumner, consists of a +concept and a structure. The concept defines the purpose, interest, or +function of the institution. The structure embodies the idea of the +institution and furnishes the instrumentalities through which the idea +is put into action. The process by which purposes, whether they are +individual or collective, are embodied in structures is a continuous +one. But the structures thus formed are not physical, at least not +entirely so. Structure, in the sense that Sumner uses the term, belongs, +as he says, to a category of its own. "It is a category in which custom +produces continuity, coherence, and consistency, so that the word +'structure' may properly be applied to the fabric of relations and +prescribed positions with which functions are permanently connected." +Just as every individual member of a community participates in the +process by which custom and public opinion are made, so also he +participates in the creation of the structure, that "cake of custom" +which, when it embodies a definite social function, we call an +institution. + +Institutions may be created just as laws are enacted, but only when a +social situation exists to which they correspond will they become +operative and effective. Institutions, like laws, rest upon the mores +and are supported by public opinion. Otherwise they remain mere paper +projects or artefacts that perform no real function. History records the +efforts of conquering peoples to impose upon the conquered their own +laws and institutions. The efforts are instructive, but not encouraging. +The most striking modern instance is the effort of King Leopold of +Belgium to introduce civilization into the Congo Free State.[258] + +Law, like public opinion, owes its rational and secular character to the +fact that it arose out of an effort to compromise conflict and to +interpret matters which were in dispute. + +To seek vengeance for a wrong committed was a natural impulse, and the +recognition of this fact in custom established it not merely as a right +but as a duty. War, the modern form of trial by battle, the vendetta, +and the duel are examples that have survived down to modern times of +this natural and primitive method of settling disputes. + +In all these forms of conflict custom and the mores have tended to limit +the issues and define the conditions under which disputes might be +settled by force. At the same time public opinion, in passing judgment +on the issues, exercised a positive influence on the outcome of the +struggle. + +Gradually, as men realized the losses which conflicts incurred, the +community has intervened to prevent them. At a time when the blood feud +was still sanctioned by the mores, cities of refuge and sanctuaries were +established to which one who had incurred a blood feud might flee until +his case could be investigated. If it then appeared that the wrong +committed had been unintentional or if there were other mitigating +circumstances, he might find in the sanctuary protection. Otherwise, if +a crime had been committed in cold blood, "lying in wait," or "in +enmity," as the ancient Jewish law books called it, he might be put to +death by the avenger of blood, "when he meeteth him."[259] + +Thus, gradually, the principle became established that the community +might intervene, not merely to insure that vengeance was executed in due +form, but to determine the facts, and thus courts which determined by +legal process the guilt or innocence of the accused were established. + +It does not appear that courts of justice were ever set up within the +kinship group for the trial of offenses, although efforts were made +there first of all, by the elders and the headmen, to compromise +quarrels and compose differences. + +Courts first came into existence, the evidence indicates, when society +was organized over wider areas and after some authority had been +established outside of the local community. As society was organized +over a wider territory, control was extended to ever wider areas of +human life until we have at present a program for international courts +with power to intervene between nations to prevent wars.[260] + +Society, like the individual man, moves and acts under the influence of +a multitude of minor impulses and tendencies which mutually interact to +produce a more general tendency which then dominates all the individuals +of the group. This explains the fact that a group, even a mere casual +collection of individuals like a crowd, is enabled to act more or less +as a unit. The crowd acts under the influence of such a dominant +tendency, unreflectively, without definite reference to a past or a +future. The crowd has no past and no future. The public introduces into +this vortex of impulses the factor of reflection. The public presupposes +the existence of a common impulse such as manifests itself in the crowd, +but it presupposes, also, the existence of individuals and groups of +individuals representing divergent tendencies. These individuals +interact upon one another _critically_. The public is, what the crowd is +not, a discussion group. The very existence of discussion presupposes +objective standards of truth and of fact. The action of the public is +based on a universe of discourse in which things, although they may and +do have for every individual somewhat different value, are describable +at any rate in terms that mean the same to all individuals. The public, +in other words, moves in an objective and intelligible world. + +Law is based on custom. Custom is group habit. As the group acts it +creates custom. There is implicit in custom a conception and a rule of +action, which is regarded as right and proper in the circumstances. Law +makes this rule of action explicit. Law grows up, however, out of a +distinction between this rule of action and the facts. Custom is bound +up with the facts under which the custom grew up. Law is the result of +an effort to frame the rule of action implicit in custom in such general +terms that it can be made to apply to new situations, involving new sets +of facts. This distinction between the law and the facts did not exist +in primitive society. The evolution of law and jurisprudence has been in +the direction of an increasingly clearer recognition of this distinction +between law and the facts. This has meant in practice an increasing +recognition by the courts of the facts, and a disposition to act in +accordance with them. The present disposition of courts, as, for +example, the juvenile courts, to call to their assistance experts to +examine the mental condition of children who are brought before them and +to secure the assistance of juvenile-court officers to advise and assist +them in the enforcement of the law, is an illustration of an increasing +disposition to take account of the facts. + +The increasing interest in the natural history of the law and of legal +institutions, and the increasing disposition to interpret it in +sociological terms, from the point of view of its function, is another +evidence of the same tendency. + + +II. MATERIALS + +A. ELEMENTARY FORMS OF SOCIAL CONTROL + + +1. Control in the Crowd and the Public[261] + +In August, 1914, I was a cowboy on a ranch in the interior of British +Columbia. How good a cowboy I would not undertake to say, because if +there were any errands off the ranch the foreman seemed better able to +spare me for them than anyone else in the outfit. + +One ambition, and one only, possessed me in those days. And it was not +to own the ranch! All in the world I wanted was to accumulate money +enough to carry me to San Francisco when the Panama exposition opened in +the autumn. After that I didn't care. It would be time enough to worry +about another job when I had seen the fair. + +Ordinarily I was riding the range five days in the week. Saturdays I was +sent on a 35-mile round trip for the mail. It was the most delightful +day of them all for me. The trail lay down the valley of the Fraser and +although I had been riding it for months it still wove a spell over me +that never could be broken. Slipping rapidly by as though escaping to +the sea from the grasp of the hills that hemmed it in on all sides, the +river always fascinated me. It was new every time I reached its edge. + +An early Saturday morning in August found me jogging slowly along the +trail to Dog Creek. Dog Creek was our post-office and trading-center. +This morning, however, my mind was less on the beauties of the Fraser +than on the Dog Creek hotel. Every week I had my dinner there before +starting in mid-afternoon on my return to the ranch, and this day had +succeeded one of misunderstanding with "Cookie" wherein all the boys of +our outfit had come off second-best. I was hungry and that dinner at the +hotel was going to taste mighty good. Out there on the range we had +heard rumors of a war in Europe. We all talked it over in the evening +and decided it was another one of those fights that were always starting +in the Balkans. One had just been finished a few months before and we +thought it was about time another was under way, so we gave the matter +no particular thought. But when I got within sight of Dog Creek I knew +something was up. The first thing I heard was that somebody had +retreated from Mons and that the Germans were chasing them. So, the +Germans were fighting anyway. Then a big Indian came up to me as I was +getting off my pony and told me England's big white chief was going to +war, or had gone, he wasn't certain which, but he was going too. Would +I? + +I laughed at him. "What do you mean, go to war?" I asked him. + +I wasn't English; I wasn't Canadian. I was from the good old U.S.A. and +from all we could understand the States were neutral. So, I reasoned, I +ought to be neutral too, and I went in to see what there might be to +eat. + +There was plenty of excitement in the dining-room. Under its influence I +began to look at the thing in a different light. While I was an alien, I +had lived in Canada. I had enjoyed her hospitality. Much of my education +was acquired in a Canadian school. Canadians were among my dearest +friends. Some of these very fellows, there in Dog Creek, were "going +down" to enlist. + +All the afternoon we argued about it. Politics, economics, diplomacy; +none of them entered into the question. In fact we hadn't the faintest +idea what the war was all about. Our discussion hinged solely on what +we, personally, ought to do. England was at war. She had sent out a call +to all the Empire for men; for help. Dog Creek heard and was going to +answer that call. Even if I were an alien I had been in that district +for more than a year and I owed it to Dog Creek and the district to join +up with the rest. By that time I wanted to go. I was crazy to go! It +would be great to see London and maybe Paris and some of the other +famous old towns--if the war lasted long enough for us to get over +there. I began to bubble over with enthusiasm, just thinking about it. +So I made an appointment with some of the boys for the next evening, +rode back to the ranch and threw the mail and my job at the foreman. + +A week later we were in Vancouver. Then things began to get plainer--to +some of the fellows. We heard of broken treaties, "scraps of paper," +"Kultur," the rights of nations, big and small, "freedom of the seas," +and other phrases that meant less than nothing to most of us. It was +enough for me, then, that the country which had given me the protection +of its laws wanted to help England. I trusted the government to know +what it was doing. Before we were in town an hour we found ourselves at +a recruiting office. By the simple expedient of moving my birthplace a +few hundred miles north I became a Canadian and a member of the +expeditionary force--a big word with a big meaning. Christmas came and I +was in a well-trained battalion of troops with no more knowledge of the +war than the retreat from Mons, the battles of the Marne and the Aisne, +and an occasional newspaper report of the capture of a hundred thousand +troops here and a couple of hundred thousand casualties somewhere else. +We knew, at that rate, it couldn't possibly last until we got to the +other side, but we prayed loudly that it would. In April we heard of the +gassing of the first Canadians at Ypres. Then the casualty lists from +that field arrived and hit Vancouver with a thud. Instantly a change +came over the city. Before that day, war had been a romance, a thing far +away about which to read and over which to wave flags. It was +intangible, impersonal. It was the same attitude the States exhibited in +the autumn of '17. Then suddenly it became real. This chap and that +chap; a neighbor boy, a fellow from the next block or the next desk. +Dead! Gassed! This was war; direct, personal, where you could count the +toll among your friends. Personally, I thought that what the Germans had +done was a terrible thing and I wondered what kind of people they might +be that they could, without warning, deliver such a foul blow. In a +prize ring the Kaiser would have lost the decision then and there. We +wondered about gas and discussed it by the hour in our barracks. Some of +us, bigger fools than the rest, insisted that the German nation would +repudiate its army. But days went by and nothing of the kind occurred. +It was then I began to take my soldiering a little more seriously. If a +nation wanted to win a war so badly that it would damn its good name +forever by using means ruled by all humanity as beyond the bounds of +civilized warfare, it must have a very big object in view. And I +started--late it is true--to obtain some clue to those objects. + +May found us at our port of embarkation for the voyage to England. The +news of the "Lusitania" came over the wires and that evening our convoy +steamed. For the first time, I believe, I fully realized I was a soldier +in the greatest war of all the ages. + +Between poker, "blackjack," and "crown and anchor" with the crew, we +talked over the two big things that had happened in our soldier +lives--gas and the "Lusitania." And to these we later added liquid fire. + +Our arguments, our logic, may have been elemental, but I insist they +struck at the root. I may sum them up thus: Germany was not using the +methods of fighting that could be countenanced by a civilized nation. As +the nation stood behind its army in all this barbarism, there must be +something inherently lacking in it despite its wonderful music, its +divine poetry, its record in the sciences. It, too, must be barbarian at +heart. We agreed that if it should win this war it would be very +uncomfortable to belong to one of the allied nations, or even to live in +the world at all, since it was certain German manners and German methods +would not improve with victory. And we, as a battalion, were ready to +take our places in France to back up our words with deeds. + +A week or so later we landed in England. A marked change had come over +the men since the day we left Halifax. Then most of us regarded the +whole war, or our part in it, as more or less of a lark. On landing we +were still for a lark, but something else had come into our +consciousness. We were soldiers fighting for a cause--a cause clear cut +and well defined--the saving of the world from a militarily mad country +without a conscience. At our camp in England we saw those boys of the +first division who had stood in their trenches in front of Ypres one +bright April morning and watched with great curiosity a peculiar looking +bank of fog roll toward them from the enemy's line. It rolled into their +trenches, and in a second those men were choking and gasping for breath. +Their lungs filled with the rotten stuff, and they were dying by dozens +in the most terrible agony, beating off even as they died a part of the +"brave" Prussian army as it came up behind those gas clouds; came up +with gas masks on and bayonets dripping with the blood of men lying on +the ground fighting, true, but for breath. A great army, that Prussian +army! And what a "glorious" victory! Truly should the Hun be proud! So +far as I am concerned, Germany did not lose the war at the battle of the +Marne, at the Aisne, or at the Yser. She lost it there at Ypres, on +April 22, 1915. It is no exaggeration when I say our eagerness to work, +to complete our training, to learn how to kill, so we could take our +places in the line, and help fight off those mad people, grew by the +hour. _They_ stiffened our backs and made us fighting mad. We saw what +they had done to our boys from Canada; they and their gas. The effect on +our battalion was the effect on the whole army, and, I am quite sure, on +the rest of the world. They put themselves beyond the pale. They +compelled the world to look on them as mad dogs, and to treat them as +mad dogs. We trained in England until August, when we went to France. To +all outward appearances we were still happy, carefree soldiers, all out +for a good time. We were happy! We were happy we were there, and down +deep there was solid satisfaction, not on account of the +different-colored books that were issuing from every chancellory in +Europe, but from a feeling rooted in white men's hearts, backed by the +knowledge of Germany's conduct, that we were there in a righteous cause. +Our second stop in our march toward the line was a little village which +had been occupied by the Boches in their mad dash toward Paris. Our +billet was a farm just on the edge of the village. The housewife +permitted us in her kitchen to do our cooking, at the same time selling +us coffee. We stayed there two or three days and became quite friendly +with her, even if she did scold us for our muddy boots. Two pretty +little kiddies played around the house, got in the way, were scolded and +spanked and in the next instant loved to death by Madame. Then she would +parade them before a picture of a clean-cut looking Frenchman in the +uniform of the army, and say something about "apres la guerre." In a +little crib to one side of the room was a tiny baby, neglected by +Madame, except that she bathed and fed it. The neglect was so pronounced +that our curiosity was aroused. The explanation came through the +_estaminet_ gossip, and later from Madame herself. A Hun captain of +cavalry had stayed there a few days in August, '14, and not only had he +allowed his detachment full license in the village, but had abused his +position in the house in the accustomed manner of his bestial class. As +Madame told us her story; how her husband had rushed off to his unit +with the first call for reserves, leaving her alone with two children, +and how the blond beast had come, our fists clenched and we boiled with +rage. That is German war! but it is not all. What will be the stories +that come out of what is now occupied France? This Frenchwoman's story +was new to us then, but, like other things in the war, as we moved +through the country it became common enough, with here and there a +revolting detail more horrible than anything we had heard before. + +Now and then Germany expresses astonishment at the persistence of the +British and the French. They are a funny people, the Germans. There are +so many things they do not, perhaps cannot, understand. They never could +understand why Americans, such as myself, who enlisted in a spirit of +adventure, and with not a single thought on the justice of the cause, +could experience such a marked change of feeling as to regard this +conflict as the most holy crusade in which a man could engage. It is a +holy crusade! Never in the history of the world was the cause of right +more certainly on the side of an army than it is today on the side of +the allies: We who have been through the furnace of France know this. I +only say what every other American who has been fighting under an alien +flag said when our country came in: "Thank God we have done it. Some +boy, Wilson, believe me!" + + +2. Ceremonial Control[262] + +If, disregarding conduct that is entirely private, we consider only that +species of conduct which involves direct relations with other persons; +and if under the name government we include all control of conduct, +however arising; then we must say that the earliest kind of government, +the most general kind of government, and the government which is ever +spontaneously recommencing, is the government of ceremonial observance. +This kind of government, besides preceding other kinds, and besides +having in all places and times approached nearer to universality of +influence, has ever had, and continues to have, the largest share in +regulating men's lives. + +Proof that the modifications of conduct called "manners" and "behavior" +arise before those which political and religious restraints cause is +yielded by the fact that, besides preceding social evolution, they +precede human evolution: they are traceable among the higher animals. +The dog afraid of being beaten comes crawling up to his master clearly +manifesting the desire to show submission. Nor is it solely to human +beings that dogs use such propitiatory actions. They do the like one to +another. All have occasionally seen how, on the approach of some +formidable Newfoundland or mastiff, a small spaniel, in the extremity of +its terror, throws itself on its back with legs in the air. Clearly +then, besides certain modes of behavior expressing affection, which are +established still earlier in creatures lower than man, there are +established certain modes of behavior expressing subjection. + +After recognizing this fact, we shall be prepared to recognize the fact +that daily intercourse among the lowest savages, whose small loose +groups, scarcely to be called social, are without political or religious +regulation, is under a considerable amount of ceremonial regulation. No +ruling agency beyond that arising from personal superiority +characterizes a horde of Australians; but every such horde has +imperative observances. Strangers meeting must remain some time silent; +a mile from an encampment approach has to be heralded by loud _cooeys_; +a green bough is used as an emblem of peace; and brotherly feeling is +indicated by exchange of names. Ceremonial control is highly developed +in many places where other forms of control are but rudimentary. The +wild Comanche "exacts the observance of his rules of etiquette from +strangers," and "is greatly offended" by any breach of them. When +Araucanians meet, the inquiries, felicitations, and condolences which +custom demands are so elaborate that "the formality occupies ten or +fifteen minutes." + +That ceremonial restraint, preceding other forms of restraint, continues +ever to be the most widely diffused form of restraint we are shown by +such facts as that in all intercourse between members of each society, +the decisively governmental actions are usually prefaced by this +government of observances. The embassy may fail, negotiation may be +brought to a close by war, coercion of one society by another may set up +wider political rule with its peremptory commands; but there is +habitually this more general and vague regulation of conduct preceding +the more special and definite. So within a community acts of relatively +stringent control coming from ruling agencies, civil and religious, +begin with and are qualified by this ceremonial control which not only +initiates but in a sense envelops all other. Functionaries, +ecclesiastical and political, coercive as their proceedings may be, +conform them in large measure to the requirements of courtesy. The +priest, however arrogant his assumption, makes a civil salute; and the +officer of the law performs his duty subject to certain propitiatory +words and movements. + +Yet another indication of primordialism may be named. This species of +control establishes itself anew with every fresh relation among +individuals. Even between intimates greetings signifying continuance of +respect begin each renewal of intercourse. And in the presence of a +stranger, say in a railway carriage, a certain self-restraint, joined +with some small act like the offer of a newspaper, shows the spontaneous +rise of a propitiatory behavior such as even the rudest of mankind are +not without. So that the modified forms of action caused in men by the +presence of their fellows constitute that comparatively vague control +out of which other more definite controls are evolved--the primitive +undifferentiated kind of government from which the political and +religious governments are differentiated, and in which they ever +continue immersed. + + +3. Prestige[263] + +Originally _prestige_--here, too, etymology proves to be an _enfant +terrible_--means delusion. It is derived from the Latin _praestigiae_ +(_-arum_)--though it is found in the forms _praestigia_ (_-ae_) and +_praestigium_ (_-ii_) too: the juggler himself (dice-player, +rope-walker, "strong man," etc.) was called _praestigiator_ (_-oris_). +Latin authors and mediaeval writers of glossaries took the word to mean +"deceptive juggling tricks," and, as far as we know, did not use it in +its present signification. The _praestigiator_ threw dice or put coins +on a table, then passed them into a small vessel or box, moved the +latter about quickly and adroitly, till finally, when you thought they +were in a certain place, the coins turned up somewhere else: "The +looker-on is deceived by such innocent tricks, being often inclined to +presume the sleight of hand to be nothing more or less than magic art." + +The practice of French writers in the oldest times was, so far as we +have been able to discover, to use the word _prestige_ at first in the +signification above assigned to the Latin "praestigiae" (_prestige_, +_prestigiateur_, _-trice_, _prestigieux_). The use of the word was not +restricted to the prestige of prophets, conjurers, demons, but was +transferred by analogy to delusions the cause of which is not regarded +any longer as supernatural. Diderot actually makes mention of the +prestige of harmony. The word "prestige" became transfigured, ennobled, +and writers and orators refined it so as to make it applicable to +analogies of the remotest character. Rousseau refers to the prestige of +our passions, which dazzles the intellect and deceives wisdom. Prestige +is the name continually given to every kind of spell, the effect of +which reminds us of "prestige" ("cet homme exerce une influence que +rassemble a une prestige"--Littre), and to all magic charms and +attractive power which is capable of dulling the intellect while it +enhances sensation. We may read of the prestige of fame, of the power +which, in default of prestige, is brute force; in 1869 numberless +placards proclaimed through the length and breadth of Paris that +Bourbeau, Minister of Public Instruction, though reputed to be a +splendid lawyer, "lacked prestige"--"Bourbeau manque de prestige." The +English and German languages make use of the word in the latter meaning +as opposed to the imaginary virtue of the conjurer; the same +signification is applied, generally speaking, to the Italian and Spanish +_prestigio_, only that the Italian _prestigiao_ and the Spanish +_prestigiador_, just like the French _prestigiateur_, have, as opposed +to the more recent meaning, kept the older significance; neither of them +means anything more or less than conjurer or juggler. + +The market clown, the rope-walker, the sword-swallower, the reciter of +long poems, the clever manipulator who defies imitation--all possess +prestige: but on the other hand, prestige surrounds demoniacal spells, +wizardry, and all effectiveness not comprehensible by logic. + +We state something of someone when we say that he possesses prestige; +but our statement is not clear, and the predicate cannot be +distinguished from the subject. Of what is analysable, well-known, +commonplace, or what we succeed in understanding thoroughly, in +attaining or imitating, we do not say that it possesses prestige. + +What is the relation between _prestige_ and _prejudice_? When what is +unintelligible, or mysterious, is at one time received with enthusiasm, +at another with indignation, _what renders necessary these two extreme +sentiments of appreciation_ which, though appearing under apparently +identical circumstances, are diametrically opposed to one another? + +The most general form of social prejudice is that of race. A _foreigner_ +is received with prejudice, conception, or prestige. If we put +"conception" aside, we find prejudice and prestige facing one another. +We see this split most clearly demonstrated if we observe the +differences of conduct in the reception of strangers by primitive +peoples. In Yrjoe Hirn's _Origins of Art_ we are told that those +travellers who have learned the tongues of savages have often observed +that their persons were made the subjects of extemporized poems by the +respective savages. Sometimes these verses are of a derisive character; +at other times they glorify the white man. When do they deride, when +glorify? + +Where strong prejudice values are present, as in the case of Negroes, +every conception of equality and nationalism incorporated in the +statute-book is perverted. All that _appears_ permanently divergent is +made the subject of damnatory prejudice; and the more apparent and +seeming, the more primitive the impression that restrains, the more +general the prejudice; smell affects more keenly than form, and form +more than mode of thought. If a member of a nation is not typical, but +exercises an exclusive, personal impression on us, he possesses +prestige; if he is typical, he is indifferent to us, or we look down +upon him and consider him comical. To sum up: the stranger whom we feel +to be divergent as compared with ourselves is indifferent or the object +of prejudice; the stranger whom we feel ourselves unable to measure by +our own standard, whose measure--not his qualities--we feel to be +different, we receive with prestige. We look with prejudice on the +stranger whom we dissociate, and receive with prestige the stranger who +is dissociated. + +Even in the animal world we come across individuals consistently treated +with deference, of which, in his work on the psychical world of animals, +Perty has plenty to tell us: "Even in the animal world," he says, "there +are certain eminent individuals, which in comparison with the other +members of their species show a superiority of capability, brain power, +and force of will, and obtain a _predominance_ over the other animals." +Cuvier observed the same in the case of a buck which had only one horn; +Grant tells us of a certain ourang-outang which got the upper hand of +the rest of the monkeys and often threatened them with the stick; from +Naumann we hear of a clever crane which ruled over all the domestic +animals and quickly settled any quarrels that arose among them. Far more +important than these somewhat obscure observations is the peculiar +social mechanism of the animal world to be found in the mechanical +following of the leaders of flocks and herds. But this obedience is so +conspicuously instinctive, so genuine, and so little varying in +substance and intensity, that it can hardly be identified with prestige. +Bees are strong royalists; but the extent to which their selection of a +queen is instinctive and strictly exclusive is proved by the fact that +the smell of a strange queen forced on them makes them hate her; they +kill her or torture her--though the same working bees prefer to die of +hunger rather than allow their own queen to starve. + +Things are radically changed when animals are brought face to face with +man. Some animals sympathize with men, and like to take part in their +hunting and fighting, as the dog and the horse; others subject +themselves as a result of force. Consequently men have succeeded in +_domesticating_ a number of species of animals. It is here that we find +the first traces, in the animal world, of phenomena, reactions of +conduct in the course of development, which, to a certain extent, remind +us of the reception of prestige. The behaviour of a dog, says Darwin, +which returns to its master after being absent--or the conduct of a +monkey, when it returns to its beloved keeper--_is far different from +what these animals display towards beings of the same order as +themselves_. In the latter case the expressions of joy seem to be +somewhat less demonstrative, and all their actions evince a feeling of +equality. Even Professor Braubach declares that _a dog looks upon its +master as a divine person_. Brehm gives us a description of the tender +respect shown towards his children by a chimpanzee that had been brought +to his home and domesticated. "When we first introduced my little +six-weeks-old daughter to him," he says, "at first he regarded the child +with evident astonishment, as if desirous to convince himself of its +human character, then touched its face with one finger with remarkable +gentleness, and amiably offered to shake hands. This trifling +characteristic, which I observed in the case of all chimpanzees reared +in my house, is worthy of particular emphasis, because it seems to prove +that _our man-monkey descries and pays homage to that higher being, man, +even in the tiniest child. On the other hand, he by no means shows any +such friendly feelings towards creatures like himself--not even towards +little ones_." + +In every stage of the development of savage peoples we come across +classical examples of mock kings--of the "primus inter pares," "duces ex +virtute," _not_ "ex nobilitate reges"--of rational and valued leaders. +The savages of Chile elect as their chief the man who is able to carry +the trunk of a tree farthest. In other places, military prowess, command +of words, crafts, a knowledge of spells are the causal sources of the +usually extremely trifling homage due to the chieftain. "Savage hordes +in the lowest stage of civilization are organized, like troops of +monkeys, on the basis of authority. The strongest old male by virtue of +his strength acquires a certain ascendancy, which lasts as long as his +physical strength is superior to that of every other male...." + +Beyond that given by nature, primitive society recognizes no other +prestige, for the society of savages lacks the subjective conditions of +prestige--settlement in large numbers and permanency. The lack of +distance compels the savage to respect only persons who hold their own +in his presence: this conspicuous clearness of the estimation of +primitive peoples is the cause that has prevailed on us to dwell so long +on this point. That the cause of this want of prestige among savages is +the lack of concentration in masses, not any esoteric peculiarity, is +proved by the profound psychological appreciation of the distances +created by nature, and still more by the expansion of tribal life into a +barbarian one. The tenfold increase of the number of a tribe renders +difficult a logical, ethical, or aesthetic selection of a leader, as +well as an intuitive control of spells and superstitions. + +The dramatic _mise en scene_ of human prestige coincides with the first +appearance of this concentration in masses, and triumphs with its +triumph. + + +4. Prestige and Status in South East Africa[264] + +In no other land under the British flag, except, perhaps, in the Far +East, certainly in none of the great self-governing colonies with which +we rank ourselves, is the position of white man _qua_ white man so high, +his status so impugnable, as in South East Africa. Differing in much +else, the race instinct binds the whites together to demand recognition +as a member of the ruling and inviolable caste, even for the poorest, +the degraded of their race. And this position connotes freedom from all +manual and menial toil; without hesitation the white man demands this +freedom, without question the black man accedes and takes up the burden, +obeying the race command of one who may be his personal inferior. It is +difficult to convey to one who has never known this distinction the way +in which the very atmosphere is charged with it in South East Africa. A +white oligarchy, every member of the race an aristocrat; a black +proletariat, every member of the race a server; the line of cleavage as +clear and deep as the colours. The less able and vigorous of our race, +thus protected, find here an ease, a comfort, a recognition to which +their personal worth would never entitle them in a homogeneous white +population. + +When uncontaminated by contact with the lower forms of our civilization, +the native is courteous and polite. Even today, changed for the worse as +he is declared to be by most authorities, a European could ride or walk +alone, unarmed even with a switch, all through the locations of Natal +and Zululand, scores of miles away from the house of any white man, and +receive nothing but courteous deference from the natives. If he met, as +he certainly would, troops of young men, dressed in all their barbaric +finery, going to wedding or dance, armed with sticks and shields, full +of hot young blood, they would still stand out of the narrow path, +giving to the white man the right of way and saluting as he passed. I +have thus travelled alone all over South East Africa, among thousands of +blacks and never a white man near, and I cannot remember the natives, +even if met in scores or hundreds, ever disputing the way for a moment. +All over Africa, winding and zigzagging over hill and dale, over +grassland and through forest, from kraal to kraal, and tribe to tribe, +go the paths of the natives. In these narrow paths worn in the grass by +the feet of the passers, you could travel from Natal to Benguela and +back again to Mombasa. Only wide enough for one to travel thereon, if +opposite parties meet one must give way; cheerfully, courteously, +without cringing, often with respectful salute, does the native stand on +one side allowing the white man to pass. One accepts it without thought; +it is the expected, but if pondered upon it is suggestive of much. + + +5. Taboo[265] + +Rules of holiness in the sense just explained, i.e., a system of +restrictions on man's arbitrary use of natural things, enforced by the +dread of supernatural penalties, are found among all primitive peoples. +It is convenient to have a distinct name for this primitive institution, +to mark it off from the later developments of the idea of holiness in +advanced religions, and for this purpose the Polynesian term "taboo" +has been selected. The field covered by taboos among savage and +half-savage races is very wide, for there is no part of life in which +the savage does not feel himself to be surrounded by mysterious agencies +and recognise the need of walking warily. Moreover all taboos do not +belong to religion proper, that is, they are not always rules of conduct +for the regulation of man's contact with deities that, when taken in the +right way, may be counted on as friendly, but rather appear in many +cases to be precautions against the approach of malignant +enemies--against contact with evil spirits and the like. Thus alongside +of taboos that exactly correspond to rules of holiness, protecting the +inviolability of idols and sanctuaries, priest and chiefs, and generally +of all persons and things pertaining to the gods and their worship, we +find another kind of taboo which in the Semitic field has its parallel +in rules of uncleanness. Women after childbirth, men who have touched a +dead body, and so forth, are temporarily taboo and separated from human +society, just as the same persons are unclean in Semitic religion. In +these cases the person under taboo is not regarded as holy, for he is +separated from approach to the sanctuary as well as from contact with +men; but his act or condition is somehow associated with supernatural +dangers, arising, according to the common savage explanation, from the +presence of formidable spirits which are shunned like an infectious +disease. In most savage societies no sharp line seems to be drawn +between the two kinds of taboo just indicated, and even in more advanced +nations the notions of holiness and uncleanness often touch. Among the +Syrians, for example, swine's flesh was taboo, but it was an open +question whether this was because the animal was holy or because it was +unclean. But though not precise, the distinction between what is holy +and what is unclean is real; in rules of holiness the motive is respect +for the gods, in rules of uncleanliness it is primarily fear of an +unknown or hostile power, though ultimately, as we see in the Levitical +legislation, the law of clean and unclean may be brought within the +sphere of divine ordinances, on the view that uncleanness is hateful to +God and must be avoided by all that have to do with Him. + +The fact that all the Semites have rules of uncleanness as well as rules +of holiness, that the boundary between the two is often vague, and that +the former as well as the latter present the most startling agreement +in point of detail with savage taboos, leaves no reasonable doubt as to +the origin and ultimate relations of the idea of holiness. On the other +hand, the fact that the Semites--or at least the northern +Semites--distinguish between the holy and the unclean, marks a real +advance above savagery. All taboos are inspired by awe of the +supernatural, but there is a great moral difference between precautions +against the invasion of mysterious hostile powers and precautions +founded on respect for the prerogative of a friendly god. The former +belong to magical superstition--the barrenest of all aberrations of the +savage imagination--which, being founded only on fear, acts merely as a +bar to progress and an impediment to the free use of nature by human +energy and industry. But the restrictions on individual licence which +are due to respect for a known and friendly power allied to man, however +trivial and absurd they may appear to us in their details, contain +within them germinant principles of social progress and moral order. To +know that one has the mysterious powers of nature on one's side so long +as one acts in conformity with certain rules, gives a man strength and +courage to pursue the task of the subjugation of nature to his service. +To restrain one's individual licence, not out of slavish fear, but from +respect for a higher and beneficent power, is a moral discipline of +which the value does not altogether depend on the reasonableness of +sacred restrictions; an English schoolboy is subject to many +unreasonable taboos, which are not without value in the formation of +character. But finally, and above all, the very association of the idea +of holiness with a beneficent deity, whose own interests are bound up +with the interests of a community, makes it inevitable that the laws of +social and moral order, as well as mere external precepts of physical +observance, shall be placed under the sanction of the god of the +community. Breaches of social order are recognised as offences against +the holiness of the deity, and the development of law and morals is made +possible, at a stage when human sanctions are still wanting, or too +imperfectly administered to have much power, by the belief that the +restrictions on human licence which are necessary to social well-being +are conditions imposed by the god for the maintenance of a good +understanding between himself and his worshippers. + +Various parallels between savage taboos and Semitic rules of holiness +and uncleanness will come before us from time to time; but it may be +useful to bring together at this point some detailed evidences that the +two are in their origin indistinguishable. + +Holy and unclean things have this in common, that in both cases certain +restrictions lie on men's use of and contact with them, and that the +breach of these restrictions involves supernatural dangers. The +difference between the two appears, not in their relation to man's +ordinary life, but in their relation to the gods. Holy things are not +free to man, because they pertain to the gods; uncleanness is shunned, +according to the view taken in the higher Semitic religions, because it +is hateful to the god, and therefore not to be tolerated in his +sanctuary, his worshippers, or his land. But that this explanation is +not primitive can hardly be doubted when we consider that the acts that +cause uncleanness are exactly the same which among savage nations place +a man under taboo, and that these acts are often involuntary, and often +innocent, or even necessary to society. The savage, accordingly, imposes +a taboo on a woman in childbed, or during her courses, and on the man +who touches a corpse, not out of any regard for the gods, but simply +because birth and everything connected with the propagation of the +species on the one hand, and disease and death on the other, seem to him +to involve the action of superhuman agencies of a dangerous kind. If he +attempts to explain, he does so by supposing that on these occasions +spirits of deadly power are present; at all events the persons involved +seem to him to be sources of mysterious danger, which has all the +characters of an infection and may extend to other people unless due +precautions are observed. This is not scientific, but it is perfectly +intelligible, and forms the basis of a consistent system of practice; +whereas, when the rules of uncleanness are made to rest on the will of +the gods, they appear altogether arbitrary and meaningless. The affinity +of such taboos with laws of uncleanness comes out most clearly when we +observe that uncleanness is treated like a contagion, which has to be +washed away or otherwise eliminated by physical means. Take the rules +about the uncleanness produced by the carcases of vermin in Lev. 11:32 +ff.; whatever they touch must be washed; the water itself is then +unclean, and can propagate the contagion; nay, if the defilement affect +an (unglazed) earthen pot, it is supposed to sink into the pores, and +cannot be washed out, so that the pot must be broken. Rules like this +have nothing in common with the spirit of Hebrew religion; they can +only be remains of a primitive superstition, like that of the savage who +shuns the blood of uncleanness, and such like things, as a supernatural +and deadly virus. The antiquity of the Hebrew taboos, for such they are, +is shown by the way in which many of them reappear in Arabia; cf. for +example Deut. 21:12, 13, with the Arabian ceremonies for removing the +impurity of widowhood. In the Arabian form the ritual is of purely +savage type; the danger to life that made it unsafe for a man to marry +the woman was transferred in the most materialistic way to an animal, +which it was believed generally died in consequence, or to a bird. + + +B. PUBLIC OPINION + + +1. The Myth[266] + +There is no process by which the future can be predicted scientifically, +nor even one which enables us to discuss whether one hypothesis about it +is better than another; it has been proved by too many memorable +examples that the greatest men have committed prodigious errors in thus +desiring to make predictions about even the least distant future. + +And yet, without leaving the present, without reasoning about this +future, which seems forever condemned to escape our reason, we should be +unable to act at all. Experience shows that the _framing of a future, in +some indeterminate time_, may, when it is done in a certain way, be very +effective, and have very few inconveniences; this happens when the +anticipations of the future take the form of those myths, which enclose +with them all the strongest inclinations of a people, of a party, or of +a class, inclinations which recur to the mind with the insistence of +instincts in all the circumstances of life; and which give an aspect of +complete reality to the hopes of immediate action by which, more easily +than by any other method, men can reform their desires, passions, and +mental activity. We know, moreover, that these social myths in no way +prevent a man profiting by the observations which he makes in the course +of his life, and form no obstacle to the pursuit of his normal +occupations. + +The truth of this may be shown by numerous examples. + +The first Christians expected the return of Christ and the total ruin of +the pagan world, with the inauguration of the kingdom of the saints, at +the end of the first generation. The catastrophe did not come to pass, +but Christian thought profited so greatly from the apocalyptic myth that +certain contemporary scholars maintain that the whole preaching of +Christ referred solely to this one point. The hopes which Luther and +Calvin had formed of the religious exaltation of Europe were by no means +realised; these fathers of the Reformation very soon seemed men of a +past era; for present-day Protestants they belong rather to the Middle +Ages than to modern times, and the problems which troubled them most +occupy very little place in contemporary Protestantism. Must we for that +reason deny the immense result which came from their dreams of Christian +renovation? It must be admitted that the real developments of the +Revolution did not in any way resemble the enchanting pictures which +created the enthusiasm of its first adepts; but without those pictures, +would the Revolution have been victorious? Many Utopias were mixed up +with the Revolutionary myth, because it had been formed by a society +passionately fond of imaginative literature, full of confidence in the +"science," and very little acquainted with the economic history of the +past. These Utopias came to nothing; but it may be asked whether the +Revolution was not a much more profound transformation than those +dreamed of by the people who in the eighteenth century had invented +social Utopias. In our own times Mazzini pursued what the wiseacres of +his time called a mad chimera; but it can no longer be denied that, +without Mazzini, Italy would never have become a great power, and that +he did more for Italian unity than Cavour and all the politicians of his +school. + +A knowledge of what the myths contain in the way of details which will +actually form part of the history of the future is then of small +importance; they are not astrological almanacs; it is even possible that +nothing which they contain will ever come to pass--as was the case with +the catastrophe expected by the first Christians. In our own daily life, +are we not familiar with the fact that what actually happens is very +different from our preconceived notion of it? And that does not prevent +us from continuing to make resolutions. Psychologists say that there is +heterogeneity between the ends in view and the ends actually realised: +the slightest experience of life reveals this law to us, which Spencer +transferred into nature, to extract therefrom his theory of the +multiplication of effects. + +The myth must be judged as a means of acting on the present; any attempt +to discuss how far it can be taken literally as future history is devoid +of sense. _It is the myth in its entirety which is alone important:_ its +parts are only of interest in so far as they bring out the main idea. No +useful purpose is served, therefore, in arguing about the incidents +which may occur in the course of a social war, and about the decisive +conflicts which may give victory to the proletariat; even supposing the +revolutionaries to have been wholly and entirely deluded in setting up +this imaginary picture of the general strike, this picture may yet have +been, in the course of the preparation for the revolution, a great +element of strength, if it has embraced all the aspirations of +socialism, and if it has given to the whole body of revolutionary +thought a precision and a rigidity which no other method of thought +could have given. + +To estimate, then, the significance of the idea of the general strike, +all the methods of discussion which are current among politicians, +sociologists, or people with pretensions to political science, must be +abandoned. Everything which its opponents endeavour to establish may be +conceded to them, without reducing in any way the value of the theory +which they think they have refuted. The question whether the general +strike is a partial reality, or only a product of popular imagination, +is of little importance. All that it is necessary to know is, whether +the general strike contains everything that the socialist doctrine +expects of the revolutionary proletariat. + +To solve this question, we are no longer compelled to argue learnedly +about the future; we are not obliged to indulge in lofty reflections +about philosophy, history, or economics; we are not on the plane of +theories, and we can remain on the level of observable facts. We have to +question men who take a very active part in the real revolutionary +movement amidst the proletariat, men who do not aspire to climb into the +middle class and whose mind is not dominated by corporative prejudices. +These men may be deceived about an infinite number of political, +economical, or moral questions; but their testimony is decisive, +sovereign, and irrefutable when it is a question of knowing what are the +ideas which most powerfully move them and their comrades, which most +appeal to them as being identical with their socialistic conceptions, +and thanks to which their reason, their hopes, and their way of looking +at particular facts seem to make but one indivisible unity. + +Thanks to these men, we know that the general strike is indeed what I +have said: the _myth_ in which socialism is wholly comprised, i.e., a +body of images capable of evoking instinctively all the sentiments which +correspond to the different manifestations of the war undertaken by +socialism against modern society. Strikes have engendered in the +proletariat the noblest, deepest, and most moving sentiments that they +possess; the general strike groups them all in a co-ordinated picture, +and, by bringing them together, gives to each one of them its maximum of +intensity; appealing to their painful memories of particular conflicts, +it colours with an intense life all the details of the composition +presented to consciousness. We thus obtain that intuition of socialism +which language cannot give us with perfect clearness--and we obtain it +as a whole, perceived instantaneously. + + +2. The Growth of a Legend[267] + +Hardly had the German armies entered Belgium when strange rumors began +to circulate. They spread from place to place, they were reproduced by +the press, and they soon permeated the whole of Germany. It was said +that the Belgian people, instigated by the clergy, had intervened +perfidiously in the hostilities; had attacked by surprise isolated +detachments; had indicated to the enemy the positions occupied by the +troops; that women, old men, and even children had been guilty of +horrible atrocities upon wounded and defenseless German soldiers, +tearing out their eyes and cutting off fingers, nose, or ears; that the +priests from their pulpits had exhorted the people to commit these +crimes, promising them as a reward the Kingdom of Heaven, and had even +taken the lead in this barbarity. + +Public credulity accepted these stories. The highest powers in the state +welcomed them without hesitation and indorsed them with their authority. +Even the Emperor echoed them, and, taking them for a text, advanced, in +the famous telegram of September 8, 1914, addressed to the President of +the United States, the most terrible accusations against the Belgian +people and clergy. + +At the time of the invasion of Belgium, it was the German army which, as +we have seen, constituted the chief breeding ground for legendary +stories. These were disseminated with great rapidity among the troops; +the _liaison_ officers, the dispatch riders, the food convoys, the +victualling posts assured the diffusion of them. + +These stories were not delayed in reaching Germany. As in most wars, it +was the returning soldiery who were responsible for the transmission of +them. + +From the first day of hostilities in enemy territory the fighting troops +were in constant touch with those behind them. Through the frontier +towns there was a continual passage of convoys, returning empty or +loaded with prisoners and wounded. These last, together with the +escorting soldiers, were immediately surrounded and pressed for news by +an eager crowd. It is they who brought the first stories. + + As a silent listener, seated on the boulevards, I have noticed + how curious people, men and women, question the wounded who are + resting there, suggesting to them answers to inquiries on the + subject of the battles, the losses, and the atrocities of war; + how they interpret silence as an affirmative answer and how + they wish to have confirmed things always more terrible. I am + convinced that shortly afterward they will repeat the + conversation, adding that they have heard it as the personal + experience of somebody present at the affair. + +In their oral form stories of this kind are not definite, their +substance is malleable; they can be modified according to the taste of +the narrator; they transform themselves; they evolve. To sum up, not +only do the soldiers, returned from the field of battle, insure the +transmission of the stories, they also elaborate them. + +The military post links the campaigning army directly with Germany. The +soldiers write home, and in their letters they tell of their adventures, +which people are eager to hear, and naturally they include the rumors +current among the troops. Thus a soldier of the Landsturm writes to his +wife that he has seen at Liege a dozen priests condemned to death +because they put a price on the heads of German soldiers; he had also +seen there civilians who had cut off the breasts of a Red Cross nurse. +Again, a Hessian schoolmaster tells in a letter how his detachment had +been treacherously attacked at Ch----by the inhabitants, with the cure +at their head. + +Submitted to the test of the German military inquiry these stories are +shown to be without foundation. Received from the front and narrated by +a soldier who professes to have been an eyewitness, they are +nevertheless clothed in the public view with special authority. + +Welcomed without control by the press, the stories recounted in letters +from the front appear, however, in the eyes of the readers of a paper +clothed with a new authority--that which attaches to printed matter. +They lose in the columns of a paper their individual and particular +character. Those who send them have, as the _Koelnische Volkszeitung_ +notes, usually effaced all personal allusions. The statements thus +obtain a substance and an objectivity of which they would otherwise be +devoid. Mixed with authentic news, they are accepted by the public +without mistrust. Is not their appearance in the paper a guaranty of +accuracy? + +Besides imposing itself on public credulity, the printed story fixes +itself in the mind. It takes a lasting form. It has entered permanently +into consciousness, and more, it has become a source of reference. + +All these pseudo-historical publications are, however, only one aspect +of the abundant literary production of the Great War. All the varieties +of popular literature, the romances of cloak and sword, the stories of +adventure, the collections of news and anecdotes, the theater itself, +are in turn devoted to military events. The great public loves lively +activity, extraordinary situations, and sensational circumstances +calculated to strike the imagination and cause a shiver of horror. + +So one finds in this literature of the lower classes the principal +legendary episodes of which we have studied the origin and followed the +development; accommodated to a fiction, woven into a web of intrigue, +they have undergone new transformations; they have lost every indication +of their source; they are transposed in the new circumstances imagined +for them; they have usually been dissociated from the circumstances +which individualize them and fix their time and place. The thematic +motives from which they spring nevertheless remain clearly recognizable. + +The legendary stories have thus attained the last stage of their +elaboration and completed their diffusion. They have penetrated not only +into the purlieus of the cities but into distant countries; into +centers of education as among the popular classes. Wounded convalescents +and soldiers on leave at home for a time have told them to the city man +and to the peasant. Both have found them in letters from the front; both +have read them in journals and books, both have listened to the warnings +of the government and to the imperial word. The schoolteacher has mixed +these episodes with his teaching; he has nourished with them infantile +imaginations. Scholars have read the text of them in their classbooks +and have enacted them in the games inspired by the war; they have told +them at home in the family circle, giving them the authority attached to +the master's word. + +Everywhere these accounts have been the subject of ardent commentaries; +in the village, in the councils held upon doorsteps, and in the barrooms +of inns; in the big cafes, the trams, and the public promenades of +towns. Everywhere they have become an ordinary topic of conversation, +everywhere they have met with ready credence. The term _franc tireur_ +has become familiar. Its use is general and its acceptance widespread. + +A collection of prayers for the use of the Catholic German soldiers +includes this incredible text: "Shame and malediction on him who wishes +to act like the Belgian and French, perfidious and cruel, who have even +attacked defenseless wounded." + + +3. Ritual, Myth, and Dogma[268] + +The antique religions had for the most part no creed; they consisted +entirely of institutions and practices. No doubt, men will not +habitually follow certain practices without attaching a meaning to them; +but as a rule we find that while the practice was rigorously fixed, the +meaning attached to it was extremely vague, and the same rite was +explained by different people in different ways, without any question of +orthodoxy or heterodoxy arising in consequence. In ancient Greece, for +example, certain things were done at a temple, and people were agreed +that it would be impious not to do them. But if you had asked why they +were done, you would probably have had several mutually contradictory +explanations from different persons, and no one would have thought it a +matter of the least religious importance which of these you chose to +adopt. Indeed, the explanations offered would not have been of a kind to +stir any strong feeling; for in most cases they would have been merely +different stories as to the circumstances under which the rite first +came to be established, by the command or by the direct example of the +god. The rite, in short, was connected not with a dogma but with a myth. + +In all the antique religions, mythology takes the place of dogma; that +is, the sacred lore of priests and people, so far as it does not consist +of mere rules for the performance of religious acts, assumes the form of +stories about the gods; and these stories afford the only explanation +that is offered of the precepts of religion and the prescribed rules of +ritual. But, strictly speaking, this mythology was no essential part of +ancient religion, for it had no sacred sanction and no binding force on +the worshippers. The myths connected with individual sanctuaries and +ceremonies were merely part of the apparatus of the worship; they served +to excite the fancy and sustain the interest of the worshipper; but he +was often offered a choice of several accounts of the same thing, and, +provided that he fulfilled the ritual with accuracy, no one cared what +he believed about its origin. Belief in a certain series of myths was +neither obligatory as a part of true religion, nor was it supposed that, +by believing, a man acquired religious merit and conciliated the favour +of the gods. What was obligatory or meritorious was the exact +performance of certain sacred acts prescribed by religious tradition. +This being so, it follows that mythology ought not to take the prominent +place that is too often assigned to it in the scientific study of +ancient faiths. So far as myths consist of explanations of ritual, their +value is altogether secondary, and it may be affirmed with confidence +that in almost every case the myth was derived from the ritual, and not +the ritual from the myth; for the ritual was fixed and the myth was +variable, the ritual was obligatory and faith in the myth was at the +discretion of the worshipper. The conclusion is, that in the study of +ancient religions we must begin, not with myth, but with ritual and +traditional usage. + +Nor can it be fairly set against this conclusion, that there are certain +myths which are not mere explanations of traditional practices, but +exhibit the beginnings of larger religious speculation, or of an +attempt to systematise and reduce to order the motley variety of local +worships and beliefs. For in this case the secondary character of the +myths is still more clearly marked. They are either products of early +philosophy, reflecting on the nature of the universe; or they are +political in scope, being designed to supply a thread of union between +the various worships of groups, originally distinct, which have been +united into one social or political organism; or, finally, they are due +to the free play of epic imagination. But philosophy, politics, and +poetry are something more, or something less, than religion pure and +simple. + +There can be no doubt that, in the later stages of ancient religions, +mythology acquired an increased importance. In the struggle of +heathenism with scepticism on the one hand and Christianity on the +other, the supporters of the old traditional religions were driven to +search for ideas of a modern cast, which they could represent as the +true inner meaning of the traditional rites. To this end they laid hold +of the old myths, and applied to them an allegorical system of +interpretation. Myth interpreted by the aid of allegory became the +favourite means of infusing a new significance into ancient forms. But +the theories thus developed are the falsest of false guides as to the +original meaning of the old religions. + +Religion in primitive times was not a system of belief with practical +applications; it was a body of fixed traditional practices, to which +every member of society conformed as a matter of course. Men would not +be men if they agreed to do certain things without having a reason for +their action; but in ancient religion the reason was not first +formulated as a doctrine and then expressed in practice, but conversely, +practice preceded doctrinal theory. Men form general rules of conduct +before they begin to express general principles in words; political +institutions are older than political theories, and in like manner +religious institutions are older than religious theories. This analogy +is not arbitrarily chosen, for in fact the parallelism in ancient +society between religious and political institutions is complete. In +each sphere great importance was attached to form and precedent, but the +explanation why the precedent was followed consisted merely of a legend +as to its first establishment. That the precedent, once established, was +authoritative did not appear to require any proof. The rules of society +were based on precedent, and the continued existence of the society was +sufficient reason why a precedent once set should continue to be +followed. + +I say that the oldest religious and political institutions present a +close analogy. It would be more correct to say that they were parts of +one whole of social custom. Religion was a part of the organised social +life into which a man was born, and to which he conformed through life +in the same unconscious way in which men fall into any habitual practice +of the society in which they live. Men took the gods and their worship +for granted, just as they took the other usages of the state for +granted, and if they reasoned or speculated about them, they did so on +the presupposition that the traditional usages were fixed things, behind +which their reasonings must not go, and which no reasoning could be +allowed to overturn. To us moderns religion is above all a matter of +individual conviction and reasoned belief, but to the ancients it was a +part of the citizen's public life, reduced to fixed forms, which he was +not bound to understand and was not at liberty to criticise or to +neglect. Religious non-conformity was an offence against the state; for +if sacred tradition was tampered with the bases of society were +undermined, and the favour of the gods was forfeited. But so long as the +prescribed forms were duly observed, a man was recognised as truly +pious, and no one asked how his religion was rooted in his heart or +affected his reason. Like political duty, of which indeed it was a part, +religion was entirely comprehended in the observance of certain fixed +rules of outward conduct. + +From the antique point of view, indeed, the question what the gods are +in themselves is not a religious but a speculative one; what is +requisite to religion is a practical acquaintance with the rules on +which the deity acts and on which he expects his worshippers to frame +their conduct--what in II Kings 17:26 is called the "manner" or rather +the "customary law" (_mishpat_) of the god of the land. This is true +even of the religion of Israel. When the prophets speak of the knowledge +of God, they always mean a practical knowledge of the laws and +principles of His government in Israel, and a summary expression for +religion as a whole is "the knowledge and fear of Jehovah," i.e., the +knowledge of what Jehovah prescribes, combined with a reverent +obedience. + +The traditional usages of religion had grown up gradually in the course +of many centuries, and reflected habits of thought characteristic of +very diverse stages of man's intellectual and moral development. No one +conception of the nature of the gods could possibly afford the clue to +all parts of that motley complex of rites and ceremonies which the later +paganism had received by inheritance, from a series of ancestors in +every state of culture from pure savagery upwards. The record of the +religious thought of mankind, as it is embodied in religious +institutions, resembles the geological record of the history of the +earth's crust; the new and the old are preserved side by side or rather +layer upon layer. The classification of ritual formations in their +proper sequence is the first step towards their explanation, and that +explanation itself must take the form, not of a speculative theory, but +of a rational life-history. + + +4. The Nature of Public Opinion[269] + +"_Vox populi_ may be _vox Dei_, but very little attention shows that +there has never been any agreement as to what _vox_ means or as to what +_populus_ means." In spite of endless discussions about democracy, this +remark of Sir Henry Maine is still so far true that no other excuse is +needed for studying the conceptions which lie at the very base of +popular government. In doing so one must distinguish the form from the +substance; for the world of politics is full of forms in which the +spirit is dead--mere shams, but sometimes not recognized as such even by +the chief actors, sometimes deceiving the outside multitude, sometimes +no longer misleading anyone. Shams, are, indeed, not without value. +Political shams have done for English government what fictions have done +for English law. They have promoted growth without revolutionary change. +But while shams play an important part in political evolution, they are +snares for the political philosopher who fails to see through them, who +ascribes to the forms a meaning that they do not really possess. Popular +government may in substance exist under the form of a monarchy, and an +autocratic despotism can be set up without destroying the forms of +democracy. If we look through the forms to observe the vital forces +behind them; if we fix our attention, not on the procedure, the extent +of the franchise, the machinery of elections, and such outward things, +but on the essence of the matter, popular government, in one important +aspect at least, may be said to consist of the control of political +affairs by public opinion. + +If two highwaymen meet a belated traveler on a dark road and propose to +relieve him of his watch and wallet, it would clearly be an abuse of +terms to say that in the assemblage on that lonely spot there was a +public opinion in favor of a redistribution of property. Nor would it +make any difference, for this purpose, whether there were two highwaymen +and one traveler, or one robber and two victims. The absurdity in such a +case of speaking about the duty of the minority to submit to the verdict +of public opinion is self-evident; and it is not due to the fact that +the three men on the road form part of a larger community, or that they +are subject to the jurisdiction of a common government. The expression +would be quite as inappropriate if no organized state existed; on a +savage island, for example, where two cannibals were greedy to devour +one shipwrecked mariner. In short, the three men in each of the cases +supposed do not form a community that is capable of a public opinion on +the question involved. May this not be equally true under an organized +government, among people that are for certain purposes a community? + +To take an illustration nearer home. At the time of the Reconstruction +that followed the American Civil War the question whether public opinion +in a southern state was or was not in favor of extending the suffrage to +the Negroes could not in any true sense be said to depend on which of +the two races had a slight numerical majority. One opinion may have been +public or general in regard to the whites, the other public or general +in regard to the Negroes, but neither opinion was public or general in +regard to the whole population. Examples of this kind could be +multiplied indefinitely. They can be found in Ireland, in +Austria-Hungary, in Turkey, in India, in any country where the cleavage +of race, religion, or politics is sharp and deep enough to cut the +community into fragments too far apart for an accord on fundamental +matters. + +In all these instances an opinion cannot be public or general with +respect to both elements in the state. For that purpose they are as +distinct as if they belonged to different commonwealths. You may count +heads, you may break heads, you may impose uniformity by force; but on +the matters at stake the two elements do not form a community capable +of an opinion that is in any rational sense public or general. If we are +to employ the term in a sense that is significant for government, that +imports any obligation moral or political on the part of the minority, +surely enough has been said to show that the opinion of a mere majority +does not by itself always suffice. Something more is clearly needed. + +But if the opinion of a majority does not of itself constitute a public +opinion, it is equally certain that unanimity is not required. Unanimous +opinion is of no importance for our purpose, because it is perfectly +sure to be effective in any form of government, however despotic, and it +is, therefore, of no particular interest in the study of democracy. +Legislation by unanimity was actually tried in the kingdom of Poland, +where each member of the assembly had the right of _liberum veto_ on any +measure, and it prevented progress, fostered violence, and spelled +failure. The Polish system has been lauded as the acme of liberty, but +in fact it was directly opposed to the fundamental principle of modern +popular government; that is, the conduct of public affairs in accord +with a public opinion which is general, although not universal, and +which implies under certain conditions a duty on the part of the +minority to submit. + +A body of men are politically capable of a public opinion only so far as +they are agreed upon the ends and aims of government and upon the +principles by which those ends shall be attained. They must be united, +also, about the means whereby the action of the government is to be +determined, in a conviction, for example, that the views of a +majority--or it may be some other portion of their numbers--ought to +prevail, and a political community as a whole is capable of public +opinion only when this is true of the great bulk of the citizens. Such +an assumption was implied, though usually not expressed in all theories +of the social compact; and, indeed, it is involved in all theories that +base rightful government upon the consent of the governed, for the +consent required is not a universal approval by all the people of every +measure enacted, but a consensus in regard to the legitimate character +of the ruling authority and its right to decide the questions that +arise. + +One more remark must be made before quitting the subject of the relation +of public opinion to the opinion of the majority. The late Gabriel +Tarde, with his habitual keen insight, insisted on the importance of the +intensity of belief as a factor in the spread of opinions. There is a +common impression that public opinion depends upon and is measured by +the mere number of persons to be found on each side of a question; but +this is far from accurate. If 49 per cent of a community feel very +strongly on one side, and 51 per cent are lukewarmly on the other, the +former opinion has the greater public force behind it and is certain to +prevail ultimately, if it does not at once. + +One man who holds his belief tenaciously counts for as much as several +men who hold theirs weakly, because he is more aggressive and thereby +compels and overawes others into apparent agreement with him, or at +least into silence and inaction. This is, perhaps, especially true of +moral questions. It is not improbable that a large part of the accepted +moral code is maintained by the earnestness of a minority, while more +than half of the community is indifferent or unconvinced. In short, +public opinion is not strictly the opinion of the numerical majority, +and no form of its expression measures the mere majority, for individual +views are always to some extent weighed as well as counted. + +Without attempting to consider how the weight attaching to intensity and +intelligence can be accurately gauged, it is enough for our purpose to +point out that when we speak of the opinion of a majority we mean, not +the numerical, but the effective, majority. + + +5. Public Opinion and the Mores[270] + +We are interested in public opinion, I suppose, because public opinion +is, in the long run, the sovereign power in the state. There is not now, +and probably there never has been a government that did not rest on +public opinion. The best evidence of this is the fact that all +governments have invariably sought either to _control_ or, at least, to +inspire and direct it. + +The Kaiser had his "official" and his "semiofficial" organs. The +communists in Russia have taken possession of the schools. It is in the +schoolroom that the bolshevists propose to complete the revolution. +Hume, the English historian, who was also the greatest of English +philosophers, said: + + As force is always on the side of the governed, the governors + have nothing to support them but opinion. It is therefore on + opinion only that government is founded; and this maxim extends + to the most despotic and the most military governments as well + as to the most free and popular. The soldan of Egypt, or the + emperor of Rome, might drive their helpless subjects, like + brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclinations, but he + must at least have led his mameluks, or praetorian bands, like + men, by their opinions. + +Hume's statement is too epigrammatic to be true. Governments can and do +maintain themselves by force rather than consent. They have done this +even when they were greatly inferior in numbers. Witness Cortez in +Mexico, the Belgians in the Congo, and the recent English conquest, with +two hundred aeroplanes, of the Mad Mullah in Somaliland. Civilized +people must be governed in subtle ways. Unpopular governments maintain +themselves sometimes by taking possession of the means of communication, +by polluting the sources of information, by suppressing newspapers, by +propaganda. + +Caspar Schmidt, "Max Stirner," the most consistent of anarchists, said +the last tyranny is the tyranny of the idea. The last tyrant, in other +words, is the propagandist, the individual who gives a "slant" to the +facts in order to promote his own conception of the welfare of the +community. + +We use the word public opinion in a wider and in a narrower sense. The +public, the popular mind, is controlled by something more than opinion, +or public opinion, in the narrower sense. + +We are living today under the subtle tyranny of the advertising man. He +tells us what to wear, and makes us wear it. He tells us what to eat, +and makes us eat it. We do not resent this tyranny. We do not feel it. +We do what we are told; but we do it with the feeling that we are +following our own wild impulses. This does not mean that, under the +inspiration of advertisements, we act irrationally. We have reasons; but +they are sometimes after-thoughts. Or they are supplied by the +advertiser. + +Advertising is one form of social control. It is one way of capturing +the public mind. But advertising does not get its results by provoking +discussion. That is one respect in which it differs from public opinion. + +Fashion is one of the subtler forms of control to which we all bow. We +all follow the fashions at a greater or less distance. Some of us fall +behind the fashions, but no one ever gets ahead of them. No one ever can +get ahead of the fashions because we never know what they are, until +they arrive. + +Fashion, in the broad sense, comes under the head of what Herbert +Spencer called ceremonial government. Ceremony, he said, is the most +primitive and the most effective of all forms of government. There is no +rebellion against fashion; no rebellion against social ritual. At least +these rebellions never make martyrs or heroes. Dr. Mary Walker, who wore +men's clothes, was a heroine no doubt, but never achieved martyrdom. + +So far as ceremonial government finds expression in a code it is +etiquette, social ritual, form. We do not realize how powerful an +influence social form is. There are breaches of etiquette that any +ordinary human being would rather die than be guilty of. + +We often speak of social usages and the dictates of fashion as if they +were imposed by public opinion. This is not true, if we are to use +public opinion in the narrower sense. Social usages are not matters of +opinion; they are matters of custom. They are fixed in habits. They are +not matters of reflection, but of impulse. They are parts of ourselves. + +There is an intimate relation between public opinion and social customs +or the mores, as Sumner calls them. But there is this difference: Public +opinion fluctuates. It wobbles. Social customs, the mores, change +slowly. Prohibition was long in coming; but the custom of drinking has +not disappeared. The mores change slowly; but they change _in one +direction_ and they change _steadily_. Mores change as fashion does; as +language does; by a law of their own. + +Fashions must change. It is in their nature to do so. As the existing +thing loses its novelty it is no longer stimulating; no longer +interesting. It is no longer the fashion. + +What fashion demands is not something new; but something different. It +demands the old in a new and stimulating form. Every woman who is up +with the fashion wants to be in the fashion; but she desires to be +something different from everyone else, especially from her best friend. + +Language changes in response to the same motives and according to the +same law. We are constantly seeking new metaphors for old ideas; +constantly using old metaphors to express new ideas. Consider the way +that slang grows! + +There is a fashion or a trend in public opinion. A. V. Dicey, in his +volume on _Law and Opinion in England_, points out that there has been a +constant tendency, for a hundred years, in English legislation, from +individualism to collectivism. This does not mean that public opinion +has changed constantly in one direction. There have been, as he says, +"cross currents." Public opinion has veered, but the changes in the +mores have been steadily in one direction. + +There has been a change in the fundamental attitudes. This change has +taken place in response to changed conditions. Change in mores is +something like change in the nest-building habits of certain birds, the +swallows, for example. This change, like the change in bird habits, +takes place without discussion--without clear consciousness--in response +to changed conditions. Furthermore, changes in the mores, like changes +in fashion, are only slightly under our control. They are not the result +of agitation; rather they are responsible for the agitation. + +There are profound changes going on in our social organization today. +Industrial democracy, or something corresponding to it, is coming. It is +coming not entirely because of social agitation. It is coming, perhaps, +in spite of agitation. It is a social change, but it is part of the +whole cosmic process. + +There is an intimate relation between the mores and opinion. The mores +represent the attitudes in which we agree. Opinion represents these +attitudes in so far as we do not agree. We do not have opinions except +over matters which are in dispute. + +So far as we are controlled by habit and custom, by the mores, we do not +have opinions. I find out what my opinion is only after I discover that +I disagree with my fellow. What I call my opinions are for the most part +invented to justify my agreements or disagreements with prevailing +public opinion. The mores do not need justification. As soon as I seek +justification for them they have become matters of opinion. + +Public opinion is just the opinion of individuals plus their +differences. There is no public opinion where there is no substantial +agreement. But there is no public opinion where there is not +disagreement. Public opinion presupposes public discussion. When a +matter has reached the stage of public discussion it becomes a matter of +public opinion. + +Before war was declared in France there was anxiety, speculation. After +mobilization began, discussion ceased. The national ideal was exalted. +The individual ceased to exist. Men ceased even to think. They simply +obeyed. This is what happened in all the belligerent countries except +America. It did not quite happen here. Under such circumstances public +opinion ceases to exist. This is quite as true in a democracy as it is +in an autocracy. + +The difference between an autocracy and a democracy is not that in one +the will of the people finds expression and in the other it does not. It +is simply that in a democracy a larger number of the citizens +participate in the discussions which give rise to public opinion. At +least they are supposed to do so. In a democracy everyone belongs, or is +supposed to belong, to one great public. In an autocracy there are +perhaps many little publics. + +What role do the schools and colleges play in the formation of public +opinion? The schools transmit the tradition. They standardize our +national prejudices and transmit them. They do this necessarily. + +A liberal or college education tends to modify and qualify all our +inherited political, religious, and social prejudices. It does so by +bringing into the field of discussion matters that would not otherwise +get into the public consciousness. In this way a college education puts +us in a way to control our prejudices instead of being controlled by +them. This is the purpose of a liberal education. + +The emancipation which history, literature, and a wider experience with +life give us permits us to enter sympathetically into the lives and +interests of others; it widens that area over which public opinion +rather than force exercises control. + +It makes it possible to extend the area of political control. It means +the extension of democratic participation in the common life. The +universities, by their special studies in the field of social science, +are seeking to accumulate and bring into the view of public opinion a +larger body of attested fact upon which the public may base its opinion. + +It is probably not the business of the universities to agitate reforms +nor to attempt directly to influence public opinion in regard to current +issues. To do this is to relax its critical attitude, lessen its +authority in matters of fact, and jeopardize its hard-won academic +freedom. When a university takes over the function of a political party +or a church it ceases to perform its function as a university. + + +6. News and Social Control[271] + +Everywhere today men are conscious that somehow they must deal with +questions more intricate than any that church or school had prepared +them to understand. Increasingly they know that they cannot understand +them if the facts are not quickly and steadily available. Increasingly +they are baffled because the facts are not available; and they are +wondering whether government by consent can survive in a time when the +manufacture of consent is an unregulated private enterprise. For in an +exact sense the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis in +journalism. + +I do not agree with those who think that the sole cause is corruption. +There is plenty of corruption, to be sure, moneyed control, caste +pressure, financial and social bribery, ribbons, dinner parties, clubs, +petty politics. The speculators in Russian rubles who lied on the Paris +Bourse about the capture of Petrograd are not the only example of their +species. And yet corruption does not explain the condition of modern +journalism. + +Mr. Franklin P. Adams wrote recently: + + Now there is much pettiness--and almost incredible stupidity + and ignorance--in the so-called free press; but it is the + pettiness, etc., common to the so-called human race--a + pettiness found in musicians, steamfitters, landlords, poets, + and waiters. And when Miss Lowell [who had made the usual + aristocratic complaint] speaks of the incurable desire in all + American newspapers to make fun of everything in season and + out, we quarrel again. There is an incurable desire in American + newspapers to take things much more seriously than they + deserve. Does Miss Lowell read the ponderous news from + Washington? Does she read the society news? Does she, we + wonder, read the newspapers? + +Mr. Adams does read them, and when he writes that the newspapers take +things much more seriously than they deserve, he has, as the mayor's +wife remarked to the queen, said a mouthful. Since the war, especially, +editors have come to believe that their highest duty is not to report +but to instruct, not to print news but to save civilization, not to +publish what Benjamin Harris calls "the Circumstances of Publique +Affairs, both abroad and at home," but to keep the nation on the +straight and narrow path. Like the kings of England, they have elected +themselves Defenders of the Faith. "For five years," says Mr. Cobb of +the _New York World_, "there has been no free play of public opinion in +the world. Confronted by the inexorable necessities of war, governments +conscripted public opinion. They goose-stepped it. They taught it to +stand at attention and salute. It sometimes seems that, after the +armistice was signed, millions of Americans must have taken a vow that +they would never again do any thinking for themselves. They were willing +to die for their country but not willing to think for it." That +minority, which is proudly prepared to think for it, and not only +prepared but cocksure that it alone knows how to think for it, has +adopted the theory that the public should know what is good for it. + +The work of reporters has thus become confused with the work of +preachers, revivalists, prophets, and agitators. The current theory of +American newspaperdom is that an abstraction like the truth and a +grace-like fairness must be sacrificed whenever anyone thinks the +necessities of civilization require the sacrifice. To Archbishop +Whately's dictum that it matters greatly whether you put truth in the +first place or the second, the candid expounder of modern journalism +would reply that he put truth second to what he conceived to be the +national interest. Judged simply by their product, men like Mr. Ochs or +Viscount Northcliffe believe that their respective nations will perish +and civilization decay unless their idea of what is patriotic is +permitted to temper the curiosity of their readers. + +They believe that edification is more important than veracity. They +believe it profoundly, violently, relentlessly. They preen themselves +upon it. To patriotism, as they define it from day to day, all other +considerations must yield. That is their pride. And yet what is this but +one more among myriad examples of the doctrine that the end justifies +the means? A more insidiously misleading rule of conduct was, I believe, +never devised among men. It was a plausible rule as long as men believed +that an omniscient and benevolent Providence taught them what end to +seek. But now that men are critically aware of how their purposes are +special to their age, their locality, their interests, and their limited +knowledge, it is blazing arrogance to sacrifice hard-won standards of +credibility to some special purpose. It is nothing but the doctrine that +I want what I want when I want it. Its monuments are the Inquisition +and the invasion of Belgium. It is the reason given for every act of +unreason, the law invoked whenever lawlessness justifies itself. At +bottom it is nothing but the anarchical nature of man imperiously +hacking its way through. + +Just as the most poisonous form of disorder is the mob incited from high +places, the most immoral act the immorality of a government, so the most +destructive form of untruth is sophistry and propaganda by those whose +profession it is to report the news. The news columns are common +carriers. When those who control them arrogate to themselves the right +to determine by their own consciences what shall be reported and for +what purpose, democracy is unworkable. Public opinion is blockaded. For +when a people can no longer confidently repair "to the best fountains +for their information," then anyone's guess and anyone's rumor, each +man's hope and each man's whim, become the basis of government. All that +the sharpest critics of democracy have alleged is true if there is no +steady supply of trustworthy and relevant news. Incompetence and +aimlessness, corruption and disloyalty, panic and ultimate disaster, +must come to any people which is denied an assured access to the facts. +No one can manage anything on pap. Neither can a people. + +Few episodes in recent history are more poignant than that of the +British prime minister, sitting at the breakfast table with that +morning's paper before him, protesting that he cannot do the sensible +thing in regard to Russia because a powerful newspaper proprietor has +drugged the public. That incident is a photograph of the supreme danger +which confronts popular government. All other dangers are contingent +upon it, for the news is the chief source of the opinion by which +government now proceeds. So long as there is interposed between the +ordinary citizen and the facts a news organization determining by +entirely private and unexamined standards, no matter how lofty, what he +shall know, and hence what he shall believe, no one will be able to say +that the substance of democratic government is secure. The theory of our +constitution, says Mr. Justice Holmes, is that truth is the only ground +upon which men's wishes safely can be carried out. In so far as those +who purvey the news make of their own beliefs a higher law than truth, +they are attacking the foundations of our constitutional system. There +can be no higher law in journalism than to tell the truth and shame the +devil. + +In a few generations it will seem ludicrous to historians that a people +professing government by the will of the people should have made no +serious effort to guarantee the news without which a governing opinion +cannot exist. "Is it possible," they will ask, "that at the beginning of +the twentieth century nations calling themselves democracies were +content to act on what happened to drift across their doorsteps; that +apart from a few sporadic exposures and outcries they made no plans to +bring these common carriers under social control, that they provided no +genuine training schools for the men upon whose sagacity they were +dependent; above all, that their political scientists went on year after +year writing and lecturing about government without producing one +single, significant study of the process of public opinion?" And then +they will recall the centuries in which the church enjoyed immunity from +criticism, and perhaps they will insist that the news structure of +secular society was not seriously examined for analogous reasons. + + +7. The Psychology of Propaganda[272] + +Paper bullets, according to Mr. Creel, won the war. But they have +forever disturbed our peace of mind. The war is long since over, all but +saying so; but our consciousness of the immanence of propaganda bids +fair to be permanent. It has been discovered by individuals, by +associations, and by governments that a certain kind of advertising can +be used to mold public opinion and control democratic majorities. As +long as public opinion rules the destinies of human affairs, there will +be no end to an instrument that controls it. + +The tremendous forces of propaganda are now common property. They are +available for the unscrupulous and the destructive as well as for the +constructive and the moral. This gives us a new interest in its +technique, namely, to inquire if anywhere there is an opportunity for +regulative and protective interference with its indiscriminate +exploitation. + +Until recently the most famous historical use of the term propaganda +made it synonymous with foreign missions. It was Pope Gregory XV who +almost exactly three centuries ago, after many years of preparation, +finally founded the great Propaganda College to care for the interests +of the church in non-Catholic countries. With its centuries of +experience this is probably the most efficient organization for +propaganda in the world. Probably most apologetics is propaganda. No +religion and no age has been entirely free from it. + +One of the classical psychoanalytic case histories is that of Breuer's +water glass and the puppy dog. A young lady patient was utterly unable +to drink water from a glass. It was a deep embarrassment. Even under the +stress of great thirst in warm weather and the earnest effort to break +up a foolish phobia, the glass might be taken and raised, but it +couldn't be drunk from. Psychoanalysis disclosed the following facts. +Underlying this particular phobia was an intense antipathy to dogs. The +young lady's roommate had been discovered giving a dog a drink from the +common drinking-glass. The antipathy to the dog was simply transferred +to the glass. + +The case is a commonplace in the annals of hysteria. But let us examine +the mechanism. Suppose that I had wanted to keep that drinking-glass for +my own personal use. A perfectly simple and effective expedient it would +have been in the absence of other good motives to capitalize that +antipathy by allowing her to see the dog drink out of the glass. The +case would then have been a perfect case of propaganda. All propaganda +is capitalized prejudice. It rests on some emotional premise which is +the motive force of the process. The emotional transfer is worked by +some associative process like similarity, use, or the causal +relationship. The derived sympathetic antipathy represents the goal. + +The great self-preservative, social, and racial instincts will always +furnish the main reservoir of motive forces at the service of +propaganda. They will have the widest and the most insistent appeal. +Only second to these in importance are the peculiar racial tendencies +and historical traditions that represent the genius of a civilization. +The racial-superiority consciousness of the Germans operated as a +never-ending motive for their "Aushalten" propaganda. We Americans have +a notable cultural premise in our consideration for the underdog. Few +things outside our consciousness of family will arouse us as surely and +as universally as this modification of the protective instinct. + +In addition to the group tendencies that arise from a community of +experience, individual propaganda may use every phase of individual +experience, individual bias and prejudice. I am told that first-class +salesmen not infrequently keep family histories of their customers, +producing a favorable attitude toward their merchandise by way of an +apparent personal interest in the children. Apparently any group of +ideas with an emotional valence may become the basis for propaganda. + +There are three limitations to the processes of propaganda. The first is +emotional recoil, the second is the exhaustion of available motive +force, the third is the development of internal resistance or +negativism. + +The most familiar of the three is emotional recoil. We know only too +well what will happen if we tell a boy all the things that he likes to +do are "bad," while all the things that he dislikes are "good." Up to a +certain point the emotional value of bad and good respectively will be +transferred to the acts as we intend. But each transfer has an emotional +recoil on the concepts good and bad. At the end a most surprising thing +may happen. The moral values may get reversed in the boy's mind. Bad may +come to represent the sum total of the satisfactory and desirable, while +good may represent the sum total of the unsatisfactory and the +undesirable. To the pained adult such a consequence is utterly +inexplicable, only because he fails to realize that all mental products +are developments. There is always a kind of reciprocity in emotional +transfer. The value of the modified factor recoils to the modifying +factor. + +The whole mechanism of the transfer and of the recoil may best be +expressed in terms of the conditioned reflex of Pavlov. The flow of +saliva in a dog is a natural consequence to the sight and smell of food. +If concurrently with the smelling of food the dog is pinched, the pinch +ceases to be a matter for resentment. By a process of emotional +transfer, on being pinched the dog may show the lively delight that +belongs to the sight and smell of food. Even the salivary secretions may +be started by the transfigured pinch. It was the great operating +physiologist Sherrington who exclaimed after a visit to Pavlov that at +last he understood the psychology of the martyrs. But it is possible so +to load the smell of food with pain and damage that its positive value +breaks down. Eating-values may succumb to the pain values instead of the +pain to the eating-values. This is the prototype of the concept bad when +it gets overloaded with the emotional value of the intrinsically +desirable. The law of recoil seems to be a mental analogue of the +physical law that action and reaction are equal and in opposite +directions. + +The second limitation to propaganda occurs when the reciprocal effects +of transfer exhaust the available motive forces of a mind. Propaganda +certainly weakens the forces that are appealed to too often. We are +living just now in a world of weakened appeals. Many of the great human +motives were exploited to the limit during the war. It is harder to +raise money now than it was, harder to find motives for giving that are +still effective. One of my former colleagues once surprised and shocked +me by replying to some perfectly good propaganda in which I tried to +tell him that certain action was in the line of duty, to the effect that +he was tired of being told that something was his duty, and that he was +resolved not to do another thing because it was his duty. There seems to +be evidence that in some quarters, at least, patriotism, philanthropy, +and civic duty have been exploited as far as the present systems will +carry. It is possible to exhaust our floating capital of social-motive +forces. When that occurs we face a kind of moral bankruptcy. + +A final stage of resistance is reached when propaganda develops a +negativistic defensive reaction. To develop such negativisms is always +the aim of counterpropaganda. It calls the opposed propaganda, +prejudiced, half-truth, or, as the Germans did, "Lies, All Lies." There +is evidence that the moral collapse of Germany under the fire of our +paper bullets came with the conviction that they had been systematically +deceived by their own propagandists. + +There are two great social dangers in propaganda. Great power in +irresponsible hands is always a social menace. We have some legal +safeguards against careless use of high-powered physical explosives. +Against the greater danger of destructive propaganda there seems to be +little protection without imperiling the sacred principles of free +speech. + +The second social danger is the tendency to overload and level down +every great human incentive in the pursuit of relatively trivial ends. +To become _blase_ is the inevitable penalty of emotional exploitation. I +believe there may well be grave penalties in store for the reckless +commercialized exploitation of human emotions in the cheap +sentimentalism of our moving pictures. But there are even graver +penalties in store for the generation that permits itself to grow +morally _blase_. One of our social desiderata, it seems to me, is the +protection of the great springs of human action from destructive +exploitation for selfish, commercial, or other trivial ends. + +The slow constructive process of building moral credits by systematic +education lacks the picturesqueness of propaganda. It also lacks its +quick results. But just as the short cut of hypnotism proved a dangerous +substitute for moral training, so I believe we shall find that not only +is moral education a necessary precondition for effective propaganda, +but that in the end it is a safer and incomparably more reliable social +instrument. + + +C. INSTITUTIONS + + +1. Institutions and the Mores[273] + +Institutions and laws are produced out of mores. An institution consists +of a concept (idea, notion, doctrine, interest) and a structure. The +structure is a framework, or apparatus, or perhaps only a number of +functionaries set to co-operate in prescribed ways at a certain +conjuncture. The structure holds the concept and furnishes +instrumentalities for bringing it into the world of facts and action in +a way to serve the interests of men in society. Institutions are either +crescive or enacted. They are crescive when they take shape in the +mores, growing by the instinctive efforts by which the mores are +produced. Then the efforts, through long use, become definite and +specific. + +Property, marriage, and religion are the most primary institutions. They +began in folkways. They became customs. They developed into mores by the +addition of some philosophy of welfare, however crude. Then they were +made more definite and specific as regards the rules, the prescribed +acts, and the apparatus to be employed. This produced a structure and +the institution was complete. Enacted institutions are products of +rational invention and intention. They belong to high civilization. +Banks are institutions of credit founded on usages which can be traced +back to barbarism. There came a time when, guided by rational reflection +on experience, men systematized and regulated the usages which had +become current, and thus created positive institutions of credit, +defined by law and sanctioned by the force of the state. Pure enacted +institutions which are strong and prosperous are hard to find. It is too +difficult to invent and create an institution, for a purpose, out of +nothing. The electoral college in the Constitution of the United States +is an example. In that case the democratic mores of the people have +seized upon the device and made of it something quite different from +what the inventors planned. All institutions have come out of mores, +although the rational element in them is sometimes so large that their +origin in the mores is not to be ascertained except by a historical +investigation (legislatures, courts, juries, joint-stock companies, the +stock exchange). Property, marriage, and religion are still almost +entirely in the mores. Amongst nature men any man might capture and hold +a woman at any time, if he could. He did it by superior force which was +its own supreme justification. But his act brought his group and her +group into war, and produced harm to his comrades. They forbade capture, +or set conditions for it. Beyond the limits, the individual might still +use force, but his comrades were no longer responsible. The glory to +him, if he succeeded, might be all the greater. His control over his +captive was absolute. Within the prescribed conditions, "capture" became +technical and institutional, and rights grew out of it. The woman had a +status which was defined by custom, and was very different from the +status of a real captive. Marriage was the institutional relation, in +the society and under its sanction, of a woman to a man, where the woman +had been obtained in the prescribed way. She was then a "wife." What her +rights and duties were was defined by the mores, as they are today in +all civilized society. + +Acts of legislation come out of the mores. In low civilization all +societal regulations are customs and taboos, the origin of which is +unknown. Positive laws are impossible until the stage of verification, +reflection, and criticism is reached. Until that point is reached there +is only customary law, or common law. The customary law may be codified +and systematized with respect to some philosophical principles, and yet +remain customary. The codes of Manu and Justinian are examples. +Enactment is not possible until reverence for ancestors has been so much +weakened that it is no longer thought wrong to interfere with +traditional customs by positive enactment. Even then there is +reluctance to make enactments, and there is a stage of transition during +which traditional customs are extended by interpretation to cover new +cases and to prevent evils. Legislation, however, has to seek standing +ground on the existing mores, and it soon becomes apparent that +legislation, to be strong, must be consistent with the mores. Things +which have been in the mores are put under police regulation and later +under positive law. It is sometimes said that "public opinion" must +ratify and approve police regulations, but this statement rests on an +imperfect analysis. The regulations must conform to the mores, so that +the public will not think them too lax or too strict. The mores of our +urban and rural populations are not the same; consequently legislation +about intoxicants which is made by one of these sections of the +population does not succeed when applied to the other. The regulation of +drinking-places, gambling-places, and disorderly houses has passed +through the above-mentioned stages. It is always a question of +expediency whether to leave a subject under the mores, or to make a +police regulation for it, or to put it into the criminal law. Betting, +horse racing, dangerous sports, electric cars, and vehicles are cases +now of things which seem to be passing under positive enactment and out +of the unformulated control of the mores. When an enactment is made +there is a sacrifice of the elasticity and automatic self-adaptation of +custom, but an enactment is specific and is provided with sanctions. +Enactments come into use when conscious purposes are formed, and it is +believed that specific devices can be framed by which to realize such +purposes in the society. Then also prohibitions take the place of +taboos, and punishments are planned to be deterrent rather than +revengeful. The mores of different societies, or of different ages, are +characterized by greater of less readiness and confidence in regard to +the use of positive enactments for the realization of societal purposes. + + +2. Common Law and Statute Law[274] + +It probably would have surprised the early Englishman if he had been +told that either he or anybody else did not know the law--still more +that there was ever any need for any parliament or assembly to tell him +what it was. They all knew the law, and they all knew that they knew +the law, and the law was a thing that they knew as naturally as they +knew fishing and hunting. They had grown up into it. It never occurred +to them as an outside thing. + +So it has been found that where you take children, modern children, at +least boys who are sons of educated parents, and put them in large +masses by themselves, they will, without apparently any reading, rapidly +invent a notion of law; that is, they will invent a certain set of +customs which are the same thing to them as law, and which indeed are +the same as law. They have tried in Johns Hopkins University experiments +among children, to leave them entirely alone, without any instruction, +and it is quite singular how soon customs will grow up, and it is also +quite singular, and a thing that always surprises the socialist and +communist, that about the earliest concept at which they will arrive is +that of private property! They will soon get a notion that one child +owns a stick, or toy, or seat, and the others must respect that +property. This I merely use as an illustration to show how simple the +notion of law was among our ancestors in England fifteen hundred years +ago, and how it had grown up with them, of course, from many centuries, +but in much the same way that the notion of custom or law grows up among +children. + +The "law" of the free Angelo-Saxon people was regarded as a thing +existing by itself, like the sunlight, or at least as existing like a +universally accepted custom observed by everyone. It was five hundred +years before the notion crept into the minds, even of the members of the +British Parliaments, that they could make a new law. What they supposed +they did, and what they were understood by the people to do, was merely +to declare the law, as it was then and as it had been from time +immemorial; the notion always being--and the farther back you go and the +more simple the people are, the more they have that notion--that their +free laws and customs were something which came from the beginning of +the world, which they always held, which were immutable, no more to be +changed than the forces of nature; and that no Parliament, under the +free Angelo-Saxon government or later under the Norman kings who tried +to make them unfree, no king could ever make a law but could only +declare what the law was. The Latin phrase for that distinction is _jus +dare_, and _jus dicere_. In early England, in Anglo-Saxon times, the +Parliament never did anything but tell what the law was; and, as I have +said, not only what it was then but what it had been, as they supposed, +for thousands of years before. The notion of a legislature to make new +laws is an entirely modern conception of Parliament. + +The notion of law as a statute, a thing passed by a legislature, a thing +enacted, made new by representative assembly, is perfectly modern, and +yet it has so thoroughly taken possession of our minds, and particularly +of the American mind (owing to the forty-eight legislatures that we have +at work, besides the national Congress, every year, and to the fact that +they try to do a great deal to deserve their pay in the way of enacting +laws), that statutes have assumed in our minds the main bulk of the +concept of law as we formulate it to ourselves. + +Statutes with us are recent, legislatures making statutes are recent +everywhere; legislatures themselves are fairly recent; that is, they +date only from the end of the Dark Ages, at least in Anglo-Saxon +countries. Representative government itself is supposed, by most +scholars, to be the one invention that is peculiar to the Anglo-Saxon +people. + +I am quite sure that all the American people when they think of law in +the sense I am now speaking of, even when they are not thinking +necessarily of statute law, do mean, nevertheless, a law which is +enforced by somebody with power, somebody with a big stick. They mean a +law, an ordinance, an order or dictate addressed to them by a sovereign, +or at least by a power of some sort, and they mean an ordinance which if +they break they are going to suffer for, either in person or in +property. In other words, they have a notion of law as a written command +addressed by the sovereign to the subject, or at least by one of the +departments of government to the citizen. Now that, I must caution you, +is in the first place rather a modern notion of law, quite modern in +England; it is really Roman, and was not law as it was understood by our +Anglo-Saxon ancestors. He did not think of law as a thing written, +addressed to him by the king. Neither did he necessarily think of it as +a thing which had any definite punishment attached or any code attached, +any "sanction," as we call it, or thing which enforces the law; a +penalty or fine or imprisonment. There are just as good "sanctions" for +law outside of the sanctions that our people usually think of as there +are inside of them, and often very much better; for example, the +sanction of a strong custom. Take any example you like; there are many +states where marriage between blacks and whites is not made unlawful but +where practically it is made tremendously unlawful by the force of +public opinion [mores]. Take the case of debts of honor, so called, +debts of gambling; they are paid far more universally than ordinary +commercial debts, even by the same people; but there is no law enforcing +them--there is no sanction for the collection of gambling debts. And +take any custom that grows up. We know how strong our customs in college +are. Take the mere custom of a club table; no one dares or ventures to +supplant the members at that table. That kind of sanction is just as +good a law as a law made by statute and imposing five or ten dollars' +penalty or a week's imprisonment. And judges or juries recognize those +things as laws, just as much as they do statute laws; when all other +laws are lacking, our courts will ask what is the "custom of the trade." +These be laws, and are often better enforced than the statute law; the +rules of the New York Stock Exchange are better enforced than the laws +of the state legislature. Now all our early Anglo-Saxon law was law of +that kind. For the law was but universal custom, and that custom had no +sanction; but for breach of the custom anybody could make personal +attack, or combine with his friends to make attack, on the person who +committed the breach, and then, when the matter was taken up by the +members of both tribes, and finally by the witenagemot as a judicial +court, the question was, what the law was. That was the working of the +old Anglo-Saxon law, and it was a great many centuries before the notion +of law changed from that in their minds. And this "unwritten law" +perdures in the minds of many of the people today. + + +3. Religion and Social Control[275] + +As a social fact religion is, indeed, not something apart from mores or +social standards; it is these as regarded as "sacred." Strictly speaking +there is no such thing as an unethical religion. We judge some religions +as unethical because the mores of which they approve are not our mores, +that is, the standards of higher civilization. All religions are +ethical, however, in the sense that without exception they support +customary morality, and they do this necessarily because the values +which the religious attitude of mind universalizes and makes absolute +are social values. Social obligations thus early become religious +obligations. In this way religion becomes the chief means of conserving +customs and habits which have been found to be safe by society or which +are believed to conduce to social welfare. + +As the guardian of the mores, religion develops prohibitions and +"taboos" of actions of which the group, or its dominant class, +disapproves. It may lend itself, therefore, to maintaining a given +social order longer than that order is necessary, or even after it has +become a stumbling-block to social progress. For the same reason it may +be exploited by a dominant class in their own interest. It is in this +way that religion has often become an impediment to progress and an +instrument of class oppression. This socially conservative side of +religion is so well known and so much emphasized by certain writers that +it scarcely needs even to be mentioned. It is the chief source of the +abuses of religion, and in the modern world is probably the chief cause +of the deep enmity which religion has raised up for itself in a certain +class of thinkers who see nothing but its negative and conservative +side. + +There is no necessity, however, for the social control which religion +exerts being of a non-progressive kind. The values which religion +universalizes and makes absolute may as easily be values which are +progressive as those which are static. In a static society which +emphasizes prohibitions and the conservation of mere habit or custom, +religion will also, of course, emphasize the same things; but in a +progressive society religion can as easily attach its sanctions to +social ideals and standards beyond the existing order as to those +actually realized. Such an idealistic religion will, however, have the +disadvantages of appealing mainly to the progressive and idealizing +tendencies of human nature rather than to its conservative and +reactionary tendencies. Necessarily, also, it will appeal more strongly +to those enlightened classes in society who are leading in social +progress rather than to those who are content with things as they are. +This is doubtless the main reason why progressive religions are +exceedingly rare in human history, taking it as a whole, and have +appeared only in the later stages of cultural evolution. + +Nevertheless, there are good reasons for believing that the inevitable +evolution of religion has been in a humanitarian direction, and that +there is an intimate connection between social idealism and the higher +religions. There are two reasons for this generalization. The social +life becomes more complex with each succeeding stage of upward +development, and groups have therefore more need of commanding the +unfailing devotion of their members if they are to maintain their unity +and efficiency as groups. More and more, accordingly, religion in its +evolution has come to emphasize the self-effacing devotion of the +individual to the group in times of crisis. And as the complexity of +social life increases, the crises increase in which the group must ask +the unfailing service and devotion of its members. Thus religion in its +upward evolution becomes increasingly social, until it finally comes to +throw supreme emphasis upon the life of service and of self-sacrifice +for the sake of the group; and as the group expands from the clan and +the tribe to humanity, religion necessarily becomes less tribal and more +humanitarian until the supreme object of the devotion which it +inculcates must ultimately be the whole of humanity. + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + + +1. Social Control and Human Nature + +Society, so far as it can be distinguished from the individuals that +compose it, performs for those individuals the function of a mind. Like +mind in the individual man, society is a control organization. Evidence +of mind in the animal is the fact that it can make adjustments to new +conditions. The evidence that any group of persons constitutes a society +is the fact that the group is able to act with some consistency, and as +a unit. It follows that the literature on social control, in the widest +extension of that term, embraces most that has been written and all that +is fundamental on the subject of society. In chapter ii, "Human Nature," +and the later chapters on "Interaction" and its various forms, +"Conflict," "Accommodation," and "Assimilation," points of view and +literature which might properly be included in an adequate study of +social control have already been discussed. The present chapter is +concerned mainly with ceremonial, public opinion, and law, three of the +specific forms in which social control has universally found +expression. + +Sociology is indebted to Edward Alsworth Ross for a general term broad +enough to include all the special forms in which the solidarity of the +group manifests itself. It was his brilliant essay on the subject +published in 1906 that popularized the term social control. The +materials for such a general, summary statement had already been brought +together by Sumner and published in 1906 in his _Folkways_. This volume, +in spite of its unsystematic character, must still be regarded as the +most subtle analysis and suggestive statement about human nature and +social relations that has yet been written in English. + +A more systematic and thoroughgoing review of the facts and literature, +however, is Hobhouse's _Morals in Evolution_. After Hobhouse the next +most important writer is Westermarck, whose work, _The Origin and +Development of the Moral Ideas_, published in 1906, was a pioneer in +this field. + + +2. Elementary Forms of Social Control + +Literature upon elementary forms of social control includes materials +upon ceremonies, taboo, myth, prestige, and leadership. These are +characterized as elementary because they have arisen spontaneously +everywhere out of original nature. The conventionalized form in which we +now find them has arisen in the course of their repetition and +transmission from one generation to another and from one culture group +to another. The fact that they have been transmitted over long periods +of time and wide areas of territory is an indication that they are the +natural vehicle for the expression of fundamental human impulses. + +It is quite as true of leadership, as it is of myth and prestige, that +it springs directly out of an emotional setting. The natural leaders are +never elected and leadership is, in general, a matter that cannot be +rationally controlled. + +The materials upon ceremony, social ritual, and fashion are large in +comparison with the attempts at a systematic study of the phenomena. +Herbert Spencer's chapter on "Ceremonial Government," while it +interprets social forms from the point of view of the individual rather +than of the group, is still the only adequate survey of the materials in +this special field. + +Ethnology and folklore have accumulated an enormous amount of +information in regard to primitive custom which has yet to be +interpreted from the point of view of more recent studies of human +nature and social life. The most important collections are Frazer's +_Golden Bough_ and his _Totemism and Exogamy_. Crawley's _The Mystic +Rose_ is no such monument of scholarship and learning as Frazer's +_Golden Bough_, but it is suggestive and interesting. + +Prestige and taboo represent fundamental human traits whose importance +is by no means confined to the life of primitive man where, almost +exclusively hitherto, they have been observed and studied. + +The existing literature on leadership, while serving to emphasize the +importance of the leader as a factor in social organization and social +process, is based on too superficial an analysis to be of permanent +scientific value. Adequate methods for the investigation of leadership +have not been formulated. In general it is clear, however, that +leadership must be studied in connection with the social group in which +it arises and that every type of group will have a different type of +leader. The prophet, the agitator, and the political boss are types of +leaders in regard to whom there already are materials available for +study and interpretation. A study of leadership should include, however, +in addition to the more general types, like the poet, the priest, the +tribal chieftain, and the leader of the gang, consideration of +leadership in the more specific areas of social life, the precinct +captain, the promoter, the banker, the pillar of the church, the +football coach, and the society leader. + + +3. Public Opinion and Social Control + +Public opinion, "the fourth estate" as Burke called it, has been +appreciated, but not studied. The old Roman adage, _Vox populi, vox +dei_, is a recognition of public opinion as the ultimate seat of +authority. Public opinion has been elsewhere identified with the +"general will." Rousseau conceived the general will to be best expressed +through a plebiscite at which a question was presented without the +possibilities of the divisive effects of public discussion. The natural +impulses of human nature would make for more uniform and beneficial +decisions than the calculated self-interest that would follow discussion +and deliberation. English liberals like John Stuart Mill, of the latter +half of the nineteenth century, looked upon freedom of discussion and +free speech as the breath of life of a free society, and that tradition +has come down to us a little shaken by recent experience, but +substantially intact. + +The development of advertising and of propaganda, particularly during +and since the world-war, has aroused a great many misgivings, +nevertheless, in regard to the traditional freedom of the press. Walter +Lippmann's thoughtful little volume, _Liberty and the News_, has stated +the whole problem in a new form and has directed attention to an +entirely new field for observation and study. + +De Tocqueville, in his study of the early frontier, _Democracy in +America_, and James Bryce, in his _American Commonwealth_, have +contributed a good deal of shrewd observation to our knowledge of the +role of political opinion in the United States. The important attempts +in English to define public opinion as a social phenomenon and study it +objectively are A. V. Dicey's _Law and Opinion in England in the +Nineteenth Century_ and A. Lawrence Lowell's _Public Opinion and Popular +Government_. Although Dicey's investigation is confined to England and +to the nineteenth century, his analysis of the facts throws new light on +the nature of public opinion in general. The intimate relation between +the press and parliamentary government in England is revealed in an +interesting historical monograph by Michael Macdonagh, _The Reporters' +Gallery_. + + +4. Legal Institutions and Law + +Public law came into existence in an effort of the community to deal +with conflict. In achieving this result, however, courts of law +invariably have sought to make their decisions first in accordance with +precedent, and second in accordance with common sense. The latter +insured that the law would be administered equitably; the former that +interpretations of the law would be consistent. Post says: + + Jural feelings are principally feelings of indignation as when + an injustice is experienced by an individual, a feeling of fear + as when an individual is affected by an inclination to do + wrong, a feeling of penitence as when the individual has + committed a wrong. With the feeling of indignation is joined a + desire for vengeance, with the feeling of penitence a desire of + atonement, the former tending towards an act of vengeance and + the latter towards an act of expiation. The jural judgments of + individuals are not complete judgments; they are based upon an + undefined sense of right and wrong. In the consciousness of the + individual there exists no standard of right and wrong under + which every single circumstance giving rise to the formation of + a jural judgment can be subsumed. A simple instinct impels the + individual to declare an action right or wrong.[276] + +If these motives are the materials with which the administration of +justice has to deal, the legal motive which has invariably controlled +the courts is something quite different. The courts in the +administration of law have invariably sought, above all else, to achieve +consistency. It is an ancient maxim of English law that "it is better +that the law should be certain than that the law should be just."[277] + +The conception implicit in the law is that the rule laid down in one +case must apply in every similar case. In the effort to preserve this +consistency in a constantly increasing variety of cases the courts have +been driven to the formulation of principles, increasingly general and +abstract, to multiply distinctions and subtleties, and to operate with +legal fictions. All this effort to make the law a rationally consistent +system was itself inconsistent with the conception that law, like +religion, had a natural history and was involved, like language, in a +process of growth and decay. It is only in recent years that comparative +jurisprudence has found its way into the law schools. Although there is +a vast literature upon the subject of the history of the law, Maine's +_Ancient Law_, published in 1861, is still the classic work in this +field in English. + +More recently there has sprung up a school of "legal ethnology." The +purpose of these studies is not to trace the historical development, of +the law, but to seek in the forms in use in isolated and primitive +societies materials which will reveal, in their more elementary +expressions, motives and practices that are common to legal institutions +of every people. In the Preface to a recent volume of _Select Readings +on the Origin and Development of Legal Institutions_, the editors +venture the statement, in justification of the materials from sociology +that these volumes include, that "contrary, perhaps, to legal tradition, +the law itself is only a social phenomenon and not to be understood in +detachment from human uses, necessities and forces from which it +arises." Justice Holmes's characterization of law as "a great +anthropological document" seems to support that position. + +Law in its origin is related to religion. The first public law was that +which enforced the religious taboos, and the ceremonial purifications +and expiations were intended to protect the community from the divine +punishment for any involuntary disrespect or neglect of the rites due +the gods which were the first crimes to be punished by the community as +a whole, and for the reason that failure to punish or expiate them would +bring disaster upon the community as a whole. + +Maine says that the earliest conceptions of law or a rule of life among +the Greeks are contained in the Homeric words _Themis_ and _Themistes_. + + When a king decided a dispute by a sentence, the judgment was + assumed to be the result of direct inspiration. The divine + agent, suggesting judicial awards to kings or to gods, the + greatest of kings, was _Themis_. The peculiarity of the + conception is brought out by the use of the plural. + _Themistes_, Themises, the plural of Themis, are the awards + themselves, divinely dictated to the judge. Kings are spoken of + as if they had a store of "Themistes" ready to hand for use; + but it must be distinctly understood that they are not laws, + but judgments. "Zeus, or the human king on earth," says Mr. + Grote, in his _History of Greece_, "is not a law-maker, but a + judge." He is provided with Themistes, but, consistently with + the belief in their emanation from above, they cannot be + supposed to be connected by any thread of principle; they are + separate, isolated judgments.[278] + +It is only in recent times, with the gradual separation of the function +of the church and the state, that legal institutions have acquired a +character wholly secular. Within the areas of social life that are +represented on the one hand by religion and on the other by law are +included all the sanctions and the processes by which society maintains +its authority and imposes its will upon its individual members.[279] + + +SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY + + +I. SOCIAL CONTROL AND HUMAN NATURE + +(1) Maine, Henry S. _Dissertations on Early Law and Custom_. New York, +1886. + +(2) Kocourek, Albert, and Wigmore, John H., editors. _Evolution of Law_. +Select readings on the origin and development of legal institutions. +Vol. I, "Sources of Ancient and Primitive Law." Vol. II, "Primitive and +Ancient Legal Institutions." Vol. III, "Formative Influences of Legal +Development." Boston, 1915. + +(3) Sumner, W. G. _Folkways_. A study of the sociological importance of +usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals. Boston, 1906. + +(4) Letourneau, Ch. _L'Evolution de la morale_. Paris, 1887. + +(5) Westermarck, Edward. _The Origin and Development of the Moral +Ideas_, 2 vols. London, 1906-8. + +(6) Hobhouse, L. T. _Morals in Evolution_. New ed. A study in +comparative ethics. New York, 1915. + +(7) Durkheim, Emile. _The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life_. A +study in religious sociology. Translated from the French by J. W. Swain. +London, 1915. + +(8) Novicow, J. _Conscience et volonte sociales_. Paris, 1897. + +(9) Ross, Edward A. _Social Control_. A survey of the foundations of +order. New York, 1906. + +(10) Bernard, Luther L. _The Transition to an Objective Standard of +Social Control_. Chicago, 1911. + + +II. ELEMENTARY FORMS OF SOCIAL CONTROL + + +A. _Leadership_ + +(1) Woods, Frederick A. _The Influence of Monarchs_. Steps in a new +science of history. New York, 1913. + +(2) Smith, J. M. P. _The Prophet and His Problems_. New York, 1914. + +(3) Walter, F. _Die Propheten in ihrem sozialen Beruf und das +Wirtschaftsleben ihrer Zeit_. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der +Sozialethik. Freiburg-in-Brisgau, 1900. + +(4) Vierkandt, A. "Fuehrende Individuen bei den Naturvoelkern," +_Zeitschrift fuer Sozialwissenschaft_, XI (1908), 542-53, 623-39. + +(5) Dixon, Roland B. "Some Aspects of the American Shaman," _The Journal +of American Folk-Lore_, XXI (1908), 1-12. + +(6) Kohler, Josef. _Philosophy of Law_. (Albrecht's translation.) +"Cultural Importance of Chieftainry." "Philosophy of Law Series," Vol. +XII. [Reprinted in the _Evolution of Law_, II, 96-103.] + +(7) Fustel de Coulanges. _The Ancient City_, Book III, chap. ix, "The +Government of the City. The King," pp. 231-39. Boston, 1896. + +(8) Leopold, Lewis. _Prestige_. A psychological study of social +estimates. London, 1913. + +(9) Clayton, Joseph. _Leaders of the People_. Studies in democratic +history. London, 1910. + +(10) Brent, Charles H. _Leadership_. New York, 1908. + +(11) Rothschild, Alonzo. _Lincoln: Master of Men_. A study in character. +Boston, 1906. + +(12) Mumford, Eben. _The Origins of Leadership_. Chicago, 1909. + +(13) Ely, Richard T. _The World War and Leadership in a Democracy_. New +York, 1918. + +(14) Terman, L. M. "A Preliminary Study of the Psychology and Pedagogy +of Leadership," _Pedagogical Seminary_, XI (1904), 413-51. + +(15) Miller, Arthur H. _Leadership_. A study and discussion of the +qualities most to be desired in an officer. New York, 1920. + +(16) Gowin, Enoch B. _The Executive and His Control of Men_. A study in +personal efficiency. New York, 1915. + +(17) Cooley, Charles H. "Genius, Fame and the Comparison of Races," +_Annals of the American Academy_, IX (1897), 317-58. + +(18) Odin, Alfred. _Genese des grands hommes, gens de lettres francais +modernes_. Paris, 1895. [See Ward, Lester F., _Applied Sociology_, for a +statement in English of Odin's study.] + +(19) Kostyleff, N. _Le Mecanisme cerebral de la pensee_. Paris, 1914. +[This is a study of the mechanism of the inspiration of poets and +writers of romance.] + +(20) Chabaneix, Paul. _Physiologie cerebrale_. Le subconscient chez les +artistes, les savants, et les ecrivains. Bordeaux, 1897-98. + + +B. _Ceremony, Rites, and Ritual_ + +(1) Spencer, Herbert. _The Principles of Sociology, Part IV_, +"Ceremonial Institutions." Vol. II, pp. 3-225. London, 1893. + +(2) Tylor, Edward B. _Primitive Culture_. Researches into the +development of mythology, philosophy, religion, language, art, and +custom. Chap. xviii, "Rites and Ceremonies," pp. 362-442. New York, +1874. + +(3) Frazer, J. G. _Totemism and Exogamy_. A treatise on certain early +forms of superstition and society. 4 vols. London, 1910. + +(4) Freud, Sigmund. _Totem and Taboo_. Resemblances between the psychic +life of savages and neurotics. Authorized translation from the German by +A. A. Brill. New York, 1918. + +(5) James, E. O. _Primitive Ritual and Belief_. An anthropological +essay. With an introduction by R. R. Marett. London, 1917. + +(6) Brinton, Daniel G. _The Religious Sentiment: Its Source and Aim_. A +contribution to the science and philosophy of religion. Chap. vi, "The +Cult, Its Symbols and Rites," pp. 197-227. New York, 1876. + +(7) Frazer, J. G. _Golden Bough_. A study in magic and religion. Part +VI, "The Scapegoat." 3d ed. London, 1913. + +(8) Nassau, R. H. _Fetichism in West Africa_. Forty years' observation +of native customs and superstitions. New York, 1907. + +(9) Hubert, H., and Mauss, M. "Essai sur la nature et la fonction de +sacrifice," _L'Annee sociologique_, II (1897-98), 29-138. + +(10) Farnell, L. R. _The Higher Aspects of Greek Religion_. New York, +1912. + +(11) ----. _The Cults of the Greek States_. 5 vols. Oxford, 1896-1909. + +(12) ----. "Religious and Social Aspects of the Cult of Ancestors and +Heroes," _Hibbert Journal_, VII (1909), 415-35. + +(13) Harrison, Jane E. _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_. +Cambridge, 1903. + +(14) De-Marchi, A. _Il Culto privato di Roma antica_. Milano, 1896. + +(15) Oldenberg, H. _Die Religion des Veda_. Part III, "Der Cultus," pp. +302-523. Berlin, 1894. + + +C. _Taboo_ + +(1) Thomas, N. W. Article on "Taboo" in _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, +XXVI, 337-41. + +(2) Frazer, J. G. _The Golden Bough_. A study in magic and religion. +Part II, "Taboo and the Perils of the Soul." London, 1911. + +(3) Kohler, Josef. _Philosophy of Law_. "Taboo as a Primitive Substitute +for Law." "Philosophy of Law Series," Vol. XII. Boston, 1914. [Reprinted +in _Evolution of Law_, II, 120-21.] + +(4) Crawley, A. E. "Sexual Taboo," _Journal of Anthropological +Institute_, XXIV (London, 1894), 116-25, 219-35, 430-45. + +(5) Gray, W. "Some Notes on the Tannese," _Internationales Archiv fuer +Ethnographie_, VII (1894), 232-37. + +(6) Waitz, Theodor, und Gerland, Georg. _Anthropologie der Naturvoelker_, +VI, 343-63. 6 vols. Leipzig, 1862-77. + +(7) Tuchmann, J. "La Fascination," _Melusine_, II (1884-85), 169-175, +193-98, 241-50, 350-57, 368-76, 385-87, 409-17, 457-64, 517-24; III +(1886-87), 49-56, 105-9, 319-25, 412-14, 506-8. + +(8) Durkheim, E. "La prohibition de l'inceste et ses origines," _L'Annee +sociologique_, I (1896-97), 38-70. + +(9) Crawley, A. E. "Taboos of Commensality," _Folk-Lore_, VI (1895), +130-44. + +(10) Hubert, H., and Mauss, M. "Le Mana," _L'Annee sociologique_, VII +(1902-3), 108-22. + +(11) Codrington, R. H. _The Melanesians_. Studies in their anthropology +and folklore. "Mana," pp. 51-58, 90, 103, 115, 118-24, 191, 200, 307-8. +Oxford, 1891. + + +D. _Myths_ + +(1) Sorel, Georges. _Reflections on Violence_. Chap. iv, "The +Proletarian Strike," pp. 126-67. Translated from the French by T. E. +Hulme. New York, 1912. + +(2) Smith, W. Robertson. _Lectures on the Religion of the Semites_. +"Ritual, Myth and Dogma," pp. 16-24. New ed. London, 1907. + +(3) Harrison, Jane E. _Themis_. A study of the social origins of Greek +religion. Cambridge, 1912. + +(4) Clodd, Edward. _The Birth and Growth of Myth_. Humboldt Library of +Popular Science Literature. New York, 1888. + +(5) Gennep, A. van. _La Formation des legendes_. Paris, 1910. + +(6) Langenhove, Fernand van. _The Growth of a Legend_. A study based +upon the German accounts of _francs-tireurs_ and "atrocities" in +Belgium. With a preface by J. Mark Baldwin. New York, 1916. + +(7) Case, S. J. _The Millennial Hope_. Chicago, 1918. + +(8) Abraham, Karl. _Dreams and Myths_. Translated from the German by W. +A. White. "Nervous and Mental Disease Monograph Series," No. 15. +Washington, 1913. + +(9) Pfister, Oskar. _The Psychoanalytic Method_. Translated from the +German by C. R. Payne. Pp. 410-15. New York, 1917. + +(10) Jung, C. G. _Psychology of the Unconscious_. A study of the +transformations and symbolisms of the libido. A contribution to the +history of the evolution of thought. Authorized translation from the +German by Beatrice M. Hinkle. New York, 1916. + +(11) Brinton, Daniel G. _The Religious Sentiment: Its Source and Aim_. A +contribution to the science and philosophy of religion. Chap. v, "The +Myth and the Mythical Cycles," pp. 153-96. New York, 1876. + +(12) Rivers, W. H. R. "The Sociological Significance of Myth," +_Folk-Lore_, XXIII (1912), 306-31. + +(13) Rank, Otto. _The Myth of the Birth of the Hero_. A psychological +interpretation of mythology. "Nervous and Mental Disease Monograph +Series," No. 18. Translated from the German by Drs. F. Robbins and Smith +E. Jelliffe. Washington, 1914. + +(14) Freud, Sigmund. "Der Dichter und das Phantasieren," _Sammlung +kleiner Schriften zur Neurosenlehre_. 2d ed. Wien, 1909. + + +III. PUBLIC OPINION AND SOCIAL CONTROL + + +A. _Materials for the Study of Public Opinion_ + +(1) Lowell, A. Lawrence. _Public Opinion and Popular Government_. New +York, 1913. + +(2) Tarde, Gabriel. _L'Opinion et la foule_. Paris, 1901. + +(3) Le Bon, Gustave. _Les Opinions et les croyances; genese-evolution_. +Paris, 1911. [Discusses the formation of public opinion, trends, etc.] + +(4) Bauer, Wilhelm. _Die oeffentliche Meinung und ihre geschichtlichen +Grundlagen_. Tuebingen, 1914. + +(5) Dicey, A. V. _Lectures on the Relation between Law and Public +Opinion in England during the Nineteenth Century_. 2d ed. London, 1914. + +(6) Shepard, W. J. "Public Opinion," _American Journal of Sociology_, XV +(1909), 32-60. + +(7) Tocqueville, Alexius de. _The Republic of the United States of +America_. Book IV. "Influence of Democratic Opinion on Political +Society," pp. 306-55. 2 vols. in one. New York, 1858. + +(8) Bryce, James. _The American Commonwealth_, Vol. II, Part IV, "Public +Opinion," pp. 239-64. Chicago, 1891. + +(9) ----. _Modern Democracies_. 2 vols. New York, 1921. + +(10) Lecky, W. E. H. _Democracy and Liberty_. New York, 1899. + +(11) Godkin, Edwin L. _Unforeseen Tendencies of Democracy_. Boston, +1898. + +(12) Sageret, J. "L'opinion," _Revue philosophique_, LXXXVI (1918), +19-38. + +(13) Bluntschli, Johann K. Article on "Public Opinion," _Lalor's +Cyclopaedia of Political Science, Political Economy and of the Political +History of the United States_. Vol. III, pp. 479-80. + +(14) Lewis, George C. _An Essay on the Influence of Authority in Matters +of Opinion_. London, 1849. + +(15) Jephson, Henry. _The Platform_. Its rise and progress. 2 vols. +London, 1892. + +(16) Junius. (Pseud.) _The Letters of Junius_. Woodfall's ed., revised +by John Wade. 2 vols. London, 1902. + +(17) Woodbury, Margaret. _Public Opinion in Philadelphia, 1789-1801_. +"Smith College Studies in History." Vol. V. Northampton, Mass., 1920. + +(18) Heaton, John L. _The Story of a Page_. Thirty years of public +service and public discussion in the editorial columns of _The New York +World_. New York, 1913. + +(19) _Editorials from the Hearst Newspapers_. New York, 1906. + +(20) Harrison, Shelby M. _Community Action through Surveys_. A paper +describing the main features of the social survey. Russell Sage +Foundation. New York, 1916. + +(21) Millioud, Maurice. "La propagation des idees," _Revue +philosophique_, LXIX (1910), 580-600; LXX (1910), 168-91. + +(22) Scott, Walter D. _The Theory of Advertising_. Boston, 1903. + + +B. _The Newspaper as an Organ of Public Opinion_ + +(1) Dana, Charles A. _The Art of Newspaper Making_. New York, 1895. + +(2) Irwin, Will. "The American Newspaper," _Colliers_, XLVI and XLVII +(1911). [A series of fifteen articles beginning in the issue of January +21 and ending in the issue of July 29, 1911.] + +(3) Park, Robert E. _The Immigrant Press and Its Control_. [In Press.] +New York, 1921. + +(4) Stead, W. T. "Government by Journalism," _Contemporary Review_, XLIX +(1886), 653-74. + +(5) Blowitz, Henri G. S. A. O. de. _Memoirs of M. de Blowitz_. New York, +1903. + +(6) Cook, Edward. _Delane of the Times_. New York, 1916. + +(7) Trent, William P. _Daniel Defoe: How to Know Him_. Indianapolis, +1916. + +(8) Oberholtzer, E. P. _Die Beziehungen zwischen dem Staat und der +Zeitungspresse im Deutschen Reich_. Nebst einigen Umrissen fuer die +Wissenschaft der Journalistik. Berlin, 1895. + +(9) Yarros, Victor S. "The Press and Public Opinion," _American Journal +of Sociology_, V (1899-1900), 372-82. + +(10) Macdonagh, Michael. _The Reporters' Gallery_. London, 1913. + +(11) Lippmann, Walter. _Liberty and the News_. New York, 1920. + +(12) O'Brien, Frank M. _The Story of the Sun, New York, 1833-1918_. With +an introduction by Edward Page Mitchell, editor of _The Sun_. New York, +1918. + +(13) Hudson, Frederic. _Journalism in the United States, from 1690 to +1872_. New York, 1873. + +(14) Bourne, H. R. Fox. _English Newspapers_. London, 1887. + +(15) Andrews, Alexander. _The History of British Journalism_. 2 vols. +London, 1859. + +(16) Lee, James Melvin. _A History of American Journalism_. Boston, +1917. + + +IV. LAW AND SOCIAL CONTROL + + +A. _The Sociological Conception of Law_ + +(1) Post, Albert H. "Ethnological Jurisprudence." Translated from the +German by Thomas J. McCormack. _Open Court_, XI (1897), 641-53, 718-32. +[Reprinted in _Evolution of Law_, II, 10-36.] + +(2) Vaccaro, M. A. _Les Bases sociologiques_. Du droit et de l'etat. +Translated by J. Gaure. Paris, 1898. + +(3) Duguit, Leon. _Law in the Modern State_. With introduction by Harold +Laski. Translated from the French by Frida and Harold Laski. New York, +1919. [The inherent nature of law is to be found in the social needs of +man.] + +(4) Picard, Edmond. _Le Droit pur_. Secs. 140-54. Paris, 1908. +[Translated by John H. Wigmore, under the title "Factors of Legal +Evolution," in _Evolution of Law_, III, 163-81.] + +(5) Laski, Harold J. _Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty_. New Haven, +1917. + +(6) ----. _Authority in the Modern State_. New Haven, 1919. + +(7) ----. _The Problem of Administrative Areas_. An essay in +reconstruction. Northampton, Mass., 1918. + + +B. _Ancient and Primitive Law_ + +(1) Maine, Henry S. _Ancient Law_. 14th ed. London, 1891. + +(2) Fustel de Coulanges. _The Ancient City_. A study on the religion, +laws, and institutions of Greece and Rome. Boston, 1894. + +(3) Kocourek, Albert, and Wigmore, J. H., editors. _Sources of Ancient +and Primitive Law_. "Evolution of Law Series." Vol. I. Boston, 1915. + +(4) Steinmetz, S. R. _Rechtsverhaeltnisse von eingeborenen Voelkern in +Afrika und Oceanien_. Berlin, 1903. + +(5) Sarbah, John M. _Fanti Customary Law_. A brief introduction to the +principles of the native laws and customs of the Fanti and Akan +districts of the Gold Coast with a report of some cases thereon decided +in the law courts. London, 1904. [Reprinted in _Evolution of Law_, I, +326-82.] + +(6) McGee, W. J. "The Seri Indians," _Seventeenth Annual Report of the +Bureau of American Ethnology_, 1895-96. Part I, pp. 269-95. [Reprinted +in _Evolution of Law_, I, 257-78.] + +(7) Dugmore, H. H. _Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs_. Grahamstown, +South Africa, 1906. [Reprinted in _Evolution of Law_, I 292-325.] + +(8) Spencer, Baldwin, and Gillen, F. J. _The Northern Tribes of Central +Australia_. London, 1904. [Reprinted in _Evolution of Law_, I, 213-326.] + +(9) Seebohm, Frederic. _Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Law_. Being an +essay supplemental to (1) "The English Village Community," (2) "The +Tribal System in Wales." London, 1903. + + +C. _The History and Growth of Law_ + +(1) Wigmore, John H. "Problems of the Law's Evolution," _Virginia Law +Review_, IV (1917), 247-72. [Reprinted, in part, in _Evolution of Law_, +III, 153-58.] + +(2) Robertson, John M. _The Evolution of States_. An introduction to +English politics. New York, 1913. + +(3) Jhering, Rudolph von. _The Struggle for Law_. Translated from the +German by John J. Lalor. 1st ed. Chicago, 1879. [Chap. i, reprinted in +_Evolution of Law_, III, 440-47.] + +(4) Nardi-Greco, Carlo. _Sociologia giuridica_. Chap. viii, pp. 310-24. +Torino, 1907. [Translated by John H. Wigmore under the title "Causes for +the Variation of Jural Phenomena in General," in _Evolution of Law_, +III, 182-97.] + +(5) Bryce, James. _Studies in History and Jurisprudence_. Oxford, 1901. + +(6) ----. "Influence of National Character and Historical Environment on +the American Law." Annual address to the Bar Association, 1907. _Reports +of American Bar Association_, XXXI (1907), 444-59. [Abridged and +reprinted in _Evolution of Law_, III, 369-77.] + +(7) Pollock, Frederick, and Maitland, Frederic W. _The History of +English Law before the Time of Edward I_. 2d ed. Cambridge, 1899. + +(8) Jenks, Edward. _Law and Politics in the Middle Ages_. With a +synoptic table of sources. London, 1913. + +(9) Holdsworth, W. S. _A History of English Law_. 3 vols. London, +1903-9. + +(10) _The Modern Legal Philosophy Series_. Edited by a committee of the +Association of American Law Schools. 13 vols. Boston, 1911-. + +(11) _Continental Legal History Series_. Published under the auspices of +the Association of American Law Schools. 11 vols. Boston, 1912-. + +(12) _Select Essays in Anglo-American Legal History._ Compiled and +edited by a committee of the Association of American Law Schools. 3 +vols. Boston, 1907-9. + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. Social Interaction and Social Control + +2. Social Control as the Central Fact and the Central Problem of +Sociology + +3. Social Control, Collective Behavior, and Progress + +4. Manipulation and Participation as Forms of Social Control + +5. Social Control and Self-Control + +6. Accommodation as Control + +7. Elementary Forms of Social Control: Ceremony, Fashion, Prestige, and +Taboo, etc. + +8. Traditional Forms of Control, as Folkways, Mores, Myths, Law, +Education, Religion, etc. + +9. Rumors, News, Facts, etc., as Forms of Control + +10. Case Studies of the Influence of Myths, Legends, "Vital Lies," etc., +on Collective Behavior + +11. The Newspaper as Controlling and as Controlled by Public Opinion + +12. Gossip as Social Control + +13. Social Control in the Primary Group in the Village Community as +Compared with Social Control in the Secondary Group in the City + +14. An Analysis of Public Opinion in a Selected Community + +15. The Politician and Public Opinion + +16. The Social Survey as a Mechanism of Social Control + +17. A Study of Common Law and Statute Law from the Standpoint of Mores +and Public Opinion + +18. A Concrete Example of Social Change Analyzed in Terms of Mores, the +Trend, and Public Opinion, as Woman's Suffrage, Prohibition, the +Abolition of Slavery, Birth Control, etc. + +19. The Life History of an Institution from the Standpoint of Its Origin +and Survival as an Agency of Control + +20. Unwritten Law; a Case Study + +21. Legal Fictions and Their Function in Legal Practice + +22. The Sociology of Authority in the Social Group and in the State + +23. Maine's Conception of Primitive Law + +24. The Greek Conception of Themistes and Their Relation to Code of +Solon + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. What do you understand by social control? + +2. What do you mean by elementary social control? How would you +distinguish it from control exercised by public opinion and law? + +3. How does social control in human society differ from that in animal +society? + +4. What is the natural history of social control in the crowd and the +public? + +5. What is the fundamental mechanism by which control is established in +the group? + +6. How do you explain the process by which a crisis develops in a social +group? How is crisis related to control? + +7. Under what conditions is a dictatorship a necessary form of control? +Why? + +8. In what way does the crowd control its members? + +9. Describe and analyze your behavior in a crowd. Were you conscious of +control by the group? + +10. What is the mechanism of control in the public? + +11. In what sense is ceremony a control? + +12. How do music, rhythm, and art enter into social control? + +13. Analyze the mechanism of the following forms of ceremonial control: +the salute, the visit, the decoration, forms of address, presents, +greetings. What other forms of ceremonial control occur to you? + +14. What is the relation of fashions to ceremonial control? + +15. What is the meaning to the individual of ceremony? + +16. What are the values and limitations of ceremonial control? + +17. What do you understand by "prestige" in interpreting control through +leadership? + +18. In what sense is prestige an aspect of personality? + +19. What relation, if any, is there between prestige and prejudice? + +20. How do you explain the prestige of the white man in South East +Africa? Does the white man always have prestige among colored races? + +21. What is the relation of taboo to contact? (See pp. 291-93.) + +22. Why does taboo refer both to things "holy" and things "unclean"? + +23. How does taboo function for social control? + +24. Describe and analyze the mechanism of control through taboo in a +selected group. + +25. What examples do you discover of American taboos? + +26. What is the mechanism of control by the myth? + +27. "Myths are projections of our hopes and of our fears." Explain with +reference to the Freudian wish. + +28. How do you explain the growth of a legend? Make an analysis of the +origin and development of the legend. + +29. Under what conditions does the press promote the growth of myths and +legends? + +30. Does control by public opinion exist outside of democracies? + +31. What is the relation of the majority and the minority to public +opinion? + +32. What is the distinction made by Lowell between (a) an effective +majority, and (b) a numerical majority, with reference to public +opinion? + +33. What is the relation of mores to public opinion? + +34. How do you distinguish between public opinion, advertising, and +propaganda as means and forms of social control? + +35. What is the relation of news to social control? + +36. "The news columns are common carriers." Discuss the implications of +this statement. + +37. How do you explain the psychology of propaganda? + +38. What is the relation between institutions and the mores? + +39. What is the nature of social control exerted by the institution? + +40. What is the relation of mores to common law and statute law? + +41. "Under the free Anglo-Saxon government, no king could ever make a +law, but could only declare what the law was." Discuss the significance +of this fact. + +42. In what different ways does religion control the behavior of the +individual and of the group? + +43. Is religion a conservative or a progressive factor in society? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[250] Chap. i, pp. 46-47. + +[251] Robert E. Park and Herbert A. Miller, _Old World Traits +Transplanted_, pp. 1-2. (New York, 1921.) + +[252] Ernst Grosse, _The Beginnings of Art_, pp. 228-29. (New York, +1897.) + +[253] See A. L. Lowell, _Public Opinion and Popular Government_, pp. +12-13. (New York, 1913.) + +[254] _The American Party System_, chap. viii. (New York, 1922.) [In +press.] + +[255] "On the afternoon of July 13, Bismarck, Roon, and Moltke were +seated together in the Chancellor's Room at Berlin. They were depressed +and moody; for Prince Leopold's renunciation had been trumpeted in Paris +as a humiliation for Prussia. They were afraid, too, that King William's +conciliatory temper might lead him to make further concessions, and that +the careful preparations of Prussia for the inevitable war with France +might be wasted, and a unique opportunity lost. A telegram arrived. It +was from the king at Ems, and described his interview that morning with +the French ambassador. The king had met Benedetti's request for the +guarantee required by a firm but courteous refusal; and when the +ambassador had sought to renew the interview, he had sent a polite +message through his aide-de-camp informing him that the subject must be +considered closed. In conclusion, Bismarck was authorized to publish the +message if he saw fit. The Chancellor at once saw his opportunity. In +the royal despatch, though the main incidents were clear enough, there +was still a note of doubt, of hesitancy, which suggested a possibility +of further negotiation. The excision of a few lines would alter, not +indeed the general sense, but certainly the whole tone of the message. +Bismarck, turning to Moltke, asked him if he were ready for a sudden +risk of war; and on his answering in the affirmative, took a blue pencil +and drew it quickly through several parts of the telegram. Without the +alteration or addition of a single word, the message, instead of +appearing a mere 'fragment of a negotiation still pending,' was thus +made to appear decisive. In the actual temper of the French people there +was no doubt that it would not only appear decisive, but insulting, and +that its publication would mean war. + +"On July 14 the publication of the 'Ems telegram' became known in Paris, +with the result that Bismarck had expected. The majority of the Cabinet, +hitherto in favour of peace, were swept away by the popular tide; and +Napoleon himself reluctantly yielded to the importunity of his ministers +and of the Empress, who saw in a successful war the best, if not the +only, chance of preserving the throne for her son. On the evening of the +same day, July 14, the declaration of war was signed."--W. Alison +Phillips, _Modern Europe, 1815-1899_, pp. 465-66. (London, 1903.) + +[256] G. Tarde, _L'opinion et la foule._ (Paris, 1901.) + +[257] L. T. Hobhouse, _Morals in Evolution, A Study in Comparative +Ethics_, pp. 13-14. (New York, 1915.) + +[258] E. D. Morel, _King Leopold's Rule in Africa_. (London, 1904.) + +[259] L. T. Hobhouse, _op. cit._, p. 85. + +[260] The whole process of evolution by which a moral order has been +established over ever wider areas of social life has been sketched in a +masterly manner by Hobhouse in his chapter, "Law and Justice," _op. +cit._, pp. 72-131. + +[261] From Lieutenant Joseph S. Smith, _Over There and Back_, pp. 9-22. +(E. P. Dutton & Co., 1917.) + +[262] From Herbert Spencer, _The Principles of Sociology_, II, 3-6. +(Williams & Norgate, 1893.) + +[263] Adapted from Lewis Leopold, _Prestige_, pp. 16-62. (T. Fisher +Unwin, 1913.) + +[264] Adapted from Maurice S. Evans, _Black and White in South East +Africa_, pp. 15-35. (Longmans, Green & Co., 1911.) + +[265] From W. Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_, pp. +152-447. (Adam and Charles Black, 1907.) + +[266] From Georges Sorel, _Reflections on Violence_, pp. 133-37. (B. W. +Huebsch, 1912.) + +[267] Adapted from Fernand van Langenhove, _The Growth of a Legend_, pp. +5-275. (G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1916.) + +[268] From W. Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_, pp. 16-24. +(Adam and Charles Black, 1907.) + +[269] Adapted from A. Lawrence Lowell, _Public Opinion and Popular +Government_, pp. 3-14. (Longmans, Green & Co., 1913.) + +[270] From Robert E. Park, _The Crowd and the Public_. (Unpublished +manuscript.) + +[271] Adapted from Walter Lippmann, _Liberty and the News_, pp. 4-15. +(Harcourt, Brace & Howe, 1920.) + +[272] From Raymond Dodge, "The Psychology of Propaganda," _Religious +Education_, XV (1920), 241-52. + +[273] From William G. Sumner, _Folkways_, pp. 53-56. (Ginn & Co., 1906.) + +[274] Adapted from Frederic J. Stimson, _Popular Law-Making_, pp. 2-16. +(Charles Scribner's Sons, 1912.) + +[275] From Charles A. Ellwood, "Religion and Social Control," in the +_Scientific Monthly_, VII (1918), 339-41. + +[276] Albert H. Post, _Evolution of Law: Select Readings on the Origin +and Development of Legal Institutions_, Vol. II, "Primitive and Ancient +Legal Institutions," complied by Albert Kocourek and John H. Wigmore; +translated from the German by Thomas J. McCormack. Section 2, +"Ethnological Jurisprudence," p. 12. (Boston, 1915.) + +[277] Quoted by James Bryce, "Influence of National Character and +Historical Environment on Development of Common Law," annual address to +the American Bar Association, 1907, _Reports of the American Bar +Association_, XXXI (1907), 447. + +[278] Henry S. Maine, _Ancient Law_. Its connection with the early +history of society and its relation to modern ideas, pp. 4-5. 14th ed. +(London, 1891.) + +[279] For the distinction between the cultural process and the political +process see _supra_, pp. 52-53. + + + + +CHAPTER XIII + +COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. Collective Behavior Defined + +A collection of individuals is not always, and by the mere fact of its +collectivity, a society. On the other hand, when people come together +anywhere, in the most casual way, on the street corner or at a railway +station, no matter how great the social distances between them, the mere +fact that they are aware of one another's presence sets up a lively +exchange of influences, and the behavior that ensues is both social and +collective. It is social, at the very least, in the sense that the train +of thought and action in each individual is influenced more or less by +the action of every other. It is collective in so far as each individual +acts under the influence of a mood or a state of mind in which each +shares, and in accordance with conventions which all quite unconsciously +accept, and which the presence of each enforces upon the others. + +The amount of individual eccentricity or deviation from normal and +accepted modes of behavior which a community will endure without comment +and without protest will vary naturally enough with the character of the +community. A cosmopolitan community like New York City can and does +endure a great deal in the way of individual eccentricity that a smaller +city like Boston would not tolerate. In any case, and this is the point +of these observations, even in the most casual relations of life, people +do not behave in the presence of others as if they were living alone +like Robinson Crusoe, each on his individual island. The very fact of +their consciousness of each other tends to maintain and enforce a great +body of convention and usage which otherwise falls into abeyance and is +forgotten. Collective behavior, then, is the behavior of individuals +under the influence of an impulse that is common and collective, an +impulse, in other words, that is the result of social interaction. + + +2. Social Unrest and Collective Behavior + +The most elementary form of collective behavior seems to be what is +ordinarily referred to as "social unrest." Unrest in the individual +becomes social when it is, or seems to be, transmitted from one +individual to another, but more particularly when it produces something +akin to the milling process in the herd, so that the manifestations of +discontent in A communicated to B, and from B reflected back to A, +produce the circular reaction described in the preceding chapter. + +The significance of social unrest is that it represents at once a +breaking up of the established routine and a preparation for new +collective action. Social unrest is not of course a new phenomenon; it +is possibly true, however, that it is peculiarly characteristic, as has +been said, of modern life. The contrast between the conditions of modern +life and of primitive society suggests why this may be true. + +The conception which we ought to form of primitive society, says Sumner, +is that of small groups scattered over a territory. The size of the +group will be determined by the conditions of the struggle for existence +and the internal organization of each group will correspond (1) to the +size of the group, and (2) to the nature and intensity of the struggle +with its neighbors. + + Thus war and peace have reacted on each other and developed + each other, one within the group, the other in the intergroup + relation. The closer the neighbors, and the stronger they are, + the intenser is the warfare, and then the intenser is the + internal organization and discipline of each. Sentiments are + produced to correspond. Loyalty to the group, sacrifice for it, + hatred and contempt for outsiders, brotherhood within, + warlikeness without--all grow together, common products of the + same situation. These relations and sentiments constitute a + social philosophy. It is sanctified by connection with + religion. Men of an others-group are outsiders with whose + ancestors the ancestors of the we-group waged war. The ghosts + of the latter will see with pleasure their descendants keep up + the fight, and will help them. Virtue consists in killing, + plundering, and enslaving outsiders.[280] + +The isolation, territorial and cultural, under which alone it is +possible to maintain an organization which corresponds to Sumner's +description, has disappeared within comparatively recent times from all +the more inhabitable portions of the earth. In place of it there has +come, and with increasing rapidity is coming, into existence a society +which includes within its limits the total population of the earth and +is so intimately bound together that the speculation of a grain merchant +in Chicago may increase the price of bread in Bombay, while the act of +an assassin in a provincial town in the Balkans has been sufficient to +plunge the world into a war which changed the political map of three +continents and cost the lives, in Europe alone, of 8,500,000 combatants. + +The first effect of modern conditions of life has been to increase and +vastly complicate the economic interdependence of strange and distant +peoples, i.e., to destroy distances and make the world, as far as +national relations are concerned, small and tight. + +The second effect has been to break down family, local, and national +ties, and emancipate the individual man. + + When the family ceases, as it does in the city, to be an + economic unit, when parents and children have vocations that + not only intercept the traditional relations of family life, + but make them well nigh impossible, the family ceases to + function as an organ of social control. When the different + nationalities, with their different national cultures, have so + far interpenetrated one another that each has permanent + colonies within the territorial limits of the other, it is + inevitable that the old solidarities, the common loyalties and + the common hatreds that formerly bound men together in + primitive kinship and local groups should be undermined. + +A survey of the world today shows that vast changes are everywhere in +progress. Not only in Europe but in Asia and in Africa new cultural +contacts have undermined and broken down the old cultures. The effect +has been to loosen all the social bonds and reduce society to its +individual atoms. The energies thus freed have produced a world-wide +ferment. Individuals released from old associations enter all the more +readily into new ones. Out of this confusion new and strange political +and religious movements arise, which represent the groping of men for a +new social order. + + +3. The Crowd and the Public + +Gustave Le Bon, who was the first writer to call attention to the +significance of the crowd as a social phenomenon,[281] said that mass +movements mark the end of an old regime and the beginning of a new. + +"When the structure of a civilization is rotten, it is always the masses +that bring about its downfall."[282] On the other hand, "all founders of +religious or political creeds have established them solely because they +were successful in inspiring crowds with those fanatical sentiments +which have as result that men find their happiness in worship and +obedience and are ready to lay down their lives for their idol."[283] + +The crowd was, for Le Bon, not merely any group brought together by the +accident of some chance excitement, but it was above all the emancipated +masses whose bonds of loyalty to the old order had been broken by "the +destruction of those religious, political, and social beliefs in which +all the elements of our civilization are rooted." The crowd, in other +words, typified for Le Bon the existing social order. Ours is an age of +crowds, he said, an age in which men, massed and herded together in +great cities without real convictions or fundamental faiths, are likely +to be stampeded in any direction for any chance purpose under the +influence of any passing excitement. + +Le Bon did not attempt to distinguish between the crowd and the public. +This distinction was first made by Tarde in a paper entitled "Le Public +et la foule," published first in _La Revue de Paris_ in 1898, and +included with several others on the same general theme under the title +_L'Opinion et la foule_ which appeared in 1901. The public, according to +Tarde, was a product of the printing press. The limits of the crowd are +determined by the length to which a voice will carry or the distance +that the eye can survey. But the public presupposes a higher stage of +social development in which suggestions are transmitted in the form of +ideas and there is "contagion without contact."[284] + +The fundamental distinction between the crowd and the public, however, +is not to be measured by numbers nor by means of communication, but by +the form and effects of the interactions. In the public, interaction +takes the form of discussion. Individuals tend to act upon one another +critically; issues are raised and parties form. Opinions clash and thus +modify and moderate one another. + +The crowd does not discuss and hence it does not reflect. It simply +"mills." Out of this milling process a collective impulse is formed +which dominates all members of the crowd. Crowds, when they act, do so +impulsively. The crowd, says Le Bon, "is the slave of its impulses." + +"The varying impulses which crowds obey may be, according to their +exciting causes, generous or cruel, heroic or cowardly, but they will +always be so imperious that the interest of the individual, even the +interest of self-preservation, will not dominate them."[285] + +When the crowd acts it becomes a mob. What happens when two mobs meet? +We have in the literature no definite record. The nearest approach to it +are the occasional accounts we find in the stories of travelers of the +contacts and conflicts of armies of primitive peoples. These +undisciplined hordes are, as compared with the armies of civilized +peoples, little more than armed mobs. Captain S. L. Hinde in his story +of the Belgian conquest of the Congo describes several such battles. +From the descriptions of battles carried on almost wholly between savage +and undisciplined troops it is evident that the morale of an army of +savages is a precarious thing. A very large part of the warfare consists +in alarms and excursions interspersed with wordy duels to keep up the +courage on one side and cause a corresponding depression on the +other.[286] + +Gangs are conflict groups. Their organization is usually quite informal +and is determined by the nature and imminence of its conflicts with +other groups. When one crowd encounters another it either goes to pieces +or it changes its character and becomes a conflict group. When +negotiations and palavers take place as they eventually do between +conflict groups, these two groups, together with the neutrals who have +participated vicariously in the conflict, constitute a public. It is +possible that the two opposing savage hordes which seek, by threats and +boastings and beatings of drums, to play upon each other's fears and so +destroy each other's morale, may be said to constitute a very primitive +type of public. + +Discussion, as might be expected, takes curious and interesting forms +among primitive peoples. In a volume, _Iz Derevni: 12 Pisem_ ("From the +Country: 12 Letters"), A. N. Engelgardt describes the way in which the +Slavic peasants reach their decisions in the village council. + + In the discussion of some questions by the _mir_ [organization + of neighbors] there are no speeches, no debates, no votes. They + shout, they abuse one another--they seem on the point of coming + to blows; apparently they riot in the most senseless manner. + Some one preserves silence, and then suddenly puts in a word, + one word, or an ejaculation, and by this word, this + ejaculation, he turns the whole thing upside down. In the end, + you look into it and find that an admirable decision has been + formed and, what is most important, a unanimous decision.... + (In the division of land) the cries, the noise, the hubbub do + not subside until everyone is satisfied and no doubter is + left.[287] + + +4. Crowds and Sects + +Reference has been made to the crowds that act, but crowds do not always +act. Sometimes they merely dance or, at least, make expressive motions +which relieve their feelings. "The purest and most typical expression of +simple feeling," as Hirn remarks, "is that which consists of mere random +movements."[288] When these motions assume, as they so easily do, the +character of a fixed sequence in time, that is to say when they are +rhythmical, they can be and inevitably are, as by a sort of inner +compulsion, imitated by the onlookers. "As soon as the expression is +fixed in rhythmical form its contagious power is incalculably +increased."[289] + +This explains at once the function and social importance of the dance +among primitive people. It is the form in which they prepare for battle +and celebrate their victories. It gives the form at once to their +religious ritual and to their art. Under the influence of the memories +and the emotions which these dances stimulate the primitive group +achieves a sense of corporate unity, which makes corporate action +possible outside of the fixed and sacred routine of ordinary daily life. + +If it is true, as has been suggested, that art and religion had their +origin in the choral dance, it is also true that in modern times +religious sects and social movements have had their origin in crowd +excitements and spontaneous mass movements. The very names which have +been commonly applied to them--Quakers, Shakers, Convulsionaires, Holy +Rollers--suggest not merely the derision with which they were at one +time regarded, but indicate likewise their origin in ecstatic or +expressive crowds, the crowds that _do not act_. + +All great mass movements tend to display, to a greater or less extent, +the characteristics that Le Bon attributes to crowds. Speaking of the +convictions of crowds, Le Bon says: + + When these convictions are closely examined, whether at epochs + marked by fervent religious faith, or by great political + upheavals such as those of the last century, it is apparent + that they always assume a peculiar form which I cannot better + define than by giving it the name of a religious + sentiment.[290] + +Le Bon's definition of religion and religious sentiment will hardly find +general acceptance but it indicates at any rate his conception of the +extent to which individual personalities are involved in the excitements +that accompany mass movements. + + A person is not religious solely when he worships a divinity, + but when he puts all the resources of his mind, the complete + submission of his will, and the whole-souled ardour of + fanaticism at the service of a cause or an individual who + becomes the goal and guide of his thoughts and actions.[291] + +Just as the gang may be regarded as the perpetuation and permanent form +of "the crowd that acts," so the sect, religious or political, may be +regarded as a perpetuation and permanent form of the orgiastic +(ecstatic) or expressive crowd. + +"The sect," says Sighele, "is a crowd _triee_, selected, and permanent, +the crowd is a transient sect, which does not select its members. The +sect is the _chronic_ form of the crowd; the crowd is the _acute_ form +of the sect."[292] It is Sighele's conception that the crowd is an +elementary organism, from which the sect issues, like the chick from the +egg, and that all other types of social groups "may, in this same +manner, be deduced from this primitive social protoplasm." This is a +simplification which the facts hardly justify. It is true that, implicit +in the practices and the doctrines of a religious sect, there is the +kernel of a new independent culture. + + +5. Sects and Institutions + +A sect is a religious organization that is at war with the existing +mores. It seeks to cultivate a state of mind and establish a code of +morals different from that of the world about it and for this it claims +divine authority. In order to accomplish this end it invariably seeks to +set itself off in contrast with the rest of the world. The simplest and +most effective way to achieve this is to adopt a peculiar form of dress +and speech. This, however, invariably makes its members objects of scorn +and derision, and eventually of persecution. It would probably do this +even if there was no assumption of moral superiority to the rest of the +world in this adoption of a peculiar manner and dress. + +Persecution tends to dignify and sanctify all the external marks of the +sect, and it becomes a cardinal principle of the sect to maintain them. +Any neglect of them is regarded as disloyalty and is punished as heresy. +Persecution may eventually, as was the case with the Puritans, the +Quakers, the Mormons, compel the sect to seek refuge in some part of the +world where it may practice its way of life in peace. + +Once the sect has achieved territorial isolation and territorial +solidarity, so that it is the dominant power within the region that it +occupies, it is able to control the civil organization, establish +schools and a press, and so put the impress of a peculiar culture upon +all the civil and political institutions that it controls. In this case +it tends to assume the form of a state, and become a nationality. +Something approaching this was achieved by the Mormons in Utah. The most +striking illustration of the evolution of a nationality from a sect is +Ulster, which now has a position not quite that of a nation within the +English empire. + +This sketch suggests that the sect, like most other social institutions, +originates under conditions that are typical for all institutions of the +same species; then it develops in definite and predictable ways, in +accordance with a form or entelechy that is predetermined by +characteristic internal processes and mechanisms, and that has, in +short, a nature and natural history which can be described and explained +in sociological terms. Sects have their origin in social unrest to which +they give a direction and expression in forms and practices that are +largely determined by historical circumstances; movements which were at +first inchoate impulses and aspirations gradually take form; policies +are defined, doctrine and dogmas formulated; and eventually an +administrative machinery and efficiencies are developed to carry into +effect policies and purposes. The Salvation Army, of which we have a +more adequate history than of most other religious movements, is an +example. + +A sect in its final form may be described, then, as a movement of social +reform and regeneration that has become institutionalized. Eventually, +when it has succeeded in accommodating itself to the other rival +organizations, when it has become tolerant and is tolerated, it tends to +assume the form of a denomination. Denominations tend and are perhaps +destined to unite in the form of religious federations--a thing which is +inconceivable of a sect. + +What is true of the sect, we may assume, and must assume if social +movements are to become subjects for sociological investigation, is true +of other social institutions. Existing institutions represent social +movements that survived the conflict of cultures and the struggle for +existence. + +Sects, and that is what characterizes and distinguishes them from +secular institutions, at least, have had their origin in movements that +aimed to reform the mores--movements that sought to renovate and renew +the inner life of the community. They have wrought upon society from +within outwardly. Revolutionary and reform movements, on the contrary, +have been directed against the outward fabric and formal structure of +society. Revolutionary movements in particular have assumed that if the +existing structure could be destroyed it would then be possible to erect +a new moral order upon the ruins of the old social structures. + +A cursory survey of the history of revolutions suggests that the most +radical and the most successful of them have been religious. Of this +type of revolution Christianity is the most conspicuous example. + + +6. Classification of the Materials + +The materials in this chapter have been arranged under the headings: +(a) social contagion, (b) the crowd, and (c) types of mass +movements. The order of materials follows, in a general way, the order +of institutional evolution. Social unrest is first communicated, then +takes form in crowd and mass movements, and finally crystallizes in +institutions. The history of almost any single social movement--woman's +suffrage, prohibition, protestantism--exhibit in a general way, if not +in detail, this progressive change in character. There is at first a +vague general discontent and distress. Then a violent, confused, and +disorderly, but enthusiastic and popular movement, and finally the +movement takes form; develops leadership, organization; formulates +doctrines and dogmas. Eventually it is accepted, established, legalized. +The movement dies, but the institution remains. + +a) _Social contagion._--The ease and the rapidity with which a +cultural trait originating in one cultural group finds its way to other +distant groups is familiar to students of folklore and ethnology. The +manner in which fashions are initiated in some metropolitan community, +and thence make their way, with more or less rapidity, to the provinces +is an illustration of the same phenomenon in a different context. + + Fashion plays a much larger role in social life than most of us + imagine. Fashion dominates our manners and dress but it + influences also our sentiments and our modes of thought. + Everything in literature, art or philosophy that was + characteristic of the middle of the nineteenth century, the + "mid-Victorian period," is now quite out of date and no one who + is intelligent now-a-days practices the pruderies, defends the + doctrines, nor shares the enthusiasms of that period. + Philosophy, also, changes with the fashion and Sumner says that + even mathematics and science do the same. Lecky in his history + of Rationalism in Europe describes in great detail how the + belief in witches, so characteristic of the Middle Ages, + gradually disappeared with the period of enlightenment and + progress.[293] But the enlightenment of the eighteenth century + was itself a fashion and is now quite out of date. In the + meantime a new popular and scientific interest is growing up in + obscure mental phenomena which no man with scientific training + would have paid any attention to a few years ago because he did + not believe in such things. It was not good form to do so. + +But the changes of fashion are so pervasive, so familiar, and, indeed, +universal phenomena that we do not regard the changes which they bring, +no matter how fantastic, as quite out of the usual and expected order. +Gabriel Tarde, however, regards the "social contagion" represented in +fashion (imitation) as the fundamental social phenomenon.[294] + +The term social epidemic, which is, like fashion, a form of social +contagion, has a different origin and a different connotation. J. F. C. +Hecker, whose study of the Dancing Mania of the Middle Ages, published +in 1832, was an incident of his investigation of the Black Death, was +perhaps the first to give currency to the term.[295] Both the Black +Death and the Dancing Mania assumed the form of epidemics and the +latter, the Dancing Mania, was in his estimation the sequel of the +former, the Black Death. It was perhaps this similarity in the manner in +which they spread--the one by physical and the other by psychical +infection--that led him to speak of the spread of a popular delusion in +terms of a physical science. Furthermore, the hysteria was directly +traceable, as he believed, to the prevailing conditions of the time, and +this seemed to put the manifestations in the world of intelligible and +controllable phenomena, where they could be investigated. + +It is this notion, then, that unrest which manifests itself in social +epidemics is an indication of pathological social conditions, and the +further, the more general, conception that unrest does not become social +and hence contagious except when there are contributing causes in the +environment--it is this that gives its special significance to the term +and the facts. Unrest in the social organism with the social ferments +that it induces is like fever in the individual organism, a highly +important diagnostic symptom. + +b) _The crowd._--Neither Le Bon nor any of the other writers upon the +subject of mass psychology has succeeded in distinguishing clearly +between the organized or "psychological" crowd, as Le Bon calls it, and +other similar types of social groups. These distinctions, if they are to +be made objectively, must be made on the basis of case studies. It is +the purpose of the materials under the general heading of "The 'Animal' +Crowd," not so much to furnish a definition, as to indicate the nature +and sources of materials from which a definition can be formulated. It +is apparent that the different animal groups behave in ways that are +distinctive and characteristic, ways which are predetermined in the +organism to an extent that is not true of human beings. + +One other distinction may possibly be made between the so-called +"animal" and the human crowd. The organized crowd is controlled by _a +common purpose_ and acts to achieve, no matter how vaguely it is +defined, a common end. The herd, on the other hand, has apparently no +common purpose. Every sheep in the flock, at least as the behavior of +the flock is ordinarily interpreted, behaves like every other. Action in +a stampede, for example, is collective but it is not concerted. It is +very difficult to understand how there can be concerted action in the +herd or the flock unless it is on an instinctive basis. The crowd, +however, responds to collective representations. The crowd does not +imitate or follow its leader as sheep do a bellwether. On the contrary, +the crowd _carries out the suggestions of the leader_, and even though +there be no division of labor each individual acts more or less in his +own way to achieve a common end. + +In the case of a panic or a stampede, however, where there is no common +end, the crowd acts like a flock of sheep. But a stampede or a panic is +not a crowd in Le Bon's sense. It is not a psychological unity, nor a +"single being," subject to "the mental unity of crowds."[296] The panic +is the crowd in dissolution. All effective methods of dispersing crowds +involve some method of distracting attention, breaking up the tension, +and dissolving the mob into its individual units. + +c) _Types of mass movements._--The most elementary form of mass +movement is a mass migration. Such a mass movement displays, in fact, +many of the characteristics of the "animal" crowd. It is the "human" +herd. The migration of a people, either as individuals or in organized +groups, may be compared to the swarming of the hive. Peoples migrate in +search of better living conditions, or merely in search of new +experience. It is usually the younger generation, the more restless, +active, and adaptable, who go out from the security of the old home to +seek their fortunes in the new. Once settled on the new land, however, +immigrants inevitably remember and idealize the home they have left. +Their first disposition is to reproduce as far as possible in the new +world the institutions and the social order of the old. Just as the +spider spins his web out of his own body, so the immigrant tends to spin +out of his experience and traditions, a social organization which +reproduces, as far as circumstances will permit, the organization and +the life of the ancestral community. In this way the older culture is +transplanted and renews itself, under somewhat altered circumstances, in +the new home. That explains, in part, at any rate, the fact that +migration tends to follow the isotherms, since all the more fundamental +cultural devices and experience are likely to be accommodations to +geographical and climatic conditions. + +In contrast with migrations are movements which are sometimes referred +to as crusades, partly because of the religious fervor and fanaticism +with which they are usually conducted and partly because they are an +appeal to the masses of the people for direct action and depend for +their success upon their ability to appeal to some universal human +interest or to common experiences and interests that are keenly +comprehended by the common man. + +The Woman's Christian Temperance Crusade, referred to in the materials, +may be regarded, if we are permitted to compare great things with small, +as an illustration of collective behavior not unlike the crusades of the +eleventh and twelfth centuries. + +Crusades are reformatory and religious. This was true at any rate of the +early crusades, inspired by Peter the Hermit, whatever may have been the +political purposes of the popes who encouraged them. It was the same +motive that led the people of the Middle Ages to make pilgrimages which +led them to join the crusades. At bottom it was an inner restlessness, +that sought peace in great hardship and inspiring action, which moved +the masses. + +Somewhat the same widespread contagious restlessness is the source of +most of our revolutions. It is not, however, hardships and actual +distress that inspire revolutions but hopes and dreams, dreams which +find expression in those myths and "vital lies," as Vernon Lee calls +them,[297] which according to Sorel are the only means of moving the +masses. + +The distinction between crusades, like the Woman's Temperance Crusade, +and revolutions, like the French Revolution, is that one is a radical +attempt to correct a recognized evil and the other is a radical attempt +to reform an existing social order. + + +II. MATERIALS + +A. SOCIAL CONTAGION + + +1. An Incident in a Lancashire Cotton Mill[298] + +At a cotton manufactory at Hodden Bridge, in Lancashire, a girl, on the +fifteenth of February, 1787, put a mouse into the bosom of another girl, +who had a great dread of mice. The girl was immediately thrown into a +fit, and continued in it with the most violent convulsions for +twenty-four hours. On the following day three more girls were seized in +the same manner; and on the seventeenth, six more. By this time the +alarm was so great that the whole work, in which 200 or 300 were +employed, was totally stopped, and an idea prevailed that a particular +disease had been introduced by a bag of cotton opened in the house. On +Sunday, the eighteenth, Dr. St. Clare was sent for from Preston; before +he arrived three more were seized, and during that night and the morning +of the nineteenth, eleven more, making in all twenty-four. Of these, +twenty-one were young women, two were girls of about ten years of age, +and one man, who had been much fatigued with holding the girls. Three of +the number lived about two miles from the place where the disorder +first broke out, and three at another factory in Clitheroe, about five +miles distant, which last and two more were infected entirely from +report, not having seen the other patients, but, like them and the rest +of the country, strongly impressed with the idea of the plague being +caught from the cotton. The symptoms were anxiety, strangulation, and +very strong convulsions; and these were so violent as to last without +any intermission from a quarter of an hour to twenty-four hours, and to +require four or five persons to prevent the patients from tearing their +hair and dashing their heads against the floor or walls. Dr. St. Clare +had taken with him a portable electrical machine, and by electric shocks +the patients were universally relieved without exception. As soon as the +patients and the country were assured that the complaint was merely +nervous, easily cured, and not introduced by the cotton, no fresh person +was affected. To dissipate their apprehension still further, the best +effects were obtained by causing them to take a cheerful glass and join +in a dance. On Tuesday, the twentieth, they danced, and the next day +were all at work, except two or three, who were much weakened by their +fits. + + +2. The Dancing Mania of the Middle Ages[299] + +So early as the year 1374, assemblages of men and women were seen at +Aix-la-Chapelle who had come out of Germany and who, united by one +common delusion, exhibited to the public both in the streets and in the +churches the following strange spectacle. They formed circles hand in +hand and, appearing to have lost all control over their senses, +continued dancing, regardless of the by-standers, for hours together in +wild delirium, until at length they fell to the ground in a state of +exhaustion. While dancing they neither saw nor heard, being insensible +to external impressions through the senses, but were haunted by visions, +their fancies conjuring up spirits whose names they shrieked out; and +some of them afterward asserted that they felt as if they had been +immersed in a stream of blood, which obliged them to leap so high. +Others, during the paroxysm, saw the heavens open and the Saviour +enthroned with the Virgin Mary, according as the religious notions of +the age were strangely and variously reflected in their imaginations. + +Where the disease was completely developed, the attack commenced with +epileptic convulsions. Those affected fell to the ground senseless, +panting and laboring for breath. They foamed at the mouth, and suddenly +springing up began their dance amid strange contortions. Yet the malady +doubtless made its appearance very variously, and was modified by +temporary or local circumstances, whereof non-medical contemporaries but +imperfectly noted the essential particulars, accustomed as they were to +confound their observation of natural events with their notions of the +world of spirits. + +It was but a few months ere this demoniacal disease had spread from +Aix-la-Chapelle, where it appeared in July, over the neighboring +Netherlands. Wherever the dancers appeared, the people assembled in +crowds to gratify their curiosity with the frightful spectacle. At +length the increasing number of the affected excited no less anxiety +than the attention that was paid to them. In towns and villages they +took possession of the religious houses, processions were everywhere +instituted on their account, and masses were said and hymns were sung, +while the disease itself, of the demoniacal origin of which no one +entertained the least doubt, excited everywhere astonishment and horror. +In Liege the priests had recourse to exorcisms and endeavored by every +means in their power to allay an evil which threatened so much danger to +themselves; for the possessed, assembling in multitudes, frequently +poured forth imprecations against them and menaced their destruction. + +A few months after this dancing malady had made its appearance at +Aix-la-Chapelle, it broke out at Cologne, where the number of those +possessed amounted to more than five hundred; and about the same time at +Metz, the streets of which place are said to have been filled with +eleven hundred dancers. Peasants left their plows, mechanics their +workshops, housewives their domestic duties, to join the wild revels, +and this rich commercial city became the scene of the most ruinous +disorder. Secret desires were excited and but too often found +opportunities for wild enjoyment; and numerous beggars, stimulated by +vice and misery, availed themselves of this new complaint to gain a +temporary livelihood. Girls and boys quitted their parents, and +servants their masters, to amuse themselves at the dances of those +possessed, and greedily imbibed the poison of mental infection. Above a +hundred unmarried women were seen raving about in consecrated and +unconsecrated places, and the consequences were soon perceived. Gangs of +idle vagabonds, who understood how to imitate to the life the gestures +and convulsions of those really affected, roved from place to place +seeking maintenance and adventures, and thus, wherever they went, +spreading this disgusting spasmodic disease like a plague; for in +maladies of this kind the susceptible are infected as easily by the +appearance as by the reality. At last it was found necessary to drive +away these mischievous guests, who were equally inaccessible to the +exorcisms of the priests and the remedies of the physicians. It was not, +however, until after four months that the Rhenish cities were able to +suppress these impostures, which had so alarmingly increased the +original evil. In the meantime, when once called into existence, the +plague crept on and found abundant food in the tone of thought which +prevailed in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and even, though in +a minor degree, throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth, causing a +permanent disorder of the mind, and exhibiting, in those cities to whose +inhabitants it was a novelty, scenes as strange as they were detestable. + + +B. THE CROWD + + +1. The "Animal" Crowd + +_a. The Flock_[300] + +Understand that a flock is not the same thing as a number of sheep. On +the stark, wild headlands of the White Mountains, as many as thirty +Bighorn are known to run in loose, fluctuating hordes; in fenced +pastures, two to three hundred; close-herded on the range, two to three +thousand; but however artificially augmented, the flock is always a +conscious adjustment. There are always leaders, middlers, and tailers, +each insisting on its own place in the order of going. Should the flock +be rounded up suddenly in alarm it mills within itself until these have +come to their own places. + +There is much debate between herders as to the advantage of goats over +sheep as leaders. In any case there are always a few goats in a flock, +and most American owners prefer them; but the Frenchmen choose +bell-wethers. Goats lead naturally by reason of a quicker instinct, +forage more freely, and can find water on their own account. But +wethers, if trained with care, learn what goats abhor, to take broken +ground sedately, to walk through the water rather than set the whole +flock leaping and scrambling; but never to give voice to alarm, as goats +will, and call the herder. + +It appears that leaders understand their office, and goats particularly +exhibit a jealousy of their rights to be first over the stepping-stones +or to walk the teetering log-bridges at the roaring creeks. By this +facile reference of the initiative to the wisest one, the shepherd is +served most. The dogs learn to which of the flock to communicate orders, +at which heels a bark or a bite soonest sets the flock in motion. But +the flock-mind obsesses equally the best-trained, flashes as instantly +from the meanest of the flock. + +By very little the herder may turn the flock-mind to his advantage, but +chiefly it works against him. Suppose on the open range the impulse to +forward movement overtakes them, set in motion by some eager leaders +that remember enough of what lies ahead to make them oblivious to what +they pass. They press ahead. The flock draws on. The momentum of travel +grows. The bells clang soft and hurriedly; the sheep forget to feed; +they neglect the tender pastures; they will not stay to drink. Under an +unwise or indolent herder the sheep going on an unaccustomed trail will +overtravel and underfeed, until in the midst of good pasture they starve +upon their feet. So it is on the Long Trail you so often see the herder +walking with his dogs ahead of his sheep to hold them back to feed. But +if it should be new ground he must go after and press them skilfully, +for the flock-mind balks chiefly at the unknown. + +In sudden attacks from several quarters, or inexplicable man-thwarting +of their instincts, the flock-mind teaches them to turn a solid front, +revolving about in the smallest compass with the lambs in their midst, +narrowing and indrawing until they perish by suffocation. So they did in +the intricate defiles of Red Rock, where Carrier lost 250 in '74, and at +Poison Springs, as Narcisse Duplin told me, where he had to choose +between leaving them to the deadly waters, or, prevented from the +spring, made witless by thirst, to mill about until they piled up and +killed threescore in their midst. By no urgency of the dogs could they +be moved forward or scattered until night fell with coolness and +returning sanity. Nor does the imperfect gregariousness of man always +save us from ill-considered rushes or strangulous in-turnings of the +social mass. Notwithstanding there are those who would have us to be +flock-minded. + +It is doubtful if the herder is anything more to the flock than an +incident of the range, except as a giver of salt, for the only cry they +make to him is the salt cry. When the natural craving is at the point of +urgency, they circle about his camp or his cabin, leaving off feeding +for that business; and nothing else offering, they will continue this +headlong circling about a bowlder or any object bulking large in their +immediate neighborhood remotely resembling the appurtenances of man, as +if they had learned nothing since they were free to find licks for +themselves, except that salt comes by bestowal and in conjunction with +the vaguely indeterminate lumps of matter that associate with man. As if +in fifty centuries of man-herding they had made but one step out of the +terrible isolation of brute species, an isolation impenetrable except by +fear to every other brute, but now admitting the fact without knowledge, +of the God of the Salt. Accustomed to receiving this miracle on open +bowlders, when the craving is strong upon them, they seek such as these +to run about, vociferating, as if they said, In such a place our God has +been wont to bless us, come now, let us greatly entreat Him. This one +quavering bleat, unmistakable to the sheepman even at a distance, is the +only new note in the sheep's vocabulary, and the only one which passes +with intention from himself to man. As for the call of distress which a +leader raised by hand may make to his master, it is not new, is not +common to flock usage, and is swamped utterly in the obsession of the +flock-mind. + + +_b. The Herd_[301] + +My purpose in this paper is to discuss a group of curious and useless +emotional instincts of social animals, which have not yet been properly +explained. Excepting two of the number, placed first and last in the +list, they are not related in their origin; consequently they are here +grouped together arbitrarily, only for the reason that we are very +familiar with them on account of their survival in our domestic animals, +and because they are, as I have said, useless; also because they +resemble each other, among the passions and actions of the lower +animals, in their effect on our minds. This is in all cases unpleasant, +and sometimes exceedingly painful, as when species that rank next to +ourselves in their developed intelligence and organized societies, such +as elephants, monkeys, dogs, and cattle, are seen under the domination +of impulses, in some cases resembling insanity, and in others simulating +the darkest passions of man. + +These instincts are: + +(1) The excitement caused by the smell of blood, noticeable in horses +and cattle among our domestic animals, and varying greatly in degree, +from an emotion so slight as to be scarcely perceptible to the greatest +extremes of rage or terror. + +(2) The angry excitement roused in some animals when a scarlet or bright +red cloth is shown to them. So well known is this apparently insane +instinct in our cattle that it has given rise to a proverb and metaphor +familiar in a variety of forms to everyone. + +(3) The persecution of a sick or weakly animal by its companions. + +(4) The sudden deadly fury that seizes on the herd or family at the +sight of a companion in extreme distress. Herbivorous mammals at such +times will trample and gore the distressed one to death. In the case of +wolves, and other savage-tempered carnivorous species, the distressed +fellow is frequently torn to pieces and devoured on the spot. + +To take the first two together. When we consider that blood is red; that +the smell of it is, or may be, or has been, associated with that vivid +hue in the animal's mind; that blood, seen and smelt, is, or has been, +associated with the sight of wounds and with cries of pain and rage or +terror from the wounded or captive animal, there appears at first sight +to be some reason for connecting these two instinctive passions as +having the same origin--namely, terror and rage caused by the sight of a +member of the herd struck down and bleeding, or struggling for life in +the grasp of an enemy. I do not mean to say that such an image is +actually present in the animal's mind, but that the inherited or +instinctive passion is one in kind and in its working with the passion +of the animal when experience and reason were its guides. + +But the more I consider the point, the more am I inclined to regard +these two instincts as separate in their origin, although I retain the +belief that cattle and horses and several wild animals are violently +excited by the smell of blood for the reason just given--namely, their +inherited memory associates the smell of blood with the presence among +them of some powerful enemy that threatens their life. + +The following incident will show how violently this blood passion +sometimes affects cattle, when they are permitted to exist in a +half-wild condition, as on the Pampas. I was out with my gun one day, a +few miles from home, when I came across a patch on the ground where the +grass was pressed or trodden down and stained with blood. I concluded +that some thievish Gauchos had slaughtered a fat cow there on the +previous night, and, to avoid detection, had somehow managed to carry +the whole of it away on their horses. As I walked on, a herd of cattle, +numbering about three hundred, appeared moving slowly on to a small +stream a mile away; they were traveling in a thin, long line, and would +pass the blood-stained spot at a distance of seven to eight hundred +yards, but the wind from it would blow across their track. When the +tainted wind struck the leaders of the herd they instantly stood still, +raising their heads, then broke out into loud, excited bellowings; and +finally turning, they started off at a fast trot, following up the scent +in a straight line, until they arrived at the place where one of their +kind had met its death. The contagion spread, and before long all the +cattle were congregated on the fatal spot, and began moving round in a +dense mass, bellowing continually. + +It may be remarked here that the animal has a peculiar language on +occasions like this; it emits a succession of short, bellowing cries, +like excited exclamations, followed by a very loud cry, alternately +sinking into a hoarse murmur and rising to a kind of scream that grates +harshly on the sense. Of the ordinary "cow-music" I am a great admirer, +and take as much pleasure in it as in the cries and melody of birds and +the sound of the wind in trees; but this performance of cattle excited +by the smell of blood is most distressing to hear. + +The animals that had forced their way into the center of the mass to the +spot where the blood was, pawed the earth, and dug it up with their +horns, and trampled each other down in their frantic excitement. It was +terrible to see and hear them. The action of those on the border of the +living mass, in perpetually moving round in a circle with dolorous +bellowings, was like that of the women in an Indian village when a +warrior dies, and all night they shriek and howl with simulated grief, +going round and round the dead man's hut in an endless procession. + + +_c. The Pack_[302] + +Wolves are the most sociable of beasts of prey. Not only do they gather +in bands, but they arrange to render each other assistance, which is the +most important test of sociability. The most gray wolves I ever saw in a +band was five. This was in northern New Mexico in January, 1894. The +most I ever heard of in a band was thirty-two that were seen in the same +region. These bands are apparently formed in winter only. The packs are +probably temporary associations of personal acquaintances, for some +temporary purpose, or passing reason, such as food question or +mating-instinct. As soon as this is settled, they scatter. + +An instance in point was related to me by Mr. Gordon Wright of Carberry, +Manitoba. During the winter of 1865 he was logging at Sturgeon Lake, +Ontario. One Sunday he and some companions strolled out on the ice of +the lake to look at the logs there. They heard the hunting-cry of +wolves, then a deer (a female) darted from the woods to the open ice. +Her sides were heaving, her tongue out, and her legs cut by the slight +crust of the snow. Evidently she was hard pressed. She was coming toward +them, but one of the men gave a shout which caused her to sheer off. A +minute later six timber wolves appeared galloping on her trail, heads +low, tails horizontal, and howling continuously. They were uttering +their hunting-cry, but as soon as they saw her they broke into a louder, +different note, left the trail and made straight for her. Five of the +wolves were abreast and one that seemed much darker was behind. Within +half a mile they overtook her and pulled her down, all seemed to seize +her at once. For a few minutes she bleated like a sheep in distress; +after that the only sound was the snarling and the crunching of the +wolves as they feasted. Within fifteen minutes nothing was left of the +deer but hair and some of the larger bones, and the wolves fighting +among themselves for even these. Then they scattered, each going a +quarter of a mile or so, no two in the same direction, and those that +remained in view curled up there on the open lake to sleep. This +happened about ten in the morning within three hundred yards of several +witnesses. + + +2. The Psychological Crowd[303] + +In its ordinary sense the word "crowd" means a gathering of individuals +of whatever nationality, profession, or sex, and whatever be the chances +that have brought them together. From the psychological point of view +the expression "crowd" assumes quite a different signification. Under +certain given circumstances, and only under those circumstances, an +agglomeration of men presents new characteristics very different from +those of the individuals composing it. The sentiments and ideas of all +the persons in the gathering take one and the same direction, and their +conscious personality vanishes. A collective mind is formed, doubtless +transitory, but presenting very clearly defined characteristics. The +gathering has thus become what, in the absence of a better expression, I +will call an organized crowd, or, if the term is considered preferable, +a psychological crowd. It forms a single being, and is subjected to the +law of the mental unity of crowds. + +It is evident that it is not by the mere fact of a number of individuals +finding themselves accidentally side by side that they acquire the +character of an organized crowd. A thousand individuals accidentally +gathered in a public place without any determined object in no way +constitute a crowd, from the psychological point of view. To acquire the +special characteristics of such a crowd, the influence is necessary of +certain predisposing causes, of which we shall have to determine the +nature. + +The disappearance of conscious personality and the turning of feelings +and thoughts in a definite direction, which are the primary +characteristics of a crowd about to become organized, do not always +involve the simultaneous presence of a number of individuals on one +spot. Thousands of isolated individuals may acquire at certain moments, +and under the influence of certain violent emotions--such, for example, +as a great national event--the characteristics of a psychological crowd. +It will be sufficient in that case that a mere chance should bring them +together for their acts at once to assume the characteristics peculiar +to the acts of a crowd. At certain moments half a dozen men might +constitute a psychological crowd, which may not happen in the case of +hundreds of men gathered together by accident. On the other hand, an +entire nation, though there may be no visible agglomeration, may become +a crowd under the action of certain influences. + +It is not easy to describe the mind of crowds with exactness, because +its organization varies not only according to race and composition but +also according to the nature and intensity of the exciting causes to +which crowds are subjected. The same difficulty, however, presents +itself in the psychological study of an individual. It is only in novels +that individuals are found to traverse their whole life with an +unvarying character. It is only the uniformity of the environment that +creates the apparent uniformity of characters. I have shown elsewhere +that all mental constitutions contain possibilities of character which +may be manifested in consequence of a sudden change of environment. This +explains how it was that among the most savage members of the French +Convention were to be found inoffensive citizens who, under ordinary +circumstances, would have been peaceable notaries or virtuous +magistrates. The storm past, they resumed their normal character of +quiet, law-abiding citizens. Napoleon found amongst them his most docile +servants. + +It being impossible to study here all the successive degrees of +organization of crowds, we shall concern ourselves more especially with +such crowds as have attained to the phase of complete organization. In +this way we shall see what crowds may become, but not what they +invariably are. It is only in this advanced phase of organization that +certain new and special characteristics are superposed on the unvarying +and dominant character of the race; then takes place that turning, +already alluded to, of all the feelings and thoughts of the collectivity +in an identical direction. It is only under such circumstances, too, +that what I have called above the psychological law of the mental unity +of crowds comes into play. + +The most striking peculiarity presented by a psychological crowd is the +following: Whoever be the individuals that compose it, however like or +unlike be their mode of life, their occupations, their character, or +their intelligence, the fact that they have been transformed into a +crowd puts them in possession of a sort of collective mind which makes +them feel, think, and act in a manner quite different from that in which +each individual of them would feel, think, and act, were he in a state +of isolation. There are certain ideas and feelings which do not come +into being or do not transform themselves into acts except in the case +of individuals forming a crowd. The psychological crowd is a provisional +being formed of heterogeneous elements, which for a moment are combined, +exactly as the cells which constitute a living body form by their +reunion a new being which displays characteristics very different from +these possessed by each of the cells singly. + +Contrary to an opinion which one is astonished to find coming from the +pen of so acute a philosopher as Herbert Spencer, in the aggregate which +constitutes a crowd there is in no sort a summing-up of or an average +struck between its elements. What really takes place is a combination +followed by the creation of new characteristics, just as in chemistry +certain elements, when brought into contact--bases and acids, for +example--combine to form a new body possessing properties quite +different from those of the bodies that have served to form it. + +It is easy to prove how much the individual forming part of a crowd +differs from the isolated individual, but it is less easy to discover +the causes of this difference. To obtain, at any rate, a glimpse of them +it is necessary in the first place to call to mind the truth established +by modern psychology that unconscious phenomena play an altogether +preponderating part not only in organic life but also in the operations +of the intelligence. The conscious life of the mind is of small +importance in comparison with its unconscious life. The most subtle +analyst, the most acute observer, is scarcely successful in discovering +more than a very small number of the unconscious motives that determine +his conduct. + +The greater part of our daily actions are the result of hidden motives +which escape our observation. It is more especially with respect to +those unconscious elements that all the individuals belonging to it +resemble each other, while it is principally in respect to the conscious +elements of their character--the fruit of education, and yet more of +exceptional hereditary conditions--that they differ from each other. Men +most unlike in the matter of their intelligence possess instincts, +passions, and feelings that are very similar. In the case of everything +that belongs to the realm of sentiment--religion, politics, morality, +the affections and antipathies, etc.--the most eminent men seldom +surpass the standard of the most ordinary individuals. From the +intellectual point of view an abyss may exist between a great +mathematician and his bootmaker, but from the point of view of character +the difference is most often slight or nonexistent. + +It is precisely these general qualities of character, governed by forces +of which we are unconscious, and possessed by the majority of the normal +individuals of a race in much the same degree, it is precisely these +qualities that in crowds become common property. In the collective mind +the intellectual aptitudes of the individuals, and in consequence their +individuality, are weakened. The heterogeneous is swamped by the +homogeneous, and the unconscious qualities obtain the upper hand. + +This very fact that crowds possess in common ordinary qualities explains +why they can never accomplish acts demanding a high degree of +intelligence. The decisions affecting matters of general interest come +to by an assembly of men of distinction, but specialists in different +walks of life, are not sensibly superior to the decisions that would be +adopted by a gathering of imbeciles. The truth is, they can only bring +to bear in common on the work in hand those mediocre qualities which are +the birthright of every average individual. In crowds it is stupidity +and not mother-wit that is accumulated. It is not all the world, as is +so often repeated, that has more wit than Voltaire, but assuredly +Voltaire that has more wit than all the world, if by "all the world" +crowds are to be understood. + +If the individuals of a crowd confined themselves to putting in common +the ordinary qualities of which each of them has his share, there would +merely result the striking of an average, and not, as we have said is +actually the case, the creation of new characteristics. How is it that +these new characteristics are created? This is what we are now to +investigate. + +Different causes determine the appearance of these characteristics +peculiar to crowds and not possessed by isolated individuals. The first +is that the individual forming part of a crowd acquires, solely from +numerical considerations, a sentiment of invincible power which allows +him to yield to instincts which, had he been alone, he would perforce +have kept under restraint. He will be the less disposed to check himself +from the consideration that, a crowd being anonymous and in consequence +irresponsible, the sentiment of responsibility which always controls +individuals disappears entirely. + +The second cause, which is contagion, also intervenes to determine the +manifestation in crowds of their special characteristics, and at the +same time the trend they are to take. Contagion is a phenomenon of which +it is easy to establish the presence, but which it is not easy to +explain. It must be classed among those phenomena of a hypnotic order. +In a crowd every sentiment and act is contagious, and contagious to such +a degree that an individual readily sacrifices his personal interest to +the collective interest. This is an aptitude very contrary to his +nature, and of which a man is scarcely capable except when he makes part +of a crowd. + +A third cause, and by far the most important, determines in the +individuals of a crowd special characteristics which are quite contrary +at times to those presented by the isolated individual. I allude to that +suggestibility of which, moreover, the contagion mentioned above is +neither more nor less than an effect. + +The most careful observations seem to prove that an individual immerged +for some length of time in a crowd in action soon finds himself--either +in consequence of the magnetic influence given out by the crowd or from +some other cause of which we are ignorant--in a special state, which +much resembles the state of fascination in which the hypnotized +individual finds himself in the hands of the hypnotizer. + +Such also is approximately the state of the individual forming part of a +psychological crowd. He is no longer conscious of his acts. In his case, +as in the case of the hypnotized subject, at the same time that certain +faculties are destroyed, others may be brought to a high degree of +exaltation. Under the influence of a suggestion, he will undertake the +accomplishment of certain acts with irresistible impetuosity. This +impetuosity is the more irresistible in the case of crowds than in that +of the hypnotized subject, from the fact that, the suggestion being the +same for all the individuals of the crowd, it gains in strength by +reciprocity. The individualities in the crowd who might possess a +personality sufficiently strong to resist the suggestion are too few in +number to struggle against the current. At the utmost, they may be able +to attempt a diversion by means of different suggestions. It is in this +way, for instance, that a happy expression, an image opportunely evoked, +have occasionally deterred crowds from the most bloodthirsty acts. + +We see, then, that the disappearance of the conscious personality, the +predominance of the unconscious personality, the turning by means of +suggestion and contagion of feelings and ideas in an identical +direction, the tendency to immediately transform the suggested ideas +into acts; these, we see, are the principal characteristics of the +individual forming part of a crowd. He is no longer himself, but has +become an automaton who has ceased to be guided by his will. + +Moreover, by the mere fact that he forms part of an organized crowd, a +man descends several rungs in the ladder of civilization. Isolated, he +may be a cultivated individual; in a crowd, he is a barbarian--that is, +a creature acting by instinct. He possesses the spontaneity, the +violence, the ferocity, and also the enthusiasm and heroism of primitive +beings. + +An individual in a crowd is a grain of sand amid other grains of sand, +which the wind stirs up at will. It is for these reasons that juries are +seen to deliver verdicts of which each individual juror would +disapprove, that parliamentary assemblies adopt laws and measures of +which each of their members would disapprove in his own person. Taken +separately, the men of the Convention were enlightened citizens of +peaceful habits. United in a crowd, they did not hesitate to give their +adhesion to the most savage proposals, to guillotine individuals most +clearly innocent, and, contrary to their interest, to renounce their +inviolability and to decimate themselves. + +The conclusion to be drawn from what precedes is that the crowd is +always intellectually inferior to the isolated individual, but that, +from the point of view of feelings and of the acts these feelings +provoke, the crowd may, according to circumstances, be better or worse +than the individual. All depends on the nature of the suggestion to +which the crowd is exposed. This is the point that has been completely +misunderstood by writers who have only studied crowds from the criminal +point of view. Doubtless a crowd is often criminal, but also it is often +heroic. It is crowds rather than isolated individuals that may be +induced to run the risk of death to secure the triumph of a creed or an +idea, that may be fired with enthusiasm for glory and honor, that are +led on--almost without bread and without arms, as in the age of the +Crusades--to deliver the tomb of Christ from the infidel, or, as in '93, +to defend the fatherland. Such heroism is without doubt somewhat +unconscious, but it is of such heroism that history is made. Were +peoples only to be credited with the great actions performed in cold +blood, the annals of the world would register but few of them. + + +3. The Crowd Defined[304] + +A crowd in the ordinary sense of that term is any chance collection of +individuals. Such a collectivity becomes a crowd in the sociological +sense only when a condition of _rapport_ has been established among the +individuals who compose it. + +_Rapport_ implies the existence of a mutual responsiveness, such that +every member of the group reacts immediately, spontaneously, and +sympathetically to the sentiments and attitudes of every other member. + +The fact that A responds sympathetically toward B and C implies the +existence in A of an attitude of receptivity and suggestibility toward +the sentiments and attitudes of B and C. Where A, B, and C are mutually +sympathetic, the inhibitions which, under ordinary circumstances, serve +to preserve the isolation and self-consciousness of individuals are +relaxed or completely broken down. Under these circumstances each +individual, in so far as he may be said to reflect, in his own +consciousness and in his emotional reactions, the sentiments and +emotions of all the others, tends at the same time to modify the +sentiments and attitudes of those others. The effect is to produce a +heightened, intensified, and relatively impersonal state of +consciousness in which all seem to share, but which is, at the same +time, relatively independent of each. + +The development of this so-called "group-consciousness" represents a +certain amount of loss of self-control on the part of the individual. +Such control as the individual loses over himself is thus automatically +transferred to the group as a whole or to the leader. + +What is meant by _rapport_ in the group may be illustrated by a somewhat +similar phenomenon which occurs in hypnosis. In this case a relation is +established between the experimenter and his subject such that the +subject responds automatically to every suggestion of the experimenter +but is apparently oblivious of suggestions coming from other persons +whose existence he does not perceive or ignores. This is the condition +called "isolated rapport."[305] + +In the case of the crowd this mutual and exclusive responsiveness of +each member of the crowd to the suggestions emanating from the other +members produces here also a kind of mental isolation which is +accompanied by an inhibition of the stimuli and suggestions that control +the behavior of individuals under the conditions of ordinary life. Under +these conditions impulses long repressed in the individual may find an +expression in the crowd. It is this, no doubt, which accounts for those +so-called criminal and atavistic tendencies of crowds, of which Le Bon +and Sighele speak.[306] + +The organization of the crowd is only finally effected when the +attention of the individuals who compose it becomes focused upon some +particular object or some particular objective. This object thus fixed +in the focus of the attention of the group tends to assume the character +of a _collective representation_.[307] It becomes this because it is the +focus of the collectively enhanced emotion and sentiment of the group. +It becomes the representation and the symbol of what the crowd feels and +wills at the moment when all members are suffused with a common +collective excitement and dominated by a common and collective idea. +This excitement and this idea with the meanings that attach to it are +called collective because they are a product of the interactions of the +members of the crowd. They are not individual but corporate products. + +Le Bon describes the organization thus effected in a chance-met +collection of individuals as a "collective mind," and refers to the +group, transitory and ephemeral though it be, as a "single being." + +The positive factors in determining the organization of the crowd are +then: + +(1) A condition of _rapport_ among the members of the group with a +certain amount of contagious excitement and heightened suggestibility +incident to it. + +(2) A certain degree of mental isolation of the group following as a +consequence of the _rapport_ and sympathetic responsiveness of members +of the group. + +(3) Focus of attention; and finally the consequent. + +(4) Collective representation. + + +C. TYPES OF MASS MOVEMENTS + + +1. Crowd Excitements and Mass Movements: The Klondike Rush[308] + +It was near the middle of July when the steamer _Excelsior_ arrived in +San Francisco from St. Michael's, on the west coast of Alaska, with +forty miners, having among them seven hundred and fifty thousand +dollars' worth of gold, brought down from the Klondike. When the bags +and cans and jars containing it had been emptied and the gold piled on +the counters of the establishment to which it was brought, no such sight +had been seen in San Francisco since the famous year of 1849. + +On July 18 the _Portland_ arrived in Seattle, on Puget Sound, having on +board sixty-eight miners, who brought ashore bullion worth a million +dollars. The next day it was stated that these miners had in addition +enough gold concealed about their persons and in their baggage to double +the first estimate. Whether all these statements were correct or not +does not signify, for those were the reports that were spread throughout +the states. From this last source alone, the mint at San Francisco +received half a million dollars' worth of gold in one week, and it was +certain that men who had gone away poor had come back with fortunes. It +was stated that a poor blacksmith who had gone up from Seattle returned +with $115,000, and that a man from Fresno, who had failed as a farmer, +had secured $135,000. + +The gold fever set in with fury and attacked all classes. Men in good +positions, with plenty of money to spend on an outfit, and men with +little beyond the amount of their fare, country men and city men, clerks +and professional men without the faintest notion of the meaning of +"roughing it," flocked in impossible numbers to secure a passage. There +were no means of taking them. Even in distant New York, the offices of +railroad companies and local agencies were besieged by anxious +inquirers eager to join the throng. On Puget Sound, mills, factories, +and smelting works were deserted by their employees, and all the miners +on the upper Skeena left their work in a body. On July 21 the North +American Transportation Company (one of two companies which monopolized +the trade of the Yukon) was reincorporated in Chicago with a quadrupled +capital, to cope with the demands of traffic. At the different Pacific +ports every available vessel was pressed into the service, and still the +wild rush could not be met. Before the end of July the _Portland_ left +Seattle again for St. Michael's, and the _Mexico_ and _Topeka_ for Dyea; +the _Islander_ and _Tees_ sailed for Dyea from Victoria, and the _G. W. +Elder_ from Portland; while from San Francisco the _Excelsior_, of the +Alaska Company, which had brought the first gold down, left again for +St. Michael's on July 28, being the last of the company's fleet +scheduled to connect with the Yukon river boats for the season. Three +times the original price was offered for the passage, and one passenger +accepted an offer of $1,500 for the ticket for which he had paid only +$150. + +This, however, was only the beginning of the rush. Three more steamers +were announced to sail in August for the mouth of the Yukon, and at +least a dozen more for the Lynn Canal, among which were old tubs, which, +after being tied up for years, were now overhauled and refitted for the +voyage north. One of these was the _Williamette_, an old collier with +only sleeping quarters for the officers and crew, which, however, was +fitted up with bunks and left Seattle for Dyea and Skagway with 850 +passengers, 1,200 tons of freight, and 300 horses, men, live stock, and +freight being wedged between decks till the atmosphere was like that of +a dungeon; and even with such a prospect in view, it was only by a +lavish amount of tipping that a man could get his effects taken aboard. +Besides all these, there were numerous scows loaded with provisions and +fuel, and barges conveying horses for packing purposes. + +A frightful state of congestion followed as each successive steamer on +its arrival at the head of the Lynn Canal poured forth its crowds of +passengers and added to the enormous loads of freight already +accumulated. Matters became so serious that on August 10 the United +States Secretary of the Interior, having received information that 3,000 +persons with 2,000 tons of baggage and freight were then waiting to +cross the mountains to Yukon, and that many more were preparing to join +them, issued a warning to the public (following that of the Dominion +Government of the previous week) in which he called attention to the +exposure, privation, suffering, and danger incident to the journey at +that advanced period of the season, and further referred to the gravity +of the possible consequences to people detained in the mountainous +wilderness during five or six months of Arctic winter, where no relief +could reach them. + +To come now to the state of things at the head of the Lynn Canal, where +the steamers discharged their loads of passengers, horses, and freight. +This was done either at Dyea or Skagway, the former being the +landing-place for the Chilcoot Pass, and the latter for the White Pass, +the distance between the two places being about four miles by sea. There +were no towns at these places, nor any convenience for landing except a +small wharf at Skagway, which was not completed, the workmen having been +smitten with the gold fever. Every man had to bring with him, if he +wanted to get through and live, supplies for a year: sacks of flour, +slabs of bacon, beans, and so forth, his cooking utensils, his mining +outfit and building tools, his tent, and all the heavy clothing and +blankets suitable for the northern winter, one thousand pounds' weight +at least. Imagine the frightful mass of stuff disgorged as each +successive vessel arrived, with no adequate means of taking it inland! + +Before the end of September people were preparing to winter on the +coast, and Skagway was growing into a substantial town. Where in the +beginning of August there were only a couple of shacks, there were in +the middle of October 700 wooden buildings and a population of about +1,500. Businesses of all kinds were carried on, saloons and low gaming +houses and haunts of all sorts abounded, but of law and order there was +none. Dyea also, which at one time was almost deserted, was growing into +a place of importance, but the title of every lot in both towns was in +dispute. Rain was still pouring down, and without high rubber boots +walking was impossible. None indeed but the most hardy could stand +existence in such places, and every steamer from the south carried fresh +loads of people back to their homes. + +Of the 6,000 people who went in this fall, 200 at the most got over to +the Dawson Route by the White Pass, and perhaps 700 by the Chilcoot. +There were probably 1,000 camped at Lake Bennett, and all the rest, +except the 1,500 remaining on the coast, had returned home to wait till +midwinter or the spring before venturing up again. The question of which +was the best trail was still undecided, and men vehemently debated it +every day with the assistance of the most powerful language at their +command. + +As to the crowds who had gone to St. Michael's, it is doubtful whether +any of them got through to Dawson City, since the lower Yukon is +impassable by the end of September, and, at any rate, in view of the +prospects of short rations, it would have been rash to try. The +consequence would be that they would have to remain on that desolate +island during nine months of almost Arctic winter, for the river does +not open again till the end of June. Here they would be absolutely +without employment unless they chose to stack wood for the steamboat +companies, and their only amusements (save the mark) would be drinking +bad rye whiskey--for Alaska is a "prohibition" country--and +poker-playing. For men with a soul above such delights, the +heart-breaking monotony of a northern winter would be appalling, and it +is only to be understood by those who have had to endure similar +experiences themselves on the western prairies. + + +2. Mass Movements and the Mores: The Woman's Crusade[309] + +On the evening of December 23, 1873, there might have been seen in the +streets of Hillsboro, Ohio, persons singly or in groups wending their +way to Music Hall, where a lecture on temperance was to be delivered by +Dr. Dio Lewis, of Boston, Massachusetts. + +Hillsboro is a small place, containing something more than 3,000 people. +The inhabitants are rather better educated than is usually the case in +small towns, and its society is indeed noted in that part of the country +for its quietude, culture, and refinement. + +But Hillsboro was by no means exempt from the prevailing scourge of +intemperance. The early settlers of Hillsboro were mostly from Virginia, +and brought with them the old-fashioned ideas of hospitality. For many +years previous to the crusade the professional men, and especially of +the bar, were nearly all habitual drinkers, and many of them very +dissipated. When a few earnest temperance men, among whom was Governor +Allen Trimble, initiated a total-abstinence movement in or about the +year 1830, the pulpit took up arms against them, and a condemnatory +sermon was preached in one of the churches. + +Thus it was that, although from time to time men, good and true, banded +themselves together in efforts to break up this dreadful state of things +and reform society, all endeavors seemed to fail of any permanent +effect. + +The plan laid down by Dr. Lewis challenged attention by its novelty at +least. He believed the work of temperance reform might be successfully +carried on by women if they would set about it in the right +manner--going to the saloon-keeper in a spirit of Christian love, and +persuading him for the sake of humanity and his own eternal welfare to +quit the hateful, soul-destroying business. The doctor spoke with +enthusiasm; and seeing him so full of faith, the hearts of the women +seized the hope--a forlorn one, 'tis true, but still a hope--and when +Dr. Lewis asked if they were willing to undertake the task, scores of +women rose to their feet, and there was no lack of good men who pledged +themselves to encourage and sustain the women in their work. + +At a subsequent meeting an organization was effected and Mrs. Eliza J. +Thompson, a daughter of ex-Governor Trimble of Ohio, was elected +chairman. Mrs. Thompson gives the following account of the manner in +which the crusade was organized: + + My boy came home from Dr. Dio Lewis' lecture and said, "Ma, + they've got you into business"; and went on to tell that Dio + Lewis had incidentally related the successful effort of his + mother, by prayer and persuasion, to close the saloon in a town + where he lived when a boy, and that he had exhorted the women + of Hillsboro to do the same, and fifty had risen up to signify + their willingness, and that they looked to me to help them to + carry out their promise. As I'm talking to you here familiarly, + I'll go on to say that my husband, who had retired, and was in + an adjoining room, raised up on his elbow and called out, "Oh! + that's all tomfoolery!" I remember I answered him something + like this: "Well, husband, the men have been in the tomfoolery + business a long time; perhaps the Lord is going to call us into + partnership with them." I said no more. The next morning my + brother-in-law, Colonel ----, came in and told me about the + meeting, and said, "Now, you must be sure to go to the women's + meeting at the church this morning; they look to see you + there." Our folks talked it all over, and my husband said, + "Well, we all know where your mother'll take this case for + counsel," and then he pointed to the Bible and left the room. + + I went into the corner of my room, and knelt down and opened my + Bible to see what God would say to me. Just at that moment + there was a tap on the door and my daughter entered. She was in + tears; she held her Bible in her hand, open to the 146th Psalm. + She said, "Ma, I just opened to this, and I think it is for + you," and then she went away, and I sat down and read + + THIS WONDERFUL MESSAGE FROM GOD + + "Put not your trust in princes, nor in the son of man, in whom + there is no help. Happy is he that hath the God of Jacob for + his help, whose hope is in the Lord his God; which keepeth + truth forever; which executeth judgment for the oppressed; the + Lord looseth the prisoners; the Lord openeth the eyes of the + blind; the Lord raiseth them that are bowed down; the Lord + loveth the righteous; the Lord relieveth the fatherless and the + widow--_but the way of the wicked he turneth upside down_. The + Lord shall reign forever, even thy God, O Zion, unto all + generations. Praise ye the Lord!" + + I knew that was for me, and I got up, put on my shoes, and + started. I went to the church, in this town where I was born. I + sat down quietly in the back part of the audience room, by the + stove. A hundred ladies were assembled. I heard my name--heard + the whisper pass through the company, "Here she is!" "She's + come!" and before I could get to the pulpit, they had put me + "in office"--I was their leader. + + Many of our citizens were there, and our ministers also. They + stayed a few minutes, and then rose and went out, saying, "This + is your work--we leave it with the women and the Lord." When + they had gone, I just opened the big pulpit Bible and read that + 146th Psalm, and told them the circumstance of my selecting it. + The women sobbed so I could hardly go on. When I had finished, + I felt inspired to call on a dear Presbyterian lady to pray. + She did so without the least hesitation, though it was the + first audible prayer in her life. I can't tell you anything + about that prayer, only that the words were like fire. + + When she had prayed, I said--and it all came to me just at the + moment--"Now, ladies, let us file out, two by two, the smallest + first, and let us sing as we go, 'Give to the winds thy + fears.'" + + We went first to John ----'s saloon. Now, John was a German, + and his sister had lived in my family thirteen years, and she + was very mild and gentle, and I hoped it might prove a family + trait, but I found out it wasn't. He fumed about dreadfully and + said, "It's awful; it's a sin and a shame to pray in a saloon!" + But we prayed right on just the same. + +Next day the ladies held another meeting, but decided not to make any +visitations, it being Christmas day, and the hotel-keepers more than +usually busy and not likely to listen very attentively to our +proposition. + +On the twenty-sixth, the hotels and saloons were visited; Mrs. Thompson +presenting the appeal. And it was on this morning, and at the saloon of +Robert Ward, that there came a break in the established routine. "Bob" +was a social, jolly sort of fellow, and his saloon was a favorite +resort, and there were many women in the company that morning whose +hearts were aching in consequence of his wrong-doing. Ward was evidently +touched. He confessed that it was a "bad business," said if he could +only "afford to quit it he would," and then tears began to flow from his +eyes. Many of the ladies were weeping, and at length, as if by +inspiration, Mrs. Thompson kneeled on the floor of the saloon, all +kneeling with her, even the saloonist, and prayed, pleading with +indescribable pathos and earnestness for the conversion and salvation of +this and all saloon-keepers. When the amen was sobbed rather than +spoken, Mrs. Washington Doggett's sweet voice began, "There is a +fountain," etc., in which all joined; the effect was most solemn, and +when the hymn was finished the ladies went quietly away, and that was +the first saloon prayer meeting. + +There was a saloon-keeper brought from Greenfield to H---- to be tried +under the Adair law. The poor mother who brought the suit had besought +him not to sell to her son--"her only son." He replied roughly that he +would sell to him "as long as he had a dime." Another mother, an old +lady, made the same request, "lest," she said, "he may some day fill a +drunkard's grave." "Madam," he replied, "your son has as good a right to +fill a drunkard's grave as any other mother's son." And in one of the +Hillsboro saloons a lady saw her nephew. "O, Mr. B----," said she, +"don't sell whiskey to that boy: if he has one drink he will want +another, and he may die a drunkard." "Madam, I will sell to him if it +sends his soul to hell," was the awful reply. The last man is a +peculiarly hard, stony sort of man; his lips look as if chiseled out of +flint, a man to be afraid of. One morning, when the visiting band +reached his door, they found him in a very bad humor. He locked his door +and seated himself on the horse block in front in a perfect rage, +clenched his fist, swore furiously, and ordered us to go home. Some +gentlemen, on the opposite side of the street, afterward said that they +were watching the scene, ready to rush over and defend the ladies from +an attack, and they were sure it would come; but one of the ladies, a +sweet-souled woman, gentle and placid, kneeled just at his feet, and +poured out such a tender, earnest prayer for him, that he quieted down +entirely, and when she rose and offered him her hand in token of kind +feeling, he could not refuse to take it. + + During the Crusade, a saloon-keeper (at Ocean Grove) consented + to close his business. There was a great deal of enthusiasm and + interest, and we women decided to compensate the man for his + whiskey and make a bonfire of it in the street. A great crowd + gathered about the saloon, and the barrels of whiskey were + rolled out to the public square where we were to have our + bonfire. Myself and two other little women, who had been chosen + to knock in the heads, and had come to the place with axes + concealed under our shawls, went to our work with a will. + + I didn't know I was so strong, but I lifted that axe like a + woodman and brought it down with such force that the first blow + stove in the head of a barrel and splashed the whiskey in every + direction. I was literally baptized with the noxious stuff. The + intention was to set it on fire, and we had brought matches for + that purpose, _but it would not burn_! It was a villainous + compound of some sort, but we had set out to have a fire, and + were determined by some means or other to make it burn, so we + sent for some coal oil and poured it on and we soon had a + blaze. The man who could sell such liquors would not be likely + to keep the pledge. He is selling liquors again. + +The crusade began at Washington C.H. only two days later than at +Hillsboro. And Washington C.H. was the first place where the crusade was +made prominent and successful. + +On Friday morning, December 26, 1873, after an hour of prayer in the +M.E. Church, forty-four women filed slowly and solemnly down the aisle, +and started forth upon their strange mission with fear and trembling, +while the male portion of the audience remained at the church to pray +for the success of this new undertaking; the tolling of the church-bell +keeping time to the solemn march of the women, as they wended their way +to the first drug-store on the list. (The number of places within the +city limits where intoxicating drinks were sold was fourteen--eleven +saloons and three drug-stores.) Here, as in every place, they entered +singing, every woman taking up the sacred strain as she crossed the +threshold. This was followed by the reading of the appeal and prayer; +then earnest pleading to desist from their soul-destroying traffic and +sign the dealer's pledge. + +Thus, all the day long, they went from place to place, without stopping +even for dinner or lunch, till five o'clock, meeting with no marked +success; but invariably courtesy was extended to them; not even their +reiterated promise, "We will call again," seeming to offend. + +No woman who has ever entered one of these dens of iniquity on such an +errand needs to be told of the heartsickness that almost over-came them +as they, for the first time, saw behind those painted windows or green +blinds, or entered the little stifling "back room," or found their way +down winding steps into the damp, dark cellars, and realized that into +_such places_ those they loved best were being landed, through the +allurements of the brilliantly lighted drug-store, the fascinating +billiard table, or the enticing beer gardens, with their siren +attractions. A crowded house at night, to hear the report of the day's +work, betrayed the rapidly increasing interest in this mission. + +On the twenty-seventh the contest really began, and, at the first place, +the doors were found locked. With hearts full of compassion, the women +knelt in the snow upon the pavement, to plead for the divine influence +upon the heart of the liquor-dealer, and there held their first street +prayer meeting. + +At night the weary but zealous workers reported at a mass meeting of the +various rebuffs, and the success in having two druggists sign the pledge +not to sell, except upon the written prescription of a physician. + +The Sabbath, was devoted to union mass meeting, with direct reference to +the work in hand; and on Monday the number of ladies had increased to +near one hundred. That day, December 29, is one long to be remembered in +Washington, as the day upon which occurred the first surrender ever made +by a liquor-dealer, of his stock of liquors of every kind and variety, +to the women, in answer to their prayers and entreaties, and by them +poured into the street. Nearly a thousand men, women, and children +witnessed the mingling of beer, ale, wine, and whiskey, as they filled +the gutters and were drunk up by the earth, while the bells were +ringing, men and boys shouting, and women singing and praying to God who +had given the victory. But on the fourth day, "stock sale-day," the +campaign had reached its height, the town being filled with visitors +from all parts of the county and adjoining villages. Another public +surrender, and another pouring into the street of a larger stock of +liquors than on the previous day, and more intense excitement and +enthusiasm. + +Mass meetings were held nightly, with new victories reported constantly, +until on Friday, January 21, one week from the beginning of the work, at +the public meeting held in the evening, the secretary's report announced +the unconditional surrender of every liquor-dealer, some having shipped +their liquors back to wholesale dealers, others having poured them into +the gutters, and the druggists as all having signed the pledge. Thus a +campaign of prayer and song had, in eight days, closed eleven saloons, +and pledged three drug-stores to sell only on prescription. At first men +had wondered, scoffed, and laughed, then criticized, respected, and +yielded. + +Morning prayer and evening mass meetings continued daily, and the +personal pledge was circulated till over one thousand signatures were +obtained. Physicians were called upon to sign a pledge not to prescribe +ardent spirits when any other substitute could be found, and in no case +without a personal examination of the patient. + +Early in the third week the discouraging intelligence came that a new +man had taken out a license to sell liquor in one of the deserted +saloons, and that he was backed by a whiskey house in Cincinnati, to the +amount of $5,000, to break down this movement. On Wednesday, 'the +fourteenth, the whiskey was unloaded at his room. About forty women were +on the ground and followed the liquor in, and remained holding an +uninterrupted prayer meeting all day and until eleven o'clock at night. +The next day, bitterly cold, was spent in the same place and manner, +without fire or chairs, two hours of that time the women being locked +in, while the proprietor was off attending a trial. On the following +day, the coldest of the winter of 1874, the women were locked out, and +stood on the street holding religious services all day long. + +Next morning a tabernacle was built in the street, just in front of the +house, and was occupied for the double purpose of _watching_ and prayer +through the day; and before night the sheriff closed the saloon, and the +proprietor surrendered; thus ended the third week. + +A short time after, on a dying-bed, this four days' liquor-dealer sent +for some of these women, telling them their songs and prayers had never +ceased to ring in his ears, and urging them to pray again in his behalf; +so he passed away. + +Thus, through most of the winter of 1874 no alcoholic drinks were +publicly sold as a beverage in the county. + +During the two intervening years weekly temperance-league meetings have +been kept up by the faithful few, while frequent union mass meetings +have been held, thus keeping the subject always before the people. Today +the disgraceful and humiliating fact exists that there are more places +where liquors are sold than before the crusade. + + +3. Mass Movements and Revolution + + +_a. The French Revolution_[310] + +The outward life of men in every age is molded upon an inward life +consisting of a framework of traditions, sentiments, and moral +influences which direct their conduct and maintain certain fundamental +notions which they accept without discussion. + +Let the resistance of this social framework weaken, and ideas which +could have had no force before will germinate and develop. Certain +theories whose success was enormous at the time of the Revolution would +have encountered an impregnable wall two centuries earlier. + +The aim of these considerations is to recall to the reader the fact that +the outward events of revolutions are always a consequence of invisible +transformations which have slowly gone forward in men's minds. Any +profound study of a revolution necessitates a study of the mental soil +upon which the ideas that direct its courses have to germinate. + +Generally slow in the extreme, the evolution of ideas is often invisible +for a whole generation. Its extent can only be grasped by comparing the +mental condition of the same social classes at the two extremities of +the curve which the mind has followed. + +The actual influence of the philosophers in the genesis of the +Revolution was not that which was attributed to them. They revealed +nothing new, but they developed the critical spirit which no dogma can +resist, once the way is prepared for its downfall. + +Under the influence of this developing critical spirit things which were +no longer very greatly respected came to be respected less and less. +When tradition and prestige had disappeared, the social edifice suddenly +fell. This progressive disaggregation finally descended to the people, +but was not commenced by them. The people follow examples, but never set +them. + +The philosophers, who could not have exerted any influence over the +people, did exert a great influence over the enlightened portion of the +nation. The unemployed nobility, who had long been ousted from their old +functions and who were consequently inclined to be censorious, followed +their leadership. Incapable of foresight, the nobles were the first to +break with the traditions that were their only _raison d'etre_. As +steeped in humanitarianism and rationalism as the _bourgeoisie_ of +today, they continually sapped their own privileges by their criticisms. +As today, the most ardent reformers were found among the favorites of +fortune. The aristocracy encouraged dissertations on the social +contract, the rights of man, and the equality of citizens. At the +theater it applauded plays which criticized privileges, the +arbitrariness and the incapacity of men in high places, and abuses of +all kinds. + +As soon as men lose confidence in the foundations of the mental +framework which guides their conduct, they feel at first uneasy and then +discontented. All classes felt their old motives of action gradually +disappearing. Things that had seemed sacred for centuries were now +sacred no longer. + +The censorious spirit of the nobility and of the writers of the day +would not have sufficed to move the heavy load of tradition but that its +action was added to that of other powerful influences. We have already +stated, in citing Bossuet, that under the _ancien regime_ the religious +and civil governments, widely separated in our day, were intimately +connected. To injure one was inevitably to injure the other. Now even +before the monarchical idea was shaken, the force of religious tradition +was greatly diminished among cultivated men. The constant progress of +knowledge had sent an increasing number of minds from theology to +science by opposing the truth observed to the truth revealed. + +This mental evolution, although as yet very vague, was sufficient to +show that the traditions which for so many centuries had guided men had +not the value which had been attributed to them, and that it would soon +be necessary to replace them. + +But where discover the new elements which might take the place of +tradition? Where seek the magic ring which would raise a new social +edifice on the remains of that which no longer contented men? + +Men were agreed in attributing to reason the power that tradition and +the gods seemed to have lost. How could its force be doubted? Its +discoveries having been innumerable, was it not legitimate to suppose +that by applying it to the construction of societies it would entirely +transform them? Its possible function increased very rapidly in the +thoughts of the more enlightened, in proportion as tradition seemed more +and more to be distrusted. + +The sovereign power attributed to reason must be regarded as the +culminating idea which not only engendered the Revolution but governed +it throughout. During the whole Revolution men gave themselves up to the +most persevering efforts to break with the past and to erect society +upon a new plan dictated by logic. + +Slowly filtering downward, the rationalistic theories of the +philosophers meant to the people simply that all the things which had +been regarded as worthy of respect were now no longer worthy. Men being +declared equal, the old masters need no longer be obeyed. The multitude +easily succeeded in ceasing to respect what the upper classes themselves +no longer respected. When the barrier of respect was down the Revolution +was accomplished. + +The first result of this new mentality was a general insubordination. +Mme. Vigee Lebrun relates that on the promenade at Longchamps men of the +people leaped on the footboards of the carriages, saying, "Next year you +will be behind and we shall be inside." + +The populace was not alone in manifesting insubordination and +discontent. These sentiments were general on the eve of the Revolution. +"The lesser clergy," says Taine, "are hostile to the prelates; the +provincial gentry to the nobility of the court; the vassals to the +seigneurs; the peasants to the townsmen, etc." + +This state of mind, which had been communicated from the nobles and +clergy to the people, also invaded the army. At the moment the States +General were opened, Necker said: "We are not sure of the troops." The +officers were becoming humanitarian and philosophical. The soldiers, +recruited from the lowest class of the population, did not philosophize, +but they no longer obeyed. In their feeble minds the ideas of equality +meant simply the suppression of all leaders and masters, and therefore +of all obedience. In 1790 more than twenty regiments threatened their +officers, and sometimes, as at Nancy, threw them into prison. + +The mental anarchy which, after spreading through all classes of +society, finally invaded the army was the principal cause of the +disappearance of the _ancien regime_. "It was the defection of the army +affected by the ideas of the Third Estate," wrote Rivarol, "that +destroyed royalty." + +The genesis of the French Revolution, as well as its duration, was +conditioned by elements of a rational, affective, mystic, and collective +nature, each category of which was ruled by a different logic. The +rational element usually invoked as an explanation exerted in reality +but very slight influence. It prepared the way for the Revolution, but +maintained it only at the outset, while it was still exclusively middle +class. Its action was manifested by many measures of the time, such as +the proposals to reform the taxes, the suppression of the privileges of +a useless nobility, etc. + +As soon as the Revolution reached the people, the influence of the +rational elements speedily vanished before that of the affective and +collective elements. As for the mystic elements, the foundation of the +revolutionary faith, they made the army fanatical and propagated the new +belief throughout the world. + +We shall see these various elements as they appeared in events and in +the psychology of individuals. Perhaps the most important was the mystic +element. The Revolution cannot be clearly comprehended--we cannot repeat +it too often--unless it is considered as the formation of a religious +belief. What I have said elsewhere of all beliefs applies equally to the +Revolution. They impose themselves on men apart from reason and have the +power to polarize men's thoughts and feelings in one direction. Pure +reason had never such a power, for men were never impassioned by reason. + +The religious forms rapidly assumed by the Revolution explain its power +of expansion and the prestige which it possessed and has retained. Few +historians have understood that this great monument ought to be regarded +as the foundation of a new religion. The penetrating mind of +Tocqueville, I believe, was the first to perceive as much. He wrote: + + The French Revolution was a political revolution which operated + in the manner of and assumed something of the aspect of a + religious revolution. See by what regular and characteristic + traits it finally resembled the latter; not only did it spread + itself far and wide like a religious revolution, but, like the + latter, it spread itself by means of preaching and propaganda. + A political revolution which inspires proselytes, which is + preached as passionately to foreigners as it is accomplished at + home: consider what a novel spectacle was this. + +Although the mystic element is always the foundation of beliefs, certain +affective and rational elements are quickly added thereto. A belief thus +serves to group sentiments and passions and interests which belong to +the affective domain. Reason then envelops the whole, seeking to justify +events in which, however, it played no part whatever. + +At the moment of the Revolution everyone, according to his aspirations, +dressed the new belief in a different rational vesture. The peoples saw +in it only the suppression of the religious and political despotisms and +hierarchies under which they had so often suffered. Writers like Goethe +and thinkers like Kant imagined that they saw in it the triumph of +reason. Foreigners like Humboldt came to France "to breathe the air of +liberty and to assist at the obsequies of despotism." These intellectual +illusions did not last long. The evolution of the drama soon revealed +the true foundations of the dream. + + +_b. Bolshevism_[311] + +Great mass movements, whether these be religious or political, are at +first always difficult to understand. Invariably they challenge existing +moral and intellectual values, the revaluation of which is, for the +normal mind, an exceedingly difficult and painful task. Moreover the +definition of their aims and policies into exact and comprehensive +programs is generally slowly achieved. At their inception and during the +early stages of their development there must needs be many crude and +tentative statements and many rhetorical exaggerations. It is safe to +assert as a rule that at no stage of its history can a great movement +of the masses be fully understood and fairly interpreted by a study of +its formal statements and authentic expositions only. These must be +supplemented by a careful study of the psychology of the men and women +whose ideals and yearnings these statements and expositions aim to +represent. It is not enough to know and comprehend the creed: it is +essential that we also know and comprehend the spiritual factors, the +discontent, the hopes, the fears, the inarticulate visionings of the +human units in the movement. This is of greater importance in the +initial stages than later, when the articulation of the soul of the +movement has become more certain and clear. + +No one who has attended many bolshevist meetings or is acquainted with +many of the individuals to whom bolshevism makes a strong appeal will +seriously question the statement that an impressively large number of +those who profess to be Bolshevists present a striking likeness to +extreme religious zealots, not only in the manner of manifesting their +enthusiasm, but also in their methods of exposition and argument. Just +as in religious hysteria a single text becomes a whole creed to the +exclusion of every other text, and instead of being itself subject to +rational tests is made the sole test of the rationality of everything +else, so in the case of the average Bolshevist of this type a single +phrase received into the mind in a spasm of emotion, never tested by the +usual criteria of reason, becomes not only the very essence of truth but +also the standard by which the truth or untruth of everything else must +be determined. Most of the preachers who become pro-Bolshevists are of +this type. + +People who possess minds thus affected are generally capable of, and +frequently indulge in, the strictest logical deduction and analysis. +Sometimes they acquire the reputation of being exceptionally brilliant +thinkers because of this power. But the fact is that their initial +ideas, upon which everything is pivoted, are derived emotionally and are +not the results of a deliberate weighing of available evidence. The +initial movement is one of feeling, of emotional impulse. The conviction +thereby created is so strong and so dominant that it cannot be affected +by any purely rational functional factors. + +People of this type jump at decisions and reach very positive +convictions upon the most difficult matters with bewildering ease. For +them the complexities and intricacies which trouble the normal mind do +not exist. Everything is either black or white: there are no perplexing +intervening grays. Right is right and wrong is wrong; they do not +recognize that there are doubtful twilight zones. Ideas capable of the +most elaborate expansion and the most subtle intricacies of +interpretation are immaturely grasped and preached with naive assurance. +Statements alleged to be facts, no matter what their source, if they +seem to support the convictions thus emotionally derived, are received +without any examination and used as conclusive proof, notwithstanding +that a brief investigation would prove them to be worthless as evidence. + +If we take the group of American intellectuals who at present are ardent +champions of bolshevism we shall find that, with exceptions so few as to +be almost negligible, they have embraced nearly every "ism" as it arose, +seeing in each one the magic solvent of humanity's ills. Those of an +older generation thus regarded bimetallism, for instance. What else +could be required to make the desert bloom like a garden and to usher in +the earthly Paradise? The younger ones, in their turn, took up +anarchist-communism, Marxian socialism, industrial unionism, +syndicalism, birth control, feminism, and many other movements and +propagandas, each of which in its turn induced ecstatic visions of a new +heaven and a new earth. The same individuals have grown lyrical in +praise of every bizarre and eccentric art fad. In the banal and +grotesque travesties of art produced by cubists, futurists, _et al._, +they saw transcendent genius. They are forever seeking new gods and +burying old ones. + +It would be going too far to say that these individuals are all +hystericals in the pathological sense, but it is strictly accurate to +say that the class exhibits marked hysterical characteristics and that +it closely resembles the large class of over-emotionalized religious +enthusiasts which furnish so many true hystericals. It is probable that +accidents of environment account for the fact that their emotionalism +takes sociological rather than religious forms. If the sociological +impetus were absent, most of them would be religiously motived to a +state not less abnormal. + +To understand the spread of bolshevist agitation and sympathy among a +very considerable part of the working class in this country, we must +take into account the fact that its logical and natural nucleus is the +I.W.W. It is necessary also to emancipate our minds from the obsession +that only "ignorant foreigners" are affected. This is not a true +estimate of either the I.W.W. or the bolshevist propaganda as a whole. +There are indeed many of this class in both, but there are also many +native Americans, sturdy, self-reliant, enterprising, and courageous +men. The peculiar group psychology which we are compelled to study is +less the result of those subtle and complex factors which are +comprehended in the vague term "race" than of the political and economic +conditions by which the group concerned is environed. + +The typical native-born I.W.W. member, the "Wobbly" one frequently +encounters in our mid-western and western cities, is very unlike the +hideous and repulsive figure conjured up by sensational cartoonists. He +is much more likely to be a very attractive sort of man. Here are some +characteristics of the type: figure robust, sturdy, and virile; dress +rough but not unclean; speech forthright, deliberate, and bold; features +intelligent, frank, and free from signs of alcoholic dissipation; +movements slow and leisurely as of one averse to over-exertion. There +are thousands of "wobblies" to whom the specifications of this +description will apply. Conversation with these men reveals that, as a +general rule, they are above rather than below the average in sobriety. +They are generally free from family ties, being either unmarried or, as +often happens, wife-deserters. They are not highly educated, few having +attended any school beyond the grammar-school grade. Many of them have, +however, read a great deal more than the average man, though their +reading has been curiously miscellaneous in selection and nearly always +badly balanced. Theology, philosophy, sociology, and economics seem to +attract most attention. In discussion--and every "Wobbly" seems to +possess a passion for disputation--men of this type will manifest a +surprising familiarity with the broad outlines of certain theological +problems, as well as with the scriptural texts bearing upon them. It is +very likely to be the case, however, that they have only read a few +popular classics of what used to be called rationalism--Paine's _Age of +Reason_, Ingersoll's lectures in pamphlet form, and Haeckel's _Riddle of +the Universe_ are typical. A surprisingly large number can quote +extensively from Buckle's _History of Civilization_ and from the +writings of Marx. They quote statistics freely--statistics of wages, +poverty, crime, vice, and so on--generally derived from the radical +press and implicitly believed because so published, with what they +accept as adequate authority. + +Their most marked peculiarity is the migratory nature of their lives. +Whether this is self-determined, a matter of temperament and habit, or +due to uncontrollable factors, it is largely responsible for the +contempt in which they are popularly held. It naturally brings upon them +the reproach and resentment everywhere visited upon "tramps" and +"vagabonds." They rarely remain long enough in any one place to form +local attachments and ties or anything like civic pride. They move from +job to job, city to city, state to state, sometimes tramping afoot, +begging as they go; sometimes stealing rides on railway trains, in +freight cars--"side-door Pullmans"--or on the rods underneath the cars. +Frequently arrested for begging, trespassing, or stealing rides, they +are often victims of injustice at the hands of local judges and +justices. The absence of friends, combined with the prejudice against +vagrants which everywhere exists, subjects them to arbitrary and +high-handed injustice such as no other body of American citizens has to +endure. Moreover, through the conditions of their existence they are +readily suspected of crimes they do not commit; it is all too easy for +the hard-pushed police officer or sheriff to impute a crime to the lone +and defenseless "Wobbly," who frequently can produce no testimony to +prove his innocence, simply because he has no friends in the +neighborhood and has been at pains to conceal his movements. In this +manner the "Wobbly" becomes a veritable son of Ishmael, his hand against +the hand of nearly every man in conventional society. In particular he +becomes a rebel by habit, hating the police and the courts as his +constant enemies. + +Doubtless the great majority of these men are temperamentally +predisposed to the unanchored, adventurous, migratory existence which +they lead. Boys so constituted run away to sea, take jobs with traveling +circuses, or enlist as soldiers. The type is familiar and not uncommon. +Such individuals cannot be content with the prosaic, humdrum, monotonous +life of regular employment. As a rule we do not look upon this trait in +boy or man as criminal. + +Many a hardworking, intelligent American, who from choice or from +necessity is a migratory worker, following his job, never has an +opportunity to vote for state legislators, for governor, for +congressman or president. He is just as effectively excluded from the +actual electorate as if he were a Chinese coolie, ignorant of our +customs and our speech. + +We cannot wonder that such conditions prove prolific breeders of +bolshevism and similar "isms." It would be strange indeed if it were +otherwise. We have no right to expect that men who are so constantly the +victims of arbitrary, unjust, and even brutal treatment at the hands of +our police and our courts will manifest any reverence for the law and +the judicial system. Respect for majority rule in government cannot +fairly be demanded from a disfranchised group. It is not to be wondered +at that the old slogan of socialism, "Strike at the ballot-box!"--the +call to lift the struggle of the classes to the parliamentary level for +peaceful settlement--becomes the desperate, anarchistic I.W.W. slogan, +"Strike at the ballot-box with an ax!" Men who can have no family life +cannot justly be expected to bother about school administration. Men who +can have no home life but only dreary shelter in crowded work-camps or +dirty doss-houses are not going to bother themselves with municipal +housing reforms. + +In short, we must wake up to the fact that, as the very heart of our +problem, we have a bolshevist nucleus in America composed of virile, +red-blooded Americans, racy of our soil and history, whose conditions of +life and labor are such as to develop in them the psychology of +reckless, despairing, revengeful bolshevism. They really are little +concerned with theories of the state and of social development, which to +our intellectuals seem to be the essence of bolshevism. They are vitally +concerned only with action. Syndicalism and bolshevism involve speedy +and drastic action--hence the force of their appeal. + +Finally, if we would understand why millions of people in all lands have +turned away from old ideals, old loyalties, and old faiths to +bolshevism, with something of the passion and frenzy characteristic of +great messianic movements, we must take into account the intense +spiritual agony and hunger which the Great War has brought into the +lives of civilized men. The old gods are dead and men are everywhere +expectantly waiting for the new gods to arise. The aftermath of the war +is a spiritual cataclysm such as civilized mankind has never before +known. The old religions and moralities are shattered and men are +waiting and striving for new ones. It is a time suggestive of the birth +of new religions. Man cannot live as yet without faith, without some +sort of religion. The heart of the world today is strained with yearning +for new and living faiths to replace the old faiths which are dead. Were +some persuasive fanatic to arise proclaiming himself to be a new +Messiah, and preaching the religion of action, the creation of a new +society, he would find an eager, soul-hungry world already predisposed +to believe. + + +4. Mass Movements and Institutions: Methodism[312] + +The corruption of manners which has been general since the restoration +was combated by societies for "the reformation of manners," which in the +last years of the seventeenth century acquired extraordinary dimensions. +They began in certain private societies which arose in the reign of +James II, chiefly under the auspices of Beveridge and Bishop Horneck. +These societies were at first purely devotional, and they appear to have +been almost identical in character with those of the early Methodists. +They held prayer meetings, weekly communions, and Bible-readings; they +sustained charities and distributed religious books, and they cultivated +a warmer and more ascetic type of devotion than was common in the +Church. Societies of this description sprang up in almost every +considerable city in England and even in several of those in Ireland. In +the last years of the seventeenth century we find no less than ten of +them in Dublin. Without, however, altogether discarding their first +character, they assumed, about 1695, new and very important functions. +They divided themselves into several distinct groups, undertaking the +discovery and suppression of houses of ill fame, and the prosecution of +swearers, drunkards, and Sabbath-breakers. They became a kind of +voluntary police, acting largely as spies, and enforcing the laws +against religious offenses. The energy with which this scheme was +carried out is very remarkable. As many as seventy or eighty persons +were often prosecuted in London and Westminster for cursing and +swearing, in a single week. Sunday markets, which had hitherto been not +uncommon, were effectually suppressed. Hundreds of disorderly houses +were closed. Forty or fifty night-walkers were sent every week to +Bridewell, and numbers were induced to emigrate to the colonies. A great +part of the fines levied for these offenses was bestowed on the poor. In +the fortieth annual report of the "Societies for the Reformation of +Manners" which appeared in 1735, it was stated that the number of +prosecutions for debauchery and profaneness in London and Westminster +alone, since the foundation of the societies, had been 99,380. + +The term Methodist was a college nickname bestowed upon a small society +of students at Oxford, who met together between 1729 and 1735 for the +purpose of mutual improvement. They were accustomed to communicate every +week, to fast regularly on Wednesdays and Fridays, and on most days +during Lent; to read and discuss the Bible in common, to abstain from +most forms of amusement and luxury, and to visit sick persons and +prisoners in the gaol. John Wesley, the future leader of the religious +revival of the eighteenth century, was the master-spirit of this +society. The society hardly numbered more than fifteen members, and was +the object of much ridicule at the university; but it included some men +who afterward played considerable parts in the world. Among them was +Charles, the younger brother of John Wesley, whose hymns became the +favorite poetry of the sect, and whose gentler, more submissive, and +more amiable character, though less fitted than that of his brother for +the great conflicts of public life, was very useful in moderating the +movement, and in drawing converts to it by personal influence. Charles +Wesley appears to have originated the society at Oxford; he brought +Whitefield into its pale, and besides being the most popular poet he was +one of the most persuasive preachers of the movement. + +In the course of 1738 the chief elements of the movement were already +formed. Whitefield had returned from Georgia, Charles Wesley had begun +to preach the doctrine with extraordinary effect to the criminals in +Newgate and from every pulpit into which he was admitted. Methodist +societies had already sprung up under Moravian influence. They were in +part a continuation of the society at Oxford, in part a revival of those +religious societies that have been already noticed as so common after +the Revolution. The design of each was to be a church within a church, a +seedplot of a more fervent piety, the center of a stricter discipline +and a more energetic propagandism than existed in religious communities +at large. In these societies the old Christian custom of love-feasts +was revived. The members sometimes passed almost the whole night in the +most passionate devotions, and voluntarily submitted to a spiritual +tyranny that could hardly be surpassed in a Catholic monastery. They +were to meet every week, to make an open and particular confession of +every frailty, to submit to be crossexamined on all their thoughts, +words, and deeds. The following among others were the questions asked at +every meeting: "What known sin have you committed since our last +meeting? What temptations have you met with? How were you delivered? +What have you thought, said, or done of which you doubt whether it be +sin or not? Have you nothing you desire to keep secret?" + +Such rules could only have been accepted under the influence of an +overpowering religious enthusiasm, and there was much truth in the +judgment which the elder brother of John Wesley passed upon them in +1739. "Their societies," he wrote to their mother, "are sufficient to +dissolve all other societies but their own. Will any man of common sense +or spirit suffer any domestic to be in a band engaged to relate to five +or ten people everything without reserve that concerns the person's +conscience how much soever it may concern the family? Ought any married +persons to be there unless husband and wife be there together?" + +From this time the leaders of the movement became the most active of +missionaries. Without any fixed parishes they wandered from place to +place, proclaiming their new doctrine in every pulpit to which they were +admitted, and they speedily awoke a passionate enthusiasm and a bitter +hostility in the Church. + +We may blame, but we can hardly, I think, wonder at the hostility all +this aroused among the clergy. It is, indeed, certain that Wesley and +Whitefield were at this time doing more than any other contemporary +clergymen to kindle a living piety among the people. Yet before the end +of 1738 the Methodist leaders were excluded from most of the pulpits of +the Church, and were thus compelled, unless they consented to relinquish +what they considered a Divine mission, to take steps in the direction of +separation. + +Two important measures of this nature were taken in 1739. One of them +was the creation of Methodist chapels, which were intended not to oppose +or replace, but to be supplemental and ancillary to, the churches, and +to secure that the doctrine of the new birth should be faithfully taught +to the people. The other and still more important event was the +institution by Whitefield of field-preaching. The idea had occurred to +him in London, where he found congregations too numerous for the church +in which he preached, but the first actual step was taken in the +neighborhood of Bristol. At a time when he was himself excluded from the +pulpits at Bristol, and was thus deprived of the chief normal means of +exercising his talents, his attention was called to the condition of the +colliers at Kingswood. He was filled with horror and compassion at +finding in the heart of a Christian country, and in the immediate +neighborhood of a great city, a population of many thousands, sunk in +the most brutal ignorance and vice, and entirely excluded from the +ordinances of religion. Moved by such feelings, he resolved to address +the colliers in their own haunts. The resolution was a bold one, for +field-preaching was then utterly unknown in England, and it needed no +common courage to brave all the obloquy and derision it must provoke, +and to commence the experiment in the center of a half-savage +population. Whitefield, however, had a just confidence in his cause and +in his powers. Standing himself upon a hillside, he took for his text +the first words of the sermon which was spoken from the Mount, and he +addressed with his accustomed fire an astonished audience of some two +hundred men. The fame of his eloquence spread far and wide. On +successive occasions, five, ten, fifteen, even twenty thousand were +present. It was February, but the winter sun shone clear and bright. The +lanes were filled with carriages of the more wealthy citizens, whom +curiosity had drawn from Bristol. The trees and hedges were crowded with +humbler listeners, and the fields were darkened by a compact mass. The +voice of the great preacher pealed with a thrilling power to the +outskirts of that mighty throng. The picturesque novelty of the occasion +and of the scene, the contagious emotion of so great a multitude, a deep +sense of the condition of his hearers and of the momentous importance of +the step he was taking, gave an additional solemnity to his eloquence. +His rude auditors were electrified. They stood for a time in rapt and +motionless attention. Soon tears might be seen forming white gutters +down cheeks blackened from the coal mine. Then sobs and groans told how +hard hearts were melting at his words. A fire was kindled among the +outcasts of Kingswood which burnt long and fiercely, and was destined +in a few years to overspread the land. + +But for the simultaneous appearance of a great orator and a great +statesman, Methodism would probably have smouldered and at last perished +like the very similar religious societies of the preceding century. +Whitefield was utterly destitute of the organizing skill which could +alone give a permanence to the movement, and no talent is naturally more +ephemeral than popular oratory; while Wesley, though a great and +impressive preacher, could scarcely have kindled a general enthusiasm +had he not been assisted by an orator who had an unrivaled power of +moving the passions of the ignorant. The institution of field-preaching +by Whitefield in the February of 1739 carried the impulse through the +great masses of the poor, while the foundation by Wesley, in the May of +the same year, of the first Methodist chapel was the beginning of an +organized body capable of securing and perpetuating the results that had +been achieved. + +From the time of the institution of lay preachers Methodism became in a +great degree independent of the Established Church. Its chapels +multiplied in the great towns, and its itinerant missionaries penetrated +to the most secluded districts. They were accustomed to preach in fields +and gardens, in streets and lecture-rooms, in market places and +churchyards. On one occasion we find Whitefield at a fair mounting a +stage which had been erected for some wrestlers, and there denouncing +the pleasures of the world; on another, preaching among the mountebanks +at Moorfields; on a third, attracting around his pulpit ten thousand of +the spectators at a race course; on a fourth, standing beside the +gallows at an execution to speak of death and of eternity. Wesley, when +excluded from the pulpit of Epworth, delivered some of his most +impressive sermons in the churchyard, standing on his father's tomb. +Howell Harris, the apostle of Wales, encountering a party of +mountebanks, sprang into their midst exclaiming, in a solemn voice, "Let +us pray," and then proceeded to thunder forth the judgments of the Lord. +Rowland Hill was accustomed to visit the great towns on market day in +order that he might address the people in the market place, and to go +from fair to fair preaching among the revelers from his favorite text, +"Come out from among them." In this manner the Methodist preachers came +in contact with the most savage elements of the population, and there +were few forms of mob violence they did not experience. In 1741 one of +their preachers named Seward, after repeated ill treatment in Wales, was +at last struck on the head while preaching at Monmouth, and died of the +blow. In a riot, while Wheatley was preaching at Norwich, a poor woman +with child perished from the kicks and blows of the mob. At Dublin, +Whitefield was almost stoned to death. At Exeter he was stoned in the +very presence of the bishop. At Plymouth he was violently assaulted and +his life seriously threatened by a naval officer. + +Scenes of this kind were of continual occurrence, and they were +interspersed with other persecutions of a less dangerous description. +Drums were beaten, horns blown, guns let off, and blacksmiths hired to +ply their noisy trade in order to drown the voices of the preachers. +Once, at the very moment when Whitefield announced his text, the belfry +gave out a peal loud enough to make him inaudible. On other occasions +packs of hounds were brought with the same object, and once, in order to +excite the dogs to fury, a live cat in a cage was placed in their midst. +Fire engines poured streams of fetid water upon the congregation. Stones +fell so thickly that the faces of many grew crimson with blood. At +Hoxton the mob drove an ox into the midst of the congregation. At +Pensford the rabble, who had been baiting a bull, concluded their sport +by driving the torn and tired animal full against the table on which +Wesley was preaching. Sometimes we find innkeepers refusing to receive +the Methodist leaders in their inns, farmers entering into an agreement +to dismiss every laborer who attended a Methodist preacher, landlords +expelling all Methodists from their cottages, masters dismissing their +servants because they had joined the sect. The magistrates, who knew by +experience that the presence of a Methodist preacher was the usual +precursor of disturbance and riot, looked on them with the greatest +disfavor, and often scandalously connived at the persecutions they +underwent. + +It was frequently observed by Wesley that his preaching rarely affected +the rich and the educated. It was over the ignorant and the credulous +that it exercised its most appalling power, and it is difficult to +overrate the mental anguish it must sometimes have produced. Timid and +desponding natures unable to convince themselves that they had undergone +a supernatural change, gentle and affectionate natures who believed that +those who were dearest to them were descending into everlasting fire, +must have often experienced pangs compared with which the torments of +the martyr were insignificant. The confident assertions of the Methodist +preacher and the ghastly images he continually evoked poisoned their +imaginations, haunted them in every hour of weakness or depression, +discolored all their judgments of the world, and added a tenfold horror +to the darkness of the grave. Sufferings of this description, though +among the most real and the most terrible that superstition can inflict, +are so hidden in their nature that they leave few traces in history; but +it is impossible to read the journals of Wesley without feeling that +they were most widely diffused. Many were thrown into paroxysms of +extreme, though usually transient, agony; many doubtless nursed a secret +sorrow which corroded all the happiness of their lives, while not a few +became literally insane. On one occasion Wesley was called to the +bedside of a young woman at Kingswood. He tells us: + + She was nineteen or twenty years old, but, it seems, could not + write or read. I found her on the bed, two or three persons + holding her. It was a terrible sight. Anguish, horror, and + despair above all description appeared in her pale face. The + thousand distortions of her whole body showed how the dogs of + hell were gnawing at her heart. The shrieks intermixed were + scarce to be endured. But her stony eyes could not weep. She + screamed out as soon as words could find their way, "I am + damned, damned, lost forever: six days ago you might have + helped me. But it is past. I am the devil's now.... I will go + with him to hell. I cannot be saved." They sang a hymn, and for + a time she sank to rest, but soon broke out anew in incoherent + exclamations, "Break, break, poor stony hearts! Will you not + break? What more can be done for stony hearts? I am damned that + you may be saved!"... She then fixed her eyes in the corner of + the ceiling, and said, "There he is, ay, there he is! Come, + good devil, come! Take me away."... We interrupted her by + calling again on God, on which she sank down as before, and + another young woman began to roar out as loud as she had done. + +For more than two hours Wesley and his brother continued praying over +her. At last the paroxysms subsided and the patient joined in a hymn of +praise. + +In the intense religious enthusiasm that was generated, many of the ties +of life were snapped in twain. Children treated with contempt the +commands of their parents, students the rules of their colleges, +clergymen the discipline of their Church. The whole structure of +society, and almost all the amusements of life, appeared criminal. The +fairs, the mountebanks, the public rejoicings of the people, were all +Satanic. It was sinful for a woman to wear any gold ornament or any +brilliant dress. It was even sinful for a man to exercise the common +prudence of laying by a certain portion of his income. When Whitefield +proposed to a lady to marry him, he thought it necessary to say, "I +bless God, if I know anything of my own heart, I am free from that +foolish passion which the world calls love." "I trust I love you only +for God, and desire to be joined to you only by His commands, and for +His sake." It is perhaps not very surprising that Whitefield's marriage, +like that of Wesley, proved very unhappy. Theaters and the reading of +plays were absolutely condemned, and Methodists employed all their +influence with the authorities to prevent the erection of the former. It +seems to have been regarded as a divine judgment that once, when +_Macbeth_ was being acted at Drury Lane, a real thunderstorm mingled +with the mimic thunder in the witch scene. Dancing was, if possible, +even worse than the theater. "Dancers," said Whitefield, "please the +devil at every step"; and it was said that his visit to a town usually +put "a stop to the dancing-school, the assemblies, and every pleasant +thing." He made it his mission to "bear testimony against the detestable +diversions of this generation"; and he declared that no "recreations, +considered as such, can be innocent." + +Accompanying this asceticism we find an extraordinary revival of the +grossest superstition. It was a natural consequence of the essentially +emotional character of Methodism that its disciples should imagine that +every strong feeling or impulse within them was a direct inspiration of +God or Satan. The language of Whitefield--the language in a great degree +of all the members of the sect--was that of men who were at once +continually inspired and the continual objects of miraculous +interposition. In every perplexity they imagined that, by casting lots +or opening their Bibles at random, they could obtain a supernatural +answer to their inquiries. + +In all matters relating to Satanic interference, Wesley was especially +credulous. "I cannot give up to all the Deists in Great Britain the +existence of witchcraft till I give up the credit of all history, sacred +and profane." He had no doubt that the physical contortions into which +so many of his hearers fell were due to the direct agency of Satan, who +tore the converts as they were coming to Christ. He had himself seen men +and women who were literally possessed by devils; he had witnessed forms +of madness which were not natural, but diabolical, and he had +experienced in his own person the hysterical affections which resulted +from supernatural agency. + +If Satanic agencies continually convulsed those who were coming to the +faith, divine judgments as frequently struck down those who opposed it. +Every illness, every misfortune that befell an opponent, was believed to +be supernatural. Molther, the Moravian minister, shortly after the +Methodists had separated from the Moravians, was seized with a passing +illness. "I believe," wrote Wesley, "it was the hand of God that was +upon him." Numerous cases were cited of sudden and fearful judgments +which fell upon the adversaries of the cause. A clergyman at Bristol, +standing up to preach against the Methodists, "was suddenly seized with +a rattling in his throat, attended with a hideous groaning," and on the +next Sunday he died. At Todmorden a minister was struck with a violent +fit of palsy immediately after preaching against the Methodists. At +Enniscorthy a clergyman, having preached for some time against +Methodism, deferred the conclusion of the discourse to the following +Sunday. Next morning he was raging mad, imagined that devils were about +him, "and not long after, without showing the least sign of hope, he +went to his account." At Kingswood a man began a vehement invective +against Wesley and Methodism. "In the midst he was struck raving mad." A +woman, seeing a crowd waiting for Wesley at the church door, exclaimed, +"They are waiting for their God." She at once fell senseless to the +ground, and next day expired. "A party of young men rode up to Richmond +to disturb the sermons of Rowland Hill. The boat sank, and all of them +were drowned." At Sheffield the captain of a gang who had long troubled +the field-preachers, was bathing with his companions. "Another dip," he +said, "and then for a bit of sport with the Methodists." He dived, +struck his head against a stone, and appeared no more. By such anecdotes +and by such beliefs a fever of enthusiasm was sustained. + +But with all its divisions and defects the movement was unquestionably +effecting a great moral revolution in England. It was essentially a +popular movement, exercising its deepest influence over the lower and +middle classes. Some of its leaders were men of real genius, but in +general the Methodist teacher had little sympathy with the more educated +of his fellow-countrymen. To an ordinarily cultivated mind there was +something extremely repulsive in his tears and groans and amorous +ejaculations, in the coarse and anthropomorphic familiarity and the +unwavering dogmatism with which he dealt with the most sacred subjects, +in the narrowness of his theory of life and his utter insensibility to +many of the influences that expand and embellish it, in the mingled +credulity and self-confidence with which he imagined that the whole +course of nature was altered for his convenience. But the very qualities +that impaired his influence in one sphere enhanced it in another. His +impassioned prayers and exhortations stirred the hearts of multitudes +whom a more decorous teaching had left absolutely callous. The +supernatural atmosphere of miracles, judgments, and inspirations in +which he moved, invested the most prosaic life with a halo of romance. +The doctrines he taught, the theory of life he enforced, proved +themselves capable of arousing in great masses of men an enthusiasm of +piety which was hardly surpassed in the first days of Christianity, of +eradicating inveterate vice, of fixing and directing impulsive and +tempestuous natures that were rapidly hastening toward the abyss. Out of +the profligate slave-dealer, John Newton, Methodism formed one of the +purest and most unselfish of saints. It taught criminals in Newgate to +mount the gallows in an ecstasy of rapturous devotion. It planted a +fervid and enduring religious sentiment in the midst of the most brutal +and most neglected portions of the population, and whatever may have +been its vices or its defects, it undoubtedly emancipated great numbers +from the fear of death, and imparted a warmer tone to the devotion and a +greater energy to the philanthropy of every denomination both in England +and the colonies. + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + + +1. Social Unrest + +The term collective behavior, which has been used elsewhere to include +all the facts of group life, has been limited for the purposes of this +chapter to those phenomena which exhibit in the most obvious and +elementary way the processes by which societies are disintegrated into +their constituent elements and the processes by which these elements are +brought together again into new relations to form new organizations and +new societies. + +Some years ago John Graham Brooks wrote a popular treatise on the labor +situation in the United States. He called the volume _Social Unrest_. +The term was, even at that time, a familiar one. Since then the word +unrest, in both its substantive and adjective forms, has gained wide +usage. We speak in reference to the notorious disposition of the native +American to move from one part of the country to another, of his +restless blood, as if restlessness was a native American trait +transmitted in the blood. We speak more often of the "restless age," as +if mobility and the desire for novelty and new experience were +peculiarly characteristic of the twentieth century. We use the word to +describe conditions in different regions of social life in such +expressions as "political," "religious," and "labor" unrest, and in +every case the word is used in a sense that indicates change, but change +that menaces the existing order. Finally, we speak of the "restless +woman," as of a peculiar modern type, characteristic of the changed +status of women in general in the modern world. In all these different +uses we may observe the gradual unfolding of the concept which seems to +have been implicit in the word as it was first used. It is the concept +of an activity in response to some urgent organic impulse which the +activity, however, does not satisfy. It is a diagnostic symptom, a +symptom of what Graham Wallas calls "balked disposition." It is a sign +that in the existing situation some one or more of the four +wishes--security, new experience, recognition, and response--has not +been and is not adequately realized. The fact that the symptom is +social, that it is contagious, is an indication that the situations that +provoke it are social, that is to say, general in the community or the +group where the unrest manifests itself. [313] The materials in which +the term unrest is used in the sense indicated are in the popular +discussions of social questions. The term is not defined but it is +frequently used in connection with descriptions of conditions which are +evidently responsible for it. Labor strikes are evidences of social +unrest, and the literature already referred to in the chapter on +"Conflict"[1] shows the conditions under which unrest arises, is +provoked and exploited in labor situations. The relation of unrest to +routine and fatigue has been the subject of a good deal of discussion +and some investigation. The popular conception is that labor unrest is +due to the dull driving routine of machine industry. The matter needs +further study. The actual mental experiences of the different sexes, +ages, temperamental and mental types under the influence of routine +would add a much needed body of fact to our present psychology of the +worker. + +2. Psychic Epidemics + +If social unrest is a symptom of disorganization, then the psychic +epidemics, in which all the phenomena of social unrest and contagion are +intensified, is evidence positive that disorganization exists. Social +disorganization must be considered in relation to reorganization. All +change involves a certain amount of disorganization. In order that an +individual may make new adjustments and establish new habits it is +inevitable that old habits should be broken up, and in order that +society may reform an existing social order a certain amount of +disorganization is inevitable. Social unrest may be, therefore, a +symptom of health. It is only when the process of disorganization goes +on so rapidly and to such an extent that the whole existing social +structure is impaired, and society is, for that reason, not able to +readjust itself, that unrest is to be regarded as a pathological +symptom. + +There is reason to believe, contrary to the popular conception, that the +immigrant in America, particularly in the urban environment, +accommodates himself too quickly rather than too slowly to American +life. Statistics show, particularly in the second generation, a notable +increase in juvenile delinquency, and this seems to be due to the fact +that in America the relation between parents and children is reversed. +Owing to the children's better knowledge of English and their more rapid +accommodation to the conditions of American life, parents become +dependent upon their children rather than the children dependent upon +their parents. + +Social epidemics, however, are evidence of a social disintegration due +to more fundamental and widespread disorders. The literature has +recorded the facts but writers have usually interpreted the phenomena in +medical rather than sociological terms. Stoll, in his very interesting +but rather miscellaneous collection of materials upon primitive life, +disposes of the phenomena by giving them another name. His volume is +entitled _Suggestion and Hypnotism in Folk Psychology_.[314] Friedmann, +in his monograph, _Ueber Wahnideen im Voelkerleben_, is disposed as a +psychiatrist to treat the whole matter as a form of "social" insanity. + + +3. Mass Movements + +In spite of the abundance of materials on the subject of mass movements +no attempt has been made as yet to collect and classify them. There have +been a number of interesting books in the field of collective +psychology, so called mainly by French and Italian writers--Sighele, +Rossi, Tarde, and Le Bon--but they are not based on a systematic study +of cases. The general assumption has been that the facts are so obvious +that any attempt to study systematically the mechanisms involved would +amount to little more than academic elaboration of what is already +obvious, a restatement in more abstract terms of what is already +familiar. + +On the other hand, shepherds and cowboys, out of their experience in +handling cattle and sheep, have learned that the flock and the herd have +quite peculiar and characteristic modes of collective behavior which it +is necessary to know if one is to handle them successfully. At the same +time, practical politicians who make a profession of herding voters, +getting them out to the polls at the times they are needed and +determining for them, by the familiar campaign devices, the persons and +the issues for which they are to cast their ballots, have worked out +very definite methods for dealing with masses of people, so that they +are able to predict the outcome with considerable accuracy far in +advance of an election and make their dispositions accordingly. + +Political manipulation of the movements and tendencies of popular +opinion has now reached a point of perfection where it can and will be +studied systematically. During the world-war it was studied, and all the +knowledge which advertisers, newspaper men, and psychologists possessed +was used to win the war. + +Propaganda is now recognized as part of the grand strategy of war. Not +only political and diplomatic victories, but battles were won during the +world-war by the aid of this insidious weapon. The great victory of the +Austrian and German armies at Caporetto which in a few days wiped out +all the hard-won successes of the Italian armies was prepared by a +psychic attack on the morale of the troops at the front and a defeatist +campaign among the Italian population back of the lines. + + In the battle of Caporetto the morale of the troops at the + front was undermined by sending postal cards and letters to + individual soldiers stating that their wives were in illicit + relations with officers and soldiers of the allies. Copies of + Roman and Milanese newspapers were forged and absolute + facsimiles of familiar journals were secretly distributed or + dropped from Austrian aeroplanes over the Italian lines. These + papers contained sensational articles telling the Italians that + Austria was in revolt, that Emperor Charles had been killed. + Accompanying these were other articles describing bread riots + throughout Italy and stating that the Italian government, + unable to quell them with its own forces, had sent British and + French re-enforcing troops and even Zulus into the cities, and + that these troops were shooting down women and children and + priests without mercy. + + This attack upon the morale of the troops was followed by an + unforeseen assault upon a quiet sector, which succeeded in + piercing the line at numerous points. In the confusion that + followed the whole structure of the defense crumbled, and the + result was disastrous. + +When the final history of the world-war comes to be written, one of its +most interesting chapters will be a description of the methods and +devices which were used by the armies on both sides to destroy the will +to war in the troops and among the peoples behind the lines. If the +application of modern science to war has multiplied the engines of +destruction, the increase of communication and the interpenetration of +peoples has given war among civilized peoples the character of an +internal and internecine struggle. Under these circumstances propaganda, +in the sense of an insidious exploitation of the sources of dissension +and unrest, may as completely change the character of wars of peoples as +they were once changed by the invention of gunpowder. + +In this field there is room for investigation and study, for almost all +attempts thus far made to put advertising on a scientific basis have +been made by students of individual rather than social psychology. + + +4. Revivals, Religious and Linguistic + +For something more than a hundred years Europe has experienced a series +of linguistic and literary revivals, that is to say revivals of the folk +languages and the folk cultures. The folk languages are the speech of +peoples who have been conquered but not yet culturally absorbed by the +dominant language group. They are mostly isolated rural populations who +have remained to a large extent outside of the cosmopolitan cultures of +the cities. These people while not wholly illiterate have never had +enough education in the language of the dominant peoples of the cities +to enable them to use this alien speech as a medium of education. The +consequence is that, except for a relatively small group of +intellectuals, they have been cut off from the main current of European +life and culture. These linguistic revivals have not been confined to +any one nation, since every nation in Europe turns out upon analysis to +be a mosaic of minor nationalities and smaller cultural enclaves in +which the languages of little and forgotten peoples have been preserved. +Linguistic revivals have, in fact, been well-nigh universal. They have +taken place in France, Spain, Norway, Denmark, in most of the Balkan +States, including Albania, the most isolated of them all, and in all the +smaller nationalities along the Slavic-German border--Finland, Esthonia, +Letvia, Lithuania, Poland, Bohemia, Slovakia, Roumania, and the Ukraine. +Finally, among the Jews of Eastern Europe, there has been the Haskala +Movement, as the Jews of Eastern Europe call their period of +enlightenment, a movement that has quite unintentionally made the +Judeo-German dialect (Yiddish) a literary language. + + At first blush, it seems strange that the revivals of the folk + speech should have come at a time when the locomotive and the + telegraph were extending commerce and communication to the + uttermost limits of the earth, when all barriers were breaking + down, and the steady expansion of cosmopolitan life and the + organization of the Great Society, as Graham Wallas has called + it, seemed destined to banish all the minor languages, + dialects, and obsolescent forms of speech, the last props of an + international provincialism, to the limbo of forgotten things. + The competition of the world-languages was already keen; all + the little and forgotten peoples of Europe--the Finns, Letts, + Ukrainians, Russo-Carpathians, Slovaks, Slovenians, Croatians, + the Catalonians of eastern Spain, whose language, by the way, + dates back to a period before the Roman Conquest, the Czechs, + and the Poles--began to set up presses and establish schools to + revive and perpetuate their several racial languages. + + To those who, at this time, were looking forward to + world-organization and a universal peace through the medium of + a universal language, all this agitation had the appearance of + an anachronism, not to say a heresy. It seemed a deliberate + attempt to set up barriers, where progress demanded that they + should be torn down. The success of such a movement, it seemed, + must be to bring about a more complete isolation of the + peoples, to imprison them, so to speak, in their own languages, + and so cut them off from the general culture of Europe.[315] + +The actual effect has been different from what was expected. It is +difficult, and for the masses of the people impossible, to learn through +the medium of a language that they do not speak. The results of the +efforts to cultivate Swedish and Russian in Finland, Polish and Russian +in Lithuania, Magyar in Slovakia and at the same time to prohibit the +publication of books and newspapers in the mother-tongue of the country +has been, in the first place, to create an artificial illiteracy and, in +the second, to create in the minds of native peoples a sense of social +and intellectual inferiority to the alien and dominant race. + +The effect of the literary revival of the spoken language, however, has +been to create, in spite of the efforts to suppress it, a vernacular +press which opened the gates of western culture to great masses of +people for whom it did not previously exist. The result has been a great +cultural awakening, a genuine renaissance, which has had profound +reverberations on the political and social life of Europe. + + The literary revival of the folk speech in Europe has + invariably been a prelude to the revival of the national spirit + in subject peoples. The sentiment of nationality has its roots + in memories that attach to the common possessions of the + people, the land, the religion, and the language, but + particularly the language. + + Bohemian patriots have a saying, "As long as the language + lives, the nation is not dead." In an address in 1904 Jorgen + Levland, who was afterward Premier of Norway, in a plea for + "freedom with self-government, home, land, and our own + language," made this statement: "Political freedom is not the + deepest and greatest. Greater is it for a nation to preserve + her intellectual inheritance in her native tongue." + + The revival of the national consciousness in the subject + peoples has invariably been connected with the struggle to + maintain a press in the native language. The reason is that it + was through the medium of the national press that the literary + and linguistic revivals took place. Conversely, the efforts to + suppress the rising national consciousness took the form of an + effort to censor or suppress the national press. There were + nowhere attempts to suppress the spoken language as such. On + the other hand, it was only as the spoken language succeeded in + becoming a medium of literary expression that it was possible + to preserve it under modern conditions and maintain in this way + the national solidarity. When the Lithuanians, for example, + were condemned to get their education and their culture through + the medium of a language not their own, the effect was to + denationalize the literate class and to make its members aliens + to their own people. If there was no national press, there + could be no national schools, and, indeed, no national church. + It was for this reason that the struggle to maintain the + national language and the national culture has always been a + struggle to maintain a national press. + + European nationalists, seeking to revive among their peoples + the national consciousness, have invariably sought to restore + the national speech, to purge it of foreign idioms, and + emphasize every mark which serves to distinguish it from the + languages with which it tended to fuse.[316] + +Investigation of these linguistic revivals and the nationalist movement +that has grown out of them indicates that there is a very intimate +relation between nationalist and religious movements. Both of them are +fundamentally cultural movements with incidental political consequences. +The movement which resulted in the reorganization of rural life in +Denmark, the movement that found expression in so unique an institution +as the rural high schools of Denmark, was begun by Bishop Grundtvig, +called the Luther of Denmark, and was at once a religious and a +nationalist movement. The rural high schools are for this reason not +like anything in the way of education with which people outside of +Denmark are familiar. They are not technical schools but cultural +institutions in the narrowest, or broadest, sense of that term.[317] The +teaching is "scientific," but at the same time "inspirational." They +are what a Sunday school might be if it were not held on Sunday and was +organized as Mr. H. G. Wells would organize it and with such a bible as +he would like to have someone write for us.[318] + +The popular accounts which we have of religious revivals do not at first +suggest any very definite relations, either psychological or +sociological, between them and the literary revivals to which reference +has just been made. Religious revivals, particularly as described by +dispassionate observers, have the appearance of something bizarre, +fantastic, and wild, as indeed they often are. + +What must strike the thoughtful observer, however, is the marked +similarity of these collective religious excitements, whether among +civilized or savage peoples and at places and periods remote in time and +in space. Frederick Morgan Davenport, who has collected and compared the +materials in this field from contemporary sources, calls attention in +the title of his volume, _Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals_, to +this fundamental similarity of the phenomena. Whatever else the word +"primitive" may mean in this connection it does mean that the phenomena +of religious revivals are fundamentally human. + +From the frantic and disheveled dances of the Bacchantes, following a +wine cart through an ancient Greek village, to the shouts and groans of +the mourners' bench of an old-time Methodist camp-meeting, religious +excitement has always stirred human nature more profoundly than any +other emotion except that of passionate love. + +In the volume by Jean Pelissier, _The Chief Makers of the National +Lithuanian Renaissance_ (_Les Principaux artisans de la renaissance +nationale lituanienne_), there is a paragraph describing the conversion +of a certain Dr. Kudirka, a Lithuanian patriot, to the cause of +Lithuanian nationality. It reads like a chapter from William James's +_The Varieties of Religious Experience_.[319] + +It is materials like this that indicate how close and intimate are the +relations between cultural movements, whether religious or literary and +national, at least in their formal expression. The question that remains +to be answered is: In what ways do they differ? + + +5. Fashion, Reform and Revolution + +A great deal has been written in recent times in regard to fashion. It +has been studied, for example, as an economic phenomenon. Sombart has +written a suggestive little monograph on the subject. It is in the +interest of machine industry that fashions should be standardized over a +wide area, and it is the function of advertising to achieve this result. +It is also of interest to commerce that fashions should change and this +also is largely, but not wholly, a matter of advertising. Tarde +distinguishes between custom and fashion as the two forms in which all +cultural traits are transmitted. "In periods when custom is in the +ascendant, men are more infatuated about their country than about their +time; for it is the past which is pre-eminently praised. In ages when +fashion rules, men are prouder, on the contrary, of their time than of +their country."[320] + +The most acute analysis that has been made of fashion is contained in +the observation of Sumner in _Folkways_. Sumner pointed out that fashion +though differing from, is intimately related to, the mores. Fashion +fixes the attention of the community at a given time and place and by so +doing determines what is sometimes called the Spirit of the Age, the +_Zeitgeist_. By the introduction of new fashions the leaders of society +gain that distinction in the community by which they are able to +maintain their prestige and so maintain their position as leaders. But +in doing this, they too are influenced by the fashions which they +introduce. Eventually changes in fashion affect the mores.[321] + +Fashion is related to reform and to revolution, because it is one of the +fundamental ways in which social changes take place and because, like +reform and revolution, it also is related to the mores. + +Fashion is distinguished from reform by the fact that the changes it +introduces are wholly irrational if not at the same time wholly +unpredictable. Reform, on the other hand, is nothing if not rational. It +achieves its ends by agitation and discussion. Attempts have been made +to introduce fashions by agitation, but they have not succeeded. On the +other hand, reform is itself a fashion and has largely absorbed in +recent years the interest that was formerly bestowed on party politics. + +There has been a great deal written about reforms but almost nothing +about _reform_. It is a definite type of collective behavior which has +come into existence and gained popularity under conditions of modern +life. The reformer and the agitator, likewise, are definite, +temperamental, and social types. Reform tends under modern conditions to +become a vocation and a profession like that of the politician. The +profession of the reformer, however, is social, as distinguished from +party politics. + +Reform is not revolution. It does not seek to change the mores but +rather to change conditions in conformity with the mores. There have +been revolutionary reformers. Joseph II of Austria and Peter the Great +of Russia were reformers of that type. But revolutionary reforms have +usually failed. They failed lamentably in the case of Joseph II and +produced many very dubious results under Peter. + +A revolution is a mass movement which seeks to change the mores by +destroying the existing social order. Great and silent revolutionary +changes have frequently taken place in modern times, but as these +changes were not recognized at the time and were not directly sought by +any party they are not usually called revolutions. They might properly +be called "historical revolutions," since they are not recognized as +revolutions until they are history. + +There is probably a definite revolutionary process but it has not been +defined. Le Bon's book on the _Psychology of Revolution_, which is the +sequel to his study of _The Crowd_, is, to be sure, an attempt, but the +best that one can say of it is that it is suggestive. Many attempts have +been made to describe the processes of revolution as part of the whole +historical process. This literature will be considered in the chapter on +"Progress." + + +SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY + +I. DISORGANIZATION, SOCIAL UNREST, AND PSYCHIC EPIDEMICS + + +A. _Social Disorganization_ + +(1) Cooley, Charles H. _Social Organization._ Chap. xxx, "Formalism and +Disorganization," pp. 342-55; chap. xxxi, "Disorganization: the Family," +pp. 356-71; chap. xxxii, "Disorganization: the Church," pp. 372-82; +chap. xxxiii, "Disorganization: Other Traditions," pp. 383-92. New York, +1909. + +(2) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, Florian. _The Polish Peasant in Europe +and America._ Monograph of an immigrant group. Vol. IV, "Disorganization +and Reorganization in Poland," Boston, 1920. + +(3) ----. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and America._ Vol. V, +"Organization and Disorganization in America," Part II, "Disorganization +of the Immigrant," pp. 165-345. Boston, 1920. + +(4) Friedlaender, L. _Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire._ +Authorized translation by L. A. Magnus from the 7th rev. ed. of the +Sittengeschichte Roms. 4 vols. London, 1908-13. + +(5) Lane-Poole, S. _The Mohammedan Dynasties._ Charts showing "Growth of +the Ottoman Empire" and "Decline of the Ottoman Empire," pp. 190-91. +London, 1894. + +(6) Taine, H. _The Ancient Regime._ Translated from the French by John +Durand. New York, 1896. + +(7) Wells, H. G. _Russia in the Shadows._ New York, 1921. + +(8) Patrick, George T. W. _The Psychology of Social Reconstruction._ +Chap. vi, "Our Centripetal Society," pp. 174-98. Boston, 1920. + +(9) Ferrero, Guglielmo. "The Crisis of Western Civilization," _Atlantic +Monthly_, CXXV (1920), 700-712. + + +B. _Social Unrest_ + +(1) Brooks, John Graham. _The Social Unrest._ Studies in labor and +socialist movements. London, 1903. + +(2) Fuller, Bampfylde. _Life and Human Nature._ Chap. ii, "Change," pp. +24-45. London, 1914. + +(3) Wallas, Graham. _The Great Society._ A psychological analysis. Chap. +iv, "Disposition and Environment," pp. 57-68. New York, 1914. [Defines +"the baulked disposition," see also pp. 172-74.] + +(4) Healy, William. _The Individual Delinquent._ A textbook of diagnosis +and prognosis for all concerned in understanding offenders. "Hypomania, +Constitutional Excitement," pp. 609-13. Boston, 1915. + +(5) Janet, Pierre. _The Major Symptoms of Hysteria._ Fifteen lectures +given in the medical school of Harvard University. New York, 1907. + +(6) Barr, Martin W., and Maloney, E. F. _Types of Mental Defectives._ +"Idiot Savant," pp. 128-35. Philadelphia, 1920. + +(7) Thomas, Edward. _Industry, Emotion and Unrest._ New York, 1920. + +(8) Parker, Carleton H. _The Casual Laborer and Other Essays._ Chap. i, +"Toward Understanding Labor Unrest," pp. 27-59. New York, 1920. + +(9) _The Cause of World Unrest._ With an introduction by the editor of +_The Morning Post_ (of London). New York, 1920. + +(10) Ferrero, Guglielmo. _Ancient Rome and Modern America._ A +comparative study of morals and manners. New York, 1914. + +(11) Veblen, Thorstein. "The Instinct of Workmanship and the Irksomeness +of Labor," _American Journal of Sociology_, IV (1898-99), 187-201. + +(12) Lippmann, Walter. "Unrest," _New Republic_, XX (1919), 315-22. + +(13) Tannenbaum, Frank. _The Labor Movement._ Its conservative functions +and social consequences. New York, 1921. + +(14) Baker, Ray Stannard. _The New Industrial Unrest._ Its reason and +remedy. New York, 1920. + +(15) MacCurdy, J. T. "Psychological Aspects of the Present Unrest," +_Survey_, XLIII (1919-20), 665-68. + +(16) Myers, Charles S. _Mind and Work._ The psychological factors in +industry and commerce. Chap. vi, "Industrial Unrest," pp. 137-69. New +York, 1921. + +(17) Adler, H. M. "Unemployment and Personality--a Study of Psychopathic +Cases," _Mental Hygiene_, I (1917), 16-24. + +(18) Chirol, Valentine. _Indian Unrest._ A reprint, revised and enlarged +from _The Times_, with an introduction by Sir Alfred Lyall. London, +1910. + +(19) Muensterberg, Hugo. _Social Studies of Today._ Chap. ii, "The +Educational Unrest," pp. 25-57. London, 1913. + +(20) ----. _American Problems._ From the point of view of a +psychologist. Chap. v, "The Intemperance of Women," pp. 103-13. New +York, 1912. + +(21) Corelli, Marie. "The Great Unrest," _World Today_, XXI (1912), +1954-59. + +(22) Ferrero, Guglielmo. _The Women of the Caesars._ New York, 1911. + +(23) Myerson, Abraham. The Nervous Housewife. Boston, 1920. + +(24) Mensch, Ella. _Bilderstuermer in der Berliner Frauenbewegung._ 2d +ed. Berlin, 1906. + + +C. _Psychic Epidemics_ + +(1) Hecker, J. F. C. _The Black Death and the Dancing Mania._ Translated +from the German by B. G. Babington. Cassell's National Library. New +York, 1888. + +(2) Stoll, Otto. _Suggestion und Hypnotismus in der Voelkerpsychologie._ +2d ed. Leipzig, 1904. + +(3) Friedmann, Max. _Ueber Wahnideen im Voelkerleben._ Wiesbaden, 1901. + +(4) Regnard, P. _Les maladies epidemiques de l'esprit._ Sorcellerie, +magnetisme, morphinisme, delire des grandeurs. Paris, 1886. + +(5) Meyer, J. L. _Schwaermerische Greuelscenen oder Kreuzigungsgeschichte +einer religioesen Schwaermerinn in Wildensbuch, Canton Zuerich._ Ein +merkwuerdiger Beytrag zur Geschichte des religioesen Fanatismus. 2d ed. +Zuerich, 1824. + +(6) Gowen, B. S. "Some Aspects of Pestilences and Other Epidemics," +_American Journal of Psychology_, XVIII (1907), 1-60. + +(7) Weygandt, W. _Beitrag zur Lehre von den psychischen Epidemien._ +Halle, 1905. + +(8) _Histoire des diables de Loudun._ Ou de la possession des +Religieuses Ursulines et de la condamnation et du supplice d'Urbain +Grandier, cure de la meme ville, cruels effets de la vengeance du +Cardinal de Richelieu. Amsterdam, 1740. + +(9) Finsler, G. "Die religioese Erweckung der zehner und zwanziger Jahre +unseres Jahrhunderts in der deutschen Schweiz," _Zuericher Taschenbuch +auf das Jahr 1890._ Zuerich, 1890. + +(10) Fauriel, M. C. _Histoire de la croisade centre les heretiques +Albigeois._ Ecrite en vers provencaux par un poete contemporain. (Aiso +es la consos de la crozada contr els ereges Dalbeges.) Paris, 1837. + +(11) Mosiman, Eddison. _Das Zungenreden, geschichtlich und psychologisch +untersucht._ Tuebingen, 1911. [Bibliography.] + +(12) Vigouroux, A., and Juquelier, P. _La contagion mentale._ Paris, +1905. + +(13) Kotik, Dr. Naum. "Die Emanation der psychophysischen Energie," +_Grenzfragen des Nerven- und Seelenlebens._ Wiesbaden, 1908. + +(14) Aubry, P. "De l'influence contagieuse de la publicite des faits +criminels," _Archives d'anthropologie criminelle_, VIII (1893), 565-80. + +(15) Achelis, T. _Die Ekstase in ihrer kulturetten Bedeutung._ +Kulturprobleme der Gegenwart. Berlin, 1902. + +(16) Cadiere, L. "Sur quelques Faits religieux ou magiques, observes +pendant une epidemie de cholera en Annam," _Anthropos_, V (1910), +519-28, 1125-59. + +(17) Hansen, J. _Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter +und die Entstehung der grossen Hexenverfolgung._ Muenchen, 1900. + +(18) Hansen, J. _Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des +Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter._ Bonn, 1901. + +(19) Rossi, P. _Psicologia collettiva morbosa._ Torino, 1901. + +(20) Despine, Prosper. _De la Contagion morale._ Paris, 1870. + +(21) Moreau de Tours. _De la Contagion du suicide a propos de l'epidemie +actuelle._ Paris, 1875. + +(22) Aubry, P. _La Contagion du meutre._ Etude d'anthropologie +criminelle. 3d ed. Paris, 1896. + +(23) Rambosson, J. _Phenomenes nerveux, intellectuels et moraux, leur +transmission par contagion._ Paris, 1883. + +(24) Dumas, Georges. "Contagion mentale, epidemies mentales, folies +collectives, folies gregaires," _Revue philosophique_, LXXI (1911), +225-44, 384-407. + + +II. MUSIC, DANCE, AND RITUAL + +(1) Wallaschek, Richard. _Primitive Music._ An inquiry into the origin +and development of music, songs, instruments, dances, and pantomimes of +savage races. London, 1893. + +(2) Combarieu, J. _La Musique et le magic._ Etude sur les origines +populaires de l'art musical; son influence et sa fonction dans les +societes. Paris, 1908. + +(3) Simmel, Georg. "Psychologische und ethnologische Studien ueber +Musik," _Zeitschrift fuer Voelkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft_, XIII +(1882), 261-305. + +(4) Boas, F. "Chinook Songs," _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, I (1888), +220-26. + +(5) Densmore, Frances. "The Music of the Filipinos," _American +Anthropologist_, N.S., VIII (1906), 611-32. + +(6) Fletcher, Alice C. _Indian Story and Song from North America._ +Boston, 1906. + +(7) ----. "Indian Songs and Music," _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, XI +(1898), 85-104. + +(8) Grinnell, G. B. "Notes on Cheyenne Songs," _American +Anthropologist_, N.S., V (1903), 312-22. + +(9) Mathews, W. "Navaho Gambling Songs," _American Anthropologist_, II +(1889), 1-20. + +(10) Hearn, Lafcadio. "Three Popular Ballads," _Transactions of the +Asiatic Society of Japan_, XXII (1894), 285-336. + +(11) Ellis, Havelock. "The Philosophy of Dancing," _Atlantic Monthly_, +CXIII (1914), 197-207. + +(12) Hirn, Yrjoe. _The Origins of Art._ A psychological and sociological +inquiry. Chap. xvii, "Erotic Art," pp. 238-48. London, 1900. + +(13) Pater, Walter. _Greek Studies._ A series of essays. London, 1911. + +(14) Grosse, Ernst. _The Beginnings of Art._ Chap. viii, "The Dance," +pp. 207-31. New York, 1898. + +(15) Buecher, Karl. _Arbeit und Rhythmus._ 3d ed. Leipzig, 1902. + +(16) Lherisson, E. "La Danse du vaudou," _Semaine medicale_, XIX (1899), +xxiv. + +(17) Reed, V. Z. "The Ute Bear Dance," _American Anthropologist_, IX +(1896) 237-44. + +(18) Gummere, F. B. _The Beginnings of Poetry._ New York, 1901. + +(19) Fawkes, J. W. "The Growth of the Hopi Ritual," _Journal of American +Folk-Lore_, XI (1898), 173-94. + +(20) Cabrol, F. _Les origines liturgiques._ Paris, 1906. + +(21) Gennep, A. van. _Les Rites de passage._ Paris, 1909. + +(22) Pitre, Giuseppe. _Feste patronali in Sicilia._ Palermo, 1900. + +(23) Murray, W. A. "Organizations of Witches in Great Britain," +_Folk-Lore_, XXVIII (1917), 228-58. + +(24) Taylor, Thomas. _The Eleusinian and Bacchic Mysteries._ New York, +1891. + +(25) Tippenhauer, L. G. _Die Insel Haiti._ Leipzig, 1893. [Describes the +Voudou Ritual.] + +(26) Wuensch, R. _Das Fruehlingsfest der Insel Malta._ Ein Beitrag zur +Geschichte der antiken Religion. Leipzig, 1902. + +(27) Loisy, Alfred. _Les mysteres paiens et le mystere chretien._ Paris, +1919. + +(28) Lummis, Charles F. _The Land of Poco Tiempo._ Chap. iv, "The +Penitent Brothers," pp. 77-108. New York, 1893. + +(29) "Los Hermanos Penitentes," _El Palacio_, VIII (1920), 3-20, 73-74. + + +III. THE CROWD AND THE PUBLIC + +A. _The Crowd_ + +(1) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Crowd._ A study of the popular mind. London, +1920. + +(2) Tarde, G. _L'Opinion et la foule._ Paris, 1901. + +(3) Sighele, S. _Psychologie des Aulaufs und der Massenverbrechen._ +Translated from the Italian by Hans Kurella. Leipzig, 1897. + +(4) ----. _La foule criminelle._ Essai de psychologie collective. 2d +ed., entierement refondue. Paris, 1901. + +(5) Tarde, Gabriel. "Foules et sectes au point de vue criminel," _Revue +des deux mondes_, CXX (1893), 349-87. + +(6) Miceli, V. "La Psicologia della folla," _Rivista italiana di +sociologia_, III (1899), 166-95. + +(7) Conway, M. _The Crowd in Peace and War._ New York, 1915. + +(8) Martin, E. D. _The Behavior of Crowds._ New York, 1920. + +(9) Christensen, A. _Politics and Crowd-Morality._ New York, 1915. + +(10) Park, R. E. _Masse und Publikum._ Bern, 1904. + +(11) Clark, H. "The Crowd." "University of Illinois Studies." +_Psychological Monograph_, No. 92, XXI (1916), 26-36. + +(12) Tawney, G. A. "The Nature of Crowds," _Psychological Bulletin_, II +(1905), 329-33. + +(13) Rossi, P. _Le suggesteur et la foule, psychologie du meneur._ +Paris, 1904. + +(14) ----. _I suggestionatori e la folla._ Torino, 1902. + +(15) ----. "Dell'Attenzione collettiva e sociale," _Manicomio_, XXI +(1905), 248 ff. + + +B. _Political Psychology_ + +(1) Beecher, Franklin A. "National Politics in Its Psychological +Aspect," _Open Court_, XXXIII (1919), 653-61. + +(2) Boutmy, Emile. _The English People._ A study of their political +psychology. London, 1904. + +(3) Palanti, G. "L'Esprit de corps. (Remarques sociologiques.)" _Revue +philosophique_, XLVIII (1899), 135-45. + +(4) Gardner, Chas. S. "Assemblies," _American Journal of Sociology_, XIX +(1914), 531-55. + +(5) Bentham, Jeremy. _Essay on Political Tactics._ Containing six of the +principal rules proper to be observed by a political assembly, in the +process of forming a decision: with the reasons on which they are +grounded; and a comparative application of them to British and French +practice. London, 1791. + +(6) Toennies, Ferdinand. "Die grosse Menge und das Volk," _Schmollers +Jahrbuch_, XLIV (1920), 317-45. [Criticism of Le Bon's conception of the +crowd.] + +(7) Botsford, George W. _The Roman Assemblies._ From their origin to the +end of the Republic. New York, 1909. + +(8) Crothers, T. D. "A Medical Study of the Jury System," _Popular +Science Monthly_, XLVII (1895), 375-82. + +(9) Coleman, Charles T. "Origin and Development of Trial by Jury," +_Virginia Law Review_, VI (1919-20), 77-86. + + +C. _Collective Psychology in General_ + +(1) Rossi, P. _Sociologia e psicologia collettiva._ 2d ed. Roma, 1909. + +(2) Stratico, A. _La Psicologia collettiva._ Palermo, 1905. + +(3) Worms, Rene. "Psychologie collective et psychologie individuelle," +_Revue international de sociologie_, VII (1899), 249-74. + +(4) Broenner, W. "Zur Theorie der kollektiv-psychischen Erscheinungen," +_Zeitschrift fuer Philosophie und philosophische Kritik_, CXLI (1911), +1-40. + +(5) Newell, W. W. "Individual and Collective Characteristics in +Folk-Lore," _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, XIX (1906), 1-15. + +(6) Campeano, M. _Essai de psychologie militaire individuelle et +collective._ Avec une preface de M. Th. Ribot. Paris, 1902. + +(7) Hartenberg, P. "Les emotions de Bourse. (Notes de psychologie +collective)." _Revue philosophique_, LVIII (1904), 163-70. + +(8) Scalinger, G. M. _La Psicologia a teatro._ Napoli, 1896. + +(9) Burckhard, M. "Das Theater." Die Gesellschaft. _Sammlung +Sozial-Psychologische Monographien_, 18. Frankfurt-am-Main, 1907. + +(10) Woolbert, C. H. "The Audience." "University of Illinois Studies." +_Psychological Monograph_, No. 92, XXI (1916), 36-54. + +(11) Howard, G. E. "Social Psychology of the Spectator," _American +Journal of Sociology_, XVIII (1912), 33-50. + +(12) Peterson, J. "The Functioning of Ideas in Social Groups," +_Psychological Review_, XXV (1918), 214-26. + + +IV. MASS MOVEMENTS + +(1) Bryce, James. "Migrations of the Races of Men Considered +Historically," _Contemporary Review_, LXII (1892), 128-49. + +(2) Mason, Otis T. "Migration and the Food Quest: A Study in the +Peopling of America," _American Anthropologist_, VII (1894), 275-92. + +(3) Pflugk-Harttung, Julius von. _The Great Migrations._ Translated from +the German by John Henry Wright. Philadelphia, 1905. + +(4) Bradley, Henry. _The Story of the Goths._ From the earliest times to +the end of the Gothic dominion in Spain. New York, 1888. + +(5) Jordanes. _The Origin and Deeds of the Goths._ English version by +Charles C. Mierow. Princeton, 1908. + +(6) Archer, T. A., and Kingsford, C. L. _The Crusades._ New York, 1894. + +(7) Ireland, W. W. "On the Psychology of the Crusades," _Journal of +Mental Science_, LII (1906), 745-55; LIII (1907), 322-41. + +(8) Groves, E. R. "Psychic Causes of Rural Migration," _American Journal +of Sociology_, XXI (1916), 623-27. + +(9) Woodson, Carter G. _A Century of Negro Migrations._ Washington, +1918. [Bibliography.] + +(10) Fleming, Walter L. "'Pap' Singleton, the Moses of the Colored +Exodus," _American Journal of Sociology_, XV (1909-10), 61-82. + +(11) Bancroft, H. H. _History of California._ Vol. VI, 1848-59. Chaps. +ii-ix, pp. 26-163. San Francisco, 1888. [The discovery of gold in +California.] + +(12) Down, T. C. "The Rush to the Klondike," _Cornhill Magazine_, IV +(1898), 33-43. + +(13) Ziegler, T. _Die geistigen und socialen Stroemungen des neunzehnten +Jahrhunderts._ Berlin, 1899. + +(14) Zeeb, Frieda B. "Mobility of the German Woman," _American Journal +of Sociology_, XXI (1915-16), 234-62. + +(15) Anthony, Katharine S. _Feminism in Germany and Scandinavia._ New +York, 1915. [Bibliography.] + +(16) Croly, Jane (Mrs.). _The History of the Woman's Club Movement in +America._ New York, 1898. + +(17) Taft, Jessie. _The Woman Movement from the Point of View of Social +Consciousness._ Chicago, 1916. + +(18) Harnack, Adolf. _The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the +First Three Centuries._ Translated from the 2d rev. German ed. by James +Moffatt. New York, 1908. + +(19) Buck, S. J. _The Agrarian Crusade._ A chronicle of the farmer in +politics. New Haven, 1920. + +(20) _Labor Movement._ The last six volumes of _The Documentary History +of American Industrial Society_. Vols. V-VI, 1820-40, by John R. Commons +and Helen L. Sumner; Vols. VII-VIII, 1840-60, by John R. Commons; Vols. +IX-X, 1860-80, by John R. Commons and John B. Andrews. Cleveland, 1910. + +(21) Begbie, Harold. _The Life of General William Booth._ The Founder of +the Salvation Army. 2 vols. New York, 1920. + +(22) Wittenmyer, Annie (Mrs.). _History of the Women's Temperance +Crusade._ A complete official history of the wonderful uprising of the +Christian women of the United States against the liquor traffic which +culminated in the Gospel Temperance Movement. Introduction by Frances E. +Willard. Philadelphia, 1878. + +(23) Gordon, Ernest. _The Anti-alcohol Movement in Europe._ New York, +1913. + +(24) Cherrington, Ernest H. _The Evolution of Prohibition in the United +States of America._ A chronological history of the liquor problem and +the temperance reform in the United States from the earliest settlements +to the consummation of national prohibition. Westerville, Ohio, 1920. + +(25) Woods, Robert A. _English Social Movements._ New York, 1891. + +(26) Zimand, Savel. _Modern Social Movements._ Descriptive summaries and +bibliographies. New York, 1921. + + +V. REVIVALS, RELIGIOUS AND LINGUISTIC + + +A. _Religious Revivals and the Origin of Sects_ + +(1) Meader, John R. Article on "Religious Sects," _Encyclopedia +Americana_, XXIII, 355-61. [List of nearly 300 denominations and sects.] + +(2) Articles on "sects," _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, XI, +307-47. [The subject and author of the different articles are "Sects +(Buddhist)," T. W. Rhys Davids; "Sects (Chinese)," T. Richard; "Sects +(Christian)," W. T. Whitley; "Sects (Hindu)," W. Crooke; "Sects +(Jewish)," I. Abrahams; "Sects (Russian)," K. Grass and A. von +Stromberg; "Sects (Samaritan)," N. Schmidt; "Sects (Zoroastrian)," E. +Edwards. Bibliographies.] + +(3) United States Bureau of the Census. _Religious Bodies, 1906._ 2 +vols. Washington, 1910. + +(4) ----. _Religious Bodies, 1916._ 2 vols. Washington, 1919. + +(5) Davenport, Frederick M. _Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals._ A +study in mental and social evolution. New York, 1905. + +(6) Mooney, James. "The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of +1890." _14th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_ +(1892-93), 653-1136. + +(7) Stalker, James. Article on "Revivals of Religion," _Encyclopaedia of +Religion and Ethics_, X, 753-57. [Bibliography.] + +(8) Burns, J. _Revivals, Their Laws and Leaders._ London, 1909. + +(9) Tracy, J. _The Great Awakening._ A history of the revival of +religion in the time of Edwards and Whitefield. Boston, 1842. + +(10) Finney, C. G. _Autobiography._ London, 1892. + +(11) Hayes, Samuel P. "An Historical Study of the Edwardean Revivals," +_American Journal of Psychology_, XIII (1902), 550-74. + +(12) Maxon, C. H. _The Great Awakening in the Middle Colonies._ Chicago, +1920. [Bibliography.] + +(13) Gibson, William. _Year of Grace._ Edinburgh, 1860. [Irish revival, +1859.] + +(14) Moody, W. R. _The Life of Dwight L. Moody._ New York, 1900. + +(15) Bois, Henri. _Le Reveil au pays de Galles._ Paris, 1906. [Welsh +revival of 1904-6.] + +(16) ----. _Quelques reflexions sur la psychologie des reveils._ Paris, +1906. + +(17) Cartwright, Peter. _Autobiography of Peter Cartwright, the +Backwoods Preacher._ Cincinnati, 1859. + +(18) MacLean, J. P. "The Kentucky Revival and Its Influence on the Miami +Valley," _Ohio Archaeological and Historical Publications_, XII (1903), +242-86. [Bibliography.] + +(19) Cleveland, Catharine C. _The Great Revival in the West, 1797-1805._ +Chicago, 1916. [Bibliography.] + +(20) Rogers, James B. _The Cane Ridge Meeting-House._ To which is +appended the autobiography of B. W. Stone. Cincinnati, 1910. + +(21) Stchoukine, Ivan. _Le Suicide collectif dans le Raskol russe._ +Paris, 1903. + +(22) Bussell, F. W. _Religious Thought and Heresy in the Middle Ages._ +London, 1918. + +(23) Egli, Emil. _Die Zuericher Wiedertaeufer zur Reformationszeit._ +Zuerich, 1878. + +(24) Bax, Ernest Belfort. _Rise and Fall of the Anabaptists._ New York, +1903. + +(25) Schechter, S. _Documents of Jewish Sectaries._ 2 vols. Cambridge, +1910. + +(26) Graetz, H. _History of the Jews._ 6 vols. Philadelphia, 1891-98. + +(27) Jost, M. _Geschichte des Judenthums und seiner Sekten._ 3 vols. +Leipzig, 1857-59. + +(28) Farquhar, J. N. _Modern Religious Movements in India._ New York, +1915. + +(29) Selbie, W. B. _English Sects._ A history of non-conformity. Home +University Library. New York, 1912. + +(30) Barclay, Robert. _The Inner Life of the Religious Societies of the +Commonwealth._ London, 1876. [Bibliography.] + +(31) Jones, Rufus M. _Studies in Mystical Religion._ London, 1909. + +(32) Braithwaite, W. C. _Beginnings of Quakerism._ London, 1912. + +(33) Jones, Rufus M. _The Quakers in the American Colonies._ London, +1911. + +(34) Evans, F. W. _Shakers._ Compendium of the origin, history, +principles, rules and regulations, government, and doctrines of the +United Society of Believers in Christ's Second Appearing. With +biographies of Ann Lee, William Lee, James Whittaker, J. Hocknell, J. +Meacham, and Lucy Wright. New York, 1859. + +(35) Train, J. _The Buchanites from First to Last._ Edinburgh, 1846. + +(36) Miller, Edward. _The History and Doctrines of Irvingism._ Or of the +so-called Catholic and Apostolic Church. 2 vols. London, 1878. + +(37) Neatby, W. Blair. _A History of the Plymouth Brethren._ London, +1901. + +(38) Lockwood, George B. _The New Harmony Movement._ "The Rappites." +Chaps. ii-iv, pp. 7-42. [Bibliography.] + +(39) James, B. B. _The Labadist Colony of Maryland._ Baltimore, 1899. + +(40) Dixon, W. H. _Spiritual Wives._ 2 vols. London, 1868. + +(41) Randall, E. O. _History of the Zoar Society from Its Commencement +to Its Conclusion._ Columbus, 1899. + +(42) Loughborough, J. N. _The Great Second Advent Movement._ Its rise +and progress. Nashville, Tenn., 1905. [Adventists.] + +(43) Harlan, Rolvix. _John Alexander Dowie and the Christian Catholic +Apostolic Church in Zion._ Evansville, Wis., 1906. + +(44) Smith, Henry C. _Mennonites of America._ Mennonite Publishing +House, Scotdale, Pa., 1909. [Bibliography.] + +(45) La Rue, William. _The Foundations of Mormonism._ A study of the +fundamental facts in the history and doctrines of the Mormons from +original sources. With introduction by Alfred Williams Anthony. New +York, 1919. [Bibliography.] + + +B. _Language Revivals and Nationalism_ + +(1) Dominian, Leon. _Frontiers of Language and Nationality in Europe._ +New York, 1917. + +(2) Bourgoing, P. de. _Les Guerres d'idiome et de nationalite._ Paris, +1849. + +(3) Meillet, A. "Les Langues et les nationalites," _Scientia_, XVIII, +(1915), 192-201. + +(4) Rhys, John, and Brynmor-Jones, David. _The Welsh People._ Chap. xii, +"Language and Literature of Wales," pp. 501-50. London, 1900. + +(5) Dinneen, P. S. _Lectures on the Irish Language Movement._ Delivered +under the auspices of various branches of the Gaelic League. London, +1904. + +(6) Montgomery, K. L. "Some Writers of the Celtic Renaissance," +_Fortnightly Review_, XCVI (1911), 545-61. + +(7) ----. "Ireland's Psychology: a Study of Facts," _Fortnightly +Review_, CXII (1919), 572-88. + +(8) Dubois, L. Paul. _Contemporary Ireland._ With an introduction by T. +M. Kettle, M. P. London, 1908. + +(9) _The Teaching of Gaelic in Highland Schools._ Published under the +auspices of the Highland Association. London, 1907. + +(10) Fedortchouk, Y. "La Question des nationalites en Austriche-Hongrie: +les Ruthenes de Hongrie," _Annales des nationalites_, VIII (1915), +52-56. + +(11) Seton-Watson, R. W. [Scotus Viator, _pseud_.] _Racial Problems in +Hungary._ London, 1908. [Bibliography.] + +(12) Samassa, P. "Deutsche und Windische in Sudoesterreich," _Deutsche +Erde_, II (1903), 39-41. + +(13) Wace, A. J. B., and Thompson, M. S. _The Nomads of the Balkans._ +London, 1914. + +(14) Tabbe, P. _La vivante Roumanie._ Paris, 1913. + +(15) Louis-Jarau, G. _L'Albanie inconnue._ Paris, 1913. + +(16) Brancoff, D. M. _La Macedoine et sa population Chretienne._ Paris, +1905. + +(17) Fedortchouk, Y. _Memorandum on the Ukrainian Question in Its +National Aspect._ London, 1914. + +(18) Vellay, Charles. "L'Irredentisme hellenique," _La Revue de Paris_, +XX (Juillet-Aout, 1913), 884-86. + +(19) Sands, B. _The Ukraine._ London, 1914. + +(20) Auerbach, B. "La Germanization de la Pologne Prussienne. La loi +d'expropriation," _Revue Politique et Parlementaire_, LVII (1908), +109-125. + +(21) Bernhard, L. _Das polnische Gemeinwesen im preussischen Staat._ Die +Polenfrage. Leipzig, 1910. + +(22) Henry, R. "La Frontiere linguistique en Alsace-Lorraine," _Les +Marches de l'Est_, 1911-1912, pp. 60-71. + +(23) Nitsch, C. "Dialectology of Polish Languages," _Polish +Encyclopaedia_, Vol. III. Cracow, 1915. + +(24) Witte, H. "Wendische Bevoelkerungsreste in Mecklenburg," +_Forschungen zur deutschen Landes- und Volkskunde_, XVI (1905), 1-124. + +(25) Kaupas, A. "L'Eglise et les Lituaniens aux Etats-Unis d'Amerique," +_Annales des Nationalites_, II (1913), 233 ff. + +(26) Pelissier, Jean. _Les Principaux artisans de la renaissance +nationale lituanienne._ Hommes et choses de Lituanie. Lausanne, 1918. + +(27) Jakstas, A. "Lituaniens et Polonais." _Annales des nationalites_, +VIII (1915), 219 ff. + +(28) Headlam, Cecil. _Provence and Languedoc._ Chap. v, "Frederic +Mistral and the Felibres." London, 1912. + +(29) Belisle, A. _Histoire de la presse franco-americaine._ Comprenant +l'historique de l'emigration des Canadiens-Francais aux Etats-Unis, leur +developpement, et leur progres. Worcester, Mass., 1911. + + +VI. ECONOMIC CRISES + +(1) Wirth, M. _Geschichte der Handelskrisen._ Frankfurt-am-Main, 1890. + +(2) Jones, Edward D. _Economic Crises._ New York, 1900. + +(3) Gibson, Thomas. _The Cycles of Speculation._ 2d ed. New York, 1909. + +(4) Bellet, Daniel. _Crises economique._ Crises commerciales. Crises de +guerre. Leur caracteres, leur indices, leurs effects. Paris, 1918. + +(5) Clough, H. W. "Synchronous Variations in Solar and Terrestrial +Phenomena," _Astrophysical Journal_, XXII (1905), 42-75. + +(6) Clayton, H. H. "Influence of Rainfall on Commerce and Politics," +_Popular Science Monthly_, LX (1901-2), 158-65. + +(7) Mitchell, Wesley C. _Business Cycles._ Berkeley, Cal., 1913. + +(8) Moore, Henry L. _Economic Cycles: Their Law and Cause._ New York, +1914. + +(9) Hurry, Jamieson B. _Vicious Circles in Sociology and Their +Treatment._ London, 1915. + +(10) Thiers, Adolphe. _The Mississippi Bubble._ A memoir of John Law. To +which are added authentic accounts of the Darien expedition and the +South Sea scheme. Translated from the French by F. S. Fiske. New York, +1859. + +(11) Wiston-Glynn, A. W. _John Law of Lauriston._ Financier and +statesman, founder of the Bank of France, originator of the Mississippi +scheme, etc. London, 1907. + +(12) Mackay, Charles. _Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and +the Madness of Crowds._ 2 vols. in one. London, 1859. [Vol. I, the +Mississippi scheme, the South Sea bubble, the tulipomania, the +alchymists, modern prophecies, fortune-telling, the magnetisers, +influence of politics and religion on the hair and beard. Vol. II, the +crusades, the witch mania, the slow prisoners, haunted houses, popular +follies of great cities, popular admiration of great thieves, duels and +ordeals, relics.] + + +VII. FASHION, REFORM, AND REVOLUTION + + +A. _Fashion_ + +(1) Spencer, Herbert. _Principles of Sociology._ Part IV, chap. xi, +"Fashion," II, 205-10. London, 1893. + +(2) Tarde, Gabriel. _Laws of Imitation._ Translated from the 2d French +ed. by Elsie Clews Parsons. Chap. vii, "Custom and Fashion," pp. +244-365. New York, 1903. + +(3) Simmel, G. _Philosophie der Mode._ Berlin, 1905. + +(4) ----. "The Attraction of Fashion," _International Quarterly_, X +(1904), 130-55. + +(5) Sumner, W. G. _Folkways._ "Fashion," pp. 184-220. Boston, 1906. + +(6) Sombart, Werner. "Wirtschaft und Mode," _Grenzfragen des Nerven- und +Seelenlebens._ Wiesbaden, 1902. + +(7) Clerget, Pierre. "The Economic and Social Role of Fashion." _Annual +Report of the Smithsonian Institution_, 1913, pp. 755-65. Washington, +1914. + +(8) Squillace, Fausto. _La Moda._ L'abito e l'uomo. Milano, 1912. + +(9) Shaler, N. S. "The Law of Fashion," _Atlantic Monthly_, LXI (1888), +386-98. + +(10) Patrick, G. T. W. "The Psychology of Crazes," _Popular Science +Monthly_, LVII (1900), 285-94. + +(11) Linton, E. L. "The Tyranny of Fashion," _Forum_ III (1887), 59-68. + +(12) Bigg, Ada H. "What is 'Fashion'?" _Nineteenth Century_, XXXIII +(1893), 235-48. + +(13) Foley, Caroline A. "Fashion," _Economic Journal_, III (1893), +458-74. + +(14) Aria, E. "Fashion, Its Survivals and Revivals," _Fortnightly +Review_, CIV (1915), 930-37. + +(15) Thomas, W. I. "The Psychology of Woman's Dress," _American +Magazine_, LXVII (1908-9), 66-72. + +(16) Schurtz, Heinrich. _Grundzuege einer Philosophie der Tracht._ +Stuttgart, 1871. + +(17) Wechsler, Alfred. _Psychologie der Mode._ Berlin, 1904. + +(18) Stratz, Carl H. _Die Frauenkleidung und ihre natuerliche +Entwicklung._ Stuttgart, 1904. + +(19) Holmes, William H. "Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in +Ceramic Art," _Fourth Annual Report of the U.S. Bureau of American +Ethnology, 1882-83_, pp. 437-65. Washington, 1886. + +(20) Kroeber, A. L. "On the Principle of Order in Civilization as +Exemplified by Changes of Fashion," _American Anthropologist_, N.S., XXI +(1919), 235-63. + + +B. _Reform_ + +(1) Sumner, W. G. _Folkways._ "Reform and Revolution," pp. 86-95. +Boston, 1906. + +(2) Patrick, G. T. W. _The Psychology of Social Reconstruction._ Chaps. +i-ii, "Psychological Factors in Social Reconstruction," pp. 27-118. +Boston, 1920. + +(3) Jevons, William S. _Methods of Social Reform._ And other papers. +London, 1883. + +(4) Pearson, Karl. _Social Problems._ Their treatment, past, present, +and future. London, 1912. + +(5) Mallock, W. H. _Social Reform as Related to Realities and +Delusions._ An examination of the increase and distribution of wealth +from 1801 to 1910. New York, 1915. + +(6) Matthews, Brander. "Reform and Reformers," _North American_, +CLXXXIII (1906), 461-73. + +(7) Miller, J. D. "Futilities of Reformers," _Arena_, XXVI (1901), +481-89. + +(8) Lippmann, Walter. _A Preface to Politics._ Chap. v, "Well Meaning +but Unmeaning: The Chicago Vice Report," pp. 122-58. New York, 1913. + +(9) Stanton, Henry B. _Sketches of Reforms and Reformers, of Great +Britain and Ireland._ 2d rev. ed. New York, 1850. + +(10) Stoughton, John. _William Wilberforce._ London, 1880. + +(11) Field, J. _The Life of John Howard._ With comments on his character +and philanthropic labours. London, 1850. + +(12) Hodder, Edwin. _The Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, K.G., as Social +Reformer._ New York, 1898. + +(13) Atkinson, Charles M. _Jeremy Bentham, His Life and Work._ London, +1905. + +(14) Morley, John. _The Life of Richard Cobden._ Boston, 1890. + +(15) Bartlett, David W. _Modern Agitators._ Or pen portraits of living +American reformers. New York, 1855. + +(16) Greeley, Horace. _Hints toward Reforms._ In lectures, addresses, +and other writing. New York, 1850. + +(17) Austin, George L. _The Life and Times of Wendell Phillips._ New ed. +Boston, 1901. + +(18) Hill, Georgiana. _Women in English Life._ From medieval to modern +times. Period III, chap. v, "The Philanthropists," Vol. II, pp. 59-74; +Period IV, chap. xi, "The Modern Humanitarian Movement," Vol. II, pp. +227-36. 2 vols. London, 1896. + +(19) Yonge, Charlotte M. _Hannah More._ Famous women. Boston, 1888. + +(20) Besant, Annie. _An Autobiography._ 2d ed. London, 1908. + +(21) Harper, Ida H. _The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony._ Including +public addresses, her own lectures and many from her contemporaries +during fifty years. A story of the evolution of the status of woman. 3 +vols. Indianapolis, 1898-1908. + +(22) Whiting, Lilian. _Women Who Have Ennobled Life._ Philadelphia, +1915. + +(23) Willard, Frances E. _Woman and Temperance._ Or the work and workers +of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 3d ed. Hartford, Conn., 1883. + +(24) Gordon, Anna A. _The Beautiful Life of Frances E. Willard._ A +memorial volume. Introduction by Lady Henry Somerset. Chicago, 1898. + + +C. _Revolution_ + +(1) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Psychology of Revolution._ Translated from the +French by Bernard Miall. New York, 1913. + +(2) Petrie, W. M. F. _The Revolutions of Civilisation._ London, 1912. + +(3) Hyndman, Henry M. _The Evolution of Revolution._ London, 1920. + +(4) Adams, Brooks. _The Theory of Social Revolutions._ New York, 1913. + +(5) Landauer, G. _Die Revolution._ "Die Gesellschaft, Sammlung +sozial-psychologischer Monographien." Frankfurt-am-Main, 1907. + +(6) Thomas, W. I. _Source Book for Social Origins._ "Crisis and +Control," pp. 13-22. Chicago, 1909. + +(7) Ellwood, Charles A. "A Psychological Theory of Revolutions," +_American Journal of Sociology_, XI (1905-6), 49-59. + +(8) ----. _Introduction to Social Psychology._ Chap. viii, "Social +Change under Abnormal Conditions," pp. 170-87. New York, 1917. + +(9) King, Irving. "The Influence of the Form of Social Change upon the +Emotional Life of a People," _American Journal of Sociology_, IX +(1903-4), 124-35. + +(10) Toynbee, Arnold. _Lectures on the Industrial Revolution of the +Eighteenth Century in England._ New ed. London, 1908. + +(11) Knowles, L. C. A. _The Industrial and Commercial Revolutions in +Great Britain during the Nineteenth Century._ London, 1921. + +(12) Taine, H. A. _The French Revolution._ Translated from the French by +John Durand. 3 vols. New York, 1878-85. + +(13) Olgin, Moissaye J. _The Soul of the Russian Revolution._ +Introduction by Vladimir G. Simkhovitch. New York, 1917. + +(14) Spargo, John. _The Psychology of Bolshevism._ New York, 1919. + +(15) Khoras, P. "La Psychologie de la revolution chinoise," _Revue des +deux mondes_, VIII (1912), 295-331. + +(16) Le Bon, Gustave. _The World in Revolt._ A psychological study of +our times. Translated from the French by Bernard Miall. New York, 1921. + +(17) Lombroso, Cesare. _Le Crime politique et les revolutions par +rapport au droit, a l'anthropologie criminelle et a science du +gouvernement._ Translated by A. Bouchard. Paris, 1912. + +(18) Prince, Samuel H. _Catastrophe and Social Change._ Based upon a +sociological study of the Halifax disaster. "Columbia University Studies +in Political Science." New York, 1920. + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. Collective Behavior and Social Control + +2. Unrest in the Person and Unrest in the Group + +3. The Agitator as a Type of the Restless Person + +4. A Study of Adolescent Unrest: the Runaway Boy and the Girl Who Goes +Wrong + +5. A Comparison of Physical Epidemics with Social Contagion + +6. Case Studies of Psychic Epidemics: the Mississippi Bubble, Gold +Fever, War-Time Psychosis, the Dancing Mania in Modern Times, etc. + +7. Propaganda as Social Contagion: an Analysis of a Selected Case + +8. A Description and Interpretation of Crowd Behavior: the Orgy, the +Cult, the Mob, the Organized Crowd + +9. The "Animal" Crowd: the Flock, the Herd, the Pack + +10. A Description of Crowd Behavior on Armistice Day + +11. The Criminal Crowd + +12. The Jury, the Congenial Group, the Committee, the Legislature, the +Mass Meeting, etc., as Types of Collective Behavior + +13. Crowd Excitements and Mass Movements + +14. A Study of Mass Migrations: the Barbarian Invasions, the Settlement +of Oklahoma, the Migrations of the Mennonnites, the Treks of the Boers, +the Rise of Mohammedanism, the Mormon Migrations, etc. + +15. Crusades and Reforms: the Crusades, the Abolition Movement, +Prohibition, the Woman's Temperance Crusades, Moving-Picture Censorship, +etc. + +16. Fashions, Revivals, and Revolutions + +17. The Social Laws of Fashions + +18. Linguistic Revivals and the Nationalist Movements + +19. Religious Revivals and the Origin of Sects + +20. Social Unrest, Social Movements, and Changes in Mores and +Institutions + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. What do you understand by collective behavior? + +2. Interpret the incident in a Lancashire cotton factory in terms of +sympathy, imitation, and suggestion. + +3. What simple forms of social contagion have you observed? + +4. In what sense may the dancing mania of the Middle Ages be compared to +an epidemic? + +5. Why may propaganda be interpreted as social contagion? Describe a +concrete instance of propaganda and analyze its _modus operandi_. + +6. What are the differences in behavior of the flock, the pack, and the +herd? + +7. Is it accurate to speak of these animal groups as "crowds"? + +8. What do you understand Le Bon to mean by "the mental unity of +crowds"? + +9. Describe and analyze the behavior of crowds which you have observed. + +10. "The crowd is always intellectually inferior to the isolated +individual." "The crowd may be better or worse than the individual." Are +these statements consistent? Elaborate your position. + +11. In what sense may we speak of sects, castes, and classes as crowds? + +12. What do you mean by a social movement? + +13. What is the significance of a movement? + +14. Why is movement to be regarded as the fundamental form of freedom? + +15. How does crowd excitement lead to mass movements? + +16. What were the differences in the characteristics of mass movements +in the Klondike Rush, the Woman's Crusade, Methodism, and bolshevism? + +17. What are the causes of social unrest? + +18. What is the relation of social unrest to social organization? + +19. How does Le Bon explain the mental anarchy at the time of the French +Revolution? + +20. What was the nature of this mental anarchy in the different social +classes? Are revolutions always preceded by mental anarchy? + +21. What was the relative importance of belief and of reason in the +French Revolution? + +22. What are the likenesses and differences between the origin and +development of bolshevism and of the French Revolution? + +23. Do you agree with Spargo's interpretation of the psychology (a) of +the intellectual Bolshevists, and (b) of the I.W.W.? + +24. Are mass movements organizing or disorganizing factors in society? +Illustrate by reference to Methodism, the French Revolution, and +bolshevism. + +25. Under what conditions will a mass movement (a) become organized, +and (b) become an institution? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[280] W. G. Sumner, _Folkways_. A study of the sociological importance +of usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals, pp. 12-13. (Boston, +1906.) + +[281] Scipio Sighele, in a note to the French edition of his _Psychology +of Sects_, claims that his volume, _La Folla delinquente_, of which the +second edition was published at Turin in 1895, and his article +"Physiologie du succes," in the _Revue des Revues_, October 1, 1894, +were the first attempts to describe the crowd from the point of view of +collective psychology. Le Bon published two articles, "Psychologie des +foules" in the _Revue scientifique_, April 6 and 20, 1895. These were +later gathered together in his volume _Psychologie des foules_, Paris, +1895. See Sighele _Psychologie des sectes_, pp. 25, 39. + +[282] Gustave Le Bon, _The Crowd_. A study of the popular mind, p. 19. +(New York, 1900.) + +[283] _Ibid._, p. 83. + +[284] _L'Opinion et la foule_, pp. 6-7. (Paris, 1901.) + +[285] _The Crowd_, p. 41. + +[286] Sidney L. Hinde, _The Fall of the Congo Arabs_, p. 147. (London, +1897.) Describing a characteristic incident in one of the strange +confused battles Hinde says: "Wordy war, which also raged, had even more +effect than our rifles. Mahomedi and Sefu led the Arabs, who were +jeering and taunting Lutete's people, saying that they were in a bad +case, and had better desert the white man, who was ignorant of the fact +that Mohara with all the forces of Nyange was camped in his rear. +Lutete's people replied: 'Oh, we know all about Mohara; we ate him the +day before yesterday.'" This news became all the more depressing when it +turned out to be true. See also Hirn, _The Origins of Art_, p. 269, for +an explanation of the role of threats and boastings in savage warfare. + +[287] Robert E. Park and Herbert A. Miller, _Old World Traits +Transplanted_. Document 23, pp. 32-33. (New York, 1921.) + +[288] Yrjoe Hirn, _The Origins of Art_. A psychological and sociological +inquiry, p. 87. (London, 1900.) + +[289] _Ibid._, p. 89. + +[290] Le Bon, _op. cit._, p. 82. + +[291] _Ibid._, p. 82. + +[292] Scipio Sighele, _Psychologie des sectes_, p. 46. (Paris, 1898.) + +[293] W. E. H. Lecky, _History of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit +of Rationalism in Europe._ 2 vols. (Vol. I.) (New York, 1866.) + +[294] See Gabriel Tarde, _Laws of Imitation._ + +[295] J. F. C. Hecker, _Die Tanzwuth, eine Volkskrankheit im +Mittelalter._ (Berlin, 1832.) See Introduction of _The Black Death and +the Dancing Mania_. Translated from the German by B. G. Babington. +Cassell's National Library. (New York, 1888.) + +[296] Le Bon, _op. cit._, p. 26. + +[297] Vernon Lee [pseud.], _Vital Lies._ Studies of some varieties of +recent obscurantism. (London, 1912.) + +[298] Taken from _Gentleman's Magazine_, March, 1787, p. 268. + +[299] Adapted from J. F. C. Hecker, _The Black Death, and the Dancing +Mania_, pp. 106-11. (Cassell & Co., 1888.) + +[300] From Mary Austin, _The Flock_, pp. 110-29. (Houghton Mifflin Co., +1906.) + +[301] From W. H. Hudson, "The Strange Instincts of Cattle," in +_Longman's Magazine_, XVIII (1891), 389-91. + +[302] From Ernest Thompson Seton, "The Habits of Wolves," in _The +American Magazine_, LXIV (1907), 636. + +[303] Adapted from Gustave Le Bon, _The Crowd_, pp. 1-14. (T. Fisher +Unwin, 1897.) + +[304] From Robert E. Park, _The Crowd and the Public_. (Unpublished +manuscript.) + +[305] Moll, _Hypnotism_, pp. 134-36. + +[306] Sighele, _Psychologie des Auflaufs und der Massenverbrechen_ +(translated from the Italian), p. 79. + +[307] Durkheim, _The Elementary Forms of Religious Life_, pp. 432-37. + +[308] Adapted from T. C. Down, "The Rush to the Klondike," in the +_Cornhill Magazine_, IV (1898), 33-43. + +[309] Adapted from Mrs. Annie Wittenmyer, _History of the Woman's +Temperance Crusade_ (1878), pp. 34-62. + +[310] Adapted from Gustave Le Bon, _The Psychology of Revolution_, pp. +147-70. (G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1913.) + +[311] Adapted from John Spargo, _The Psychology of Bolshevism_, pp. +1-120. (Harper & Brothers, 1919.) + +[312] Adapted from William E. H. Lecky, _A History of England in the +Eighteenth Century_, III, 33-101. (D. Appleton & Co., 1892.) + +[313 1] _Supra_, pp. 652-53; 657-58. + +[314] Otto Stoll, _Suggestion und Hypnotismus in der Voelkerpsychologie_. +2d ed. (Leipzig, 1904.) + +[315] Robert E. Park, _Immigrant Press and Its Control_, chap. ii, +"Background of the Immigrant Press." (New York, 1921. In press.) + +[316] _Ibid._ + +[317] Anton H. Hollman, _Die daenische Volkshochschule und ihre Bedeutung +fuer die Entwicklung einer voelkischen Kultur in Daenemark_. (Berlin, +1909.) + +[318] H. G. Wells, _The Salvaging of Civilization_, chaps. iv-v, "The +Bible of Civilization," pp. 97-140. (New York, 1921.) + +[319] See _The Immigrant Press and Its Control_, chap. ii, for a +translation of Dr. Kudirka's so-called "Confession." + +[320] Gabriel Tarde, _The Laws of Imitation_. Translated from the 2d +French ed. by Elsie Clews Parsons, p. 247. (New York, 1903.) + +[321] Sumner, _Folkways_, pp. 200-201. + + + + +CHAPTER XIV + +PROGRESS + + +I. INTRODUCTION + + +1. Popular Conceptions of Progress + +It seems incredible that there should have been a time when mankind had +no conception of progress. Ever since men first consciously united their +common efforts to improve and conserve their common life, it would seem +there must have been some recognition that life had not always been as +they found it and that it could not be in the future what it then was. +Nevertheless, it has been said that the notion of progress was unknown +in the oriental world, that the opposite conception of deterioration +pervaded all ancient Asiatic thought. In India the prevailing notion was +that of vast cycles of time "through which the universe and its +inhabitants must pass from perfection to destruction, from strength and +innocence to weakness and depravity until a new maha-yuga begins."[322] + +The Greeks conceived the course of history in various ways, as progress +and as deterioration, but in general they thought of it as a cycle. The +first clear description of the history of mankind as a progression by +various stages, from a condition of primitive savagery to civilization, +is in Lucretius' great poem _De Rerum Natura_. But Lucretius does not +conceive this progress will continue. On the contrary he recognizes that +the world has grown old and already shows signs of decrepitude which +foreshadow its ultimate destruction. + +It is only in comparatively recent times that the world has sought to +define progress philosophically, as part of the cosmic process, and has +thought of it abstractly as something to be desired for its own sake. +Today the word progress is in everyone's mouth; still there is no +general agreement as to what progress is, and particularly in recent +years, with all the commonly accepted evidences of progress about them, +skeptics have appeared, who, like the farmer who saw for the first time +a camel with two humps, insisted "there's no such animal." + +The reason there is no general understanding in regard to the meaning of +progress, as it has been defined by the philosophers, is not because +there is no progress in detail, but because the conception of progress +in general involves a balancing of the goods against the ills of life. +It raises the question whether the gains which society makes as a whole +are compensation for the individual defeats and losses which progress +inevitably involves. One reason why we believe in progress, perhaps, is +that history is invariably written by the survivors. + +In certain aspects and with people of a certain temperament, what we +ordinarily call progress, considering what it costs, will always seem a +very dubious matter. William Ralph Inge, Dean of St. Paul's Cathedral, +London, seems to be the most eminent modern example of the skeptic. + + Human nature has not been changed by civilization. It has + neither been leveled up nor leveled down, to an average + mediocrity. Beneath the dingy uniformity of international + fashions in dress, man remains what he has always been--a + splendid fighting animal, a self-sacrificing hero, and a + bloodthirsty savage. Human nature is at once sublime and + horrible, holy and satanic. Apart from the accumulation of + knowledge and experience, which are external and precarious + acquisitions, there is no proof that we have changed much since + the first stone age.[323] + +It must be remembered in this connection that progress, in so far as it +makes the world more comfortable, makes it more complicated. Every new +mechanical device, every advance in business organization or in science, +which makes the world more tolerable for most of us, makes it impossible +for others. Not all the world is able to keep pace with the general +progress of the world. Most of the primitive races have been +exterminated by the advance of civilization, and it is still uncertain +where, and upon what terms, the civilized man will let the remnant of +the primitive peoples live. + +It has been estimated that, in the complicated life of modern cities, at +least one-tenth of the population is not competent to maintain an +independent, economic existence, but requires an increasing amount of +care and assistance from the other nine-tenths.[324] To the inferior, +incompetent, and unfortunate, unable to keep pace with progress, the +more rapid advance of the world means disease, despair, and death. In +medicine and surgery alone does progress seem wholly beneficent, but the +eugenists are even now warning us that our indiscriminate efforts to +protect the weak and preserve the incompetent are increasing the burdens +of the superior and competent, who are alone fit to live. + +On the other hand, every new invention is a response to some specific +need. Every new form of social control is intended to correct some +existing evil. So far as they are successful they represent progress. +Progress in the concrete has reference to recognized social values. +Values, as Cooley points out, have no meaning except with reference to +an organism. + + "The organism is necessary to give meaning to the idea [value]; + there must be worth _to_ something. It need not be a person; a + group, an institution, a doctrine, any organized form of life + will do; and that it be conscious of the values that motivates + it is not at all essential."[325] + + Any change or adaptation to an existing environment that makes + it easier for a person, group, institution, or other "organized + form of life" to live may be said to represent progress. + Whether the invention is a new plow or a new six-inch gun we + accept it as an evidence of progress if it does the work for + which it is intended more efficiently than any previous device. + In no region of human life have we made greater progress than + in the manufacture of weapons of destruction. + + Not everyone would be willing to admit that progress in weapons + of warfare represents "real" progress. That is because some + people do not admit the necessity of war. Once admit that + necessity, then every improvement is an evidence of progress, + at least in that particular field. It is more easy to recognize + progress in those matters where there is no conflict in regard + to the social values. The following excerpt from Charles + Zueblin's preface to his book on American progress is a + concrete indication of what students of society usually + recognize as progress. + + Already this century has witnessed the first municipalized + street railways and telephones in American cities; a national + epidemic of street paving and cleaning; the quadrupling of + electric lighting service and the national appropriation of + display lighting; a successful crusade against dirt of all + kinds--smoke, flies, germs,--and the diffusion of constructive + provisions for health like baths, laundries, comfort stations, + milk stations, school nurses and open air schools; fire + prevention; the humanizing of the police and the advent of the + policewomen; the transforming of some municipal courts into + institutions for the prevention of crime and the cure of + offenders; the elaboration of the school curriculum to give + every child a complete education from the kindergarten to the + vocational course in school or university or shop; municipal + reference libraries; the completion of park systems in most + large cities and the acceptance of the principle that the + smallest city without a park and playground is not quite + civilized; the modern playground movement giving organized and + directed play to young and old; the social center; the + democratic art museum; municipal theaters; the commission form + of government; the city manager; home rule for cities; direct + legislation--a greater advance than the whole nineteenth + century compassed.[326] + + +2. The Problem of Progress + +Sociology inherited its conception of progress from the philosophy of +history. That problem seems to have had its origin in the paradox that +progress at retail does not insure progress at wholesale. The progress +of the community as individuals or in specific directions may, for +example, bring about conditions which mean the eventual destruction of +the community as a whole. This is what we mean by saying that +civilizations are born, grow, and decay. We may see the phenomenon in +its simplest form in the plant community, where the very growth of the +community creates a soil in which the community is no longer able to +exist. But the decay and death of one community creates a soil in which +another community will live and grow. This gives us the interesting +phenomenon of what the ecologists call "succession." So individuals +build their homes, communities are formed, and eventually there comes +into existence a great city. But the very existence of a great city +creates problems of health, of family life, and social control which did +not exist when men lived in the open, or in villages. Just as the human +body generates the poisons that eventually destroy it, so the communal +life, in the very process of growth and as a result of its efforts to +meet the changes that its growth involves, creates diseases and vices +which tend to destroy the community. This raises the problem in another +form. Communities may and do grow old and die, but new communities +profiting by the experience of their predecessors are enabled to create +social organizations, more adequate and better able to resist social +diseases and corrupting vices. But in order to do this, succeeding +communities have had to accumulate more experience, exercise more +forethought, employ more special knowledge and a greater division of +labor. In the meantime, life is becoming constantly more complex. In +place of the simple spontaneous modes of behavior which enable the lower +animals to live without education and without anxiety, men are compelled +to supplement original nature with special training and with more and +more elaborate machinery, until life, losing its spontaneity, seems in +danger of losing all its joy. + + Knowledge accumulates apace and its applications threaten the + very existence of civilized man. The production of the flying + machine represented a considerable advance in mechanical + knowledge; but I am unaware of any respect in which human + welfare has been increased by its existence; whereas it has not + only intensified enormously the horrors of war, and, by + furnishing criminal and other undesirable characters with a + convenient means of rapid and secret movement, markedly + diminished social security, but it threatens, by its inevitable + advance in construction, to make any future conflict virtually + equivalent to the extermination of civilized man. And the + maleficent change in the conditions of human life which the + flying machine has produced from the air, the submarine + parallels from the depths of the sea; indeed, the perception of + this truth has led to the very doubtfully practicable + suggestion that the building of submarines be made illegal.... + + Moreover if life itself is more secure, there is at the present + moment a distinct tendency towards a diminution of personal + liberty. The increasing control by the state over the conduct + and activities of the individual; the management of his + children, the details of his diet and the conduct of his + ordinary affairs; tend more and more to limit his personal + freedom. But the restriction of his liberty amounts to a + reduction of his available life just as complete loss of + liberty differs little from complete loss of life.[327] + +It is this condition which, in spite of progress in details, has raised +in men's minds a question whether there is progress in general, and if +there is, whether the mass of mankind is better or worse because of it. + + +3. History of the Concept of Progress + +The great task of mankind has been to create an organization which would +enable men to realize their wishes. This organization we call +civilization. In achieving this result man has very slowly at first, but +more rapidly in recent times, established his control over external +nature and over himself. He has done this in order that he might remake +the world as he found it more after his own heart. + +But the world which man has thus remade has in turn reacted back upon +man and in doing so has made him human. Men build houses to protect them +from the weather and as places of refuge. In the end these houses have +become homes, and man has become a domesticated animal, endowed with the +sentiments, virtues, and lasting affections that the home inevitably +cultivates and maintains. + +Men made for themselves clothing for ornament and for comfort, and +men's, and especially women's, clothes have become so much a part of +their personalities that without them they cease to be persons and have +no status in human society. Except under very exceptional circumstances +a man who appeared without clothing would be treated as a madman, and +hunted like a wild animal. + +Men have built cities for security and for trade, and cities have made +necessary and possible a division of labor and an economic organization. +This economic organization, on the other hand, has been the basis of a +society and a social order which imposes standards of conduct and +enforces minute regulations of the individual life. Out of the +conditions of this common life there has grown a body of general and +ruling ideas: liberty, equality, democracy, fate, providence, personal +immortality, and progress. + +J. B. Bury, who has written a history of the idea of progress, says that +progress is "the animating and controlling idea of western +civilization." But in defining progress he makes a distinction between +ideas like progress, providence, and fate and ideas like liberty, +toleration, and socialism. The latter are approved or condemned because +they are good or bad. The former are not approved or condemned. They are +matters of fact, they are true or false. He says: + + When we say that ideas rule the world, or exercise a decisive + power in history, we are generally thinking of those ideas + which express human aims and depend for their realisation on + the human will, such as liberty, toleration, equality of + opportunity, socialism. Some of these have been partly + realised, and there is no reason why any of them should not be + fully realised, in a society or in the world, if it were the + united purpose of a society or of the world to realise it. They + are approved or condemned because they are held to be good or + bad, not because they are true or false. But there is another + order of ideas that play a great part in determining and + directing the course of man's conduct but do not depend on his + will--ideas which bear upon the mystery of life, such as Fate, + Providence, or personal immortality. Such ideas may operate in + important ways on the forms of social action, but they involve + a question of fact and they are accepted or rejected not + because they are believed to be useful or injurious, but + because they are believed to be true or false. + + The idea of the progress of humanity is an idea of this kind, + and it is important to be quite clear on the point.[328] + +All of the ideas mentioned are of such a general nature, embody so much +of the hopes, the strivings, and the sentiments of the modern world, +that they have, or did have until very recently, something of the +sanctity and authority of religious dogmas. All are expressions of +wishes, but there is this difference: ideas, like liberty, toleration, +etc., reflect the will of the people who accept them; ideas like +providence and progress, on the contrary, represent their hopes. The +question of the progress of humanity like that of personal immortality +is, as Bury points out, a question of fact. "It is true or false but it +cannot be proved whether true or false. Belief in it is an act of +faith." When we hypostatize our hopes and wishes and treat them as +matters of fact, even though they cannot be proved to be either true or +false, they assume a form which Sorel describes as myth. The progress of +humanity, as Herbert Spencer and the other Victorians understood it, is +such a myth. Dean Inge calls it a "superstition" and adds: "To become a +popular religion, it is only necessary for a superstition to enslave a +philosophy. The superstition of progress had the singular good fortune +to enslave at least three philosophies--those of Hegel, of Comte, and of +Darwin."[329] + +The conception of progress, if a superstition, is one of recent origin. +It was not until the eighteenth century that it gained general +acceptance and became part of what Inge describes as the popular +religion. The conception which it replaced was that of providence. But +the Greeks and Romans knew nothing of providence. They were under the +influence of another idea of a different character, the idea, namely, of +nemesis and fate. And before them there were more primitive peoples who +had no conception of man's destiny at all. In a paper, not yet +published, Ellsworth Faris has sketched the natural history of the idea +of progress and its predecessors and of a new conception, control, that +is perhaps destined to take its place. + + The idea of progress which has been so influential in modern + times is not a very old conception. In its distinctive form it + came into existence in the rationalistic period which + accompanied the Renaissance. Progress, in this sense, means a + theory as to the way in which the whole cosmic process is + developing. It is the belief that the world as a whole is + growing better through definite stages, and is moving "to one + far-off divine event." + + The stages preceding this idea may be thought of under several + heads. The first may be called "cosmic anarchy," in which we + find "primitive people" now living. It is a world of chaos, + without meaning, and without purpose. There is no direction in + which human life is thought of as developing. Death and + misfortune are for the most part due to witchcraft and the evil + designs of enemies; good luck and bad luck are the forces which + make a rational existence hopeless. + + Another stage of thinking is that which was found among the + Greeks, the conception of the cosmic process as proceeding in + cycles. The golden age of the Greeks lay in the past, the + universe was considered to be following a set course, and the + whole round of human experience was governed and controlled by + an inexorable fate that was totally indifferent to human + wishes. The formula which finally arose to meet this situation + was "conformity to nature," a submission to the iron laws of + the world which it was vain to attempt to change. + + This idea was succeeded in medieval Europe by the idea of + providence, in which the world was thought of as a theater on + which the drama of human redemption was enacted. God has + created man free, but man was corrupted by the fall, given an + opportunity to be redeemed by the gospel, and the world was + soon to know the final triumph and happiness of the saved. Most + of the early church fathers expected the end of the world very + soon, many of them in their own lifetime. This is distinctly + different from the preceding two ideas. All life had meaning to + them, for the evil in the world was but God's way to + accomplish his good purposes. It was man's duty to submit, but + submission was to take the form of faith in an all-wise + beneficent and perfect power, who was governing the world and + who would make everything for the best. + + The idea of progress arose on the ruins of this concept of + providence. In the fourteenth century, progress did not mean + merely the satisfaction of all human desires either individual + or collective. The idea meant far more than that. It was the + conviction that the world as a whole was proceeding onward + indefinitely to greater and greater perfection. The atmosphere + of progress was congenial to the construction of utopias and + schemes of perfection which were believed to be in harmony with + the nature of the world itself. The atmosphere of progress + produced also optimists who were quite sure everything was in + the long run to be for the best, and that every temporary evil + was sure to be overcome by an ultimate good. + + The difficulty in demonstrating the fact of progress has become + very real as the problem has been presented to modern minds. It + is possible to prove that the world has become more complex. It + is hardly possible to prove that it has become better, and + quite impossible to prove that it will continue to do so. From + the standpoint of the Mohammedan Turks, the last two hundred + years of the world's history have not been years of marked + progress; from the standpoint of their enemies, the reverse + statement is obviously true. + + The conception which seems to be superseding the idea of + progress in our day is that of control. Each problem whether + personal or social is thought of as a separate enterprise. + Poverty, disease, crime, vice, intemperance, or war, these are + definite situations which challenge human effort and human + ingenuity. Many problems are unsolved; many failures are + recorded. The future is a challenge to creative intelligence + and collective heroism. The future is thought of as still to be + made. And there is no assurance that progress will take place. + On the contrary, there is every reason to believe that progress + will not take place unless men are able by their skill and + devotion to find solutions for their present problems, and for + the newer ones that shall arise. + + The modern man finds this idea quite as stimulating to him as + the idea of progress was to his ancestor of the Renaissance or + the idea of providence to his medieval forebears. For while he + does not blindly believe nor feel optimistically certain things + will come about all right, yet he is nerved to square his + shoulders, to think, to contrive, and to exert himself to the + utmost in his effort to conquer the difficulties ahead, and to + control the forces of nature and man. The idea of providence + was not merely a generalization on life, it was a force that + inspired hope. The idea of progress was likewise not merely a + concept, it was also an energizing influence in a time of great + intellectual activity. The idea that the forces of nature can + be controlled in the service of man, differs from the others, + but is also a dynamic potency that seems to be equally well + adapted to the twentieth century. + +The conception that man's fate lies somehow in his own hands, if it +gains general acceptance, will still be, so far as it inspires men to +work and strive, an article of faith, and the image in which he pictures +the future of mankind, toward which he directs his efforts, will still +have the character of myth. That is the function of myths. It is this +that lends an interest to those ideal states in which men at different +times have sought to visualize the world of their hopes and dreams. + + +4. Classification of the Materials + +The purpose of the materials in this chapter is to exhibit the variety +and diversity of men's thought with reference to the concept of +progress. What they show is that there is as yet no general agreement in +regard to the meaning of the term. In all the special fields of social +reform there are relatively definite conceptions of what is desirable +and what is not desirable. In the matter of _progress in general_ there +is no such definition. Except for philosophical speculation there is no +such thing as "progress in general." In practice, progress turns out to +be a number of special tasks. + +The "progress of civilization" is, to be sure, a concept in good +standing in history. It is, however, a concept of appreciation rather +than one of description. If history has to be rewritten for every new +generation of men, it is due not merely to the discovery of new +historical materials, but just to the fact that there is a new +generation. Every generation has its own notion of the values of life, +and every generation has to have its own interpretation of the facts of +life. + +It is incredible that Strachey's _Life of Queen Victoria_ could have +been written forty years ago. It is incredible that the mass of men +should have been able to see the Victorian Age, as it is here presented, +while they were living it. + +The materials in this chapter fall under three heads: (a) the concept +of progress, (b) progress and science, (c) progress and human +nature. + +a) _The concept of progress._--The first difficulty in the study of +progress is one of definition. What are the signs and symptoms, the +criteria of progress? Until we have framed some sort of a definition we +cannot know. Herbert Spencer identified progress with evolution. The law +of organic progress is the law of all progress. Intelligence, if we +understand by that the mere accumulations of knowledge, does not +represent progress. Rather it consists in "those internal modifications +of which this larger knowledge is an expression." In so far, Spencer's +conception is that of the eugenists. Real progress is in the breed--in +the germ plasm. For men like Galton, Karl Pearson, and Madison +Grant,[330] what we call civilization is merely the efflorescence of +race. Civilizations may pass away, but if the racial stock is preserved, +civilization will reproduce itself. In recent years, a school of +political philosophy has sprung up in Europe and in the United States, +which is seeking to define our social policy toward the "inner enemies," +the dependents, the defectives, and the delinquents, and a foreign +policy toward immigrant races and foreign peoples, on the general +conception that the chief aim of society and the state is to preserve +the germ plasm of the Nordic race.[331] For Spencer, however, the +conception that all values were in the organism was modified by the +conviction that all life was involved in an irreversible process called +evolution which would eventually purge the race and society of the weak, +the wicked, and the unfit. + +In contrast, both with the views of Spencer and of the eugenists, +Hobhouse, voicing a conviction that was first expressed by Huxley,[332] +believes that man is bound to intervene in the beneficent law of natural +selection. He insists, in fact, that social development is something +quite distinct and relatively independent of the organic changes in the +individual. It is, in other words, a sociological rather than a +biological product. It is an effect of the interaction of individuals +and is best represented by organized society and by the social tradition +in which that organization is handed on from earlier to later +generations. + +b) _Progress and science._--In contrast with other conceptions of +progress is that of Dewey, who emphasizes science and social control, +or, as he puts it, the "problem of discovering the needs and capacities +of collective human nature as we find it aggregated in racial or +national groups on the surface of the globe." The distinction between +Hobhouse and Dewey is less in substance than in point of view. Hobhouse, +looking backward, is interested in progress itself rather than in its +methods and processes. Dewey, on the other hand, looking forward, is +interested in a present program and in the application of scientific +method to the problems of social welfare and world-organization. + +Arthur James Balfour, the most intellectual of the elder statesmen of +England, looking at progress through the experience of a politician, +speaks in a less prophetic and authoritative tone, but with a wisdom +born of long experience with men. For him, as for many other thoughtful +minds, the future of the race is "encompassed with darkness," and the +wise man is he who is content to act in "a sober and a cautious spirit," +seeking to deal with problems as they arise. + +c) _Progress and human nature._--Progress, which is much a matter of +interpretation, is also very largely a matter of temperament. The +purpose of the material upon human nature and progress is to call +attention to this fact. Progress is with most people an article of +faith, and men's faiths, as to their content, at least, are matters of +temperament. The conservative who perhaps takes a mild interest in +progress is usually "a sober and cautious" person, fairly content with +the present and not very sure about the future. The radical, on the +other hand, is usually a naturally hopeful and enthusiastic individual, +profoundly pessimistic about the present, but with a boundless +confidence in even the most impossible future. + +Philosophy, like literature, is, in the final analysis, the expression +of a temperament, more or less modified by experience. The selections +from Schopenhauer and Bergson may be regarded, therefore, as the +characteristic reactions of two strikingly different temperaments to the +conception of progress and to life. The descriptions which they give of +the cosmic process are, considered formally, not unlike. Their +interpretations and the practical bearings of these interpretations are +profoundly different. + +It is not necessary for the students of sociology to discuss the merits +of these different doctrines. We may accept them as human documents. +They throw light, at any rate, upon the idea of progress, and upon all +the other fundamental ideas in which men have sought to formulate their +common hopes and guide their common life. + + +II. MATERIALS + +A. THE CONCEPT OF PROGRESS + + +1. The Earliest Conception of Progress[333] + +The word "progress," like the word "humanity," is one of the most +significant. It is a Latin word, not used in its current abstract sense +until after the Roman incorporation of the Mediterranean world. The +first writer who expounds the notion with sufficient breadth of view and +sufficiently accurate and concrete observation to provide a preliminary +sketch was the great Roman poet, Lucretius. + +He begins by describing a struggle for existence in which the less +well-adapted creatures died off, those who wanted either the power to +protect themselves or the means of adapting themselves to the purposes +of man. In this stage, however, man was a hardier creature than he +afterward became. He lived like the beasts of the field and was ignorant +of tillage or fire or clothes or houses. He had no laws or government or +marriage and, though he did not fear the dark, he feared the real danger +of fiercer beasts. Men often died a miserable death, but not in +multitudes on a single day as they do now by battle or shipwreck. + +The next stage sees huts and skins and fire which softened their bodies, +and marriage and the ties of family which softened their tempers. And +tribes began to make treaties of alliance with other tribes. Speech +arose from the need which all creatures feel to exercise their natural +powers, just as the calf will butt before his horns protrude. Men began +to apply different sounds to denote different things, just as brute +beasts will do to express different passions, as anyone must have +noticed in the cases of dogs and horses and birds. No one man set out to +invent speech. + +Fire was first learned from lightning and the friction of trees, and +cooking from the softening and ripening of things by the sun. Then men +of genius invented improved methods of life, the building of cities and +private property in lands and cattle. But gold gave power to the wealthy +and destroyed the sense of contentment in simple happiness. It must +always be so whenever men allow themselves to become the slaves of +things which should be their dependents and instruments. + +They began to believe in and worship gods, because they saw in dreams +shapes of preterhuman strength and beauty and deemed them immortal; and +as they noted the changes of the seasons and all the wonders of the +heavens they placed their gods there and feared them when they spoke in +the thunder. + +Metals were discovered through the burning of the woods, which caused +the ores to run. Copper and brass came first and were rated above gold +and silver. And then the metals took the place of hands, nails, teeth, +and clubs, which had been men's earliest arms and tools. Weaving +followed the discovery of the use of iron. Sowing, planting, and +grafting were learned from nature herself, and gradually the cultivation +of the soil was carried farther and farther up the hills. + +Men learned to sing from the birds, and to blow on pipes from the +whistling of the zephyr through the reeds; and those simple tunes gave +as much rustic jollity as our more elaborate tunes do now. + +Then, in a summary passage at the end, Lucretius enumerates all the +chief discoveries which men have made in the age-long process--ships, +agriculture, walled cities, laws, roads, clothes, songs, pictures, +statues, and all the pleasures of life--and adds, "These things practice +and the experience of the unresting mind have taught mankind gradually +as they have progressed from point to point." + +It is the first definition and use of the word in literature. + + +2. Progress and Organization[334] + +The current conception of progress is shifting and indefinite. Sometimes +it comprehends little more than simple growth--as of a nation in the +number of its members and the extent of territory over which it spreads. +Sometimes it has reference to quantity of material products--as when the +advance of agriculture and manufactures is the topic. Sometimes the +superior quality of these products is contemplated; and sometimes the +new or improved appliances by which they are produced. When, again, we +speak of moral or intellectual progress, we refer to states of the +individual or people exhibiting it; while, when the progress of science +or art is commented upon, we have in view certain abstract results of +human thought and action. + +Not only, however, is the current conception of progress more or less +vague, but it is in great measure erroneous. It takes in not so much the +reality of progress as its accompaniments--not so much the substance as +the shadow. That progress in intelligence seen during the growth of the +child into the man, or the savage into the philosopher, is commonly +regarded as consisting in the greater number of facts known and laws +understood; whereas the actual progress consists in those internal +modifications of which this larger knowledge is the expression. Social +progress is supposed to consist in the making of a greater quantity and +variety of the articles required for satisfying men's wants; in the +increasing security of person and property; in widening freedom of +action; whereas, rightly understood, social progress consists in those +changes of structure in the social organism which have entailed these +consequences. The current conception is a ideological one. The phenomena +are contemplated solely as bearing on human happiness. Only those +changes are held to constitute progress which directly or indirectly +tend to heighten human happiness; and they are thought to constitute +progress simply because they tend to heighten human happiness. But +rightly to understand progress, we must learn the nature of these +changes, considered apart from our interests. Ceasing, for example, to +regard the successive geological modifications that have taken place in +the earth as modifications that have gradually fitted it for the +habitation of man, and as therefore constituting geological progress, we +must ascertain the character common to these modifications--the law to +which they all conform. And similarly in every other case. Leaving out +of sight concomitants and beneficial consequences, let us ask what +progress is in itself. + +In respect to that progress which individual organisms display in the +course of their evolution, this question has been answered by the +Germans. The investigations of Wolff, Goethe, and von Baer have +established the truth that the series of changes gone through during the +development of a seed into a tree, or an ovum into an animal, constitute +an advance from homogeneity of structure to heterogeneity of structure. +In its primary stage, every germ consists of a substance that is +uniform throughout, both in texture and chemical composition. The first +step is the appearance of a difference between two parts of this +substance; or, as the phenomenon is called in physiological language, a +differentiation. Each of these differentiated divisions presently begins +itself to exhibit some contrast of parts; and by and by these secondary +differentiations become as definite as the original one. This process is +continuously repeated--is simultaneously going on in all parts of the +growing embryo; and by endless differentiations of this sort there is +finally produced that complex combination of tissues and organs +constituting the adult animal or plant. This is the history of all +organisms whatever. It is settled beyond dispute that organic progress +consists in a change from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous. + +Now, we propose to show that this law of organic progress is the law of +all progress. Whether it be in the development of the earth, in the +development of life upon its surface, in the development of society, of +government, of manufactures, of commerce, of language, literature, +science, art--this same evolution of the simple into the complex, +through successive differentiations, holds throughout. From the earliest +traceable cosmic changes down to the latest results of civilization, we +shall find that the transformation of the homogeneous into the +heterogeneous is that in which progress essentially consists. + + +3. The Stages of Progress[335] + +If we regard the course of human development from the highest scientific +point of view, we shall perceive that it consists in educing more and +more the characteristic faculties of humanity, in comparison with those +of animality; and especially with those which man has in common with the +whole organic kingdom. It is in this philosophical sense that the most +eminent civilization must be pronounced to be fully accordant with +nature, since it is, in fact, only a more marked manifestation of the +chief properties of our species, properties which, latent at first, can +come into play only in that advanced state of social life for which they +are exclusively destined. The whole system of biological philosophy +indicates the natural progression. We have seen how, in the brute +kingdom, the superiority of each race is determined by the degree of +preponderance of the animal life over the organic. In like manner we see +that our social evolution is only the final term of a progression which +has continued from the simplest vegetables and most insignificant +animals, up through the higher reptiles to the birds and the mammifers, +and still on to the carnivorous animals and monkeys, the organic +characteristics retiring and the animal prevailing more and more, till +the intellectual and moral tend toward the ascendancy which can never be +fully obtained, even in the highest state of human perfection that we +can conceive of. This comparative estimate affords us the scientific +view of human progression, connected, as we see it is, with the whole +course of animal advancement, of which it is itself the highest degree. +The analysis of our social progress proves indeed that, while the +radical dispositions of our nature are necessarily invariable, the +highest of them are in a continuous state of relative development, by +which they rise to be preponderant powers of human existence, though the +inversion of the primitive economy can never be absolutely complete. We +have seen that this is the essential character of the social organism in +a statical view; but it becomes much more marked when we study its +variations in their gradual succession. + + +4. Progress and the Historical Process[336] + +The conclusion which these reflections suggest is that the uncritical +application of biological principles to social progress results in an +insuperable contradiction. The factors which determine the survival of +physical organism, if applied as rules for the furtherance of social +progress, appear to conflict with all that social progress means. A +sense of this conflict is no doubt responsible for the further +reconstruction which the biological view has in recent years undergone. +Biologists now begin to inquire seriously whether "natural" selection +may not be replaced by a rational selection in which "fitness for +survival" would at length achieve its legitimate meaning, and the +development of the race might be guided by reasoned conceptions of +social value. This is a fundamental change of attitude, and the new +doctrine of eugenics to which it has given rise requires careful +examination. Before proceeding to this examination, however, it will be +well to inquire into the causes of the contrast on which we have +insisted between biological evolution and social progress. Faced by this +contradiction, we ask ourselves whether social development may not be +something quite distinct from the organic changes known to biology, and +whether the life of society may not depend upon forces which never +appear in the individual when he is examined merely as an individual or +merely as a member of a race. + +Take the latter point first. It is easily seen in the arguments of +biologists that they conceive social progress as consisting essentially +in an improvement of the stock to which individuals belong. This is a +way of looking at the matter intelligible enough in itself. Society +consists of so many thousand or so many million individuals, and if, +comparing any given generation with its ancestors, we could establish an +average improvement in physical, mental, or moral faculty, we should +certainly have cause to rejoice. There is progress so far. But there is +another point of view which we may take up. Society consists of +individual persons and nothing but individual persons, just as the body +consists of cells and the product of cells. But though the body may +consist exclusively of cells, we should never understand its life by +examining the lives of each of its cells as a separate unit. We must +equally take into account that organic interconnection whereby the +living processes of each separate cell co-operate together to maintain +the health of the organism which contains them all. So, again, to +understand the social order we have to take into account not only the +individuals with their capabilities and achievements but the social +organization in virtue of which these individuals act upon one another +and jointly produce what we call social results; and whatever may be +true of the physical organism, we can see that in society it is possible +that individuals of the very same potentialities may, with good +organization, produce good results, and, with bad organization, results +which are greatly inferior. + +The social phenomenon, in short, is not something which occurs in one +individual, or even in several individuals taken severally. It is +essentially an interaction of individuals, and as the capabilities of +any given individual are extraordinarily various and are only called +out, each by appropriate circumstances, it will be readily seen that the +nature of the interaction may itself bring forth new and perhaps +unexpected capacities, and elicit from the individuals contributing to +it forces which, but for this particular opportunity, might possibly +remain forever dormant. If this is so, sociology as a science is not the +same thing as either biology or psychology. It deals neither with the +physical capacities of individuals as such nor with their psychological +capacities as such. It deals rather with results produced by the play of +these forces upon one another, by the interaction of individuals under +the conditions imposed by their physical environment. The nature of the +forces and the point of these distinctions may be made clear by a very +simple instance. + +The interplay of human motives and the interaction of human beings is +the fundamental fact of social life, and the permanent results which +this interaction achieves and the influence which it exercises upon the +individuals who take part in it constitute the fundamental fact of +social evolution. These results are embodied in what may be called, +generically, tradition. So understood, tradition--its growth and +establishment, its reaction upon the very individuals who +contribute to building it up, and its modifications by subsequent +interactions--constitutes the main subject of sociological inquiry. + +Tradition is, in the development of society, what heredity is in the +physical growth of the stock. It is the link between past and future, it +is that in which the effects of the past are consolidated and on the +basis of which subsequent modifications are built up. We might push the +analogy a little further, for the ideas and customs which it maintains +and furnishes to each new generation as guides for their behavior in +life are analogous to the determinate methods of reaction, the inherited +impulses, reflexes, and instincts with which heredity furnishes the +individual. The tradition of the elders is, as it were, the instinct of +society. It furnishes the prescribed rule for dealing with the ordinary +occasions of life, which is for the most part accepted without inquiry +and applied without reflection. It furnishes the appropriate institution +for providing for each class of social needs, for meeting common +dangers, for satisfying social wants, for regulating social relations. +It constitutes, in short, the framework of society's life which to each +new generation is a part of its hereditary outfit. + +But of course in speaking of tradition as a kind of inheritance we +conceive of it as propagated by quite other than biological methods. In +a sense its propagation is psychological, it is handed on from mind to +mind, and even though social institutions may in a sense be actually +incorporated in material things, in buildings, in books, in coronation +robes, or in flags, still it need not be said that these things are +nothing but for the continuity of thought which maintains and develops +their significance. Yet the forces at work in tradition are not purely +psychological; at least they are not to be understood in terms of +individual psychology alone. What is handed on is not merely a set of +ideas but the whole social environment; not merely certain ways of +thinking or of acting but the conditions which prescribe to individuals +the necessity for thinking or acting in certain specific ways if they +are to achieve their own desires. The point is worth dwelling on, +because some writers have thought to simplify the working of tradition +by reducing it to some apparently simple psychological phenomenon like +that of imitation. In this there is more than one element of fallacy. + +Now the growth of tradition will in a sense gravely modify the +individual members of the society which maintains it. To any given set +of institutions a certain assemblage of qualities, mental and physical, +will be most appropriate, and these may differ as much as the qualities +necessary for war differ from those of peaceful industry. Any tradition +will obviously call forth from human beings the qualities appropriate to +it, and it will in a sense select the individuals in which those +qualities are the best developed and will tend to bring them to the top +of the social fabric, but this is not to say that it will assert the +same modification upon the stock that would be accomplished by the +working of heredity. The hereditary qualities of the race may remain the +same, though the traditions have changed and though by them one set of +qualities are kept permanently in abeyance, while the other are +continually brought by exercise to the highest point of efficiency. + +We are not to conclude that physical heredity is of no importance to the +social order; it must be obvious that the better the qualities of the +individuals constituting a race, the more easily they will fit +themselves into good social traditions, the more readily they will +advance those traditions to a still higher point of excellence, and the +more stoutly they would resist deterioration. The qualities upon which +the social fabric calls must be there, and the more readily they are +forthcoming, the more easily the social machine will work. Hence social +progress necessarily implies a certain level of racial development, and +its advance may always be checked by the limitations of the racial type. +Nevertheless, if we look at human history as a whole, we are impressed +with the stability of the great fundamental characteristics of human +nature and the relatively sweeping character and often rapid development +of social change. + +In view of this contrast we must hesitate to attribute any substantial +share in human development to biological factors, and our hesitation is +increased when we consider the factors on which social change depends. +It is in the department of knowledge and industry that advance is most +rapid and certain, and the reason is perfectly clear. It is that on this +side each generation can build on the work of its predecessors. A man of +very moderate mathematical capacity today can solve problems which +puzzled Newton, because he has available the work of Newton and of many +another since Newton's time. In the department of ethics the case is +different. Each man's character has to be formed anew, and though +teaching goes for much, it is not everything. The individual in the end +works out his own salvation. Where there is true ethical progress is in +the advance of ethical conceptions and principles which can be handed +on; of laws and institutions which can be built up, maintained, and +improved. That is to say, there is progress just where the factor of +social tradition comes into play and just so far as its influence +extends. If the tradition is broken, the race begins again where it +stood before the tradition was formed. We may infer that, while the race +has been relatively stagnant, society has rapidly developed, and we must +conclude that, whether for good or for evil, social changes are mainly +determined, not by alterations of racial type, but by modifications of +tradition due to the interactions of social causes. Progress is not +racial but social. + + +B. PROGRESS AND SCIENCE + + +1. Progress and Happiness[337] + +Human progress may be properly defined as that which secures the +_increase of human happiness_. Unless it do this, no matter how great a +civilization may be, it is not progressive. If a nation rise, and +extend its sway over a vast territory, astonishing the world with its +power, its culture, and its wealth, this alone does not constitute +progress. It must first be shown that its people are happier than they +would otherwise have been. If a people be seized with a rage for art, +and, in obedience to their impulses or to national decrees, the wealth +of that people be laid out in the cultivation of the fine arts, the +employment of master artists, the decoration of temples, public and +private buildings, and the embellishment of streets and grounds, no +matter to what degree of perfection this purpose be carried out, it is +not to progress unless greater satisfaction be derived therefrom than +was sacrificed in the deprivations which such a course must occasion. To +be progressive in the true sense, it must work an increase in the sum +total of human enjoyment. When we survey the history of civilization, we +should keep this truth in view, and not allow ourselves to be dazzled by +the splendor of pageantry, the glory of heraldry, or the beauty of art, +literature, philosophy, or religion, but should assign to each its true +place as measured by this standard. + +It cannot be denied that civilization, by the many false practices which +it has introduced, by the facilities which its very complexity affords +to the concealment of crime, and by the monstrous systems of corruption +which fashion, caste, and conventionality are enabled to shelter, is the +direct means of rendering many individuals miserable in the extreme; but +these are the necessary incidents to its struggles to advance under the +dominion of natural forces alone. + +It would involve a great fallacy to deduce from this the conclusion that +civilization begets misery or reduces the happiness of mankind. Against +this gross but popular mistake may be cited the principle before +introduced, which is unanimously accepted by biologists, that an +organism is perfect in proportion as its organs are numerous and varied. +This is because, the more organs there are, the greater is the capacity +for enjoyment. For this enjoyment is quantitative as well as +qualitative, and the greater the number of faculties, the greater is the +possible enjoyment derivable from their normal exercise. To say that +primitive man is happier than enlightened man, is equivalent to saying +that an oyster or a polyp enjoys more than an eagle or an antelope. This +could be true only on the ground that the latter, in consequence of +their sensitive organisms, suffer more than they enjoy; but if to be +happy is to escape from all feeling, then it were better to be stones or +clods, and destitute of conscious sensibility. If this be the happiness +which men should seek, then is the Buddhist in the highest degree +consistent when he prays for the promised _Nirvana_, or annihilation. +But this is not happiness--it is only the absence of it. For happiness +can only be increased by increasing the capacity for feeling, or +emotion, and, when this is increased, the capacity for suffering is +likewise necessarily increased, and suffering must be endured unless +sufficient sagacity accompanies it to prevent this consequence. And that +is the truest progress which, while it indefinitely multiplies and +increases the facilities for enjoyment, furnishes at the same time the +most effective means of preventing discomfort, and, as nearly all +suffering is occasioned by the violation of natural laws through +ignorance of or error respecting those laws, therefore that is the +truest progress which succeeds in overcoming ignorance and error. + +Therefore, we may enunciate the principle that progress is in proportion +to the opportunities or facilities for exercising the faculties and +satisfying desire. + + +2. Progress and Prevision[338] + +We have confused rapidity of change with progress. We have confused the +breaking down of barriers by which advance is made possible with advance +itself. + +We had been told that the development of industry and commerce had +brought about such an interdependence of peoples that war was henceforth +out of the question--at least upon a vast scale. But it is now clear +that commerce also creates jealousies and rivalries and suspicions which +are potent for war. We were told that nations could not long finance a +war under modern conditions; economists had demonstrated that to the +satisfaction of themselves and others. We see now that they had +underrated both the production of wealth and the extent to which it +could be mobilized for destructive purposes. We were told that the +advance of science had made war practically impossible. We now know that +science has not only rendered the machinery of war more deadly but has +also increased the powers of resistance and endurance when war comes. +If all this does not demonstrate that the forces which have brought +about complicated and extensive changes in the fabric of society do not +of themselves generate progress, I do not know what a demonstration +would be. Has man subjugated physical nature only to release forces +beyond his control? + +The doctrine of evolution has been popularly used to give a kind of +cosmic sanction to the notion of an automatic and wholesale progress in +human affairs. Our part, the human part, was simply to enjoy the +usufruct. Evolution inherited all the goods of divine Providence and had +the advantage of being in fashion. Even a great and devastating war is +not too great a price to pay for an awakening from such an infantile and +selfish dream. Progress is not automatic; it depends upon human intent +and aim and upon acceptance of responsibility for its production. It is +not a wholesale matter, but a retail job, to be contracted for and +executed in sections. + +Spite of the dogma which measures progress by increase in altruism, +kindliness, peaceful feelings, there is no reason that I know of to +suppose that the basic fund of these emotions has increased appreciably +in thousands and thousands of years. Man is equipped with these feelings +at birth, as well as with emotions of fear, anger, emulation, and +resentment. What appears to be an increase in one set and a decrease in +the other set is, in reality, a change in their social occasions and +social channels. Civilized man has not a better endowment of ear and eye +than savage man; but his social surroundings give him more important +things to see and hear than the savage has, and he has the wit to devise +instruments to reinforce his eye and ear--the telegraph and telephone, +the microscope and telescope. But there is no reason for thinking that +he has less natural aggressiveness or more natural altruism--or will +ever have--than the barbarian. But he may live in social conditions that +create a relatively greater demand for the display of kindliness and +which turn his aggressive instincts into less destructive channels. + +There is at any time a sufficient amount of kindly impulses possessed by +man to enable him to live in amicable peace with all his fellows; and +there is at any time a sufficient equipment of bellicose impulses to +keep him in trouble with his fellows. An intensification of the +exhibition of one may accompany an intensification of the display of the +other, the only difference being that social arrangements cause the +kindly feelings to be displayed toward one set of fellows and the +hostile impulses toward another set. Thus, as everybody knows, the +hatred toward the foreigner characterizing peoples now at war is +attended by an unusual manifestation of mutual affection and love within +each warring group. So characteristic is this fact that that man was a +good psychologist who said that he wished that this planet might get +into war with another planet, as that was the only effective way he saw +of developing a world-wide community of interest in this globe's +population. + +The indispensable preliminary condition of progress has been supplied by +the conversion of scientific discoveries into inventions which turn +physical energy, the energy of sun, coal, and iron, to account. Neither +the discoveries nor the inventions were the product of unconscious +physical nature. They were the product of human devotion and +application, of human desire, patience, ingenuity, and mother-wit. The +problem which now confronts us, the problem of progress, is the same in +kind, differing in subject-matter. It is a problem of discovering the +needs and capacities of collective human nature as we find it aggregated +in racial or national groups on the surface of the globe, and of +inventing the social machinery which will set available powers operating +for the satisfaction of those needs. + +We are living still under the dominion of a laissez faire philosophy. I +do not mean by this an individualistic, as against a socialistic, +philosophy. I mean by it a philosophy which trusts the direction of +human affairs to nature, or Providence, or evolution, or manifest +destiny--that is to say, to accident--rather than to a contriving and +constructive intelligence. To put our faith in the collective state +instead of in individual activity is quite as laissez faire a proceeding +as to put it in the results of voluntary private enterprise. The only +genuine opposite to a go-as-you-please, let-alone philosophy is a +philosophy which studies specific social needs and evils with a view to +constructing the special social machinery for which they call. + + +3. Progress and the Limits of Scientific Prevision[339] + +Movement, whether of progress or of retrogression, can commonly be +brought about only when the sentiments opposing it have been designedly +weakened or have suffered a natural decay. In this destructive process, +and in any constructive process by which it may be followed, reasoning, +often very bad reasoning, bears, at least in western communities, a +large share as cause, a still larger share as symptom; so that the +clatter of contending argumentation is often the most striking +accompaniment of interesting social changes. Its position, therefore, +and its functions in the social organism are frequently misunderstood. +People fall instinctively into the habit of supposing that, as it plays +a conspicuous part in the improvement or deterioration of human +institutions, it therefore supplies the very basis on which they may be +made to rest, the very mold to which they ought to conform; and they +naturally conclude that we have only got to reason more and to reason +better in order speedily to perfect the whole machinery by which human +felicity is to be secured. + +Surely this is a great delusion. A community founded upon argument would +soon be a community no longer. It would dissolve into its constituent +elements. Think of the thousand ties most subtly woven out of common +sentiments, common tastes, common beliefs, nay, common prejudices, by +which from our very earliest childhood we are all bound unconsciously +but indissolubly together into a compacted whole. Imagine these to be +suddenly loosed and their places taken by some judicious piece of +reasoning on the balance of advantage, which, after taking all proper +deductions, still remains to the credit of social life. These things we +may indeed imagine if we please. Fortunately, we shall never see them. +Society is founded--and from the nature of the human beings which +constitute it, must, in the main, be always founded--not upon criticism +but upon feelings and beliefs, and upon the customs and codes by which +feelings and beliefs are, as it were, fixed and rendered stable. And +even where these harmonize, so far as we can judge, with sound reason, +they are in many cases not consciously based on reasoning; nor is their +fate necessarily bound up with that of the extremely indifferent +arguments by which, from time to time, philosophers, politicians, and, I +will add, divines have thought fit to support them. + +We habitually talk as if a self-governing or free community was one +which managed its own affairs. In strictness, no community manages its +own affairs, or by any possibility could manage them. It manages but a +narrow fringe of its affairs, and that in the main by deputy. It is only +the thinnest surface layer of law and custom, belief and sentiment, +which can either be successfully subjected to destructive treatment, or +become the nucleus of any new growth--a fact which explains the apparent +paradox that so many of our most famous advances in political wisdom are +nothing more than the formal recognition of our political impotence. + +As our expectations of limitless progress for the race cannot depend +upon the blind operation of the laws of heredity, so neither can they +depend upon the deliberate action of national governments. Such +examination as we can make of the changes which have taken place during +the relatively minute fraction of history with respect to which we have +fairly full information shows that they have been caused by a multitude +of variations, often extremely small, made in their surroundings by +individuals whose objects, though not necessarily selfish, have often +had no intentional reference to the advancement of the community at +large. But we have no scientific ground for suspecting that the stimulus +to these individual efforts must necessarily continue; we know of no law +by which, if they do continue, they must needs be co-ordinated for a +common purpose or pressed into the service of a common good. We cannot +estimate their remoter consequences; neither can we tell how they will +act and react upon one another, nor how they will in the long run affect +morality, religion, and other fundamental elements of human society. The +future of the race is thus encompassed with darkness; no faculty of +calculation that we possess, no instrument that we are likely to invent, +will enable us to map out its course, or penetrate the secret of its +destiny. It is easy, no doubt, to find in the clouds which obscure our +paths what shapes we please: to see in them the promise of some +millennial paradise, or the threat of endless and unmeaning travel +through waste and perilous places. But in such visions the wise man will +put but little confidence, content, in a sober and cautious spirit, with +a full consciousness of his feeble powers of foresight and the narrow +limits of his activity, to deal as they arise with the problems of his +own generation. + + +4. Eugenics as a Science of Progress[340] + +Eugenics is the science which deals with all influences that improve the +inborn qualities of a race; also with those that develop them to the +utmost advantage. + +What is meant by improvement? There is considerable difference between +goodness in the several qualities and in that of the character as a +whole. The character depends largely on the _proportion_ between +qualities whose balance may be much influenced by education. We must +therefore leave morals as far as possible out of the discussion, not +entangling ourselves with the almost hopeless difficulties they raise as +to whether a character as a whole is good or bad. Moreover, the goodness +or badness of character is not absolute, but relative to the current +form of civilisation. A fable will best explain what is meant. Let the +scene be the Zoological Gardens in the quiet hours of the night, and +suppose that, as in old fables, the animals are able to converse, and +that some very wise creature who had easy access to all the cages, say a +philosophic sparrow or rat, was engaged in collecting the opinions of +all sorts of animals with a view of elaborating a system of absolute +morality. It is needless to enlarge on the contrariety of ideals between +the beasts that prey and those they prey upon, between those of the +animals that have to work hard for their food and the sedentary +parasites that cling to their bodies and suck their blood and so forth. +A large number of suffrages in favour of maternal affection would be +obtained, but most species of fish would repudiate it, while among the +voices of birds would be heard the musical protest of the cuckoo. Though +no agreement could be reached as to absolute morality, the essentials of +Eugenics may be easily defined. All creatures would agree that it was +better to be healthy than sick, vigorous than weak, well fitted than ill +fitted for their part in life. In short, that it was better to be good +rather than bad specimens of their kind, whatever that kind might be. So +with men. There are a vast number of conflicting ideals of alternative +characters, of incompatible civilisations; but all are wanted to give +fulness and interest to life. Society would be very dull if every man +resembled the highly estimable Marcus Aurelius or Adam Bede. The aim of +Eugenics is to represent each class or sect by its best specimens; that +done, to leave them to work out their common civilisation in their own +way. + +The aim of Eugenics is to bring as many influences as can be reasonably +employed, to cause the useful classes in the community to contribute +_more_ than their proportion to the next generation. + +The course of procedure that lies within the functions of a learned and +active Society such as the Sociological may become, would be somewhat as +follows: + +1. Dissemination of a knowledge of the laws of heredity so far as they +are surely known, and promotion of their further study. Few seem to be +aware how greatly the knowledge of what may be termed the _actuarial_ +side of heredity has advanced in recent years. The average closeness of +kinship in each degree now admits of exact definition and of being +treated mathematically, like birth- and death-rates, and the other +topics with which actuaries are concerned. + +2. Historical inquiry into the rates with which the various classes of +society (classified according to civic usefulness) have contributed to +the population at various times, in ancient and modern nations. There is +strong reason for believing that national rise and decline is closely +connected with this influence. It seems to be the tendency of high +civilisation to check fertility in the upper classes, through numerous +causes, some of which are well known, others are inferred, and others +again are wholly obscure. The latter class are apparently analogous to +those which bar the fertility of most species of wild animals in +zoological gardens. Out of the hundreds and thousands of species that +have been tamed, very few indeed are fertile when their liberty is +restricted and their struggles for livelihood are abolished; those which +are so and are otherwise useful to man becoming domesticated. There is +perhaps some connection between this obscure action and the +disappearance of most savage races when brought into contact with high +civilisation, though there are other and well-known concomitant causes. +But while most barbarous races disappear, some, like the Negro, do not. +It may therefore be expected that types of our race will be found to +exist which can be highly civilised without losing fertility; nay, they +may become more fertile under artificial conditions, as is the case with +many domestic animals. + +3. Systematic collection of facts showing the circumstances under which +large and thriving families have most frequently originated; in other +words, the _conditions_ of Eugenics. The names of the thriving families +in England have yet to be learnt, and the conditions under which they +have arisen. We cannot hope to make much advance in the science of +Eugenics without a careful study of facts that are now accessible with +difficulty, if at all. The definition of a thriving family, such as will +pass muster for the moment at least, is one in which the children have +gained distinctly superior positions to those who were their classmates +in early life. Families may be considered "large" that contain not less +than three adult male children. The point to be ascertained is the +_status_ of the two parents at the time of their marriage, whence its +more or less eugenic character might have been predicted, if the larger +knowledge that we now hope to obtain had then existed. Some account +would, of course, be wanted of their race, profession, and residence; +also of their own respective parentages, and of their brothers and +sisters. Finally, the reasons would be required why the children +deserved to be entitled a "thriving" family, to distinguish worthy from +unworthy success. This manuscript collection might hereafter develop +into a "golden book" of thriving families. The Chinese, whose customs +have often much sound sense, make their honours retrospective. We might +learn from them to show that respect to the parents of noteworthy +children, which the contributors of such valuable assets to the national +wealth richly deserve. + +4. Influences affecting Marriage. The passion of love seems so +overpowering that it may be thought folly to try to direct its course. +But plain facts do not confirm this view. Social influences of all kinds +have immense power in the end, and they are very various. If unsuitable +marriages from the eugenic point of view were banned socially, or even +regarded with the unreasonable disfavour which some attach to cousin +marriages, very few would be made. The multitude of marriage +restrictions that have proved prohibitive among uncivilised people would +require a volume to describe. + +5. Persistence in setting forth the national importance of Eugenics. +There are three stages to be passed through. _Firstly_, it must be made +familiar as an academic question, until its exact importance has been +understood and accepted as a fact; _secondly_, it must be recognised as +a subject whose practical development deserves serious consideration; +and _thirdly_, it must be introduced into the national conscience, like, +a new religion. It has, indeed, strong claims to become an orthodox +religious tenet of the future, for Eugenics cooperates with the workings +of Nature by securing that humanity shall be represented by the fittest +races. What Nature does blindly, slowly, and ruthlessly, man may do +providently, quickly, and kindly. I see no impossibility in Eugenics +becoming a religious dogma among mankind, but its details must first be +worked out sedulously in the study. The first and main point is to +secure the general intellectual acceptance of Eugenics as a hopeful and +most important study. Then let its principles work into the heart of +the nation, who will gradually give practical effect to them in ways +that we may not wholly foresee. + + +C. PROGRESS AND HUMAN NATURE + + +1. The Nature of Man[341] + +Man is certainly an animal that, when he lives at all, lives for ideals. +Something must be found to occupy his imagination, to raise pleasure and +pain into love and hatred, and change the prosaic alternative between +comfort and discomfort into the tragic one between happiness and sorrow. +Now that the hue of daily adventure is so dull, when religion for the +most part is so vague and accommodating, when even war is a vast +impersonal business, nationality seems to have slipped into the place of +honor. It has become the one eloquent, public, intrepid +illusion--illusion, I mean, when it is taken for an ultimate good or a +mystical essence, for of course nationality is a fact. It is natural for +a man to like to live at home, and to live long elsewhere without a +sense of exile is not good for his moral integrity. It is right to feel +a greater kinship and affection for what lies nearest to one's self. But +this necessary fact and even duty of nationality is accidental; like age +or sex it is a physical fatality which can be made the basis of specific +and comely virtues; but it is not an end to pursue or a flag to flaunt +or a privilege not balanced by a thousand incapacities. Yet of this +distinction our contemporaries tend to make an idol, perhaps because it +is the only distinction they feel they have left. + +Everywhere in the nineteenth century we find a double preoccupation with +the past and with the future, a longing to know what all experience +might have been hitherto, and on the other hand to hasten to some wholly +different experience, to be contrived immediately with a beating heart +and with flying banners. The imagination of the age was intent on +history; its conscience was intent on reform. + + +2. Progress and the Mores[342] + +What now are some of the leading features in the mores of civilized +society at the present time? Undoubtedly they are monogamy, +anti-slavery, and democracy. All people now are more nervous than +anybody used to be. Social ambition is great and is prevalent in all +classes. The idea of class is unpopular and is not understood. There is +a superstitious yearning for equality. There is a decided preference for +city life, and a stream of population from the country into big cities. +These are facts of the mores of the time. Our societies are almost +unanimous in their response if there is any question raised on these +matters. + +Medieval people conceived of society under forms of status as generally +as we think of it under forms of individual liberty. The mores of the +Orient and Occident differ from each other now, as they apparently +always have differed. The Orient is a region where time, faith, +tradition, and patience rule. The Occident forms ideals and plans, and +spends energy and enterprise to make new things with thoughts of +progress. All details of life follow the leading ways of thought of each +group. We can compare and judge ours and theirs, but independent +judgment of our own, without comparison with other times or other +places, is possible only within narrow limits. + +Let us first take up the nervous desire and exertion which mark the men +of our time in the western civilized societies. There is a wide popular +belief in what is called progress. The masses in all civilized states +strain toward success in some adopted line. Struggling and striving are +passionate tendencies which take possession of groups from time to time. +The newspapers, the popular literature, and the popular speakers show +this current and popular tendency. This is what makes the mores. + + +3. War and Progress[343] + +Let us see what progress means. It is a term which covers several quite +different things. + +There is material progress, by which I understand an increase in wealth, +that is, in the commodities useful to man, which give him health, +strength, and longer life, and make his life easier, providing more +comfort and more leisure, and thus enabling him to be more physically +efficient, and to escape from that pressure of want which hampers the +development of his whole nature. + +There is intellectual progress--an increase in knowledge, a greater +abundance of ideas, the training to think, and to think correctly, the +growth in capacity for dealing with practical problems, the cultivation +of the power to enjoy the exercise of thought and the pleasures of +letters and art. + +There is moral progress--a thing harder to define, but which includes +the development of those emotions and habits which make for +happiness--contentment and tranquility of mind; the absence of the more +purely animal and therefore degrading vices (such as intemperance and +sensuality in all its other forms); the control of the violent passions; +good will and kindliness toward others--all the things which fall within +the philosophical conception of a life guided by right reason. People +have different ideas of what constitutes happiness and virtue, but these +things are at any rate included in every such conception. + +A further preliminary question arises. Is human progress to be estimated +in respect to the point to which it raises the few who have high mental +gifts and the opportunity of obtaining an education fitting them for +intellectual enjoyment and intellectual vocations, or is it to be +measured by the amount of its extension to and diffusion through each +nation, meaning the nation as a whole--the average man as well as the +superior spirits? You may sacrifice either the many to the few--as was +done by slavery--or the few to the many, or the advance may be general +and proportionate in all classes. + +Again, when we think of progress, are we to think of the world as a +whole, or only of the stronger and more capable races and states? If the +stronger rise upon the prostrate bodies of the weaker, is this clear +gain to the world, because the stronger will ultimately do more for the +world, or is the loss and suffering of the weaker to be brought into the +account? I do not attempt to discuss these questions; it is enough to +note them as fit to be remembered; for perhaps all three kinds of +progress ought to be differently judged if a few leading nations only +are to be regarded, or if we are to think of all mankind. + +It is undeniable that war has often been accompanied by an advance in +civilization. If we were to look for progress only in time of peace +there would have been little progress to discover, for mankind has lived +in a state of practically permanent warfare. The Egyptian and Assyrian +monarchs were always fighting. The author of the Book of Kings speaks of +spring as the time when kings go forth to war, much as we should speak +of autumn as the time when men go forth to shoot deer. "War is the +natural relation of states to one another," said Plato. The fact has +been hardly less true since his day, though latterly men have become +accustomed to think of peace as the normal, war as the abnormal or +exceptional, relation of states to one another. In the ancient world, as +late as the days of Roman conquest, a state of peace was the rare +exception among civilized states as well as barbarous tribes. But +Carthage, like her Phoenician mother-city, went on building up a mighty +commerce till Rome smote her down, and the Hellenic people, in its many +warring cities, went on producing noble poems and profound philosophical +speculations, and rearing majestic temples and adorning them with +incomparable works of sculpture, in the intervals of their fighting with +their neighbors of the same or other races. The case of the Greeks +proves that war and progress are compatible. + +The capital instance of the association of war with the growth and +greatness of a state is found in Prussia. One may say that her history +is the source of the whole thesis and the basis of the whole argument. +It is a case of what, in the days when I learned logic at the University +of Oxford, we used to call the induction from a single instance. +Prussia, then a small state, began her upward march under the warlike +and successful prince whom her people call the Great Elector. Her next +long step to greatness was taken by Frederick II, again by favor of +successful warfare, though doubtless also by means of a highly +organized, and for those days very efficient, administration. Voltaire +said of Frederick's Prussia that its trade was war. Another war added to +her territory in 1814-15. Three successful wars--those of 1864, 1866, +and 1870-71--made her the nucleus of a united German nation and the +leading military power of the Old World. + +Ever since those victories her industrial production, her commerce, and +her wealth have rapidly increased, while at the same time scientific +research has been prosecuted with the greatest vigor and on a scale +unprecedentedly large. These things were no doubt achieved during a +peace of forty-three years. But it was what one may call a belligerent +peace, full of thoughts of war and preparations for war. There is no +denying that the national spirit has been carried to a high point of +pride, energy, and self-confidence, which have stimulated effort in all +directions and secured extraordinary efficiency in civil as well as in +military administration. Here, then, is an instance in which a state has +grown by war and a people has been energized by war. + +Next, let us take the cases which show that there have been in many +countries long periods of incessant war with no corresponding progress +in the things that make civilization. I will not speak of semi-barbarous +tribes, among the more advanced of which may be placed the Albanians and +the Pathans and the Turkomans, while among the more backward were the +North American Indians and the Zulus. But one may cite the case of the +civilized regions of Asia under the successors of Alexander, when +civilized peoples, distracted by incessant strife, did little for the +progress of arts or letters or government, from the death of the great +conqueror till they were united under the dominion of Rome and received +from her a time of comparative tranquillity. + +The Thirty Years' War is an example of long-continued fighting which, +far from bringing progress in its train, inflicted injuries on Germany +from which she did not recover for nearly two centuries. In recent times +there has been more fighting in South and Central America, since the +wars of independence, than in any other civilized countries. Yet can +anyone say that anything has been gained by the unending civil wars and +revolutions, or those scarcely less frequent wars between the several +republics, like that terrible one thirty years ago in which Peru was +overcome by Chile? Or look at Mexico. Except during the years when the +stern dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz kept order and equipped the country +with roads and railways, her people have made no perceptible advance and +stand hardly higher today than when they were left to work out their own +salvation a hundred years ago. Social and economic conditions have +doubtless been against her. All that need be remembered is that warfare +has not bettered those conditions or improved the national character. + +If this hasty historical survey has, as I frankly admit, given us few +positive and definite results, the reason is plain. Human progress is +affected by so many conditions besides the presence or absence of +fighting that it is impossible in any given case to pronounce that it +has been chiefly due either to war or to peace. Two conclusions, +however, we may claim to have reached, though they are rather negative +than positive. One is that war does not necessarily arrest progress. +Peoples may advance in thought, literature, and art while they are +fighting. The other is that war cannot be shown to have been a cause of +progress in anything except the wealth or power of a state which extends +its dominions by conquest or draws tribute from the vanquished. + +What, then, are the causes to which the progress of mankind is due? It +is due partly, no doubt, if not to strife, to competition. But chiefly +to thought, which is more often hindered than helped by war. It is the +races that know how to think, rather than the far more numerous races +that excel in fighting rather than in thinking, that have led the world. +Thought, in the form of invention and inquiry, has given us those +improvements in the arts of life and in the knowledge of nature by which +material progress and comfort have been obtained. Thought has produced +literature, philosophy, art, and (when intensified by emotion) +religion--all the things that make life worth living. Now the thought of +any people is most active when it is brought into contact with the +thought of another, because each is apt to lose its variety and freedom +of play when it has worked too long upon familiar lines and flowed too +long in the channels it has deepened. Hence isolation retards progress, +while intercourse quickens it. + +The great creative epochs have been those in which one people of natural +vigor received an intellectual impulse from the ideas of another, as +happened when Greek culture began to penetrate Italy, and thirteen +centuries later, when the literature of the ancients began to work on +the nations of the medieval world. + +Such contact, with the process of learning which follows from it, may +happen in or through war, but it happens far oftener in peace; and it is +in peace that men have the time and the taste to profit fully by it. A +study of history will show that we may, with an easy conscience, dismiss +the theory of Treitschke--that war is a health-giving tonic which +Providence must be expected constantly to offer to the human race for +its own good. + +The future progress of mankind is to be sought, not through the strifes +and hatreds of the nations, but rather by their friendly co-operation in +the healing and enlightening works of peace and in the growth of a +spirit of friendship and mutual confidence which may remove the causes +of war. + + +4. Progress and the Cosmic Urge + +_a. The "Elan Vitale"_[344] + +All life, animal and vegetable, seems in its essence like an effort to +accumulate energy and then to let it flow into flexible channels, +changeable in shape, at the end of which it will accomplish infinitely +varied kinds of work. That is what the _vital impetus_, passing through +matter, would fain do all at once. It would succeed, no doubt, if its +power were unlimited, or if some reinforcement could come to it from +without. But the impetus is finite, and it has been given once for all. +It cannot overcome all obstacles. The movement it starts is sometimes +turned aside, sometimes divided, always opposed; and the evolution of +the organized world is the unrolling of this conflict. The first great +scission that had to be effected was that of the two kingdoms, vegetable +and animal, which thus happen to be mutually complementary, without, +however, any agreement having been made between them. To this scission +there succeeded many others. Hence the diverging lines of evolution, at +least what is essential in them. But we must take into account +retrogressions, arrests, accidents of every kind. And we must remember, +above all, that each species behaves as if the general movement of life +stopped at it instead of passing through it. It thinks only of itself, +it lives only for itself. Hence the numberless struggles that we behold +in nature. Hence a discord, striking and terrible, but for which the +original principle of life must not be held responsible. + +It is therefore conceivable that life might have assumed a totally +different outward appearance and designed forms very different from +those we know. With another chemical substratum, in other physical +conditions, the impulsion would have remained the same, but it would +have split up very differently in course of progress; and the whole +would have traveled another road--whether shorter or longer who can +tell? In any case, in the entire series of living beings no term would +have been what it now is. + +There are numerous cases in which nature seems to hesitate between the +two forms, and to ask herself if she shall make a society or an +individual. The slightest push is enough, then, to make the balance +weigh on one side or the other. If we take an infusorian sufficiently +large, such as the Stentor, and cut it into two halves each containing a +part of the nucleus, each of the two halves will generate an independent +Stentor; but if we divide it incompletely, so that a protoplasmic +communication is left between the two halves, we shall see them execute, +each from its side, corresponding movements; so that in this case it is +enough that a thread should be maintained or cut in order that life +should affect the social or the individual form. Thus, in rudimentary +organisms consisting of a single cell, we already find that the apparent +individuality of the whole is the composition of an _undefined_ number +of potential individualities potentially associated. But, from top to +bottom of the series of living beings, the same law is manifested. And +it is this that we express when we say that unity and multiplicity are +categories of inert matter, that the vital impetus is neither pure unity +nor pure multiplicity, and that if the matter to which it communicates +itself compels it to choose one of the two, its choice will never be +definitive: it will leap from one to the other indefinitely. The +evolution of life in the double direction of individuality and +association has therefore nothing accidental about it: it is due to the +very nature of life. + +Essential also is the progress to reflexion. If our analysis is correct, +it is consciousness, or rather supra-consciousness, that is at the +origin of life. Consciousness, or supra-consciousness, is the name for +the rocket whose extinguished fragments fall back as matter; +consciousness, again, is the name for that which subsists of the rocket +itself, passing through the fragments and lighting them up into +organisms. But this consciousness, which is a _need of creation_, is +made manifest to itself only where creation is possible. It lies dormant +when life is condemned to automatism; it wakens as soon as the +possibility of a choice is restored. That is why, in organisms +unprovided with a nervous system, it varies according to the power of +locomotion and of deformation of which the organism disposes. And in +animals with a nervous system, it is proportional to the complexity of +the switchboard on which the paths called sensory and the paths called +motor intersect--that is, of the brain. + +Consciousness corresponds exactly to the living being's power of choice; +it is coextensive with the fringe of possible action that surrounds the +real action: consciousness is synonymous with invention and with +freedom. Now, in the animal, invention is never anything but a variation +on the theme of routine. Shut up in the habits of the species, it +succeeds, no doubt, in enlarging them by its individual initiative; but +it escapes automatism only for an instant, for just the time to create a +new automatism. The gates of its prison close as soon as they are +opened; by pulling at its chain it succeeds only in stretching it. With +man, consciousness breaks the chain. In man, and in man alone, it sets +itself free. The whole history of life until man has been that of the +effort of consciousness to raise matter, and of the more or less +complete overwhelming of consciousness by the matter which has fallen +back on it. The enterprise was paradoxical, if, indeed, we may speak +here otherwise than by metaphor of enterprise and of effort. It was to +create with matter, which is necessity itself, an instrument of freedom, +to make a machine which should triumph over mechanism, and to use +determinism of nature to pass through the meshes of the net which this +very determinism had spread. But, everywhere except in man, +consciousness has let itself be caught in the net whose meshes it tried +to pass through: it has remained the captive of the mechanisms it has +set up. Automatism, which it tries to draw in the direction of freedom, +winds about it and drags it down. It has not the power to escape, +because the energy it has provided for acts is almost all employed in +maintaining the infinitely subtle and essentially unstable equilibrium +into which it has brought matter. But man not only maintains his +machine, he succeeds in using it as he pleases. Doubtless he owes this +to the superiority of his brain, which enables him to build an unlimited +number of motor mechanisms, to oppose new habits to the old ones +unceasingly, and, by dividing automatism against itself, to rule it. He +owes it to his language, which furnishes consciousness with an +immaterial body in which to incarnate itself and thus exempts it from +dwelling exclusively on material bodies, whose flux would soon drag it +along and finally swallow it up. He owes it to social life, which stores +and preserves efforts as language stores thought, fixes thereby a mean +level to which individuals must raise themselves at the outset, and by +this initial stimulation prevents the average man from slumbering and +drives the superior man to mount still higher. But our brain, our +society, and our language are only the external and various signs of one +and the same internal superiority. They tell, each after its manner, the +unique, exceptional success which life has won at a given moment of its +evolution. They express the difference of kind, and not only of degree, +which separates man from the rest of the animal world. They let us guess +that, while at the end of the vast springboard from which life has taken +its leap, all the others have stepped down, finding the cord stretched +too high, man alone has cleared the obstacle. + +It is in this quite special sense that man is the "term" and the "end" +of evolution. Life, we have said, transcends finality as it transcends +the other categories. It is essentially a current sent through matter, +drawing from it what it can. There has not, therefore, properly +speaking, been any project or plan. On the other hand, it is abundantly +evident that the rest of nature is not for the sake of man: we struggle +like the other species, we have struggled against other species. +Moreover, if the evolution of life had encountered other accidents in +its course, if, thereby, the current of life had been otherwise divided, +we should have been, physically and morally, far different from what we +are. For these various reasons it would be wrong to regard humanity, +such as we have it before our eyes, as prefigured in the evolutionary +movement. It cannot even be said to be the outcome of the whole of +evolution, for evolution has been accomplished on several divergent +lines, and while the human species is at the end of one of them, other +lines have been followed with other species at their end. It is in a +quite different sense that we hold humanity to be the ground of +evolution. + +From our point of view, life appears in its entirety as an immense wave +which, starting from a centre, spreads outwards, and which on almost the +whole of its circumference is stopped and converted into oscillation: at +one single point the obstacle has been forced, the impulsion has passed +freely. It is this freedom that the human form registers. Everywhere but +in man, consciousness has had to come to a stand; in man alone it has +kept on its way. Man, then, continues the vital movement indefinitely, +although he does not draw along with him all that life carries in +itself. On other lines of evolution there have traveled other tendencies +which life implied, and of which, since everything interpenetrates, man +has, doubtless, kept something, but of which he has kept only very +little. _It is as if a vague and formless being, whom we may call, as we +will_, man _or_ superman, _had sought to realize himself, and had +succeeded only by abandoning a part of himself on the way_. The losses +are represented by the rest of the animal world, and even by the +vegetable world, at least in what these have that is positive and above +the accidents of evolution. + +From this point of view, the discordances of which nature offers us the +spectacle are singularly weakened. The organized world as a whole +becomes as the soil on which was to grow either man himself or a being +who morally must resemble him. The animals, however distant they may be +from our species, however hostile to it, have none the less been useful +traveling companions, on whom consciousness has unloaded whatever +encumbrances it was dragging along, and who have enabled it to rise, in +man, to heights from which it sees an unlimited horizon open again +before it. + +Consciousness is distinct from the organism it animates, although it +must undergo its vicissitudes. As the possible actions which a state of +consciousness indicates are at every instant beginning to be carried out +in the nervous centres, the brain underlies at every instant the motor +indications of the state of consciousness; but the interdependency of +consciousness and brain is limited to this; the destiny of consciousness +is not bound up on that account with the destiny of cerebral matter. +Finally, consciousness is essentially free; it is freedom itself; but it +cannot pass through matter without settling on it, without adapting +itself to it: this adaptation is what we call intellectuality; and the +intellect, turning itself back towards active, that is to say, free, +consciousness, naturally makes it enter into the conceptual forms into +which it is accustomed to see matter fit. It will therefore always +perceive freedom in the form of necessity; it will always neglect the +part of novelty or of creation inherent in the free act; it will always +substitute for action itself an imitation artificial, approximative, +obtained by compounding the old with the old and the same with the same. +Thus, to the eyes of a philosophy that attempts to reabsorb intellect in +intuition, many difficulties vanish or become light. But such a doctrine +does not only facilitate speculation; it gives us also more power to act +and to live. For, with it, we feel ourselves no longer isolated in +humanity, humanity no longer seems isolated in the nature that it +dominates. As the smallest grain of dust is bound up with our entire +solar system, drawn along with it in that undivided movement of descent +which is materiality itself, so all organized beings, from the humblest +to the highest, from the first origins of life to the time in which we +are, and in all places, as in all times, do but evidence a single +impulsion, the inverse of the movement of matter, and in itself +indivisible. All the living hold together, and all yield to the same +tremendous push. The animal takes its stand on the plant, man bestrides +animality, and the whole of humanity, in space and in time, is one +immense army galloping beside and before and behind each of us in an +overwhelming charge able to beat down every resistance and clear the +most formidable obstacles, perhaps even death. + + +_b. The "Dunkler Drang"_[345] + +Every glance at the world, to explain which is the task of the +philosopher, confirms and proves that _will to live_, far from being an +arbitrary hypostasis or an empty word, is the only true expression of +its inmost nature. Everything presses and strives towards _existence_, +if possible _organized existence_, i.e., _life_, and after that to the +highest possible grade of it. In animal nature it then becomes apparent +that _will to live_ is the keynote of its being, its one unchangeable +and unconditioned quality. Let anyone consider this universal desire for +life, let him see the infinite willingness, facility, and exuberance +with which the will to live pressed impetuously into existence under a +million forms everywhere and at every moment, by means of fructification +and of germs, nay, when these are wanting, by means of _generatio +aequivoca_, seizing every opportunity, eagerly grasping for itself every +material capable of life: and then again let him cast a glance at its +fearful alarm and wild rebellion when in any particular phenomenon it +must pass out of existence; especially when this takes place with +distinct consciousness. Then it is precisely the same as if in this +single phenomenon the whole world would be annihilated forever, and the +whole being of this threatened living thing is at once transformed into +the most desperate struggle against death and resistance to it. Look, +for example, at the incredible anxiety of a man in danger of his life, +the rapid and serious participation in this of every witness of it, and +the boundless rejoicing at his deliverance. Look at the rigid terror +with which a sentence of death is heard, the profound awe with which we +regard the preparations for carrying it out, and the heartrending +compassion which seizes us at the execution itself. We would then +suppose there was something quite different in question than a few less +years of an empty, sad existence, embittered by troubles of every kind, +and always uncertain: we would rather be amazed that it was a matter of +any consequence whether one attained a few years earlier to the place +where after an ephemeral existence he has billions of years to be. In +such phenomena, then, it becomes visible that I am right in declaring +that _the will to live_ is that which cannot be further explained, but +lies at the foundation of all explanations, and that this, far from +being an empty word, like the absolute, the infinite, the idea, and +similar expressions, is the most real thing we know, nay, the kernel of +reality itself. + +But if now, abstracting for a while from this interpretation drawn from +our inner being, we place ourselves as strangers over against nature, in +order to comprehend it objectively, we find that from the grade of +organized life upwards it has only one intention--that of the +_maintenance of the species_. To this end it works, through the immense +superfluity of germs, through the urgent vehemence of the sexual +instinct, through its willingness to adapt itself to all circumstances +and opportunities, even to the production of bastards, and through the +instinctive maternal affection, the strength of which is so great that +in many kinds of animals it even outweighs self-love, so that the mother +sacrifices her life in order to preserve that of the young. The +individual, on the contrary, has for nature only an indirect value, only +so far as it is the means of maintaining the species. Apart from this, +its existence is to nature a matter of indifference; indeed nature even +leads it to destruction as soon as it has ceased to be useful for this +end. Why the individual exists would thus be clear; but why does the +species itself exist? That is a question which nature when considered +merely objectively cannot answer. For in vain do we seek by +contemplating her for an end of this restless striving, this ceaseless +pressing into existence, this anxious care for the maintenance of the +species. The strength and the time of the individuals are consumed in +the effort to procure sustenance for themselves and their young, and are +only just sufficient, sometimes even not sufficient, for this. The whole +thing, when regarded thus purely objectively, and indeed as extraneous +to us, looks as if nature was only concerned that of all her (Platonic) +_Ideas_, i.e., permanent forms, none should be lost. For the individuals +are fleeting as the water in the brook; and Ideas, on the contrary, are +permanent, like its eddies: but the exhaustion of the water would also +do away with the eddies. We would have to stop at this unintelligible +view if nature were known to us only from without, thus were given us +merely _objectively_, and we accepted it as it is comprehended by +knowledge, and also as sprung from knowledge, i.e., in the sphere of the +idea, and were therefore obliged to confine ourselves to this province +in solving it. But the case is otherwise, and a glance at any rate is +afforded us into the _interior of nature_; inasmuch as this is nothing +else than _our own inner being_, which is precisely where nature, +arrived at the highest grade to which its striving could work itself up, +is now by the light of knowledge found directly in self-consciousness. +Thus the subjective here gives the key for the exposition of the +objective. In order to recognize, as something original and +unconditioned, that exceedingly strong tendency of all animals and men +to retain life and carry it on as long as possible--a tendency which was +set forth above as characteristic of the subjective, or of the will--it +is necessary to make clear to ourselves that this is by no means the +result of any objective _knowledge_ of the worth of life, but is +independent of all knowledge; or, in other words, that those beings +exhibit themselves, not as drawn from in front, but as impelled from +behind. + +If with this intention we first of all review the interminable series of +animals, consider the infinite variety of their forms, as they exhibit +themselves always differently modified according to their element and +manner of life, and also ponder the inimitable ingenuity of their +structure and mechanism, which is carried out with equal perfection in +every individual; and finally, if we take into consideration the +incredible expenditure of strength, dexterity, prudence, and activity +which every animal has ceaselessly to make through its whole life; if, +approaching the matter more closely, we contemplate the untiring +diligence of wretched little ants, the marvellous and ingenious +industry of the bees, or observe how a single burying-beetle +(_Necrophorus vespillo_) buries a mole of forty times its own size in +two days in order to deposit its eggs in it and insure nourishment for +the future brood (Gleditsch, _Physik. Bot. Oekon. Abhandl._, III, 220), +at the same time calling to mind how the life of most insects is nothing +but ceaseless labour to prepare food and an abode for the future brood +which will arise from their eggs, and which then, after they have +consumed the food and passed through the chrysalis state, enter upon +life merely to begin again from the beginning the same labour; then also +how, like this, the life of the birds is for the most part taken up with +their distant and laborious migrations, then with the building of their +nests and the collection of food for their brood, which itself has to +play the same role the following year; and so all work constantly for +the future, which afterwards makes bankrupt--then we cannot avoid +looking round for the reward of all this skill and trouble, for the end +which these animals have before their eyes, which strive so +ceaselessly--in short, we are driven to ask: What is the result? What is +attained by the animal existence which demands such infinite +preparation? And there is nothing to point to but the satisfaction of +hunger and the sexual instinct, or in any case a little momentary +comfort, as it falls to the lot of each animal individual, now and then +in the intervals of its endless need and struggle. Take, for example, +the mole, that unwearied worker. To dig with all its might with its +enormous shovel claws is the occupation of its whole life; constant +night surrounds it; its embryo eyes only make it avoid the light. It +alone is truly an _animal nocturnum_; not cats, owls, and bats, who see +by night. But what, now, does it attain by this life, full of trouble +and devoid of pleasure? Food and the begetting of its kind; thus only +the means of carrying on and beginning anew the same doleful course in +new individuals. In such examples it becomes clear that there is no +proportion between the cares and troubles of life and the results or +gain of it. The consciousness of the world of perception gives a certain +appearance of objective worth of existence to the life of those animals +which can see, although in their case this consciousness is entirely +subjective and limited to the influence of motives upon them. But the +_blind_ mole, with its perfect organization and ceaseless activity, +limited to the alternation of insect larvae and hunger, makes the +disproportion of the means to the end apparent. + +Let us now add the consideration of the human race. The matter indeed +becomes more complicated, and assumes a certain seriousness of aspect; +but the fundamental character remains unaltered. Here also life presents +itself by no means as a gift for enjoyment, but as a task, a drudgery to +be performed; and in accordance with this we see, in great and small, +universal need, ceaseless cares, constant pressure, endless strife, +compulsory activity, with extreme exertion of all the powers of body and +mind. Many millions, united into nations, strive for the common good, +each individual on account of his own; but many thousands fall as a +sacrifice for it. Now senseless delusions, now intriguing politics, +incite them to wars with each other; then the sweat and the blood of the +great multitude must flow, to carry out the ideas of individuals, or to +expiate their faults. In peace industry and trade are active, inventions +work miracles, seas are navigated, delicacies are collected from all +ends of the world, the waves engulf thousands. All strive, some +planning, others acting; the tumult is indescribable. But the ultimate +aim of it all, what is it? To sustain ephemeral and tormented +individuals through a short span of time in the most fortunate ease with +endurable want and comparative freedom from pain, which, however, is at +once attended with ennui; then the reproduction of this race and its +striving. In this evident disproportion between the trouble and the +reward, the will to live appears to us from this point of view, if taken +objectively, as a fool, or subjectively, as a delusion, seized by which +everything living works with the utmost exertion of its strength for +something that is of no value. But when we consider it more closely, we +shall find here also that it is rather a blind pressure, a tendency +entirely without ground or motive. + +The law of motivation only extends to the particular actions, not to +willing _as a whole and in general_. It depends upon this, that if we +conceive of the human race and its action _as a whole and universally_, +it does not present itself to us, as when we contemplate the particular +actions, as a play of puppets who are pulled after the ordinary manner +by threads outside them; but from this point of view, as puppets that +are set in motion by internal clockwork. For if, as we have done above, +one compares the ceaseless, serious, and laborious striving of men with +what they gain by it, nay, even with what they ever can gain, the +disproportion we have pointed out becomes apparent, for one recognizes +that that which is to be gained, taken as the motive power, is entirely +insufficient for the explanation of that movement and that ceaseless +striving. What, then, is a short postponement of death, a slight easing +of misery or deferment of pain, a momentary stilling of desire, compared +with such an abundant and certain victory over them all as death? What +could such advantages accomplish taken as actual moving causes of a +human race, innumerable because constantly renewed, which unceasingly +moves, strives, struggles, grieves, writhes, and performs the whole +tragi-comedy of the history of the world, nay, what says more than all, +_perseveres_ in such a mock-existence as long as each one possibly can? +Clearly this is all inexplicable if we seek the moving causes outside +the figures and conceive the human race as striving, in consequence of +rational reflection, or something analogous to this (as moving threads), +after those good things held out to it, the attainment of which would be +a sufficient reward for its ceaseless cares and troubles. The matter +being taken thus, everyone would rather have long ago said, "Le jeu ne +vaut pas la chandelle," and have gone out. But, on the contrary, +everyone guards and defends his life, like a precious pledge entrusted +to him under heavy responsibility, under infinite cares and abundant +misery, even under which life is tolerable. The wherefore and the why, +the reward for this, certainly he does not see; but he has accepted the +worth of that pledge without seeing it, upon trust and faith, and does +not know what it consists in. Hence I have said that these puppets are +not pulled from without, but each bears in itself the clockwork from +which its movements result. This is _the will to live_, manifesting +itself as an untiring machine, an irrational tendency, which has not its +sufficient reason in the external world. It holds the individuals firmly +upon the scene, and is the _primum mobile_ of their movements; while the +external objects, the motives, only determine their direction in the +particular case; otherwise the cause would not be at all suitable to the +effect. For, as every manifestation of a force of nature has a cause, +but the force of nature itself none, so every particular act of will has +a motive, but the will in general has none: indeed at bottom these two +are one and the same. The will, as that which is metaphysical, is +everywhere the boundary-stone of every investigation, beyond which it +cannot go. We often see a miserable figure, deformed and shrunk with +age, want, and disease, implore our help from the bottom of his heart +for the prolongation of an existence, the end of which would necessarily +appear altogether desirable if it were an objective judgment that +determined here. Thus instead of this it is the blind will, appearing as +the tendency to life, the love of life, and the sense of life; it is the +same which makes the plants grow. This sense of life may be compared to +a rope which is stretched above the puppet show of the world of men, and +on which the puppets hang by invisible threads, while apparently they +are supported only by the ground beneath them (the objective value of +life). But if the rope becomes weak the puppet sinks; if it breaks the +puppet must fall, for the ground beneath it only seemed to support it: +i.e., the weakening of that love of life shows itself as hypochondria, +spleen, melancholy: its entire exhaustion as the inclination to suicide. +And as with the persistence in life, so is it also with its action and +movement. This is not something freely chosen; but while everyone would +really gladly rest, want and ennui are the whips that keep the top +spinning. Therefore everything is in continual strain and forced +movement, and the course of the world goes on, to use an expression of +Aristotle's (_De coelo_ ii. 13), [Greek: "ou physei, alla bia"] (_motu, +non naturali sed molento_). Men are only apparently drawn from in front; +really they are pushed from behind; it is not life that tempts them on, +but necessity that drives them forward. The law of motivation is, like +all causality, merely the form of the phenomenon. + +In all these considerations, then, it becomes clear to us that the will +to live is not a consequence of the knowledge of life, is in no way a +_conclusio ex praemissis_, and in general is nothing secondary. Rather, +it is that which is first and unconditioned, the premiss of all +premisses, and just on that account that from which philosophy must +_start_, for the will to live does not appear in consequence of the +world, but the world in consequence of the will to live. + + +III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS + + +1. Progress and Social Research + +The problem of progress comes back finally to the problem of the +ultimate good. If the world is getting better, measured by this ultimate +standard, then there is progress. If it is growing worse, then there is +retrogression. But in regard to the ultimate good there is no agreement. +What is temporary gain may be ultimate loss. What is one man's evil may +be, and often seems to be, another man's good. In the final analysis +what seems evil may turn out to be good and what seems good may be an +eventual evil. But this is a problem in philosophy which sociology is +not bound to solve before it undertakes to describe society. It does not +even need to discuss it. Sociology, just as any other natural science, +accepts the current values of the community. The physician, like the +social worker, assumes that health is a social value. With this as a +datum his studies are directed to the discovery of the nature and causes +of diseases, and to the invention of devices for curing them. There is +just as much, and no more, reason for a sociologist to formulate a +doctrine of social progress as there is for the physician to do so. Both +are concerned with specific problems for which they are seeking specific +remedies. + +If there are social processes and predictable forms of change in +society, then there are methods of human intervention in the processes +of society, methods of controlling these processes in the interest of +the ends of human life, methods of progress in other words. If there are +no intelligible or describable social processes, then there may be +progress, but there will be no sociology and no _methods of progress_. +We can only hope and pray. + +It is not impossible to formulate a definition of progress which does +not assume the perfectibility of mankind, which does not regard progress +as a necessity, and which does not assume to say with finality what has +happened or is likely to happen to humanity as a whole.[346] + +Progress may be considered as the addition to the sum of accumulated +experience, tradition, and technical devices organized for social +efficiency. This is at once a definition of progress and of +civilization, in which civilization is the sum of social efficiencies +and progress consists of the units (additions) of which it is composed. +Defined in these terms, progress turns out to be a relative, local, +temporal, and secular phenomenon. It is possible, theoretically at +least, to compare one community with another with respect to their +relative efficiency and their relative progress in efficiency, just as +we can compare one institution with another in respect to its efficiency +and progress. It is even possible to measure the progress of humanity in +so far as humanity can be said to be organized for social action. + +This is in fact the point of view which sociologists have adopted as +soon as progress ceased to be, for sociology, a matter of definition and +became a matter of observation and research. Score cards for +neighborhoods and for rural communities have already been devised.[347] + + +2. Indices of Progress + +A few years ago, Walter F. Willcox, in an article "A Statistician's Idea +of Progress," sought to define certain indices of social progress which +would make it possible to measure progress statistically. "If progress +be merely a subjective term," he admitted, "statistics can throw no +light upon it because all such ends as happiness, or self-realization, +or social service are incapable of statistical measurement." Statistics +works with indices, characteristics which are accessible to measurement +but are "correlated with some deeper immeasurable characteristic." Mr. +Willcox took as his indices of progress: + + 1. Increase in population. + 2. Length of life. + 3. Uniformity in population. + 4. Racial homogeneity. + 5. Literacy. + 6. Decrease of the divorce rate. + +Certainly these indices, like uniformity, are mere temporary measures of +progress, since diversity in the population is not per se an evil. It +becomes so only when the diversities in the community are so great as +to endanger its solidarity. Applying his indices to the United States, +Mr. Willcox sums up the result as follows: + + The net result is to indicate for the United States a rapid + increase of population and probable increase in length of life, + and increase in racial uniformity and perhaps in uniformity of + other sorts connected with immigration, and at the same time a + decrease in uniformity in the stability and social + serviceability of family life. Some of these indications look + towards progress, others look towards retrogression. As they + cannot be reduced to any common denominator, the statistical + method is unable to answer the question with which we + started.[348] + +The securing of indices which will measure satisfactorily even such +social values as are generally accepted is difficult. The problem of +giving each index in the series a value or weight in proportion to the +value of all the others is still more difficult. This statement, at any +rate, illustrates the procedure and the method. + +The whole subject of numerical indices for the measurement of +civilization and progress has recently been discussed in a little volume +by Alfredo Niceforo,[349] professor in the School of Criminal Law at +Rome. He proposes as indices of progress: + +1. The increase in wealth and in the consumption of goods, and the +diminution of the mortality rate. These are evidences of material +progress. + +2. The diffusion of culture, and "when it becomes possible to measure +it," the productivity of men of genius. This is the measure of +intellectual superiority. + +3. Moral progress he would measure in terms of crime. + +4. There remains the social and political organization, which he would +measure in terms of the increase and decrease of individual liberty. + +In all these attempts to measure the progress of the community the +indices have invariably shown progression in some direction, +retrogression in others. + +From the point of view of social research the problem of progress is +mainly one of getting devices that will measure all the different +factors of progress and of estimating the relative value of different +factors in the progress of the community. + + +SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY + + +1. THE DEFINITION OF PROGRESS + +(1) Dewey, John. "Progress," _International Journal of Ethics_, XXVI +(1916), 311-22. + +(2) Bury, J. B. _The Idea of Progress_. An inquiry into its origin and +growth. London, 1921. + +(3) Bryce, James. "What is Progress?" _Atlantic Monthly_, C (1907), +145-56. + +(4) Todd, A. J. _Theories of Social Progress_. A critical attempt to +formulate the conditions of human advance. New York, 1918. + +(5) Woods, E. B. "Progress as a Sociological Concept," _American Journal +of Sociology_, XII (1906-7), 779-821. + +(6) Cooley, Charles H. _The Social Process_. Chap, xxvii, "The Sphere of +Pecuniary Valuation," pp. 309-28. New York, 1918. + +(7) Mackenzie, J. S. "The Idea of Progress," _International Journal of +Ethics_, IX (1899), 195-213. + +(8) Bergson, H. _Creative Evolution_. New York, 1911. + +(9) Frobenius, L. _Die Weltanschauung der Naturvoelker_. Weimar, 1899. + +(10) Inge, W. R. _The Idea of Progress_. The Romanes Lecture, 1920. +Oxford, 1920. + +(11) Balfour, Arthur J. _Arthur James Balfour, as Philosopher and +Thinker_. A collection of the more important and interesting passages in +his non-political writings, speeches, and addresses, 1879-1912. Selected +and arranged by Wilfrid M. Short. "Progress," pp. 413-35. London and New +York, 1912. + +(12) Carpenter, Edward. _Civilization, Its Cause and Cure_. And other +essays. New and enlarged ed. London and New York, 1917. + +(13) Nordau, Max S. _The Interpretation of History_. Translated from the +German by M. A. Hamilton. Chap viii, "The Question of Progress." New +York, 1911. + +(14) Sorel, Georges. _Les Illusions du progres_. 2d ed. Paris, 1911. + +(15) Allier, R. "Pessimisme et civilisation," _Revue Encyclopedique_, V +(1895), 70-73. + +(16) Simmel, Georg. "Moral Deficiencies as Determining Intellectual +Functions," _International Journal of Ethics_, III (1893), 490-507. + +(17) Delvaille, Jules. _Essai sur histoire de l'idee de progres jusq'a +la fin du 18ieme siecle_. Paris, 1910. + +(18) Sergi, G. "Qualche idea sul progresso umano," _Rivista italiana di +sociologia_, XVII (1893), 1-8. + +(19) Barth, Paul. "Die Frage des sittlichen Fortschritts der +Menschheit," _Vierteljahrsschrift fuer wissenschaftliche Philosophie_, +XXIII (1899), 75-116. + +(20) Lankester, E. Ray. _Degeneration_. A chapter in Darwinism, and +parthenogenesis. Humboldt Library of Science. New York. 18--. + +(21) Lloyd, A.H. "The Case of Purpose against Fate in History," +_American Journal of Sociology_, XVII (1911-12), 491-511. + +(22) Case, Clarence M. "Religion and the Concept of Progress," _Journal +of Religion_, I (1921), 160-73. + +(23) Reclus, E. "The Progress of Mankind," _Contemporary Review_, LXX +(1896), 761-83. + +(24) Bushee, F. A. "Science and Social Progress," _Popular Science +Monthly_, LXXIX (1911), 236-51. + +(25) Jankelevitch, S. "Du Role des idees dans l'evolution des societes," +_Revue philosophique_, LXVI (1908), 256-80. + + +II. HISTORY, THE PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY AND PROGRESS + +(1) Condorcet, Marquis de. _History of the Progress of the Human Mind_. +London, 1795. + +(2) Comte, Auguste. _The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Comte_. +(Translated from the French by Harriet Martineau) Book VI, chap, ii, vi. +2d ed. 2 vols. London, 1875-90. + +(3) Caird, Edward. _The Social Philosophy and Religion of Comte_. 2d ed. +Glasgow and New York, 1893. + +(4) Buckle, Henry Thomas. _History of Civilization in England_. 2 vols. +From 2d London ed. New York, 1903. + +(5) Condorcet, Marie J.A.C. _Esquisse d'un tableau historique des +progres de l'esprit humain_. 2 vols in one. Paris, 1902. + +(6) Harris, George. _Civilization Considered as a Science_. In relation +to its essence, its elements, and its end. London, 1861. + +(7) Lamprecht, Karl. _Alte und neue Richtungen in der +Geschichtswissenschaft_. Berlin, 1896. + +(8) ----. "Individualitaet, Idee und sozialpsychische Kraft in der +Geschichte," _Jahrbuecher fuer National-Oekonomie und Statistik_, XIII +(1897), 880-900. + +(9) Barth, Paul. _Philosophie der Geschichte als Sociologie_. Erster +Teil, "Einleitung und kritische Uebersicht." Leipzig, 1897. + +(10) Rickert, Heinrich. _Die Grenzen der Naturwissenschaftlichen +Begriffsbildung_. Leipzig, 1902. + +(11) Simmel, Georg. _Die Problems der Geschichtsphilosophie_. Eine +erkenntnistheoretische Studie. 2d ed. Leipzig, 1905. + +(12) Mill, John Stuart. _A System of Logic, Ratiocinative and +Inductive_. Being a connected view of the principles of evidence and the +methods of scientific investigation. 8th ed. New York and London, 1900. + +(13) Letelier, Valentin. _La Evolucion de la historia_. 2d ed. 2 vols. +Santiago de Chile, 1900. + +(14) Teggart, Frederick J. _The Processes of History._ New Haven, 1918. + +(15) Znaniecki, Florian. _Cultural Reality._ Chicago, 1919. + +(16) Hibben, J. G. "The Philosophical Aspects of Evolution," +_Philosophical Review_, XIX (1910), 113-36. + +(17) Bagehot, Walter. _Physics and Politics._ Or thoughts on the +application of the principles of "natural selection" and "inheritance" +to political society. Chap. vi, "Verifiable Progress Politically +Considered," pp. 205-24. New York, 1906. + +(18) Crawley, A. E. "The Unconscious Reason in Social Evolution," +_Sociological Review_, VI (1913), 236-41. + +(19) Froude, James A. "Essay on Progress," _Short Studies on Great +Subjects._ 2d Ser. II, 245-79, 4 vols. New York, 1888-91. + +(20) Morley, John. "Some Thoughts on Progress," _Educational Review_, +XXIX (1905), 1-17. + + +III. EVOLUTION AND PROGRESS + +(1) Spencer, Herbert. "Progress, Its Law and Cause," _Westminster +Review_, LXVII (1857), 445-85. [Reprinted in Everyman's edition of his +_Essays_, pp. 153-97. New York, 1866.] + +(2) Federici, Romolo. _Les Lois du Progres._ II, 32-35, 44, 127, 136, +146-47, 158 ff., 223, etc. 2 vols. Paris, 1888-91. + +(3) Baldwin, James Mark. _Development and Evolution._ Including +psychophysical evolution, evolution by orthoplasy, and the theory of +genetic modes. New York, 1902. + +(4) Adams, Brooks. _The Law of Civilization and Decay._ An essay on +history. New York and London, 1903. + +(5) Kidd, Benjamin. _Principles of Western Civilization._ London, 1902. + +(6) ----. _Social Evolution._ New ed. New York and London, 1896. + +(7) Mueller-Lyer, F. _Phasen der Kultur und Richtungslinien des +Fortschritts._ Soziologische Ueberblicke. Muenchen, 1908. + +(8) McGee, W. J. "The Trend of Human Progress," _American +Anthropologist_, N. S., I (1899), 401-47. + +(9) Carver, Thomas N. _Sociology and Social Progress._ A handbook for +students of sociology. Boston, 1905. + +(10) Weber, L. _Le Rythme du progres._ Etude sociologique. Paris, 1913. + +(11) Baldwin, J. Mark. _Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental +Development._ Chap. xiv. "Social Progress," pp. 537-50. New York, 1906. + +(12) Kropotkin, P. _Mutual Aid._ A factor of evolution. London, 1902. + +(13) Wallace, Alfred R. _Social Environment and Moral Progress._ London +and New York, 1913. + +(14) Freeman, R. Austin. _Social Decay and Regeneration._ With an +introduction by Havelock Ellis. Boston, 1921. + + +IV. EUGENICS AND PROGRESS + +(1) Galton, Francis, and others. "Eugenics, Its Scope and Aims," +_American Journal of Sociology_, X (1904-5), 1-25. + +(2) Saleeby, Caleb W. _The Progress of Eugenics._ London, 1914. + +(3) Ellis, Havelock. _The Problem of Race Regeneration._ New York, 1911. + +(4) Pearson, Karl. _National Life from the Standpoint of Science._ 2d +ed. London, 1905. + +(5) Saleeby, Caleb W. _Methods of Race Regeneration._ New York, 1911. + +(6) Davenport, C. B. _Heredity in Relation to Eugenics._ New York, 1911. + +(7) Demoor, Massart, et Vandervelde. _L'Evolution regressive en biologie +et en sociologie._ Paris, 1897. + +(8) Thomson, J. Arthur. "Eugenics and War," _Eugenics Review_, VII +(1915-16), 1-14. + +(9) Southard, E. E. "Eugenics _vs._ Cacogenics," _Journal of Heredity_, +V (1914), 408-14. + +(10) Conn, Herbert W. _Social Heredity and Social Evolution._ The other +side of eugenics. Cincinnati, 1914. + +(11) Popenoe, Paul, and Johnson, R. H. _Applied Eugenics._ New York, +1918. + +(12) Kelsey, Carl. "Influence of Heredity and Environment upon Race +Improvement," _Annals of the American Academy_, XXXIV (1909) 3-8. + +(13) Ward, L. F. "Eugenics, Euthenics and Eudemics," _American Journal +of Sociology_, XVIII (1912-13), 737-54. + + +V. PROGRESS AND THE MORAL ORDER + +(1) Harrison, Frederic. _Order and Progress._ London, 1875. + +(2) Hobhouse, Leonard T. _Social Evolution and Political Theory._ Chaps, +i, ii, vii, pp. 1-39; 149-65. New York, 1911. + +(3) ----. _Morals in Evolution._ A study in comparative ethics. 2 vols. +New York, 1906. + +(4) Alexander, Samuel. _Moral Order and Progress._ An analysis of +ethical conceptions. 2d ed. London, 1891. + +(5) Chapin, F. S. "Moral Progress," _Popular Science Monthly_, LXXXVI +(1915), 467-71. + +(6) Keller, Albert G. _Societal Evolution._ New York, 1915. + +(7) Dellepiane, A. "Le Progres et sa formule. La lutte pour le progres," +_Revue Internationale de sociologie_, XX (1912), 1-30. + +(8) Burgess, Ernest W. _The Function of Socialization in Social +Evolution._ Chicago, 1916. + +(9) Ellwood, C. A. "The Educational Theory of Social Progress," +_Scientific Monthly_, V (1917), 439-50. + +(10) Bosanquet, Helen. "The Psychology of Social Progress," +_International Journal of Ethics_, VII (1896-97), 265-81. + +(11) Perry, Ralph Barton. _The Moral Economy_. Chap, iv, "The Moral Test +of Progress," pp. 123-70. New York, 1909. + +(12) Patten, S. N. "Theories of Progress," _American Economic Review_, +II (1912), 61-68. + +(13) Alexander, H. B. "The Belief in God and Immortality as Factors in +Race Progress." _Hibbert Journal_, IX (1910-11), 169-87. + + +VI. UTOPIAS + +(1) Plato. _The Republic of Plato_. Translated into English by Benjamin +Jowett. 2 vols. Oxford, 1908. + +(2) More, Thomas. _The "Utopia" of Sir Thomas More_. Ralph Robinson's +translation, with Roper's "Life of More" and some of his letters. +London, 1910. + +(3) _Ideal Commonwealths_. Comprising More's "Utopia," Bacon's "New +Atlantis," Campanella's "City of the Sun," and Harrington's "Oceana," +with introductions by Henry Morley. Rev. ed. New York, 1901. + +(4) Kaufmann, Moritz. _Utopias, or Schemes of Social Improvement_. From +Sir Thomas More to Karl Marx. London, 1879. + +(5) Bacon, Francis. _New Atlantis_. Oxford, 1915. + +(6) Campanella, Tommaso. _La citta di sole e aforasmi politici_. +Lanciana, Carabba, 19--. + +(7) Andreae, Johann V. _Christianopolis_. An ideal state of the +seventeenth century. Translated from the Latin by T. E. Held. New York, +1916. + +(8) Harrington, James. _The Oceana of James Harrington_. London, 1700. + +(9) Mandeville, Bernard de. _Fable of the Bees_. Or private vices, +public benefits. Edinburgh, 1772. [First published in 1714.] + +(10) Cabet, Etienne. _Voyage en Icarie_. 5th ed. Paris, 1848. + +(11) Butler, Samuel. _Erewhon: or over the Range_. New York, 1917. +[First published in 1872.] + +(12) ----. _Erewhon Revisited Twenty Years Later_. New York, 1901. + +(13) Lytton, Edward Bulwer. _The Coming Race_. London, 1871. + +(14) Bellamy, Edward. _Looking Backward, 2000-1887_. Boston, 1898. + +(15) Morris, William. _News from Nowhere_. Or an epoch of rest, being +some chapters from a utopian romance. New York, 1910. [First published +in 1891.] + +(16) Hertzka, Theodor. _Freeland_. A social anticipation. New York, +1891. + +(17) Wells, H. G. _A Modern Utopia_. New York, 1905. + +(18) ----. _New Worlds for Old_. New York, 1908. + + +VII. PROGRESS AND SOCIAL WELFARE + +(1) Crozier, John B. _Civilization and Progress_. 3d ed., pp. 366-440. +London and New York, 1892. + +(2) Obolensky, L. E. ["Self-Consciousness of Classes in Social +Progress"] _Voprosy filosofii i psichologuii_, VII (1896), 521-51. +[Short review in _Revue philosophique_, XLIV (1897), 106.] + +(3) Mallock, William H. _Aristocracy and Evolution_. A study of the +rights, the origin, and the social functions of the wealthier classes. +London, 1898. + +(4) Tenney, E. P. _Contrasts in Social Progress_. New York, 1907. + +(5) Hall, Arthur C. _Crime in Its Relations to Social Progress_. New +York, 1902. + +(6) Hughes, Charles E. _Conditions of Progress in a Democratic +Government_. New Haven, 1910. + +(7) Parmelee, Maurice. _Poverty and Social Progress_. Chaps. vi-vii. New +York, 1916. + +(8) George, Henry. _Progress and Poverty_. Book X, chap. iii. New York, +1899. + +(9) Nasmyth, George. _Social Progress and the Darwinian Theory_. New +York, 1916. + +(10) Harris, George. _Inequality and Progress_. New York, 1897. + +(11) Irving, L. "The Drama as a Factor in Social Progress," _Fortnightly +Review_, CII (1914), 268-74. + +(12) Salt, Henry S. _Animal Rights Considered in Relation to Social +Progress_. New York, 1894. + +(13) Delabarre, Frank A. "Civilisation and Its Effects on Morbidity and +Mortality," _Journal of Sociologic Medicine_, XIX (1918), 220-23. + +(14) Knopf, S. A. "The Effects of Civilisation on the Morbidity and +Mortality of Tuberculosis," _Journal of Sociologic Medicine_, XX (1919), +5-15. + +(15) Giddings, Franklin H. "The Ethics of Social Progress," in the +collection _Philanthropy and Social Progress_. Seven essays ... +delivered before the School of Applied Ethics at Plymouth, Mass., during +the session of 1892. With introduction by Professor Henry C. Adams. New +York and Boston, 1893. + +(16) Morgan, Alexander. _Education and Social Progress_. Chaps. vi, +ix-xxi. London and New York, 1916. + +(17) Butterfield, K. L. _Chapters in Rural Progress._ Chicago, 1908. + +(18) Robertson, John M. _The Economics of Progress._ New York, 1918. + +(19) Willcox, Walter F. "A Statistician's Idea of Progress," +_International Journal of Ethics_, XXIII (1913), 275-98. + +(20) Zueblin, Charles. _American Municipal Progress._ Rev. ed. New York, +1916. + +(21) Niceforo, Alfredo. _Les Indices numerique de la civilisation et du +progres_. Paris, 1921. + +(22) Todd, A. J. _Theories of Social Progress._ Chap, vii, "The Criteria +of Progress," pp. 113-53. New York, 1918. + + +TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES + +1. The History of the Concept of Progress + +2. Popular Notions of Progress + +3. The Natural History of Progress: Evolution of Physical and Mental +Traits, Economic Progress, Moral Development, Intellectual Development, +Social Evolution + +4. Stages of Progress: Determined by Type of Control over Nature, Type +of Social Organization, Type of Communication, etc. + +5. Score Cards and Scales for Grading Communities and Neighborhoods + +6. Progress as Wish-Fulfilment: an Analysis of Utopias + +7. Criteria or Indices of Progress: Physical, Mental, Intellectual, +Economic, Moral, Social, etc. + +8. Progress as an Incident of the Cosmic Process + +9. Providence versus Progress + +10. Happiness as the Goal of Progress + +11. Progress as Social Change + +12. Progress as Social Evolution + +13. Progress as Social Control + +14. Progress and the Science of Eugenics + +15. Progress and Socialization + +16. Control through Eugenics, Education, and Legislation + + +QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION + +1. What do you understand by progress? + +2. How do you explain the fact that the notion of progress originated? + +3. What is the relation of change to progress? + +4. What is Spencer's law of evolution? Is it an adequate generalization? +What is its value? + +5. Why do we speak of "stages of progress"? + +6. To what extent has progress been a result (a) of eugenics, (b) of +tradition? + +7. What do you understand by progress as (a) a historical process, and +(b) increase in the content of civilization? + +8. What is the relation of progress to happiness? + +9. "We have confused rapidity of change with progress." Explain. + +10. "Progress is not automatic." Elaborate your position with reference +to this statement. + +11. What is the relation of prevision to progress? + +12. Do you believe that mankind can control and determine progress? + +13. "Our expectations of limitless progress cannot depend upon the +deliberate action of national governments." Contrast this statement of +Balfour with the statement of Dewey. + +14. "A community founded on argument would dissolve into its constituent +elements." Discuss this statement. + +15. What is Galton's conception of progress? + +16. What would you say to the possibility or the impossibility of the +suggestion of eugenics becoming a religious dogma as suggested by +Galton? + +17. What is the relation, as conceived by the eugenists, as between germ +plasm and culture? + +18. Is progress dependent upon change in human nature? + +19. How are certain persistent traits of human nature related to +progress? + +20. What is meant by the statement that progress is in the mores? + +21. What are the different types of progress analyzed by Bryce? Has +advance in each of them been uniform in the last one thousand years? + +22. Does war make for or against progress? + +23. What is the relation of freedom to progress? + +24. What place has the myth in progress? + +25. To what extent is progress as a process of realizing values a matter +of temperament, of optimism, and of pessimism? + +FOOTNOTES: + +[322] Robert Flint, _The Philosophy of History in Europe_, I, 29-30. +(London, 1874.) + +[323] W. R. Inge, _Outspoken Essays_, i, "Our Present Discontents," p. +2. (London, 1919.) + +[324] Charles Booth, _Labour and Life of the People_, I, 154-55, 598. 2d +ed. (London, 1889.) + +[325] Charles Cooley, _The Social Process_, p. 284. (New York, 1918.) + +[326] Charles Zueblin, _American Municipal Progress_, pp. xi-xii. New +and rev. ed. (New York, 1916.) + +[327] R. Austin Freeman, _Social Decay and Regeneration_. With an +introduction by Havelock Ellis. Pp. 16-17. (Boston, 1921.) + +[328] J. B. Bury, _The Idea of Progress._ An inquiry into its origin and +growth, p. 1. (London, 1921.) + +[329] W. R. Inge, _The Idea of Progress_, p. 9. The Romanes Lecture, +1920. (Oxford, 1920.) + +[330] Author of _The Passing of a Great Race, or the Racial Basis of +European History_. (New York, 1916.) + +[331] See Stoddard Lothrop, _The Rising Tide of Color against White +World-Supremacy_ (New York, 1920); and William McDougall, _Is America +Safe for Democracy?_ (New York, 1921.) + +[332] Thomas H. Huxley, _Evolution and Ethics and Other Lectures_, +Lecture ii, pp. 46-116. (New York, 1894.) + +[333] Adapted from F. S. Marvin, _Progress and History_, pp. 8-10. +(Oxford University Press, 1916. + +[334] Adapted from Herbert Spencer, _Essays_, I, 8-10. (D. Appleton & +Co., 1899.) + +[335] Adapted from Auguste Comte, _Positive Philosophy_, II, 124. +(Truebner & Co., 1875.) + +[336] Adapted from Leonard T. Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political +Theory_, pp. 29-39. (The Columbia University Press, 1911.) + +[337] From Lester F. Ward, _Dynamic Sociology_, II, 174-77. (D. Appleton +& Co., 1893.) + +[338] Adapted from John Dewey, "Progress," in the _International Journal +of Ethics_, XXVI (1916), 312-18. + +[339] From _The Mind of Arthur James Balfour_, by Wilfrid M. Short, pp. +293-97. (Copyright 1918, George H. Doran Company, publishers.) + +[340] From Francis Galton, "Eugenics: Its Definition, Scope, and Aims," +in the _American Journal of Sociology_, X (1904-5), 1-6. + +[341] Adapted from G. Santayana, _Winds of Doctrine_, pp. 6-8. (Charles +Scribner's Sons, 1913.) + +[342] Adapted from W. G. Sumner, "The Mores of the Present and the +Future," in the _Yale Review_, XVIII (1909-10), 235-36. (Quoted by +special permission of the _Yale Review_.) + +[343] Adapted from James Bryce, "War and Human Progress," in +_International Conciliation_, CVIII (November, 1916), 13-27. + +[344] From Henri Bergson, _Creative Evolution_, translated by Arthur +Mitchell, pp. 253-71. (Henry Holt & Co., 1913.) + +[345] From Arthur Schopenhauer, _The World as Will and Idea_, III, +107-18. (Paul, Trench, Truebner & Co., 1909.) + +[346] Scientific optimism was no doubt rampant before Darwin. For +example, Herschel says: "Man's progress towards a higher state need +never fear a check, but must continue till the very last existence of +history." But Herbert Spencer asserts the perfectibility of man with an +assurance which makes us gasp. "Progress is not an accident, but a +necessity. What we call evil and immorality must disappear. It is +certain that man must become perfect." "The ultimate development of the +ideal man is certain--as certain as any conclusion in which we place the +most implicit faith; for instance, that all men will die." "Always +towards perfection is the mighty movement--towards a complete +development and a more unmixed good."--W. R. Inge, _The Idea of +Progress_, p. 9. (Oxford, 1920.) + +[347] "Scale for Grading Neighborhood Conditions," _Publications of the +Whittier State School, Research Bulletin, No. 5_, Whittier, Cal., May, +1917. "Guide to the Grading of Neighborhoods," _Publications of the +Whittier State School, Research Bulletin, No. 8_, Whittier, Cal., April, +1918. Dwight Sanderson, "Scale for Grading Social Conditions in Rural +Communities," _New York State Agricultural College Bulletin_ [in press], +Ithaca, N.Y., 1921. + +[348] "A Statistician's Idea of Progress," _International Journal of +Ethics_, XVIII (1913), 296. + +[349] _Les indices numeriques de la civilisation et du progres_. (Paris, +1921.) + + + + +INDEX OF NAMES + + +[Page numbers in italics refer to selections or short extracts.] + +Abbott, Edith, 223, 569. + +Abbott, Grace, 780. + +Abraham, Karl, 857. + +Abrahams, I., 943. + +Abrikossof, N. A., 649. + +Achelis, T., 937. + +Adams, Brewster, 643, 656. + +Adams, Brooks, 950, 1006. + +Adams, Charles C., 218, 554. + +Adams, Charles F., _760_. + +Adams, Franklin P., _834_. + +Adams, Henry, _5_, 14, _15_, 563. + +Addams, Jane, 329, 331, 335. + +Addison, Joseph, 66. + +Adler, Alfred, 144, 150, 497, 501, 638, 645, 646. + +Adler, H. M., 936. + +Alexander, H. B., 1008. + +Alexander, Samuel, 1007. + +Alexander the Great, 987. + +Alfred [_pseud._], _see_ Kydd, Samuel. + +Alher, R., 1004. + +Ambrosio, M. A. d', 566. + +Ames, Edward S., 426. + +Amiel, H., 151. + +Ammon, Dr. O., 535. + +Amsden, G. S., 152. + +Anderson, Wilbert L., 334. + +Andreae, Johann V., 1008. + +Andrews, Alexander, 860. + +Andrews, John B., 942. + +Anthony, Katharine S., 151, 942. + +Anthony, Susan B., 949. + +Antin, Mary, 774, 782, 783. + +Antony, Marc, 386. + +Archer, T. A., 941. + +Arcoleo, G., 649. + +Aria, E., 948. + +Aristotle, 11, 29, 30, 32, 61, 140, 144, 156, 223, 231, 261, 373, 640, 1000. + +Aronovici, Carol, 218, 782. + +Atkinson, Charles M., 949. + +Aubry, P., 937, 938. + +Audoux, Marguerite, 151. + +Auerbach, Bertrand, 275, 660, 778. + +Augustinus, Aurelius (Saint Augustine), 122, 144, 150. + +Austin, George L., 949. + +Austin, John, 106. + +Austin, Mary, _881-83_. + +Avebury, _Lord_, 649. + + +Bab, Julius, 731. + +Babbitt, Eugene H., 275, _754-56_. + +Babinski, J. F., 648. + +Bachofen, J. J., 214, 220. + +Bacon, Lord Francis, 66, _233-34_, 1008. + +Baden-Powell, H., 219. + +Baer, Karl Ernst von, 967. + +Bagehot, Walter, 423, 429, _495-96_, 563, 564, 646. + +Bailey, Thomas P., 652, 728. + +Bailey, W. F., 778. + +Bailie, William, 565. + +Bakeless, John, 648. + +Baker, Ray Stannard, 643, 651, 658, 936. + +Balch, Emily G., 781. + +Baldwin, J. Mark, 41, 85, 149, 150, 390, 423, 425, 429, 646, 663, 719, 725, +775, 1006. + +Balfour, Arthur James, 964, _977-79_, 1004. + +Ballagh, James C., 728. + +Bancroft, H. H., 942. + +Bang, J. P., 650. + +Barbellion, W. N. P. [_pseud._], _see_ Cummings, B. F. + +Barclay, Robert, 944. + +Baring Gould, S., 274. + +Barnes, Harry E., 659. + +Barr, Martin W., 935. + +Barrere, Albert, 428. + +Barrow, _Sir_ John, 275. + +Barrows, Samuel J., 781. + +Barth, Paul, _4_, 211, 1004, 1005. + +Bartlett, David W., 949. + +Bastian, A., 673, 787. + +Bastiat, Frederic, _505-6_, _552-53_, 563, 573. + +Bates, Jean V., 778. + +Bauer, Arthur, 729. + +Bauer, Otto, 777. + +Bax, Ernest B., 944. + +Beard, Charles A., 498, 658. + +Beaulieu, P. Leroy, _see_ Leroy-Beaulieu, P. + +Bechterew, W. v, _123-25_, 150, 157, 345, _408-12_, _415-20_, +424, 430, 433, 434, 494, 501. + +Beck, von, 179. + +Beddoe, _Dr._ John, 536. + +Beecher, Franklin A., 940. + +Beer, M., 566. + +Beers, C. W., 152. + +Beethoven, Ludwig von, 228. + +Begbie, Harold, 727, 942. + +Behn, 366. + +Belisle, A., 946. + +Bell, Alexander G., 276. + +Bell, Sir Charles, 421. + +Bellamy, Edward, 1008. + +Bellet, Daniel, 947. + +Bennett, Arnold, 216. + +Bentham, Jeremy, 106, 500, 940, 949. + +Bentley, A. F., _458-61_, 501, 503. + +Bergson, Henri, 373, 374, 422, 426, 964, _989-94_, 1004. + +Bernard, Luther L., 854. + +Bernhard, L., 275, 770, 946. + +Bernheim, A., 430. + +Bertillon, Jacques, 265. + +Besant, Annie, 120, 121, 559, 949. + +Besant, Walter, 335. + +Best, Harry, 276, 567. + +Bevan, Edwyn R., 659. + +Beveridge, W. H., 567. + +Bhattacharya, Jogendra N., 728. + +Bigg, Ada H., 948. + +Binet, Alfred, _113-17_, 145, 150, 154, 424, 430, 496. + +Bing, Alexander M., 652. + +Bismarck, 238, 239, 789. + +Blackmar, F. W., 499, 779. + +Blair, R. H., 362, 366. + +Blanchard, Phyllis, 646. + +Bloch, Iwan, 221, 333. + +Blondel, H., 729. + +Blowitz, Henri de, 859. + +Blumenbach, J. F., 243. + +Bluntschli, Johann K., 658, 858. + +Blyden, Edward W., 651. + +Boas, Franz, 19, 154, 332, 660, 725, 730, 770, 777, 938. + +Bodenhafer, Walter B., 48. + +Boehme Margarete, 650. + +Bohannon, E. W., 273. + +Bois, Henri, 943. + +Bonger, W. A., 562, 569. + +Bonnaterre, J. P., 277. + +Boodin, J. E., 425. + +Booth, Charles, 44, _45_, 59, 212, 219, 335, 955. + +Booth, William, 942. + +Borght, R. van der, 427. + +Bosanquet, Helen, 215, 222, 1008. + +Bossuet, J. B., 906. + +Botsford, George W., 940. + +Bougle, C., 728, 729. + +Bourde, Paul, 654. + +Bourgoing, P. de, 275, 945. + +Bourne, _Rev._ Ansel, 472, 473. + +Bourne, H. R. Fox, 564, 859. + +Boutmy, Emile, 940. + +Boutroux, Pierre 650. + +Bradford, Gamaliel, Jr., 731. + +Bradlaugh, Charles, 559. + +Bradley, F. H., 106. + +Bradley, Henry, 941. + +Braid, James, 424. + +Brailsford, H. N., 651. + +Braithwaite, W. C., 944. + +Brancoff, D. M., 946. + +Brandenburg, Broughton, 780. + +Brandes, Georg, 141, 498, 778. + +Braubach, Prof., 810. + +Breckinridge, Sophonisba P., 222, 223, 569, 782. + +Brehm, A. E., 810. + +Brent, Charles H., 855. + +Brentano, Lujo, 500, 658. + +Breuer, J., 838. + +Bridges, 368. + +Bridges, Horace, 782. + +Bridgman, Laura, 244, 366. + +Bright, John, 447. + +Brill, A. A., 273. + +Brinton, Daniel G., _666_, _671-74_, 725, 857. + +Brissenden, Paul Frederick, 566, 658. + +Bristol, Lucius M., 718, 725. + +Bronner, Augusta F., 152. + +Broenner, W., 941. + +Brooks, John Graham, 566, 658, 925, 935. + +Browne, Crichton, 366. + +Browne, Sir Thomas, 65, _128_. + +Bruhl, S. Levy, _see_ Levy Bruhl, S. + +Brunhes, Jean, 270, 274. + +Bryan, William J., 734. + +Bryce, James, 650, 652, 658, 726, 759, 779, 851, 852 n., 858, 861, 941, +_984-89_, 1004. + +Brynmor-Jones, David, 149, 945. + +Buchanan, J. R., 731. + +Buck, Carl D., 660. + +Buck, S. J., 942. + +Buckle, Henry Thomas, 270, 493, 498, 912, 1005. + +Buecher, Karl, _385-89_, 427, _529-33_, 728. + +Bunyan, John, 122. + +Burckhard, M., 941. + +Burgess, Dr., 366, 367, 368. + +Burgess, Ernest W., 426, 1007. + +Burgess, John, 741. + +Burgess, Thomas, 781. + +Burke, Edmund, 449, 850. + +Burnell, A. C., 276. + +Burns, Allen T., 59, 335, 498, _773_, 782. + +Burns, J., 943. + +Burr, Anna R., 727. + +Bury, J. B., 333, _958-59_, 1004. + +Busch, 414. + +Bushee, F. A., 1005. + +Bussell, F. W., 904. + +Buswell, Leslie, 649. + +Butler, Joseph, 429. + +Butler, Ralph, 660. + +Butler, Samuel, 1008. + +Butterfield, K. L., 1010. + + +Cabet, Etienne, 1008. + +Cabrol, F., 939. + +Cadiere, L., 937. + +Caelius, 386. + +Caesar, 144, 238, 386, 387. + +Cahan, Abraham, 335, 782. + +Caird, Edward, 1005. + +Cairnes, J. E., _546_, _547_, _548_. + +Calhoun, Arthur W., 215, 222, 726. + +Cambarieu, J., 938. + +Campanella, Tommaso, 1008. + +Campbell, John C., 275, 654. + +Campeano, M., 941. + +Canat, Rene, 273. + +Cannon, Walter B., 422, 426. + +Cardan, Jerome, 144. + +Carlton, Frank T., 657. + +Carlyle, Thomas, 494. + +Carnegie, Andrew, 670. + +Carpenter, Edward, 1004. + +Carter, George R., 564. + +Cartwright, Peter, 944. + +Carver, Thomas N., 1006. + +Case, Clarence M., 1005. + +Case, S. J., 857. + +Castle, W. E., _128-33_, 147. + +Caxton, William, 237. + +Cellini, Benvenuto, 151. + +Chabaneix, Paul, 855. + +Chapin, F. Stuart, 59, 1007. + +Chapin, Robert C., 215, 222. + +Chapman, 298. + +Charcot, J. M., 144, 415, 424. + +Charlemagne, 238. + +Cherrington, Ernest H., 942. + +Chevillon, Andre, 650. + +Chevreul, M. E., 462. + +Cheysson, E., 729. + +Chirol, Valentine, 936. + +Chrestus, 386. + +Christensen, A., 940. + +Churchill, William, 275, 428. + +Cicero, 386, 387. + +Ciszewski, S., 775. + +Claghorn, Kate H., 782. + +Clarendon, Earl of, 65. + +Clark, H., 940. + +Clark, John B., _544-50_. + +Clark, Thomas A., 731. + +Claudius, Emperor, 752. + +Clayton, H. H., 947. + +Clayton, Joseph, 855. + +Clemens, Samuel L., (Mark Twain, _pseud._), 152. + +Clements, Frederic E., 217, _526-28_, 554, 571. + +Clerget, Pierre, 948. + +Cleveland, Catharine C., 944. + +Clibborne, 543. + +Clodd, Edward, 857. + +Clough, H. W., 947. + +Cobb, Irvin, _735_. + +Cobden, Richard, 447, 949. + +Coblenz, Felix, 150. + +Codrington, R. H., 857. + +Coe, George Albert, _235-37_, 726. + +Coffin, Ernest W., 779. + +Cohen, Rose, 336, 774, 782. + +Coicou, M., 729. + +Colcord, Joanna, 223. + +Coleman, Charles T., 940. + +Coleridge, Samuel T., 368. + +Collier, John, 732. + +Commons, John R., 644, 657, 658, 776, 780, 942. + +Comte, Auguste, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 12, 24, 25, 39, 43, 44, 57, 60, 61, 68, 140, +210, 496, _716_, 959, _968-69_, 1005. + +Condorcet, Marie J. A. C., 3, 553, 1005. + +Conn, Herbert W., 1007. + +Connor, Dr. Bernard, 241. + +Constantin, A., 648. + +Conway, M., 940. + +Cook, Edward, 859. + +Cooley, Charles H., 56, 58, 67, _67-68_, 70, _71_, 147, 154, 156, +157, 216, 285, 330, 421, 425, 430, 500, 646, _665_, _708-12_, +_723_, 729, 855, 934, 955, 1004. + +Coolidge, Mary R., 781. + +Corelli, Marie, 936. + +Cornyn, John H., _751-54_. + +Corot, Jean Baptiste Camille, 126. + +Cory, H. E., 731. + +Coulter, J. M., 128-33, 147. + +Crafts, L. W., _254-57_. + +Crawley, A. Ernest, 221, _291-93_, 282, 330, 332, 651, 850, 856, 857, +1006. + +Creighton, Louise, _779_. + +Crile, George W., _522-26_, 562, 571, 641, 563, 564, 783. + +Croly, Jane (Mrs.), 942. + +Crooke, William, 276, 728, 777, 943. + +Crosby, Arthur T., 648. + +Crothers, T. D., 940. + +Crowell, John F., 564. + +Crozier, John B., 1009. + +Culin, Stewart, 655, 656. + +Cummings, B. F., 151. + +Cunningham, William, 563. + +Cutler, James E., 654. + +Cutrera, A., 655. + +Cuvier, Georges, i.e., J. L. N. F., 809. + + +D'Aeth, F. G., 729. + +Damiron, J. Ph., 647. + +Dana, Charles A., 859. + +Dana, Richard H., Jr., 276. + +Daniels, John, 781. + +Danielson, F. H., 147, 254. + +Dargun, L. von, 220. + +Darwin, Charles, 7, 143, 165, 214, 329, 342, _361-65_, _365-70_, 421, +422, 426, 432, 512, 513, 514, _515-19_, _519-22_, 554, 557, 562, 563, +570, 571, 641, 647, 663, 768, 810, 959, 1001. + +Daudet, Alphonse, 120. + +Daudet, Ernest, 649. + +Dauzat, Albert, 429. + +Davenport, C. B., 71, _128-33_, 147, 254, 568, 1007. + +Davenport, Frederick M., 943. + +Davids, T. W. Rhys, 943. + +Davis, H., 654. + +Davis, Katharine B., 570. + +Davis, Michael M., 781. + +Dawley, Almena, 569. + +Dealey, J. Q., 222. + +Deane, 238. + +DeGreef, Guillaume, 58. + +Delabarre, Frank A., 1009. + +Delbet, E., 729. + +Delbrueck, A., 273, 777. + +Delesalle, Georges, 428. + +Dellepaine, A., 1007. + +Delvaille, Jules, 1004. + +De-Marchi, A, 856. + +Demolins, Edmond, 333. + +Demoor, Jean, 1007. + +Demosthenes, 638. + +Densmore, Frances, 938. + +Desagher, Maurice, 276. + +Descartes, Rene, 372, 463, 465. + +Despine, Prosper, 938, 940. + +Devine, Edward T., 333, _491_, 498, 567, 732. + +Devon, J., 569. + +Dewey, John, _36_, _37_, 38, 149, 164, _182-85_, 200, 225, 424, +_426_, 430, 509, 964, _975-77_, 1004, 1010. + +Dibblee, G. Binney, 427. + +Dicey, A. V., _445-51_, 557, 793, 831, 851, 858. + +Dilich, Wilhelm, 241. + +Dinneen, P. S., 945. + +Disraeli, Benjamin, 721. + +Ditchfield, P. H., 334. + +Dixon, Roland B., 777, 854. + +Dixon, W. H., 945. + +Dobschuetz, E. von, 333. + +Dodge, Raymond, _837-41_. + +Doll, E. A., _254-57_. + +Dominian, Leon, 275, 645, 945. + +Donovan, Frances, 569. + +Dorsey, J. Owen, 655, 711. + +Dostoevsky, F., 142, 273. + +Down, T. C., _895-98_, 942. + +Downey, June E., 146, 153. + +Drachsler, Julius, 774, 781. + +Draghicesco, D., 729. + +Draper, J. W., 641, 647. + +Dubois, L. Paul, 945. + +Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt, 152, 222, 781, 783. + +Dugas, L., _370-75_, 422, 426. + +Dugdale, Richard L., 143, 147, 254. + +Dugmore, H. H., 861. + +Duguit, Leon, 850. + +Dumas, Georges, 938. + +Dunbar, Paul Lawrence, 627. + +Duncan, Sara Jeannette, 652. + +Durand, E. Dana, 652. + +Durkheim, Emile, 18, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, _39_, 40, 58, 164, +_193-96_, 217, 221, 222, _267_, _268_, 343, 671, _714-18_, +723, 729, 854, 857, 894. + +Dushkin, Alexander M., 774, 781. + +Dutaillis, C. E. Petit-, _see_ Petit-Dutaillis, C. E. + + +East, E. M., _128-33_, 147. + +Eastman, R. S., 732. + +Eaton, Isabel, 781. + +Eddy, Arthur J., 565. + +Edie, Lionel D., 498. + +Edman, Irwin, 148. + +Edwards, Bryan, _727_. + +Edwards, E., 943. + +Edwards, Milne, _519_. + +Effertz, Otto, 563. + +Egerton, Charles E., 652. + +Egli, Emil, 944. + +Ehrenfels, Chrn. v., 500. + +Elderton, Ethel M., 566, 568. + +Eliot, George, 142, 231. + +Elliott, A. M., 276. + +Ellis, Havelock, 148, 153, 215, 221, 223, 659, 726, 938, 957, 1007. + +Ellwood, Charles A., 41, 58, 566, _846-48_, 950. + +Elsing, W. T., 566. + +Elworthy, F. T., 332. + +Ely, Richard T., _444-45_, 502, _646_, 855. + +Empey, Arthur Guy, 429. + +Engel, Ernst, 215, 222. + +Engelgardt, A. N., 870. + +Engels, Frederick, 565. + +Espinas, Alfred, 163, _165-66_, 217, 224, 225, 407. + +Estabrook, A. H., 147, 254. + +Eubank, Earle E., 223. + +Evans, F. W., 944. + +Evans, Maurice S., 643, 651, _811-12_. + + +Faber, Geoffrey, 660. + +Fadl, Said Memum Abul, 649. + +Fahlbeck, Pontus, 218. + +Fairfield, Henry P., 780, 781. + +Faria, Abbe, 424. + +Faris, Ellsworth, 147, _960-62_. + +Farmer, John S., 427, 428. + +Farnell, L. R., 856. + +Farnam, Henry W., 569. + +Farquhar, J. N., 944. + +Fauriel, M. C., 937. + +Faust, Albert B., 780. + +Fawkes, J. W., 939. + +Fay, Edward A., 276. + +Fedortchouk Y., 946. + +Fere, Ch., 405, 430. + +Ferguson, G. O., Jr., 154. + +Fernald, Mabel R., 569. + +Ferrari, G. O., 115. + +Ferrero, Guglielmo, 935, 936. + +Feuerbach, Paul J. A., von, 277. + +Field, J., 949. + +Field, James, A., 566. + +Fielding Hall, H., 649. + +Finck, Henry T., 221. + +Finlayson, Anna W., 148. + +Finney, C. J., 943. + +Finot, Jean, 651. + +Finsler, G., 937. + +Fischer, Eugen, 776. + +Fishberg, Maurice, 149, _271_, 274, 431, 778. + +Fisher, H. A., 639. + +Flaten, Nils, 276. + +Fleming, Daniel J., 780. + +Fleming, Walter L., 730, 731, 942. + +Fletcher, Alice C., 938. + +Flint, Robert, 565, 953. + +Florian, Eugenio, 333. + +Foerster, Robert F., 781. + +Foley, Caroline A., 948. + +Forel, A., 169, 170. + +Fornarsi di Verce, E., 569. + +Fosbroke, Thomas D., 274. + +Fosdick, H. E., 237. + +Foster, William Z., 653. + +Fouillee, Alfred, 149, 152, _461-64_, 499. + +Francke, Kuno, 493, 498, 660. + +Frazer, J. G., 149, 221, 330, 850, 855, 856. + +Frederici, Romolo, 1006. + +Frederick the Great, 628, 986. + +Freeman, Edward A., 3, 10, _23_. + +Freeman, R. Austin, 957, 1007. + +Freud, Sigmund, 41, 144, 236, 329, 475, 478, 479, 482, 486, 487, 497, +501, 504, 638, 855, 858. + +Friedlaender, L., 935. + +Friedmann, Max, 927, 937. + +Friesen, P. M., 657. + +Frobenius, Leo, 640, 648, 730, 776, 1004. + +Froebel, F. W. A., 82. + +Froment, J., 648. + +Froude, James A., 1006. + +Fuller, Bampfylde, 935. + +Fustel de Coulanges, 855, 860. + + +Gall, F. J., 145. + +Galpin, Charles J., 212, 218, _247-49_, 275, 724, 731. + +Galton, Francis, 726, 963, _979-83_, 1007, 1011. + +Gardner, Charles S., 940. + +Garofalo, R., 649. + +Gavit, John P., 782. + +Geddes, P., 153. + +Gehring, Johannes, 657. + +Gennep, A. van, 857. + +George, Henry, 1009. + +Gerland, Georg, 270, 274, 856. + +Gesell, A. L., 148. + +Gibbon, Edward, 711. + +Gibson, Thomas, 947. + +Gibson, William, 943. + +Giddings, Franklin H., _32_, 33, 36, 40, 58, 544, _610-16_, 661, 735, +740, 1009. + +Gilbert, William S., _65_. + +Gillen, F. J., 149, 220, 861. + +Gillin, J. L. 499, 567, 657. + +Ginsberg, M., 214, 220. + +Gladden, Washington, 491, 498. + +Glynn, A. W. Wiston-, _see_ Wiston-Glynn. + +Gobineau, Arthur de, 769. + +Goddard, Henry H., 131, 143, 147, 152, 254, 568. + +Godkin, Edwin L., 858. + +Godwin, William, 553. + +Godwin, William, 565. + +Goethe, Johann Wolfgang, 126, 909, 967. + +Goldenweiser, A. A., 777. + +Goltz, E. von der, 273. + +Goncourt, Edward de, and Jules de, 405. + +Goodhart, S. P., 468. + +Goodsell, Willystine, 222. + +Gordon, Anna A., 950. + +Gordon, Ernest, 942. + +Goring, Charles, 145, 153. + +Gould S. Baring-, _see_ Baring-Gould, S. + +Gowen, B. S., 937. + +Gowin, Enoch B., 855. + +Graebner, F., 777. + +Graetz, H., 944. + +Grant, 809. + +Grant, Madison, 963. + +Grass, K., 943. + +Grass, K. K., 657. + +Grasserie, R., de la, _see_ La Grasserie, R. de. + +Gratiolet, Pierre, 421. + +Gray, Thomas, 314. + +Gray, W., 856. + +Greco, Carlo Nardi-, _see_ Nardi-Greco, Carlo. + +Greeley, Horace, 949. + +Green, Alice S. A., 334. + +Green, Samuel S., 780. + +Gregoire, Abbe, 451. + +Gregory XV, 837. + +Grierson, Sir G., 687. + +Grierson, P. J. H., 564. + +Griffiths, Arthur, 274. + +Grinnell, G. B., 938. + +Groat, George G., 657. + +Groos, Karl, 426, 639, 640, 646. + +Grosse, Ernst, 221, _790_, 939. + +Grote, George, 233, _260-64_. + +Grotjahn, Alfred, 566. + +Groves. E. R., 941. + +Grundtvig, N. F. S., _Bishop_, 931. + +Gulick, Sidney L., 431, 782. + +Gummere, Amelia M., 274. + +Gummere, F. B., 939. + +Gumplowicz, Ludwig, 212, 341, _346-48_, 420, 425, 431, 642, 645, 649, 776. + +Guyot, Edouard, 565. + + +Hadley, Arthur T., 658. + +Haeckel, Ernst, 912. + +Hagens, von, 169. + +Haines, Lynn, 659. + +Haldane, _Viscount_, _102-8_. + +Hall, Arthur C., 1009. + +Hall, Frederick S., 652. + +Hall, G. Stanley, 77, 150, 647, 648. + +Hall, H., Fielding-, _see_ Fielding-Hall, H. + +Hall, W. P., 563. + +Halpercine, Simon, 649. + +Hammer, von, 380. + +Hammond, Barbara, 334. + +Hammond, John L., 334. + +Haney, Levi H., 564. + +Hanford, Benjamin, 653. + +Hanna, Charles A., 780. + +Hanna, Rev. Thomas C., 468, 469. + +Hansen, F. C. C., 430, 535. + +Hansen, J., 937, 938. + +Hanson, William C., 568. + +Hapgood, Hutchins, 152, 731, 783. + +Harlan, Rolvix, 945. + +Harnack, Adolf, 942. + +Harper, Ida H., 949. + +Harrington, James, 1008. + +Harris, Benjamin, 834. + +Harris, George, 1005, 1009. + +Harrison, Frederic, 649, 1007. + +Harrison, James A., 276. + +Harrison, Jane E., 17, _18_, 856, 857. + +Harrison, Shelby M., 59, 219, 859. + +Hart, A. B., 499. + +Hart, Joseph K., 731. + +Hartenberg, P., 941. + +Hartmann, Berthold, 86. + +Harttung, Pflug-, _see_ Pflug-Harttung. + +Hasanovitz, Elizabeth, 335, 782. + +Hasbach, Wilhelm, 495. + +Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 237. + +Hayes. A. W., 731. + +Hayes, Edward C., 499. + +Hayes, Mary H., 569. + +Hayes, Samuel P., 943. + +Haynes, E. S. P., 647. + +Haynes, Frederick E., 658. + +Headlam, Cecil, 946. + +Healy, William, 59, 152, 273, 562, 645, 935. + +Hearn, Lafcadio, 938. + +Heaton, John L., 859. + +Hecker, J. F. C., 875, _879-81_, 936. + +Heckethorn, C. W., 274, 730. + +Hegel, G. W. F., 69, 156, 959. + +Heidenhain, 415. + +Heijningen, Hendrik M. K. van, 654. + +Helps, Sir Arthur, _66_, 727. + +Hempl, Georg, 276. + +Henderson, Charles R., 566. + +Henderson, Ernest L., 424, 429. + +Henry, R., 946. + +Hericourt, 115. + +Hermann, F. B. W. v., 499. + +Heron, David, 560, 566. + +Herschel, Sir J. F. W., 1001. + +Hertzka, Theodor, 1009. + +Hess, Grete Meisel, _see_ Meisel Hess. + +Hibben, J. G., 1006. + +Hichborn, Franklin, 659. + +Hicks, Mary L., 732. + +Higgs, Henry, _556_. + +Hill, Georgiana, 949. + +Hinde, Sidney L., _869_. + +Hinds, William A., 334. + +Hirn, Yrjoe, 344, _401-7_, 426, 430, 433, 808, 869, 870, 938. + +Hirt, Eduard, 152. + +Hobbes, Thomas, _25_, 29, 30, 61, 106, 140, 156, 223, 512, 642. + +Hobhouse, Leonard T., 56, _190-93_, 214, 220, 225, 728, 795, _796_, +_798_ n., 849, 854, 963, 964, _969-73_. + +Hobson, John A., 567. + +Hocart, A. M., 749. + +Hoch, A., 152, 273. + +Hocking, W. E., _95-97_, 148, _205-9_. + +Hodder, Edwin, 949. + +Hogarth, William, 402. + +Holdsworth, W. S., 861. + +Hollingworth, H. L., 149. + +Hollingworth, Leta S., 152, 153. + +Hollman, Anton H., 931. + +Holmes (Judge), 736, 853. + +Holmes, William H., 948. + +Holt, Edward B., _478-82_, 501, 503. + +Home, H., _Lord Kames_, 402. + +Homer, 264. + +Hooper, Charles E., 332. + +Horak, Jakub, 781. + +Horn, Paul, 429. + +Hotten, John C., 428. + +Howard, G. E., 214, 222. + +Howard, John, 949. + +Howells, William Dean, 627. + +Hoxie, Robert F., 644, 657. + +Hoyt, F. C., 656. + +Hubert, H., 856, 857. + +Hudson, Frederic, 859. + +Hudson, W. H., _245-47_, _604-5_, _883-86_. + +Hughes, Charles C., 1009. + +Hughes, Henry, 429. + +Humboldt, Alexander von, 673, 909. + +Hume, David, 3, 429, 553, 786, _829-30_. + +Hunter, Robert, 653. + +Huntington, Ellsworth, 328, 666, 726. + +Huot, Louis, 648. + +Hupka, S. von, 333. + +Hurry, Jamieson B., 947. + +Huxley, Thomas H., 963. + +Hyde, 749. + +Hyndman, Henry M., 950. + + +Inge, William R., _954_, 959, _1001_, 1004. + +Ingersoll, Robert, 912. + +Ingram, John K., 563, 675. + +Ireland, W. W., 941. + +Irving, L., 1009. + +Irwin, Will, 859. + +Itard, Dr. Jean E. M. G., 242, 271, 277. + +Iyer, L. K. A. K., 728. + + +Jacobowski, L., 221. + +Jakstas, A., 946. + +James, B. B., 945. + +James, E. O., 856. + +James, William, 77, _119-23_, 148, 150, 421, 426, 472, 473, 486, 598, 661, +669, 726, 736, 932. + +Janes, George M., 652. + +Janet, Pierre, 144, 430, 935. + +Jankelevitch, S., 1005. + +Jannasch, R., 726. + +Jarau, G. Louis-, _see_ Louis-Jarau. + +Jarrett, Mary C., 568. + +Jastrow, J., 335. + +Jellinek, Georg, 725. + +Jenks, Albert, 211, 219, 775. + +Jenks, Edward, 861. + +Jenks, Jeremiah, 780. + +Jennings, Hargrave, 730. + +Jennings, H. S., 147, 285, 488. + +Jephson, Henry, 858. + +Jevons, William S., 500, 948. + +Jhering, Rudolph von, 861. + +Johnson, George E., 647. + +Johnson, James W., 152. + +Johnson, John H., 656. + +Johnson, R. H., 568, 1007. + +Johnson, Samuel, 451. + +Johnson, W., 777. + +Johnston, C., 654. + +Johnston, Harry H., 779. + +Johnston, R. M., 730. + +Jones, David Brynmor-, _see_ Brynmor Jones. + +Jones, Edward D., 947. + +Jones, Rufus M., 944. + +Jonson, Ben, 239. + +Jordanes, 941. + +Joseph II, of Austria, 934. + +Jost, M., 944. + +Jouffroy, T. S., 402. + +Judd, Charles H., _381-84_, _390-91_. + +Jung, Carl G., 144, 236, 497, 501, 857. + +Junius [_pseud._], 858. + +Juquelier, P., 411, 412, 937 + + +Kaindl, Raimund F., 770, 778. + +Kalb, Ernst, 657. + +Kallen, Horace M., 778, 782. + +Kammerer, Percy G., 223. + +Kan, J. van, 569. + +Kant, Immanuel, 82, 108, 420, 909. + +Kapp, Friedrich, 780. + +Kaufmann, Moritz, 1008. + +Kaupas, H., 946. + +Kautsky, Karl, 333. + +Kawabe, Kisaburo, 427. + +Keith, Arthur 659. + +Keller, Albert G., 72, _134-35_, 157, 648, 719, 726, 1007. + +Keller, Helen, 151, 231, _243-45_. + +Kellogg, Paul U., 59, 219. + +Kellogg, Walter G., 731. + +Kelly, J. Liddell, 778. + +Kelsey, Carl, 1007. + +Kelynack, T. N., 568. + +Kemble, Frances A., 728. + +Kenngott, G. F., 219. + +Kerlin, Robert T., 660. + +Kerner, R. J., 777. + +Kerr, Norman S., 568. + +Kerschensteiner, Georg, 87. + +Key, Ellen, 214, 221, 254. + +Khoras, P., 950. + +Kidd, Benjamin, 1006. + +Kidd, D., 149. + +Kilpatrick, James A., 649. + +King, Irving, 150, 950. + +Kingsbury, J. E., 427. + +Kingsford, C. L., 941. + +Kingsley, Charles, 274. + +Kingsley, Mary H., 779. + +Kipling, Rudyard, 67. + +Kirchhoff. G. R., 13. + +Kirkpatrick, E. A., 150. + +Kistiakowski, _Dr._ Th., 217. + +Kite, Elizabeth S., 147, 254. + +Klein, Henri F., 730. + +Kline, L. W., 221. + +Kluge, F., 428. + +Knapp, G. F., 217, 563, 729. + +Knopf, S. A., 1009. + +Knortz, Karl, 276. + +Knowles, L. C. A., 950. + +Knowlson, T. Sharper, _237-39_. + +Kober, George M., 568. + +Kobrin, Leon, 219. + +Kochanowski, J. K., 649. + +Kocourek, Albert, 854, 860. + +Kohler, Josef, 564, 854, 856. + +Kolthamer, F. W., 558. + +Koren, John, 569. + +Kostir, Mary S., 148, 254. + +Kostyleff, N., 501, 855. + +Kotik, _Dr._ Naum, 937. + +Kovalewsky, M., 220, 729. + +Kowalewski, A., 153. + +Kraepehn, E., 146, 153. + +Krauss, F. S., 149. + +Kreibig, Josef K., 500. + +Kroeber, A. L., 948. + +Kropotkin, P., 1006. + +Kudirka, _Dr._, 932. + +Kydd, Samuel (Alfred, _pseud._), 567. + + +LaBruyere, Jean de, 144, 151. + +Lacombe, Paul, 498. + +Lafargue, G., 729. + +Lagorgette, Jean, 648. + +La Grasserie, R. de, 647, 649, 729. + +La Hodde, Lucien de, 731. + +Laidler, Harry W., 653. + +Lamarck, J. B., 143 + +Lamprecht, Karl, 493, _494_, 498, 1005. + +Landauer, G., 950. + +Landry, A., 649. + +Lane, W. D., 656. + +Lane-Poole, S., 935. + +Lang, Andrew, 277. + +Lange, C. G., 421. + +Langenhove, Fernand van, _819-22_, 857. + +Lankester, E. Ray, 1005. + +Lapouge, V., 266. + +La Rochefoucauld, Francois, 371. + +La Rue, William, 945. + +Lasch, R., 221. + +Laski, Harold, 860. + +Laubach, Frank C., 333. + +Lauck, William J., 780. + +Law, John, 947. + +Lay, Wilfrid, 646. + +Lazarus, Moritz, 217, 427. + +Lea, Henry C., 655, 657. + +Le Bon, Gustave, 33, 34, 41, 58, 154, 164, 200, 201, 213, 218, 225, 659, +858, 867, _868_, 869, _871_, 876, _887-93_, 894, _905-9_, 927, 939, 950, +952. + +Lecky, W. E. H., 641, 647, 858, 875, _915-24_. + +Lee, James Melvin, 860. + +Lee, Vernon (_pseud._), 402, 878. + +Le Gouix, M., 729. + +Lehmann, A., 430. + +Leiserson, William M., 782. + +Leland, C. G., 428, 429. + +Leonard, O., 654. + +Leopold III, 797. + +Leopold, Lewis, _807-11_, 855. + +LePlay, P. G. Frederic, 215, 221, 222. + +Leroy Beaulieu, P., 726. + +Lester, J. C., 730. + +Letcher, Valentin, 1005. + +Letourneau, Ch., 220, 640, 648, 727, 854. + +Letzner, Karl, 276. + +Levasseur, E. de, 649. + +Levine, Louis, 566, 658. + +Levy-Bruhl, L., _24_, _332_. + +Levy, Hermann, 564. + +Lewis, George G., 858. + +Lewis, Matthew G., _677-81_. + +Lewis, Sinclair, 213, 219. + +Lherisson, E., 939. + +Lhermitte, J., 648. + +L'Houet, A., 334. + +Lichtenberger, J. P., 223. + +Lilienfeld, Paul von, 28, 58, 566. + +Lillehei, Ingebrigt, 659. + +Limousin, Ch., 649, 729. + +Linnaeus, 516. + +Linton, E. L., 948. + +Lippert, Julius, 148. + +Lippmann, Walter, 148, _834-37_, 851, 859, 936, 949. + +Lloyd, A. H., 1005. + +Lock, C. L., 649. + +Lockwood, George B., 945. + +Loeb, Jacques, 79, _80_, 81, 147, 467, 494. + +Lowenfeld, L., 153, 410. + +Loisy, Alfred, 939. + +Lombroso, Cesare. 145, 153, 562, 951. + +Lord, Eliot, 781. + +Lord, Herbert Gardiner, 648. + +Loria, A., 498. + +Lotze, Hermann, 420, 425. + +Loughborough, J. N., 945. + +Louis-Jarau, G., 946. + +Loutschisky, I., 729. + +Love, Albert G., 568. + +Lowell, A. Lawrence, 658, 792, _826-29_, 851, 858, 864. + +Lowie, Robert H., 18, _19_, 220, 723, 730, 777. + +Lubbock, J., 180, 396. + +Lucretius, 953, 965, 966. + +Lummis, Charles F., 939. + +Lyall, Sir Alfred, 105. + +Lyell, Charles, 768. + +Lyer, F. Mueller-, _see_ Mueller-Lyer. + +Lytton, Edward Bulwer, 1008. + + +Macauley, T. B. 139. + +McCormac, E. I., 728. + +M'Culloch, O. C., 143, 147. + +MacCurdy, J. T., 936. + +Macdonagh, Michael, 851, 859. + +McDougall, William, 58, 425, 441, _464-67_, 496, 501, 652, 721, 726, 963. + +McGee, W. J., 211, 219, 777, 860, 1006. + +Mach, Ernst, 13. + +Machiavelli, 97, 140. + +Maciver, R. M., 426. + +McIver, J., 569. + +Mackay, Charles, 947. + +Mackay, R. W., 647. + +MacKay, Thomas, 557, 565. + +McKenzie, F. A., 775. + +Mackenzie, J. S., 1004. + +McKenzie, R. D., 218. + +McLaren, A. D., 660. + +MacLean, J. P., 944. + +McLennan, J. F., 220. + +McMurtrie, Douglas C., 568. + +Macrosty, Henry W., 564. + +Maine, Sir Henry S., 219, 220, _555_, 564, 826, 852, _853_, 854, 860, +862. + +Maitland, Frederic W., 861. + +Malinowski, Bronislaw, 220. + +Mallery, Garrick, 422, 427. + +Mallock, W. H., 729, 949, 1009. + +Maloney, E. F., 935. + +Malthus, T. R., 7, 516, 553, 554, 559, 561, 563. + +Mandeville, Bernard de, 1008. + +Marchi, A. De, _see_ De Marchi, A. + +Marot, Helen, 149, 657. + +Marpillero, G., 335. + +Marshall, Alfred, 500, 563. + +Marshall, Henry R., 425, _600-3_. + +Martin, E. D., 940. + +Martineau, Harriet, 1, 2, 57, 561. + +Marvin, Francis S., 778, _965-66_. + +Marx, Karl, 561, 565, 567, 912. + +Mason, Otis T., 302, 427, 941. + +Mason, William A., 427. + +Massart, J., 218, 1007. + +Mathiez, Albert, 657. + +Matthews, Brander, 949. + +Matthews, W., 938. + +Maublanc, Rene, 649. + +Mauss, M., 856, 857. + +Maxon, C. H., 943. + +Mayer, Emile, 650. + +Mayer, J. R., 768. + +Mayo Smith, Richmond, 741, 776, 778. + +Mead, G. H., 424, 425. + +Meader, John R., 943. + +Means, Philip A., 651. + +Mecklin, John M., 651, 652. + +Medlicott, H. B., _377_. + +Meillet, A., 275, 945. + +Meinong, Alexius, 500. + +Meisel Hess, Grete, 214, 221. + +Mendel, G., 71, 143, 157. + +Menger, Karl, 500. + +Mensch, Ella, 936. + +Mercier, C. A., 501. + +Meredith, George, 142. + +Merker, 240. + +Merriam, Charles E., 658, 792. + +Mesmer, F. A., 424. + +Metcalf, H. C., 149. + +Meumann, Ernst, 86. + +Meyer, Adolph, 285, 488. + +Meyer, J. L., 937. + +Miceli, V., 939. + +Michels, Robert 644, 659. + +Michiels, A., 373, 374. + +Miklosich, Franz, 654. + +Mill, James, 451. + +Mill, John Stuart, 546, 560, 850, 1005. + +Miller, Arthur H., 855. + +Miller, Edward, 944. + +Miller, Herbert A., 335, 655, 660, 781, 782, _786-87_, 870. + +Miller, J. D., 949. + +Miller, Kelly 137, _251_, 651. + +Millingen, J. G., 655. + +Milhoud, Maurice, 859. + +Millis, Harry A., 781. + +Milmine, Georgine, 657. + +Miner, Maude, 670. + +Minin, 415. + +Mirabeau, Octave, 151. + +Mitchell, P. Chalmers, _170-73_. + +Mitchell, Wesley C., 947. + +Moll, Albert, _85-89_, 332, _412-15_, 430. + +Moltke, Count von, 670, 793 n. + +Monin, H., 729. + +Montagu, 7. + +Montague, Helen, 153. + +Montesquieu, _3_, 270. + +Montgomery, K. L., 945. + +Moody, Dwight L., 943. + +Moody, W. R., 943. + +Mooney, James, 943. + +Moore, Edward C., 778. + +Moore, Henry L., 947. + +Moore, William H., 778. + +More, Hannah, 949. + +More, Thomas, 1008. + +Moreau de Tours, 938. + +Morel, E. D., 779, 797. + +Morgan, Alexander, 1009. + +Morgan, C. Lloyd, 147, 186, 187, 342, _375-79_, 494, 725. + +Morgan, E. L., 731. + +Morgan, Lewis H., 214, 749. + +Morgan, W. T., 658. + +Morley, John, 725, 949, 1006. + +Morris, Lloyd R., 659. + +Morris, William, 1008. + +Morrow, Prince A., 223. + +Morse, Josiah, 652. + +Morselli, Henry, 266, 272, 273. + +Mosiman, Eddison, 937. + +Mouromtzeff, Mme de, 729. + +Mueller, F. Max, _379-81_, 395, 432. + +Mueller, Fritz, 521. + +Mueller-Lyer, F., 1006. + +Mumford, Eben, 855. + +Muensterberg, Hugo, 424, 427, 430, _668-92_, 726, 936. + +Murray, W. A., 939. + +Myers, C. S., _89-92_, 936. + +Myers, Gustavus, 659. + +Myerson, Abraham, 223, 936. + + +Napoleon I, 238, 241, 419, 628, 789. + +Napoleon III, 793. + +Nardi-Greco, Carlo, 861. + +Nasmyth, George, 1009. + +Nassau, R. H., 856. + +Naumann, Friedrich, 650, 809. + +Neatby, W. Blair, 945. + +Neill, Charles P., 653. + +Neilson, George, 655. + +Nesbitt, Florence, 222. + +Nesfield, John C., 218, _681-84_. + +Neter, Eugen, 273. + +Nevinson, Margaret W., 567. + +Newell, W. W., 941. + +Newton, Sir Isaac, _13_. + +Niceforo, Alfredo, 567, 649, _1003_, 1010. + +Nicolai, G. F., 641. + +Nieboer, Dr H. J., _674-77_, 727, 733. + +Nims, Harry D., 564. + +Nitsch, C., 946. + +Noire, L., 395. + +Nordau, Max, 1004. + +Nordhoff, Charles, 334, 656. + +Norhe, O. M., 775. + +Novicow, J., 212, 425, 642, 645, 649, 740, 741, 775, 854. + + +Oakesmith, John, 645, 659. + +Oberholtzer, E. P., 859. + +Obolensky, L. E., 1008. + +O'Brien, Frank M., 859. + +O'Brien, Frederick, 656. + +Odin, Alfred, 855. + +Oertel, Hans, 22. + +Ogburn, W. F., 215. + +Oldenberg, H., 856. + +Older, Fremont, 659. + +Olgin, Moissaye J., 950. + +Oliver, Frederick S., 649. + +Oliver, Thomas, 568. + +Olmsted, F. L., 727. + +Oncken, August, 563. + +Oppenheimer, Franz, _50_, 644. + +Ordahl, George, 639, 646. + +Ormond, Alexander T., _340_, 420, 425. + +Orth, Samuel P., 659. + +Osborne, T. M., 562. + +Osten, 413, 414, 430. + +Osterhausen, Dr., 240. + +Ostrogorsku, Johann K., 658. + +Owen, Richard, 768. + +Owen, Robert Dale, 559. + + +Paget, _Sir_ James, 366. + +Pagnier, Armand, 153, 333. + +Paine, Thomas, 912. + +Palanti, G., 940. + +Pandian, T. B., 333. + +Park, Robert E., _76-81_, _135-39_, 155, _185-89_, _198-200_, 218, 225, +252, _311-15_, _315-17_, 335, 429, _467-78_, _616-23_, 623-31, 655, +_712-14_, _756-62_, 775, 781, 782, 784, _786-87_, _829-33_, 859, 870, +_893-95_, _930_, 934. + +Parker, Carleton H., 149, 494, 936. + +Parkman, Francis, 778, 779. + +Parmelee, Maurice, 217, 267, 569, 1009. + +Parsons, Elsie Clews, 220. + +Parton, James, 652. + +Partridge, G. E., 568, 727. + +Pascal, 463. + +Pascoe, C. F., 779. + +Pasteur, Louis, 44. + +Pater, Walter, 939. + +Patetta, F., 655. + +Paton, Stewart, 147. + +Patrick, G. T. W., _598-600_, 640, 641, 647, 935, 948. + +Patten, Simon N., 498, 1008. + +Patterson, R. J., 727. + +Paulhan, Fr., 332, 731. + +Pavlo, I. P., 494, 839. + +Payne, George Henry, 427. + +Pearson, Karl, 13, _14_, 949, 963, 1007. + +Pelissier, Jean, 932, 946. + +Pennington, Patience, 334. + +Percin, Alexandre, 648. + +Periander, 67. + +Perry, Bliss, _40_. + +Perry, Ralph B., 1008. + +Perty, M., 809. + +Peter the Great, 934. + +Peterson, J., 941. + +Petit-Dutaillis, C. E., 649. + +Petman, Charles, 276. + +Petrie, W. M. F., 950. + +Pfister, Ch., 275. + +Pfister, Oskar, 501, 857. + +Pfleiderer, Otto, 730. + +Pflug-Harttung, Julius von, 941. + +Pfungst, Oskar, 430. + +Philippe, L., 649, 729. + +Phillips, Ulrich B., 727. + +Phillips, W. Alison, _793-94_ n. + +Phillips, Wendell, 949. + +Picard, Edmond, 860. + +Piderit. T., 421, 426. + +Pillsbury, W. B., 645, 647, 651. + +Pinet, G., 729. + +Pintner, Rudolf, 568. + +Pitre, Giuseppe, 939. + +Place, Francis, 559. + +Plato, 96, 105, 238, 261, 607, 1008. + +Platt, Thomas G., 659. + +Ploss, H., 221. + +Plunkitt, G. W., 659. + +Pollock Frederick, 861. + +Pope, Alexander, 83 n. + +Popenoe, Paul, 568, 1007. + +Porter, W. T., 648. + +Post, Albert H., _851-52_. + +Powell, H. Baden-, _see_ Baden-Powell, H. + +Poynting, J. H., 13. + +Preuss, Hugo, 334. + +Preyer, W., 84. + +Price, Dr., 553. + +Price, G. F., 569. + +Prince, Morton, 70, _110-13_, 150, 474, 477, 645, 727, 777. + +Prince, Samuel H., 951. + +Probst, Ferdinand, 144, 151. + +Proudhon, P. J., 565. + +Puchta, G. F., 677. + +Puffer, J. Adams, 643, 656. + + +Rainwater, Clarence E., 732. + +Ralph, Julian, 276. + +Rambosson, J., 938. + +Randall, E. O., 945. + +Rank, Otto, 858. + +Rastall, B. M., 653. + +Ratzel, Friedrich, 148, 270, 274, _298-301_, 728, 776. + +Ratzenhofer, Gustav, 36, 58, 212, 421, 496, 642, 645, 775. + +Rauber, August, 241, 242, 243, 277. + +Ravage, M. E., 336, 782, 783. + +Ray, P. O., 658. + +Reclus, E., 1005. + +Reed, V. Z., 939. + +Regnard, P., 937. + +Reich, Emil, 778. + +Reinheimer, H., 218. + +Reuter, E. B., 154, 770, 776. + +Rhodes, J. F., 656. + +Rhys, John, 149, 945. + +Ribot, Th. A., _108-10_, 124, 144, 150, 344, _394-97_, 426, 430, 433, +496. + +Ribton-Turner, Charles J., 333. + +Ricardo, David, 544, 546, 558. + +Richard. T., 943. + +Richards, Caroline C., 305-11. + +Richet, Ch., 113, 115, 430. + +Richmond, Mary E., 59, 215, 491, 498. + +Rickert, Heinrich, 10, 1005. + +Rihbany, Abraham M., 336, 774, 782, 783. + +Riis, Jacob A. 336, 567, 782. + +Riley, I. W., 151. + +Riordan, William L., 659. + +Ripley, William Z., _264-68_, 275, _534-38_, 572, 725, 776. + +Risley, Herbert H., 681, _684-88_, 728. + +Ritchie, David G., 725. + +Rivarol, Antoine, 908. + +Rivers, W. H. R., 211, 219, 220, 723, 729, 738, _746-50_, 776, 857. + +Roberts, Peter, 219. + +Robertson, John M., 641, 646, 861, 1010. + +Roberty, E. de, 729. + +Robinson, Charles H., 779. + +Robinson, James Harvey, _5_, _6_, 498. + +Robinson, Louis, 82. + +Roepke, Dr. Fritz, 650. + +Rogers, Edward S., 565. + +Rogers, James B., 944. + +Rohde, Erwin, 657. + +Romanes, G. J., 379. + +Roosevelt, Theodore, 659, 776. + +Rosanoff, A. J., 132. + +Roscher, W., 726. + +Ross, Edward A., 58, 213, 499, 725, 780, 849, 854. + +Rossi, Pasquale, 557, 927, 938. + +Rothschild, Alonzo, 855. + +Rousiers, Paul de, 731. + +Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 107, 139, 223, 231, _234-35_, 241, 850. + +Roussy, G., 648. + +Routledge, Mrs. Scoresby, 275. + +Rowntree, B. Seebohm, 567, 569. + +Royce, Josiah, 150, 390, 425, 426, 429, 652. + +Rubinow, I. M., 568. + +Rudolph, Heinrich, 426. + +Rudolphi, K. A., 243. + +Russell, B. A. W., 565. + +Russell, J. H., 727. + +Ryckere, Raymond de, 569. + + +Sabine, Lorenzo, 655. + +Sageret, J., 858. + +Sagher, Maurice de, 276. + +Saineanu, Lazar, 428, 429. + +Saint-Simon, C. H. comte de, 3, 4. + +Saleeby, Caleb W., 1007. + +Salt, Henry S., 1009. + +Salz, Arthur, 729. + +Samassa, P., 946. + +Sandburg, Carl, 654. + +Sanderson, Dwight, 1002. + +Sands, B., 946. + +Santayana, G., _983_. + +Sapper, Karl, 780. + +Sarbah, John M., 860. + +Sartorius von Walterhausen, August, 728. + +Scalinger, G. M., 941. + +Schaeffle, Albert, 28, 58. + +Schatz, Albert, 563. + +Schechter, S., 944. + +Schmidt, Caspar, 565, 830. + +Schmidt, N., 943. + +Schmoller, Gustav, 427, 729. + +Schmucker, Samuel M. (ed.), 334. + +Schopenhauer, Arthur, 964, _994-1000_. + +Schurtz, Heinrich, 723, 729, 948. + +Schwartz, 82. + +Schwittau, G., 652. + +Scott, Walter D., 859. + +Secrist, Frank K., 428. + +Seebohm, Frederic, 219, 861. + +Seguin, Edward, 277. + +Selbie, W. B., 944. + +Seligman, E. R. A., 563. + +Seligmann, H. J., 654. + +Semenoff, E., 729. + +Semple, Ellen C., _268-69_, 274, _289-91_, _301-5_. + +Sergi, G., 1004. + +Seton, Ernest Thompson, _886-87_. + +Seton-Watson, R. W., 946. + +Shaftesbury, _Seventh Earl of_, 949. + +Shakespeare, William, 238, 239. + +Shaler, N. S., 148, 233, _257-59_, 283, _294-98_, 330, 337, 651, 948. + +Shand, A. F., 150, 465, 477, 496, 497, 501. + +Sheldon, H. D., 656. + +Shepard, W. J., 858. + +Sherrington, C. S., 838. + +Shinn, Milicent W., _82-85_, 150. + +Short, Wilfrid M., _977-79_. + +Shuster, G., 730. + +Sicard, Abbe, 242. + +Sidis, Boris, _415-16_, 424, 430, 468. + +Sighele, Scipio, 41, 58, _200-205_, 213, 218, 644, 722, 867, _872_, +894, 927, 939. + +Simkhovitch, (Mrs.) Mary K., 331. + +Simmel, Georg, 10, 36, 58, 151, 217, 218, 221, 286, _322-27_, 331, 332, +341, 342, _348-56_, _356-61_, 421, 425, 432, 433, 500, 559, 563, +_582-86_, _586-94_, 639, 645, 670, _695-97_, _697-703_, +_703-6_, _706-8_, 720, 725, 726, 730, 733, 938, 947, 1004, 1005. + +Simon, Th., 145, 154. + +Simons, A. M., _443-44_, 502. + +Simons, Sarah E., _740-41_, 775. + +Simpson, Bertram L., 650. + +Sims, George R., 567. + +Sims, Newell L., 218, 334. + +Skeat, Walter W., 276. + +Small, Albion W., 36, 58, _196-98_, _288-89_, 332, 348, 425, 427, +_451-54_, _454-58_, 496, 499, 503, 582, 586, 645, 660, 695, 697, 703, +706, 726. + +Small, Maurice H., _239-43_. + +Smedes, Susan D., 334, 728. + +Smith, Adam, 344, _397-401_, 401, 429, 431, 433, 447, 449, 495, 505, +_550-51_, 553, 554, 556, 558, 572. + +Smith, Henry C., 945. + +Smith, J. M. P., 854. + +Smith, _Lieut._ Joseph S., _800-805_. + +Smith, Lorenzo N., 429. + +Smith, Richmond Mayo-, _see_ Mayo-Smith, Richmond. + +Smith, W. Robertson, _16_, _813-16_, _822-26_, 857. + +Smyth, C., 654. + +Socrates, 105, 140, 646. + +Solenberger, Alice W., 274. + +Solon, 261. + +Sombart, Werner, _317-22_, 335, 567, 648, 948. + +Somlo, F., 728. + +Sorel, Georges, 645, _816-19_, 857, 959, 1004. + +Southard, E. E., 1007. + +Spadoni, D., 731. + +Spargo, John, _909-15_, 950, 952. + +Speek, Peter A., 781. + +Speer, Robert E., 779. + +Spencer, Baldwin, 149, 220, 861. + +Spencer, Herbert, 24, _25_, _26_, _27_, 28, 43, 44, 58, 60, 61, +141, 210, 217, 396, 402, 495, 557, 565, 787, _805-7_, 831, 849, 855, 889, +947, 959, 963, _966-68_, 1001, 1006, 1010. + +Spiller, G. (ed.), _89-92_, 651. + +Spurzheim, J. F. K., 145. + +Squillace, Fausto, 948. + +Stalker, James, 943. + +Stanhope, Philip Henry (Fourth Earl), 240, 277. + +Stanley, L. L., 569. + +Stanton, Henry B., 949. + +Starbuck, Edwin D., 332, 726. + +Starcke, C. N., 220. + +Stchoukine, Ivan, 944. + +Stead, W. T., 782, 859. + +Steffens, Lincoln, 331. + +Stein, L., 565, 649. + +Steiner, Edward A., 780, 782. + +Steiner, Jesse F., 335, 616, 621, 622, 643, 651. + +Steinmetz, Andrew, 655. + +Steinmetz, S. R., 648, 654, 860. + +Steinthal, H., 217. + +Stephen, Sir Leslie, 647. + +Stephenson, Gilbert T., 651. + +Stern, B., 86, 87, 149, 150. + +Stern, Mrs. Elizabeth G., 774, 783. + +Stern, W., 152. + +Stevens, W. H. S., 565. + +Stewart, Dugald, 402, 429. + +Stillson, Henry L., 730. + +Stimson, Frederic J., _843-46_. + +Stirner, Max [_pseud._], _see_ Schmidt, Caspar. + +Stoddard, Lothrop, 963. + +Stoker, Bran, 731. + +Stoll, Otto, 221, 332, 430, 926 f, 937. + +Stone, Alfred H., _631-37_, 651. + +Stoughton, John, 949. + +Stout, G. F., 344, _391-94_, 424. + +Stow, John, 219. + +Strachey, Lytton, 721, 962. + +Stratico, A., 940. + +Stratz, Carl H., 948. + +Strausz, A., 149. + +Stromberg, A. von, 943. + +Strong, Anna L., 273. + +Stubbs, William, 353, 354. + +Stumpf, C., 413, 414. + +Sugenheim, S., 727. + +Sullivan, Anne, 243, 244. + +Sully, J., 150, 332, 422, 426. + +Sumner, Helen L., 942. + +Sumner, William G., 36, 37, 46, _97-100_, 143, 147, 283, _293-94_, +333, 640, 648, 759, 779, 796, 797, 831, 841-43, 849, 854, _866_, 933, 948, +_983-84_. + +Swift, Jonathan, 67. + + +Tabbe, P., 946. + +Taft, Jessie, 942. + +Taine, H. A., 141, _493_, 498, 907, 935, 950. + +Talbot, Marion, 222. + +Talbot, Winthrop, 782. + +Tannenbaum, Frank, _49_, 936. + +Tarde, Gabriel, _21_, 22, 32, _33_, 36, 37, 41, 58, 201, 202, 213, 218, +332, 390, 418, 423, 429, 562, 569, 729, 777, 794 n., 828, 858, 868, 875, +927, _933_, 939, 947. + +Tardieu, E., 725. + +Taussig, F. W., 731. + +Tawney, G. A., 727, 940. + +Taylor, F. W., 149. + +Taylor, Graham R., 219. + +Taylor, Thomas, 939. + +Tead, Ordway, 149, 494. + +Teggart, Frederick J., 1006. + +Tenney, E. P., 1009. + +Terman, L. M., 855. + +Theophrastus, 144, 151. + +Thiers, Adolphe, 947. + +This, G., 275. + +Thomas, Edward, 935. + +Thomas, N. W., 220, 856. + +Thomas, William I., _47_, _52_, _57_, _59_, 144, 146, 148, +151, 153, 215, 222, _249-52_, 285, 332, 335, 438, 442, _488-90_, 497, +501, _579-82_, 640, 651, 652, 655, 718, 729, 730, 731, 774, 778, 935, 948, +950. + +Thompson, Anstruther, 402. + +Thompson, Frank V., 781. + +Thompson, Helen B., 153. + +Thompson, M. S., 946. + +Thompson, Warren S., 566. + +Thompson, W. Gilman, 568. + +Thomson, J. Arthur, 13, 71, _126-28_, 147, 153, 218, _513-15_, 563, +1007. + +Thorndike, Edward L., 68, 71, _73-76_, _78_, _92-94_, 147, 150, +152, 155, 187, 424, 429, 494, 647, 721, 726. + +Thoreau, H. D., 229. + +Thurston, Henry W., 656. + +Thwing, Charles F., and Carrie F. B., 222. + +Tippenhauer, L. G., 939. + +Tocqueville Alexius de, 851, 858, _909_. + +Todd, Arthur J., 1004, 1010. + +Tolstoy, _Count_ Leon, 151, 789. + +Toennies, Ferdinand, _100-102_, 649, 740. + +Toops, Herbert A., 568. + +Topinard, Paul, 537. + +Tosti, Gustavo, 425. + +Tower, W. L., _128-33_, 147. + +Towns, Charles B., 569. + +Toynbee, Arnold, 334, 950. + +Tracy, J., 943. + +Train, Arthur, 656. + +Train, J., 944. + +Tredgold, A. F., 152, 277. + +Treitschke, Heinrich von, 988. + +Trenor, John J. D., 781. + +Trent, William P., 859. + +Tridon, Andre, 501. + +Triplett, Norman, 646. + +Trotter, W., _31_, 647, _742-45_, 783, 784. + +Tuchmann, J., 856. + +Tufts, James H., 149. + +Tulp, Dr., 241. + +Turner, Charles J. Ribton-, _see_ Ribton-Turner, Charles J. + +Turner, Frederick J., 499. + +Twain, Mark [_pseud._] _see_ Clemens, Samuel L. + +Tylor, Edward B., 19, 148, 220, 674, 855. + + +Urban, Wilbur M., 500. + + +Vaccaro, M. A., 860. + +Vallaux, Camille, 274, 333. + +Vandervelde, E., 218, 333, 1007. + +Van Hise, Charles R., 564. + +Vavin, P., 729. + +Veblen, Thorstein, 71, 287, 501, 644, 721, 729, 936. + +Vellay, Charles, 946. + +Vierkandt, Alfred, 148, 333, 723, 729, 777, 854. + +Vigouroux, A., 411, 412, 937. + +Villatte, Cesaire, 428. + +Villon, Francois, 428. + +Vincent, George E., 58, _605-10_, 646. + +Virchow, Rudolph, 537, 725. + +Vischer, F. T., 402. + +Voivenel, Paul, 648. + +Voltaire, 986. + +Von Kolb, 240. + +Vries, Hugo de, 143. + + +Wace, A. J. B., 946. + +Wagner, 243. + +Wagner, Adolf, 563. + +Waitz, Theodor, 856. + +Wald, Lilian, 331. + +Walford, Cornelius, 564. + +Walker, Francis A., 499, _508_, _539-44_, 564, 572. + +Wallace, 553. + +Wallace, Alfred R., 562, 554, 725, 1006. + +Wallace, Donald M., 333. + +Wallas, Graham, 148, 162, 335, 422, 431, 494, 925, 929, 935. + +Wallaschek, Richard, 938. + +Walling, W. E., 653. + +Wallon, H., 727. + +Walter, F., 854. + +Ward, E. J., 331, 732. + +Ward, James, 775. + +Ward, Lester F., 58, 497, 499, 513, 649, 718, _973-75_, 1007. + +Ward, Robert de C., 726. + +Ware, J. Redding, 428. + +Warming, Eugenius, _173-80_, 218, 554. + +Warne, Frank J., 653. + +Warneck, Gustav, 779. + +Warren, H. C., 777. + +Warren, Josiah, 565. + +Washburn, Margaret F., 147. + +Washington, Booker T., 152, 607, 629, 782. + +Wasmann, Eric, 169. + +Watson, Elkanah, 540, 543. + +Watson, John B., 81, 147, 285, _482-88_, 488, 494. + +Watson, R. W. Seton-, _see_ Seton-Watson, R. W. + +Waxweiler, E., 218. + +Weatherly, U. G., 776. + +Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, 564, 644, 657. + +Weber, Adna P., 334. + +Weber, John L., 727. + +Weber, L., 1006. + +Webster, Hutton, 274, 730. + +Wechsler, Alfred, 948. + +Weeks, Arland D., 646. + +Wehrhan, K., 650. + +Weidensall, C. J., 153. + +Weigall, A., 332. + +Weismann, August, 143, 515, 563. + +Weller, Charles F., 732. + +Wells, H. G., 151, 496, 498, 932, 935, 1009. + +Wendland, Walter, 650. + +Wermert, George, 654. + +Wesley, Charles, 916. + +Wesley, John, 151, 916 ff. + +Wesnitsch, Milenko R., 654. + +West, Arthur Graeme, 650. + +Westermarck, Edward, 16, _17_, 60, 147, 214, 215, 220, 640, 778, 849, 854. + +Weygandt, W., 937. + +Whately, Archbishop, 735. + +Wheeler, G. C., 220. + +Wheeler, William M., _167-70_, _180-82_, 214, 217, 554. + +White, Andrew D., 647. + +White, F. M., 655. + +White, W. A., 500, 594-98. + +Whitefield, George, 916 ff. + +Whiting, Lilian, 949. + +Whitley, W. T., 943. + +Wigmore, John H., 854, 860, 861. + +Wilberforce, William, 949. + +Wilbert, Martin I., 569. + +Wilde, Oscar, 151. + +Willard, Frances E., 942, 950. + +Willard, Josiah Flynt, 151. + +Willcox, Walter F., 223, _1002-3_, 1010. + +Williams, Daniel J., 781. + +Williams, J. M., 212, 219, 223. + +Williams, Whiting, 149. + +Willoughby, W.W., 565. + +Wilmanns, Karl, 153. + +Wilson, D. L., 730. + +Wilson, _Captain_ H. A., 637. + +Wilson, Warren H., 219. + +Windelband, Wilhelm, _8-10_, 286-646. + +Windisch, H., 775. + +Winship, A. E., 147. + +Winston, L. G., _117-19_. + +Wirth, M., 947. + +Wishart, Alfred W., 274. + +Wiston-Glynn, A. W., 947. + +Witte, H., 946. + +Wittenmyer, _Mrs._ Annie, _898-905_, 942. + +Wolff, C. F., 967. + +Wolman, Leo, 653. + +Wood, Walter, 649, (ed). + +Woodbury, Margaret, 859. + +Woodhead, 179. + +Woods, A., 655. + +Woods, E. B., 1004. + +Woods, Frederick A., 499, 854. + +Woods, Robert A., 219, 331, 335, 566, 656 (ed.), 943. + +Woodson, Carter G., 941. + +Woodworth, R. S., 154. + +Woolbert, C. H., 941. + +Woolman, John, 151. + +Wordsworth, William, _66_. + +Worms, Emile, 649. + +Worms, Rene, 28, _29_, 58, 61, 425, 649 (ed.), 729. + +Wright, Arnold, 653. + +Wright, Gordon, 886. + +Wuensch, R., 939. + +Wundt, Wilhelm, 21, 421, 422, 426, 427, 775, 777. + +Wuttke, Heinrich, 427. + + +Xenopol, A. P., 649. + + +Yule, Henry, 276. + + +Zangwill, Israel, 734. + +Zeeb, Frieda B., 942. + +Zenker, E. V., 565. + +Ziegler, T., 942. + +Zimand, Savel, 943. + +Zimmermann, Johann G., 271, 273. + +Zimmern, Alfred E., 660, 729, 730. + +Znaniecki, Florian, _47_, _52_, _57_, _59_, 144, 151, 222, +335, 501, 774, 935, 1006. + +Zola, Emile, 141, _142_, 266, 334. + +Zueblin, Charles, _955-56_, 1010. + + + + +GENERAL INDEX + + +ACCLIMATIZATION: + _bibliography_, 725-26; + as a form of accommodation, 666, 671-74, 719. + +ACCOMMODATION: + _chap. x_, 663-733; + _bibliography_, 725-32; + and adaptation, 663-65; + and assimilation, 735-36; + and competition, 664-65; + and compromise, 706-8; + and conflict, 631-37, 669-70, 703-8; + creates social organization, 511; + defined, 663-64; + distinguished from assimilation, 511; + facilitated by secondary contacts, 736-37; + in the form of domination and submission, 440-41; + in the form of slavery, 674-77, 677-81; + forms of, 666-67, 671-88, 718-20; + and historic forms of the organization of society, 667; + investigations and problems, 718-25; + natural issue of conflict, 665; + and the origin of caste in India, 681-84, 684-88; + and peace, 703-63; + in relation to competition, 510-11; + in relation to conflict, 511; + as subordination and superordination, 667-69. + _See_ Subordination and superordination. + +ACCOMMODATION GROUPS, classified, 50, 721-23. + +ACCULTURATION: + _bibliography_, 776-77; + defined, 135; + problems of, 771-72; + and tradition, 172; + transmission of cultural elements, 737. + +ADAPTATION, and accommodation, 663-65. + +ADVERTISING. _See_ Publicity. + +AGGREGATES, SOCIAL: + composed of spacially separated units, 26; + and organic aggregates, 25. + +AMALGAMATION: + _bibliography_, 776; + and assimilation, 740-41, 769-71; + fusion of races by intermarriage, 737-38; + result of contacts of races, 770. + _See_ Miscegenation. + +AMERICANIZATION: + _bibliography_, 781-83; + as assimilation, 762-63; + and immigration, 772-75; + as participation, 762-63; + as a problem of assimilation, 739-40, 762-69; + Study of Methods of, 736, 773-74; + surveys and studies of, 772-75. + _See_ Immigration. + +ANARCHISM: + _bibliography_, 565-66; + economic doctrine of, 558. + +ANARCHY, of political opinion and parties, 2. + +ANIMAL CROWD. _See_ Crowd, animal. + +ANIMAL SOCIETY: + bee and ant community, 742; + prestige in, 809-10. + +ANTHROPOLOGY, 10. + +APPRECIATION: + in relation to imitation, 344, 401-7; + and sense impressions, 356-57. + +ARCHAEOLOGY, as a new social science, 5. + +ARGOT, _bibliography_, 427-29. + +ART: + as expressive behavior, 787-88; + origin in the choral dance, 871. + +ASSIMILATION: + _chap. xi_, 734-84; + _bibliography_, 775-83; + and accommodation, 735-36; + and amalgamation, 740-41, 769-71; + Americanization as, 762-63; + based on differences, 724; + biological aspects of, 737-38, 740-45; + conceived as a "Melting Pot," 734; + defined, 756, 761; + and democracy, 734; + distinguished from accommodation, 511; + facilitated by primary contacts, 736-37, 739, 761-62; + final product of social contact, 736-37; + in the formation of nationalities, 756-58; + fusion of cultures, 737; + of the Germans in the Carpathian lands, 770; + instinctive basis of, 742-45; + investigations and problems, 769-75; + as like-mindedness, 735, 741; + and mediation of individual differences, 766-69; + natural history of, 774; + in personal development, 511; + popular conceptions of, 724-35; + a problem of secondary groups, 761; + a process of prolonged contact, 741; + of races, 756-62; + and racial differences, 769-70; + sociology of, 735-37. + _See_ Amalgamation, Americanization, Cultures, conflict and fusion of, + Denationalization. + +ATTENTION, in relation to imitation, 344, 391-94. + +ATTITUDES: + _bibliography_, 501; + as behavior patterns, 439-42; + complexes of, 57; + polar conception of, 441-42; + as the social element, 438-39; + as social forces, 467-78; + in subordination and superordination, 692-95; + and wishes, 442-43; + wishes as components of, 439. + + +BALKED DISPOSITION, a result of secondary contacts, 287. + +BEHAVIOR: + defined, 185-86; + expressive and positive, 787-88. + +BEHAVIOR, COLLECTIVE. _See_ Collective behavior. + +BEHAVIOR PATTERNS, and culture, 72. + +BLUSHING, communication by, 365-70. + +BOLSHEVISM, 909-15. + +BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, of New York City, 46, 315. + + +CARNEGIE REPORT UPON MEDICAL EDUCATION, 315. + +CASTE: + _bibliography_, 728; + as an accommodation of conflict, 584; + defined, 203-4; + a form of accommodation group, 50; + interpreted by superordination and subordination, 684-88; + its origin in India, 681-84; + and the limitation of free competition, 620-22; + study of, 722-23. + +CATEGORIC CONTACTS. _See_ Sympathetic contacts. + +CEREMONY: + _bibliography_, 855-56; + as expressive behavior, 787-88; + fundamental form of social control, 787. + +CHARACTER: + defined, 81; + inherited or acquired, 127-28; + and instinct, 190-93; + as the organization of the wishes of the person, 490; + related to custom, 192-93. + +CIRCLE, VICIOUS. _See_ Vicious circle. + +CIRCULAR REACTION. _See_ Reaction, circular. + +CITY: + an area of secondary contacts, 285-87; + aversion, a protection of the person in the, 584-85; + and the evolution of individual types, 712-14; + growth of, 534-35; + physical human type of, 535-38; + planning, studies of, 328-29; + studies of, 331. + +CIVILIZATION: + and historical continuity, 298-301; + life of, 956-57; + and mobility, 303-5; + a part of nature, 3; + an organization to realize wishes, 958; + and permanent settlement, 529-30. + +CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS, 40. + +CLASSES, SOCIAL: + _bibliography_, 728-29; + defined, 204-5; + as a form of accommodation groups, 50; + patterns of life of, 46; + separated by isolation, 230; + study of, 722. + +CLEVER HANS, case of, 412-15. + +COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR: + _chap. xiii_, 865-952; + _bibliography_, 934-51; + defined, 865; + investigations and problems, 924-34; + and the origin of concerted activity, 32; + and social control, 785-86; + and social unrest, 866-67. + _See_ Crowd, Herd, Mass movements, Public. + +COLLECTIVE CONSCIOUSNESS: + defined, 195; + of society, 28. + +COLLECTIVE FEELING, and collective thinking, 17. + +COLLECTIVE MIND, and social control, 36-43. + +COLLECTIVE REPRESENTATION: + application of Durkheim's conception of, 18; + contrasted with sensation, 193; + in the crowd, 894-95; + defined, 164-65, 195-96; + and intellectual life, 193-96; + and public opinion, 38. + +COLLECTIVISM: + and the division of labor, 718. + +COLONIZATION: + _bibliography_, 725-26; + a form of accommodation, 719; + and mobility, 302. + +COMMON PURPOSE, as ideal, wish, and obligation, 33. + +COMMUNISM, economic doctrine of, 558. + +COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION: + _bibliography_, 731-32; + study of, 724-25. + +COMMUNICATION: + _bibliography_, 275-76; 426-29; + and art, 37; + basis of participation in community life, 763-66; + basis of society, 183-85; + basis of world-society, 343; + by blushing, 365-70; + concept, the medium of, 379-81; + extension of, by human invention, 343, 385-89; + a form of social interaction, 36; + and inter-stimulation, 37; + by laughing, 370-75; + in the lower animals, 375-79; + as the medium of social interaction, 341-43; + natural forms of, 356-75; + newspaper as medium of, 316-17; + role of the book in, 343; + study of, 421-23; + through the expression of the emotions, 342, 361-75; + through language and ideas, 375-89; + through the senses, 342, 356-61; + writing as a form of, 381-84. + _See_ Language, Newspaper, Publicity. + +COMMUNITIES: + _bibliography_, 59, 219; + animal, 26; + defined, 161; + local and territorial, 50; + plant, _bibliography_, 217-18; + plant, organization of, 26, 173-80; 526-28; + plant, unity of, 198-99; + rural and urban, 56; + scale for grading, 1002 n.; + studies of, 211-12, 327-29. + +COMMUNITY, as a constellation of social forces, 436, 493. + +COMPETITION: + _chap, viii_, 505-65; + _bibliography_, 552-70; + and accommodation, 510-11, 664-65; + biological, 553-54; + changing forms of, 545-50; + conscious, as conflict, 574, 576, 579-94; + and control, 509-10; + of cultural languages, 754-56, 771; + and the defectives, the dependents, and the delinquents, 559-62; + destroys isolation, 232; + economic, 544-54, 554-558; + and the economic equilibrium, 505-6, 511; + the elementary process of interaction, 507-11; + elimination of, and caste, 620-22; + and freedom, 506-7, 509, 513, 551-52; + history of theories of, 556-58; + and human ecology, 558; + and the "inner enemies," 559-62; + investigations and problems 553-62; + and laissez faire, 554-58; + the "life of trade," 505; + makes for progress, 988; + makes for specialization and organization, 519-22; + and man as an adaptive mechanism, 522-26; + and mobility, 513; + most severe between members of the same species, 517; + and the natural harmony of individual interests, 550-51; + natural history of, 555-56; + and natural selection, 515-19; + opposed to sentiment, 509; + personal, as conflict, 574, 575-76; + personal, and the evolution of individual types, 712-14; + personal, and social selection, 708-12; + and plant migration, 526-28; + popular conception of, 504-7; + and race suicide, 539-44; + restricted by custom, tradition, and law, 513; + and segregation, 526-44; + and social contact, 280-81; + and social control, 561-62; + and social solidarity, 670-71, 708-18; + and the standard of living, 543-44; + and status, 541-43, 670-71, 708-18; + and the struggle for existence, 505, 512, 513-15, 515-19, 522-26, 545-50; + unfair, 506. + _See_ Competitive co-operation. + +COMPETITIVE CO-OPERATION: + Adam Smith's conception of an "invisible hand," 504, 551; + in the ant community, 512-13; + and competition, 508; + complementary association, 179-80; + and human ecology, 558; + and participation, 767-78; + in the plant community, 163. + +COMPREHENSION, and sense impressions, 357-61. + +COMPROMISE, a form of accommodation, 706-8. + +CONCEPTS: + as collective representations, 193-96; + as medium of communication, 379-81. + +CONDUCT: + as self-conscious behavior, 188-89. + +CONFLICT: + _chap. ix_, 574-662; + _bibliography_, 645-60; + accommodation, 511, 631-37, 665, 669-70, 703-8; + of beliefs, and the origin of sects, 611-12; + concept of, 574-76; + as conscious competition, 281, 574, 576, 579-94; + cultural, and the organization of sects, 610-16; + cultural, and sex differences, 615-16; + cultural, and social organization, 577-78; + determines the status of the person in society, 574-75, 576; + emotional, 475-76; + and fusion of cultures, 738-39, 746-62, 740-45; + and fusion of cultures and social unity, 200; + of impersonal ideals, 592-94; + instinctive interest in, 579-82; + investigations and problems, 639-45; + natural history of, 579-82; + and origin of law, 850-52; + as personal competition, 575-76; + and the political order, 551; + psychology and sociology of, 638-39; + race, and social contact, 615-23; + and race consciousness, 623-31; + racial, 616-37; + and the rise of nationalities, 628-31; + and repression, 601-2; + and social control, 607-8; + as a struggle for status, 574, 578-79; + as a type of social interaction, 582-86; + types of, 239-41, 586-94; + and the unification of personality, 583-84. + _See_ Feud, Litigation, Mental conflict, Race conflicts, Rivalry, War. + +CONFLICT GROUPS, classified, 50. + +CONSCIENCE: + as an inward feeling, 103; + a manifestation of the collective mind, 33; + a peculiar possession of the gregarious animals, 31. + +CONSCIOUS, 41. + +CONSCIOUSNESS: + national and racial, 40-41; + and progress, 990-94. + +CONSCIOUSNESS, SOCIAL: + _bibliography_, 425-26; + of the community, 48; + existence of, 28; + as mind of the group, 41; + in the person, 29; + and the social organism, 39. + +CONSENSUS: + defined, 164; + social, and solidarity, 24; + social, closer than the vital, 25; + as society, 161; + versus co-operation, 184. + +CONTACT, maritime, and geographical, 260-64. + +CONTACTS, PRIMARY: + _bibliography_, 333-34; + and absolute standards, 285-86; + defined, 284, 311; + distinguished from secondary contacts, 284-87, 305-27; + facilitate assimilation, 736-37, 739; + of intimacy and acquaintanceship, 284-85; + related to concrete experience, 286; + and sentimental attitudes, 319-20; + studies of, 329-31; + in village life in America, 305-11. + +CONTACTS, SECONDARY: + _bibliography_, 334-36; + and abstract relations, 325; + accommodation, facilitated by, 736-37; + and capitalism, 317-22; + a cause of the balked disposition, 287; + characteristic of city life, 285-87, 311-15; + conventional, formal, and impersonal, 56; + defined, 284; + distinguished from primary contacts, 284-87, 305-27; + laissez faire in, 758; + modern society based on, 286-87; + publicity as a form of, 315-17; + and the problems of social work, 287; + and rational attitudes, 317-22; + sociological significance of the stranger, 286, 322-27; + studies of, 331. + +CONTACTS, SOCIAL: + _chap. v_, 280-338; + _bibliography_, 332-36; + in assimilation, 736-37; + avoidance of, 292-93, 330; + defined, 329; + desire for, 291-92; + distinguished from physical contacts, 282; + economic conception of, 280-81; + extension through the devices of communication, 280-81; + as the first stage of social interaction, 280, 282; + frontiers of, 288-89; + intensity of, 282-83; + investigations and problems of, 327-31; + land as a basis for, 282, 289-91; + preliminary notions of, 280-81; + and progress, 988-89; + and race conflict, 615-23; + and racial intermixture, 770; + and social forces, 36; + sociological concept of, 281-82; + spatial conception of, 282; + sympathetic versus categoric, 294-98; + in the transmission of cultural objects, 746. + _See_ Communication; Contacts, primary; Contacts, secondary; Continuity; + Interaction, social; Mobility; Touch; We-group and others-group. + +CONTAGION, SOCIAL: + _bibliography_, 936-38; + and collective behavior, 874-86, 878-81; + in fashion, 874-75; + and psychic epidemics, 926-27. + +CONTINUITY: + through blood-relationship, 351-52; + by continuance of locality, 350; + through group honor, 355-56; + through the hereditary principle, 353-54; + historical, 283-84, 298-301; + through leadership, 353-54; + through material symbols, 354-55; + through membership in the group, 352-53; + through specialized organs, 356. + +CONTROL: + aim of sociology, 339; + defined, 182; + the fundamental social fact, 34; + loss of, and unrest, 766-67. + _See_ Control, social. + +CONTROL, SOCIAL: + _chap. xii_, 785-864; + _bibliography_, 854-61; + absolute in primary groups, 285-86, 305-11; + through advertising, 830; + in the animal "crowd," 788-90; + as an artefact, 29; + central problem of society, 42; + and collective behavior, 785-86; + and the collective mind, 36-43; + and competition, 509-10, 561-62; + and conflict, 607-8; + and corporate action, 27; + in the crowd, 790-91; + in the crowd and the public, 800-805; + defined, 785-87; + and definitions of the situation, 764-65; + elementary forms of, 788-91, 800-816, 849-50; + and human nature, 785-87, 848-49; + and the individual, 52; + investigations and problems, 848-53; + through laughter, 373-75; + mechanisms of, 29; + through news, 834-37; + through opinion, 191-92; + organization of, 29; + through prestige, 807-11, 811-12; + through propaganda, 837-41; + in the public, 791-96, 800-805; + through public opinion in cities, 316-17; + resting on consent, 29; + with the savage, 90; + and schools of thought, 27-35; + and social problems, 785; + as taming, 163. + _See_ Ceremonial, Law, Leadership, Institutions, Mores, Myth, Taboo. + +CONVERSION: + _bibliography_, 726-27; + as the mutation of attitudes and wishes, 669; + religious, and the social group, 48. + +CO-OPERATION: + of the machine type, 184. + _See_ Collective behavior, Corporate action. + +CORPORATE ACTION: + problem of, 30; + and social consciousness, 41-42; + and social control, 27; + as society, 163. + _See_ Collective behavior. + +CRIME, from the point of view of the primary group, 48, 49. + _See_ Defectives, dependents, and delinquents. + +CRISES, ECONOMIC: + _bibliography_, 947. + +CRISIS, and public opinion, 793, 794. + +CROWD: + _bibliography_, 939-40; + animal, 788-89, 876, 881-87; + characteristics of, 890-93; + classified, 200-201; + control in the, 790-91, 800-805; + defined, 868, 893-95; + excitement of, in mass movements, 895-98; + homogeneous and heterogeneous, 200-201; + "in being," 33; + milling in, 869; + organized, 33, 34; + "psychological," 34, 876-77, 887-93; + psychology of, 5; + and the public, 867-70; + and unreflective action, 798-99. + +CULTURAL DIFFERENCES, as caused by isolation, 229. + +CULTURAL PROCESS: + the function of, 52-54; + and isolation, 233. + +CULTURAL RESEMBLANCES, interpretation of, 19. + +CULTURAL TRAITS: + independently created, 20; + transmission of, 21. + +CULTURE: and behavior patterns, 72; + materials, why diffused, 20; + Roman, extension of in Gaul, 751-54. + +CULTURES, CONFLICT AND FUSION OF: + _bibliography_, 776-80; + analysis of blended, 746-50; + comparative study of, 18; + conflict and fusion of, 738-39, 746-62, 771-72; + fusions of, nature of the process, 20. + +CUSTOM: as the general will, 102; + and law, 799. + _See_ Mores. + + +DANCE: _bibliography_, 938-39; + and corporate action, 870-71. + +DANCING MANIA OF THE MIDDLE AGES, 875, 879-81. + +DEFECTIVES, DEPENDENTS, AND DELINQUENTS: + _bibliography_, 147-48, 566-70; + and competition, 559-62; + isolated groups, 232-33, 254-57, 271; + and progress, 954-55; + solution of problems of, 562. + +DEFINITION OF THE SITUATION, 764-65. + +DENATIONALIZATION: + _bibliography_, 777-78; + implies coercion, 740-41; + as negative assimilation, 724; + in the Roman conquest of Gaul, 751-54. + +DENOMINATIONS: + as accommodation groups, 50; + distinguished from sects, 873. + +DESIRES: + in relation to interests, 456; + as social forces, 437-38, 453-54, 455, 497. + +DIALECTS: + _bibliography_, 275, 427-29; + caused by isolation, 271; + of isolated groups, 423; + _lingua franca_, 752-54. + +DISCOURSE, UNIVERSES OF. _See_ Universes of discourse. + +DISCUSSION, _bibliography_, 646-47. + +DISORGANIZATION, SOCIAL: + _bibliography_, 934-35; + and change, 55; + disintegrating influences of city life, 312-13; + and emancipation of the individual, 867. + +DIVISION OF LABOR: + and collectivism, 718; + and co-operation, 42; + and individualism, 718; + and the moral code, 717-18; + physiological, 26; + in slavery, 677; + and social solidarity, 714-18; + and social types, 713-14. + +DOGMA, as based upon ritual and myth, 822-26. + +DOMESDAY SURVEY, 436. + +DOMESTICATION: + defined, 163; + of animals, 171-73. + +DOMINATION. _See_ Subordination and superordination. + +DUEL: + _bibliography_, 655. + + +ECESIS, defined, 526. + +ECONOMIC COMPETITION. _See_ Competition. + +ECONOMIC CONFLICT GROUPS: + _bibliography_, 657-58. + +ECONOMIC CRISES. _See_ Crises, economic. + +ECONOMIC MAN, as an abstraction to explain behavior, 495-96. + +ECONOMIC PROCESS, and personal values, 53-54. + +ECONOMICS: + conception of society of, 280-81; + and the economic process, 53-54; + use of social forces in, 494-96. + _See_ Competition. + +EDUCATION: + device of social control, 339; + purpose of, 833. + +EMOTIONS, expressions of: + _bibliography_, 426-27; + study of, 421-22. + +EPIDEMICS, PSYCHIC OR SOCIAL. _See_ Contagion, social. + +EQUILIBRIUM, a form of accommodation, 667-719. + +ESPRIT DE CORPS: as affective morale, 209; + defined, 164; + in relation to isolation, 229-30. + +ETHNOLOGY: + and history, 18; + as a social science, 5. + +EUGENICS: + _bibliography_, 1007; + and biological inheritance, 133; + as human domestication, 163; + and progress, 969-73, 979-83; + research in, 143. + +EVOLUTION, SOCIAL: and progress, _bibliography_, 1006-7. + + +FAMILY: + _bibliography_, 220-23, 947-48; + government of, 46; + outline for sociological study, 216; + a primary group, 56; + as a social group, 50; + study of, 213-16. + +FASHION: + a form of imitation, 390; + as social contagion, 874-75; + and social control, 831-32; + study of, 933-34. + +FEEBLE-MINDEDNESS. _See_ Defectives, dependents, and delinquents. + +FERAL MEN: + _bibliography_, 277; + result of isolation, 71-72, 239-43. + +FERMENTATION, SOCIAL, 34. + +FEUD: + _bibliography_, 654-55; + as a form of conflict, 588-90; + as the personal settlement of disputes, 581. + +FLOCK, 881-83. + +FOLK PSYCHOLOGY: + aim of, 21; + its origin, 20; + and sociology, 5. + +FOLKLORE, as a social science, 5. + +FOLKWAYS: + not creations of human purpose, 98. + _See_ Customs, Mores. + +FORCES, SOCIAL: + _chap. vii_, 435-504; + _bibliography_, 498-501; + in American history, 443-44; + attitudes as, 437-42, 457-78; + desires as, 437-38, 453-54, 497; + gossip as, 452; + in history, 436-37, 493-94; + history of the concept of, 436-37; + idea-forces as, 461-64; + and interaction, 451-54; + interests, as, 454-58, 458-62, 494-96; + investigations and problems of, 491-97; + organized in public opinion, 35; + popular notions of, 491-93; + in public opinion in England, 445-51; + social pressures as, 458-61; + and the social survey, 436; + in social work, 435-37, 491-93; + sources of the notion of, 435-36; + tendencies as, 444-45; + trends as, 436-37. + _See_ Attitudes, Desires, Interests, Sentiments, and Wishes. + +FREEDOM: + _bibliography_, 563; + and competition, 506-7, 509, 551-52; + and laissez faire, 560-61; + as the liberty to move, 323; + of thought and speech, 640-41. + +FRENCH REVOLUTION, 905-9. + + +GALTON LABORATORY FOR NATIONAL EUGENICS, 143, 560. + +GAMES AND GAMBLING: + _bibliography_, 655; + study of, 640. + +GANGS: + _bibliography_, 656; + as a form of conflict groups, 50, 870; + permanent form of crowd that acts, 872. + +GENERAL EDUCATION BOARD, 315. + +GENIUS, among civilized peoples, 92. + +GEOGRAPHY: + and history, 8; + as a science, 7. + +GOVERNMENT: + a technical science, 1. + _See_ Politics. + +GREGARIOUSNESS, regarded as an instinct, 30, 742-45. + +GROUP, PRIMARY, defined, 50, 56. + +GROUP SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS, 51. + +GROUPS, SECONDARY: + in relation to conflict and accommodation, 50. + _See_ Contacts, secondary. + +GROUPS, SOCIAL: + _bibliography_, 218-23, 274, 333-36; + accommodation type of, 721-23; + centers of new ideas, 21; + and character, 57; + classification of, 50, 200-205; + concept of, 47; + co-operation in, 22; + defined, 45, 196-98; + determines types of personality, 606-7; + investigations of, 210-16, 270-71; + natural, 30; + organization and structure of, 51; + persistence of, 349-56; + a real corporate existence, 33; + rivalry of, 605-10; + and social problems, 50; + study of, 643-45; + subordination to, 609-702; + types of, 47-51; + unit of classification, 161-62; + unit of investigation, 212-13; + unity of, 198-200. + _See_ Groups, primary, Groups, secondary, Contacts, primary, Contacts, + secondary, also the names of specific groups. + +GROWTH, SOCIAL, 26. + + +HABIT, as the individual will, 100-102. + +HERD: + behavior of, 30; + contagion in, 885-86; + homogeneity of, 31; + instinct of the, 32, 724-45, 884-86; + milling in the, 788-90; + simplest type of social group, 30. + +HEREDITY AND EUGENICS: + _bibliography_, 147-48. + +HERITAGES, SOCIAL: + complex of stimuli, 72; + of the immigrant, 765; + investigation of, 51; + transmission of, 72. + +HISTORICAL FACT, 7. + +HISTORICAL PROCESS, and progress, 969-73. + +HISTORICAL RACES: + as products of isolation, 257-60. + +HISTORY: + a catalogue of facts, 14; + defined by Karl Pearson, 14; + and geography, 15; + as group memory, 51-52; + mother science of all the social sciences, 42, 43; + as a natural science, 23; + and the natural sciences, 6; + scientific, 4, 14; + and sociology, 5, 1-12, 16-24. + +HOMOGENEITY: + and common purpose, 32; + and like-mindedness, 32. + +HOUSING, and zoning studies, 328-29. + +HUMAN BEINGS, as artificial products, 95. + +HUMAN ECOLOGY, and competition, 558. + +HUMAN NATURE: + _chap. ii_, 64-158; + _bibliography_, 147-54; + adaptability of, 95-97; + Aristotle's conception of, 140; + defined, 65-67; + described in literature, 141-43; + description and explanation of, 79; + founded on instincts, 77-78; + and the four wishes, 442-43; + Hobbes' conception, 140; + human interest in, 64-65; + investigations and problems, 139-46; + and law, 12-16; + Machiavelli's conception, 140; + and the mores, 97-100; + political conceptions, 140-41; + problems of, 47; + product of group life, 67; + product of social intercourse, 47; + product of society, 159; + and progress, 954, 957-58, 964-65, 983-1000; + religious conceptions of, 139; + and social control, 785-87; 848-49; + and social life, 69; + Spencer's conception, 141; + and war, 594-98. + +HUMAN NATURE AND INDUSTRY: + _bibliography_, 149. + +HUMAN SOCIETY: + contrasted with animal societies, 199-200; + and social life, 182-85. + +HYPNOTISM: + a form of dissociation of memory, 472; + post-hypnotic suggestion, 477. + _See_ Suggestion. + + +IDEA-FORCES, 461-64. + _See_ Sentiment, Wishes. + +IMITATION: + _bibliography_, 429-30; + active side of sympathy, 394-95; + and appropriation of knowledge, 403-4; + and art, 401-8; + circular reaction, 390-91; + communication by, 72; + defined, 344, 390-91, 391-94; + in emotional communication, 404-7; + and fashion, 390; + and the imitative process, 292-93; + internal, 404-5; + and like-mindedness, 33; + as a process of learning, 344, 393-94; + and rapport, 344; + in relation to attention and interest, 344, 391-94; + in relation to trial and error, 344-45; + and the social inheritance, 390-91; + as the social process, 21; + study of, 423-24; + and suggestion, differentiated, 346; + and suggestion, inner relation between, 688-889; + and the transmission of tradition, 391-92. + +IMMIGRATION: + _bibliography_, 780-81; + and Americanization, 772-75; + involves accommodation, 719. + _See_ Migration. + +IMMIGRATION COMMISSION, REPORT OF, 772-73. + +INBORN CAPACITIES, defined, 73-74. + +INDIVIDUAL: + _bibliography_, 149-50, 152-53; + an abstraction, 24; + isolated, 55; + and person 55; + subordination to, 698-99. + +INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES: + _bibliography_, 152-54, 276; + assimilation and the mediation of, 766-69; + cause of isolation, 228-29; + described, 92-94; + developed by city life, 313-15; + measurement of, 145-46; + in primitive and civilized man, 90; + and sex differences, 87. + +INDIVIDUAL REPRESENTATION, 37, 193. + +INDIVIDUALISM, and the division of labor, 718. + +INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION: + _bibliography_, 564-65; + impersonality of, 287. + +INHERITANCE, BIOLOGICAL: + _bibliography_, 147. + +INHERITANCE, SOCIAL: + through imitation, 390-91. + _See_ Heritages, social. + +"INNER ENEMIES." _See_ Defectives, dependents, and delinquents. + +INSPIRATION, and public sentiment, 34, 35. + +INSTINCTS: + _bibliography_, 147-48, 152-54; + and character, 190-93; + in conflict, 576-77; 579-82; + defined, 73-74; + gregarious, 742-45; + in the human baby, 82-84; + instinctive movements as race movements, 82; + physiological bases of assimilation, 742-45. + _See_ Human nature, Original nature. + +INSTITUTIONS: defined, 796-97, 841; + investigations of, 51; + and law, 797-99; + and mass movements, 915-24; + and mores, 841-43; + natural history of, 16; + and sects, 872-74; + and social control, 796-99, 841-48, 851-53. + +INTERACTION, SOCIAL: + _chap. vi_, 339-434; + _bibliography_, 425-31; + in communication, 341-43, 344-46, 356-89, 408-42; + concept of, 339-41; + in conflict, 582-86; + defines the group in time and space, 341, 348-56; + history of the concept, 420-21; + imitation as a mechanistic form of, 344, 390-407; + investigations and problems, 420-24; + language, science, religion, public opinion, and law products of, 37; + and mobility, 341; + Ormond's analysis, 340; + as a principal fundamental to all the natural sciences, 341-42, 346-48; + in secondary contacts in the large city, 360-61; + and social forces, 451-54; + and social process, 36, 421; + visual, 356-61. + _See_ Communication, Imitation, Process, social, Suggestion, and + Sympathy. + +INTEREST: + in relation to imitation, 344, 391-94. + +INTERESTS: + _bibliography_, 499-500; + classification of, 456-57; + defined, 456; + and desires, 456; + instincts and sentiments, 30; + natural harmony of, 550-51; + as social forces, 454-58, 458-62. + +INTIMACY: + _bibliography_, 332; + and the desire for response, 329-30; + form of primary contact, 294-85. + +INVERSION, of impulses and sentiments, 283, 292, 329. + +INVESTIGATION, and research, 45. + +ISOLATION: + _chap. iv_, 226-79; + _bibliography_, 273-77; + in anthropogeography, 226, 269-70; + barrier to invasion in plant communities, 527-28; + in biology, 227-28, 270; + cause of cultural differences, 229; + cause of dialects, 271; + cause of mental retardation, 231, 239-52; + cause of national individuality, 233, 257-69; + cause of originality, 237-39; + cause of personal individuality, 233-39, 271-73; + cause of race prejudice, 250-52; + cause of the rural mind, 247-49; + circle of, 232; + destroyed by competition, 232; + disappearance of, 866-67; + effect upon social groups, 270-71; + feral men, 239-43; + geographical, and maritime contact, 260-64; + investigations and problems of, 269-73; + isolated groups, 270-71; + mental effects of, 245-47; + and prayer, 235-37; + and the processes of competition, selection and segregation, 232-33; + product of physical and mental differences, 228-29; + result of segregation, 254-57; + and secrecy, 230; + and segregation, 228-30; + and solidarity, 625-26; + solitude and society, 243-45; + subtler effects of, 249-52. + + +JEW: + product of isolation, 271; + racial temperament, 136-37; + as the sociological stranger, 318-19, 323. + + +KLONDIKE RUSH, 895-98. + + +LABOR ORGANIZATIONS: + as conflict groups, 50. + +LABORING CLASS, psychology of, 40. + +LAISSEZ FAIRE: + _bibliography_, 563; + and competition, 554-58; + and individual freedom, 560-61; + in secondary contacts, 758. + +LANGUAGE: + _bibliography_, 427-29; + as condition of Americanization, 765-66; + gesture, 362-64; + and participation, 763-66. + _See_ Communication, Speech community. + +LANGUAGE GROUPS AND NATIONALITIES, 50-51. + +LANGUAGE REVIVALS AND NATIONALISM: + _bibliography_, 945-46; + study of 930-32. + +LANGUAGES: + comparative study of, and sociology, 5, 22; + cultural, competition of, 754-56, 771. + +LAUGHTER: + communication by, 370-75; + essays upon, 422; + in social control, 373-75; + and sympathy, 370-73, 401. + +LAW: + _bibliography_, 860-62; + based on custom and mores, 799, 843-46; + common and statute, 842-46; + comparative study of, 5; + and conscience, 102-8; + and creation of law-making opinion, 451; + formation of, 16; + and the general will, 102-8; + and human nature, 12-16; + as influenced by public opinion, 446-51; + and institutions, 797-99; + and legal institutions, 851-53; + moral, 13; + municipal, 13; + natural, defined, 11; + natural, distinguished from other forms, 12; + and public opinion, 446-51; + and religion, 853; + result of like-mindedness, 717; + social, as an hypothesis, 12; + "unwritten," 640. + +LAWS OF NATURE, 13. + +LAWS OF PROGRESS, 15. + +LAWS OF SOCIAL EVOLUTION, 18. + +LEADERSHIP: + _bibliography_, 854-55; + in the flock, 881-83; + and group continuity, 353-54; + interpreted by subordination and superordination, 695-97, 697-98; + in Methodism, 916-17; + study of, 721, 849-50. + _See_ Collective behavior, Social control, Suggestion, Subordination + and superordination. + +LEGEND: + as a form of social control, 819-22; + growth of, 819-22; + in the growth of Methodism, 922-23. + _See_ Myth. + +LEGISLATION. _See_ Law. + +LIKE-MINDEDNESS: and corporate action, 42; + as an explanation of social behavior, 32-33; + formal, in assimilation, 757-60; + in a panic, 33-34. + +LINGUA FRANCA, 752-54. + +LITERATURE, and the science of human nature, 141-43. + +LITIGATION, as a form of conflict, 590-92. + +LYNCHING: + _bibliography_, 653-54. + + +MAN: + an adaptive mechanism, 522-26; economic, 495-96; + the fighting animal, 600-603; + the natural, 82-85; + as a person, 10; + a political animal, 10, 32; + primitive and civilized, sensory discrimination in, 90. + _See_ Human nature, Individual, Person, Personality. + +MARKETS: + _bibliography_, 564; + and the origin of competition, 555-56. + +MASS MOVEMENTS: + _bibliography_, 941-43; + crowd excitements and, 895-98; + and institutions, 915-24; + and mores, 898-905; + and progress, 54; + and revolution, 905-15; + study of, 927-32; + types of, 895-924. + +MEMORY: + associative, Loeb's definition, 467; + role of, in the control of original nature, 468-71. + +MENTAL CONFLICT: + _bibliography_, 645-46; + and the disorganization of personality, 638; + its function in individual and group action, 578; + and sublimation, 669. + +MENTAL DIFFERENCES. _See_ Individual differences. + +METHODISM, 915-24. + +MIGRATION: + classified into internal and foreign, 531-33; + and mobility, 301-5; + in the plant community, 526-28; + and segregation, 529-33. + _See_ Immigration, mobility. + +MILLING, in the herd, 788-90. + +MIND, COLLECTIVE, 887, 889-90. + +MISCEGENATION: + and the mores, 53. + _See_ Amalgamation. + +MISSIONS: + _bibliography_, 778-80; + and the conflict and fusion of cultures, 771; + and social transmission, 200. + +MOBILITY: + _bibliography_, 333; + and communication, 284; + and competition, 513; + contrasted with continuity, 286; + defined, 283-84; + facilitated by city life, 313-14; + and instability of natural races, 300-301; + of the migratory worker, 912-13; + and the movement of the peoples, 301-5; + and news, 284; + and social interaction, 341; + and the stranger, 323-24. + _See_ Communication, Contacts, social, Migration. + +MOBILIZATION, of the individual man, 313. + +MORALE: + defined, 164; + and isolation, 229-30; + of social groups, 205-9. + _See Esprit de corps_, Collective representation, Consciousness, social. + +MORES: + _bibliography_, 148-49; + as the basis of social control, 786-87; + and conduct, 189; + and human nature, 97-100; + influence of, 30; + and institutions, 841-43; + and mass movements, 898-905; + and miscegenation, 53; + not subject of discussion, 52-53; + and progress, 983-84; + and public opinion, differentiated, 832. + +MOVEMENTS. _See_ Mass movements. + +MUSIC: + _bibliography_, 938-39. + +MYTHOLOGY, comparative study of, 5. + +MYTHS: + _bibliography_, 857-58; + as a form of social control, 816-19; + progress as a, 958-62; + relation to ritual and dogma, 822-26; + revolutionary, 817-19, 909, 911; + and socialism, 818-19. + _See_ Legend. + + +NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, as affected by natural or vicinal location, +268-69. + +NATIONAL DIFFERENCES, explained by isolation, 264-68. + +NATIONALITIES: + _bibliography_, 275, 659-60; + assimilation in the formation of, 756-58; + conflict groups, 50, 628-31; + defined, 645; + and nations, 723; + and patterns of life, 46; + and racial temperament, 135-39. + _See_ Denationalization, Nationalization, Language revivals. + +NATIONALIZATION: + _bibliography_, 777-78. + +NATURAL HISTORY: + and natural science, 16; + of a social institution, 16. + +NATURAL SCIENCE: + defined 12; + and history, 8. + +NATURALIZATION, SOCIAL: + as a form of accommodation, 666-67, 719. + +NATURE: + defined, 11; + laws of, 13; + and nurture, 126-28. + +NATURE, HUMAN. _See_ Human nature. + +NEGRO: + accommodation of, in slavery and freedom, 631-37; + assimilation of, 960-62; + race consciousness of, 623-31; + racial temperament of, 136-37, 762. + +NEIGHBORHOOD: + deterioration of, 252-54; + as a local community, 50; + as a natural area of primary contacts, 285; + as a primary group, 56; + scale for grading, 1002 n. + +NEO-MALTHUSIAN MOVEMENT, 559-60. + +NEWS: + and social control, 834-37. + _See_ Newspaper, Publicity. + +NEWSPAPER: + _bibliography_, 427, 859-60; + historical development of, 385-89; + as medium of communication, 316-17. + _See_ Public opinion, Publicity. + +NOMINALISM, and social psychology, 41. + +NOMINALISTS, and realists in sociology, 36. + + +OPINION. _See_ Public opinion. + +ORDEAL OF BATTLE: + _bibliography_, 655. + +ORGANISM, SOCIAL: + and biological, 28; + Comte's conception of, 24-25, 39; + humanity or Leviathan? 24-27; + and the separate organs, 27; + Spencer's definition of, 25; + Spencer's essay on, 28. + +ORGANIZATION, SOCIAL: + _bibliography_, 729-30; + of groups, 51; + and progress, 966-68; + and rivalry, 604-16; + study of, 723-25. + +ORGANIZATIONS, sociological and biological, 26. + +ORIGINAL NATURE: + an abstraction, 68; + control over, 81; + controlled through memory, 468-71; + defined, 56, 73-74; + and environment, 73; + inheritance of, 128-33; + of man, 68-69; + research in, 143. + _See_ Individual, Individual differences, Instincts. + +ORIGINAL TENDENCIES: + inventory of, 75-76; + range of, 74. + +ORIGINALITY: + accumulated commonplaces, 21; + in relation to isolation, 237-39. + + +PACK, 886-87. + +PARTICIPATION: + Americanization as, 762-63; + and competitive co-operation, 767-68; + language as a means and a product of, 763-66. + _See_ Americanization, Assimilation, Collective behavior, Social + control. + +PARTIES: + _bibliography_, 658-59; + as conflict groups, 50. + +PATTERNS OF LIFE, in nationalities, 46; + in social classes, 46. + +PEACE, as a type of accommodation, 703-6. + +PERIODICALS, SOCIOLOGICAL: _bibliography_, 59-60. + +PERSON: + _bibliography_, 150-52, 273-74; + effect of city upon, 329; + and his wishes, 388-90; + as an individual with status, 55. + _See_ Personality, Status. + +PERSONALITY: + _bibliography_, 149-52; + alterations of, 113-17; + classified, 146; + as a complex, 69, 110-13; + conscious, 490; + defined, 70, 112-13; + defined in terms of attitudes, 490; + disorganization of, and mental conflict, 628; + dissociation of, 472-75; + effect of isolation upon, 233-39, 271-73; + and the four wishes, 442-43; + and group membership, 609; + harmonization of conflict, 583-84; + of individuals and peoples, 123-25; + investigation of, 143-45; + as the organism, 108-10; + shut-in type of, 272; + and the social group, 48; + study of, 271-73; + and suggestion, 419-20; + types of, determined by the group, 606-7. + _See_ Individual, Person, Self, Status. + +PERSONS, defined, 55; + as "parts" of society, 36; + product of society, 159. + +PHILOSOPHY, and natural science, 4. + +PITTSBURGH SURVEY, 315, 724. + +PLANT COMMUNITIES. _See_ Communities. + +PLAY: as expressive behavior, 787-88. + +POLITICS: + _bibliography_, 940; + comparative, Freeman's lectures on, 23; + as expressive behavior, 787-88; + among the natural sciences, 3; + as a positive science, 3; + shams in, 826-82. + +POVERTY. _See_ Defectives, dependents, and delinquents. + +PRESTIGE: + with animals, 809-10; + defined, 807; + and prejudice, 808-9; + in primitive society, 810-11, 811-12; + in social control, 807-11, 811-12; + and status in South East Africa, 811-12. + _See_ Leadership, Status. + +PRIMARY CONTACTS. _See_ Contacts, primary. + +PRINTING-PRESS, _bibliography_, 427. + +PRIVACY: + defined, 231; + values of, 231. + +PROBLEMS, ADMINISTRATIVE: + practical and technical, 46. + +PROBLEMS, HISTORICAL: + become psychological and sociological, 19. + +PROBLEMS OF POLICY: + political and legislative, 46. + +PROBLEMS, SOCIAL: + classification of, 45, 46; + of the group, 47. + +PROCESS, historical, 51; + political, as distinguished from the cultural, 52-54. + +PROCESS, SOCIAL: + defined, 51; + and interaction, 36, 346; + natural, 346-48, 420-21; + and social progress, 51-55. + +PROGRESS: + _chap. xiv_, 952-1011; + _bibliography_, 57-58, 1004-10; + as the addition to the sum of accumulated experience, 1001-2; + concept of, 962-63, 965-73; + and consciousness, 990-94; + and the cosmic urge, 989-1000; + criteria of, 985-86; + and the defectives, the dependents, and the delinquents, 954-55; + and the _dunkler drang_, 954-1000; + earliest conception of, 965-66; + and the _elan vitale_, 989-94; + and eugenics, 969-73; + and happiness, 967, 973-75; + and the historical process, 969-73; + history of the concept of, 958-62; + as a hope or myth, 958-62; + and human nature, 954, 957-58, 964-65, 983-1000; + indices of, 1002-3; + investigations and problems, 1000-3; + laws of, 15; + and the limits of scientific prevision, 978-79; + and mass movements, 54; + a modern conception, 960-62; + and the mores, 983-84; + and the nature of man, 983; + and organization, 966-68; + popular conceptions of, 953-56; + and prevision, 975-77; + problem of, 956-58; + and providence, in contrast, 960-62; + and religion, 846-48; + a result of competition, 988; + a result of contact, 988-89; + and science, 973-83; + and social control, 786; + and social process, 51-58; + and social research, 1000-12; + and social values, 955; + stages of, 968-69; + types of, 985-96; + and war, 984-89. + +PROPAGANDA: + in modern nations, 772; + psychology of, 837-41. + +PROVIDENCE: + in contrast with progress, 960-62. + +PSYCHOLOGY, COLLECTIVE, _bibliography_, 940-41. + +PUBLIC: + and the crowd, 867-70; + control in, 800-805; + a discussion group, 798-99, 870. + +PUBLIC OPINION: + _bibliography_, 858-60; + changes in intensity and direction of, 792-93; + and collective representations, 38; + combined and sublimated + judgments of individuals, 795-96; + continuity in its development, 450-51; + and crises, 793-94; + cross currents in, 450-51, 791-93; + defined, 38; + and legislation in England, 445-51; + and mores, 829-33; + nature of, 826-29; + opinion of individuals plus their differences, 832-33; + organization of, 51; + organization of social forces, 35; + and schools of thought, 446-49; + and social control, 786, 816-41, 850-51; + as social weather, 791-93; + as a source of social control in cities, 316-17; + supported by sentiment, 478. + +PUBLICITY: + as a form of social contact, 315-17; + as a form of social control, 830; + historical evolution of the newspaper, 385-89; + and publication, 38. + + +RACE CONFLICT: + _bibliography_, 650-52; + and race prejudice, 578-79; + study of, 642-43. + +RACE CONSCIOUSNESS: + and conflict, 623-31; + in relation to literature and art, 626-29. + +RACE PREJUDICE: + and competition of peoples with different standards of living, 620-23; + as a defense-reaction, 620; + a form of isolation, 250-52; + and inter-racial competition, 539-44; + a phenomenon of social distance, 440; + and prestige, 808-9; + and primary contacts, 330; + and race conflicts, 578-79. + +RACES: + assimilation of, 756-62; + defined, 631-33. + +RACIAL DIFFERENCES: + _bibliography_, 154; + and assimilation, 769-70; + basis of race prejudice and conflict, 631-33; + in primitive and civilized man, 89-92. + +RAPPORT: + in the crowd, 893-94; + in hypnotism, 345; + in imitation, 344; + in suggestion, 345. + +REACTION, CIRCULAR: + in collective behavior and social control, 788-92; + in imitation, 390-91; + in social unrest, 866. + +REALISTS, and nominalists in sociology, 43. + +REALISM, and collective psychology, 41. + +REFLEX: + defined, 73; + as response toward an object, 479-82; + Watson's definition of, 81. + +REFORM: + _bibliography_, 948-50; + method of effecting, 47; + study of, 934. + +RESEARCH, SOCIAL: + and progress, 1000-1002; + and sociology, 43-57. + +RESEARCH, sociological, defined, 44. + +RELIGION: + as an agency of social control, 846-48; + comparative study of, 5; + as expressive behavior, 787-88; + as the guardian of mores, 847; + and law, 853; + Methodism, 915-24; + origin in the choral dance, 871; + and revolutionary and reform movements, 873-74, 908-9. + +RELIGIOUS REVIVALS, AND THE ORIGIN OF SECTS: + _bibliography_, 933-45; + study of, 932-33. + +RESPONSE, MULTIPLE, and multiple causation, 75. + +REVIVALS. _See_ Language revivals, Religious revivals. + +REVOLUTION: + _bibliography_, 950-51; + bolshevism, 909-15; + French, 905-9; + and mass movements, 905-15; + moral, and Methodism, 923-24; + and religion, 873-74; 908-9; + study of, 934. + +RITES. _See_ Ritual. + +RITUAL: + _bibliography_, 855-56, 938-39; + as a basis of myth and dogma, 822-26. + +RIVALRY: + _bibliography_, 646; + animal, 604-5; + and national welfare, 609-10; + of social groups, 605-10; + and social organization, 577-78, 604-16; + sublimated form of conflict, 577-78. + +ROCKEFELLER MEDICAL FOUNDATION, 670. + +RURAL COMMUNITIES: as local groups, 50. + _See_ Communities. + +RURAL MIND, as a product of isolation, 247-49. + +RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION, social surveys, 46, 315, 724. + + +SALVATION ARMY, 873. + +SCIENCE: and concrete experience, 15; + and description, 13; + and progress, 973-83. + +SCIENCES, ABSTRACT, instrumental character of, 15. + +SCIENTIFIC EXPLANATION, and common sense, 80. + +SECONDARY CONTACTs. _See_ Contacts, secondary. + +SECRET SOCIETIES, _bibliography_, 730-32. + +SECTS: + _bibliography_, 656-57; + as conflict groups, 50; + defined, 202-3; + distinguished from denomination, 873; + and institutions, 872-74; + origin in conflict of beliefs, 611-12; + origin in the crowd, 870-72; + permanent form of expressive crowd, 872. + _See_ Religious revivals. + +SEGREGATION: + and competition, 526-44; + and isolation, 228-30, 254-57; + and migration, 529-33; + in the plant community, 526-28; + as a process, 252-54; + and social selection, 534-38. + +SELECTION, SOCIAL: + and demographic segregation, 534-38; + personal competition and status, 708-12. + +SELF: + conventional, versus natural person, 117-19; + divided, and moral consciousness, 119-23; + as the individual's conception of his role, 113-17; + "looking-glass," 70-71. + _See_ Individual, Person, Personality. + +SENSES, SOCIOLOGY OF, _bibliography_, 332. + +SENSORIUM, SOCIAL, 27, 28. + +SENTIMENTS: + _bibliography_, 501; + of caste, 684-88; + and competition, 508; + classification of, 466-67; + and idea-forces, 463-64; + of loyalty, as basis of social solidarity, 759; + McDougall's definition, 441, 465; + mutation of, 441-42; + related to opinion, 478; + as social forces, 464-67. + +SEX DIFFERENCES: + _bibliography_, 153-54; + and cultural conflicts, 615-16; + described, 85-89. + +SITTLICHKEIT: + defined, 102-4. + +SITUATION: + definition of, 764-65; + and response, 73. + +SLANG, _bibliography_, 427-29. + +SLAVERY: + _bibliography_, 727-28; + defined, 674-77; + and the division of labor, 677; + interpreted by subordination and superordination, 676, 677-81. + +SOCIAL ADVERTISING. _See_ Publicity. + +SOCIAL AGGREGATES. _See_ Aggregates, social. + +SOCIAL CHANGES, and disorganization, 55. + +SOCIAL CLASSES. _See_ Classes, social. + +SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS. _See_ Consciousness, social. + +SOCIAL CONTACT. _See_ Contact, social. + +SOCIAL CONTROL. _See_ Control, social. + +SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION. _See_ Disorganization, social. + +SOCIAL DISTANCE: + graphic representation of, 282; + maintained by isolation, 230; + as psychic separation, 162; + and race prejudice, 440. + +SOCIAL FACT: + classification of, 51; + imitative, 21. + +SOCIAL FORCES. _See_ Forces, social. + +SOCIAL GROUPS. _See_ Groups, social. + +SOCIAL HERITAGES. _See_ Heritages, social. + +SOCIAL INTERACTION. _See_ Interaction, social. + +SOCIAL LIFE: + defined, 183-85; + and human nature, 182-85. + +SOCIAL MOVEMENTS. _See_ Mass movements. + +SOCIAL ORGANISM. _See_ Organism, social. + +SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. _See_ Organization, social. + +SOCIAL PHENOMENA: + causes of, 17; + as susceptible of prevision, 1. + +SOCIAL PRESSURES, as social forces, 458-61. + +SOCIAL PROBLEMS. _See_ Problems, social. + +SOCIAL PROCESS. _See_ Process, social. + +SOCIAL REFORM. _See_ Problem, social, Reform. + +SOCIAL SENSORIUM. _See_ Sensorium, social. + +SOCIAL SOLIDARITY. _See_ Solidarity, social. + +SOCIAL SURVEYS. _See_ Surveys, social. + +SOCIAL TYPES. _See_ Types, social. + +SOCIAL UNIT PLAN, 724. + +SOCIAL UNITY, as a product of isolation, 229-30. + +SOCIAL UNREST. _See_ Unrest, social. + +SOCIALISM: + _bibliography_, 565-66; + economic doctrines of, 558; + function of myth in, 818-19. + +SOCIALIZATION: + the goal of social effort, 496; + as the unity of society, 348-49. + +SOCIETY: + _bibliography_, 217-23; + animal, _bibliography_, 217-18; + in the animal colony, 24; + ant, 180-82; + an artefact, 30; + based on communication, 183-84; + collection of persons, 158; + collective consciousness of, 28; + "collective organism," 24; + as consensus, 161; + defined, 159-62, 165-66, 348-49; + differentiated from community and social group, 161-62; + as distinct from individuals, 27; + exists in communication, 36; + an extension of the individual organism, 159-60; + and the group, _chap. iii_, 159-225; + _bibliography_, 217-23; + from an individualistic and collectivistic point of view, 41, 42; + investigations and problems of, 210-16; + mechanistic interpretation of, 346-48; + metaphysical science of, 2; + as part of nature, 29; + product of nature and of design, 30; + scientific study of, 210-11; + and social distance, 162; + as social interaction, 341, 348; + and the social process, 211; + and solitude, 233-34, 234-45; + as the sum total of institutions, 159; + and symbiosis, 165-73. + +SOCIOLOGY: aims at prediction and control, 339-40; + in the classification of the sciences, 6; + as collective psychology, 342; + Comte's program, 1; + a description and explanation of the cultural process, 35; + an experimental science, 6; + a fundamental science, 6; + and history, 1-12, 16-24; + as an independent science, 1; + origin in history, 23; + origin of, 5, 6; + and the philosophy of history, 44; + positive science of society, 3; + representative works in, _bibliography_, 57-59; + rural and urban, 40; + schools of, 28; + a science of collective behavior, 24; + a science of humanity, 5; + and social research, 43-57; + and the social sciences, _chap. i._, 1-63. + +SOCIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION: methods of, _bibliography_, 58-59. + +SOCIOLOGICAL METHOD, 23. + +SOCIOLOGICAL POINT OF VIEW, 16. + +SOLIDARITY, SOCIAL: + and the division of labor, 714-18; + and loyalty, 759; + and status and competition, 670-71, 708-18. + +SOLITUDE. _See_ Isolation. + +SPEECH COMMUNITY, changes in, 22. + _See_ Language. + +STATE, sociological definition of, 50. + +STATISTICS, as a method of investigation, 51. + +STATUS: + and competition, 541-43, 670-71, 708-18; + determined by conflict, 574-75, 576; + determined by members of a group, 36; + of the person in the city, 313; + and personal competition and social selection, 708-12; + and prestige in South East Africa, 811-12; + and social solidarity, 670-71, 708-18. + _See_ Prestige. + +STRANGER, sociology of, 317-22, 322-27. + +STRIKES, _bibliography_, 652-53. + +STRUCTURE, SOCIAL, permanence of, 746-50. + +STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE: + and competition, 505, 512, 513-15, 522-26; + and natural selection, 515-19. + _See_ Competition. + +STRUGGLE: for struggle's sake, 585-86. + +SUBLIMATION: the accommodation of mental conflict, 669. + +SUBMISSION. _See_ Subordination and superordination. + +SUBORDINATION AND SUPERORDINATION, _bibliography_, 726; + in accommodation, 667-68; + in animal rivalry, 604-5; + in caste, 684-88; + in leadership, 695-97; + literature of, 721; + psychology of, 688-92; + reciprocal character of, 695-97; + in slavery, 676, 677-81; + social attitudes in, 692-95; + three types of, 697-703. + +SUGGESTION: + _bibliography_, 430-31; + basis of social change, 22; + case of Clever Hans, 412-15; + and contra-suggestion, 419; + in the crowd, 415-16; + defined, 408; + distinguished from imitation, 345-46; + in hypnotism, 345, 412, 424, 471-72; + and idea-forces, 461-64; + and imitation, inner relation between, 688-89; + and leadership, 419-20; + and mass or corporate action, 415-20; + as a mechanistic form of interaction, 344-46, 408-20; + and perception, active and passive, 345, 408-12; + personal and general consciousness, 409-12; + and personality, 419-20; + as psychic infection, 410-12; + in social life, 345-46, 408-20, 424; + study of, 424; + subtler forms of, 413-15. + _See_ Hypnotism. + +SUPERORDINATION. _See_ Subordination and superordination. + +SURVEY, SOCIAL: + as a type of community study, 436; + types of, 46. + +SYMBIOSIS: + in the ant community, 167-70; + in the plant community, 175-80 + +SYMPATHETIC CONTACTS, versus categoric contacts, 294-98. + +SYMPATHY: + and imagination, 397-98; + imitation its most rudimentary form, 394-95; + intellectual or rational, 396-97, 397-401; + the "law of laughter," 370-73, 401; + psychological unison, 395; + Ribot's three levels of, 394-97. + + +TABOO: + _bibliography_, 856-58; + and religion, 847; + and rules of holiness and uncleanness, 813-16; + as social control, 813-16; + and touch, 291-93. + _See_ Touch. + +TAMING, of animals, 170-73. + +TEMPERAMENT: + _bibliography_, 152-53; + divergencies in, 91; + of Negro, 762; + racial and national, 135-39. + +TOUCH: + as most intimate kind of contact, 280; + and social contact, 282-83, 291-93; + study of, 329-30; + and taboo, 291-93. + +TRADITION: + and inheritance of acquired nature, 134-35; + and temperament, 135-39; + versus acculturation, 72. + _See_ Heritages, social. + +TRANSMISSION: + by imitation and inculcation, 72, 135; + and society, 183; + Tarde's theory of, 21. + +TYPES, SOCIAL: + _bibliography_, 731; + in the city, 313-15; + and the division of labor, 713-14; + result of personal competition, 712-14. + + +UNIVERSES OF DISCOURSE: + _bibliography_, 427-29; + and assimilation, 735, 764; + "every group has its own language," 423. + _See_ Communication, Language, Publicity. + +UNREST, MORAL, 57. + +UNREST, SOCIAL: + _bibliography_, 935-36; + and circular reaction, 866; + and collective behavior, 866-67; + increase of Bohemianism, 57; + in the I.W.W., 911-15; + like milling in the herd, 788; + manifest in discontent and mental anarchy, 907-8; + product of the artificial conditions of city life, 287, 329; + result of mobility, 320-21; + sign of lack of participation, 766-67; + and social contagion, 875-76; + studies of, 924-26; + and unrealized wishes, 442-43. + +URBAN COMMUNITIES: + as local groups, 50. + _See_ Communities. + +UTOPIAS, _bibliography_, 1008-9. + + +VALUES: + _bibliography_, 500; + object of the wish, 442; + personal and impersonal, 54; + positive and negative, 488; + and progress, 955. + +VICIOUS CIRCLE, 788-89. + +VOCATIONAL GROUPS, as a type of accommodation groups, 50. + + +WANTS AND VALUES, _bibliography_, 499-500. + +WAR: + _bibliography_, 648-50; + as an exciting game, 580; + as a form of conflict, 575-76, 576-77, 586-88, 703-6; + and the "Great Society," 600-601; + and human nature, 594-98; + literature of, 641-42; + and man as the fighting animal, 600-603; + and possibility of its sublimation, 598; + the preliminary process of rejuvenescence, 596-97; + and progress, 984-89; + in relation to instincts and ideals, 576-77, 594-603; + as relaxation, 598-603; + and social utopia, 599. + +WE-GROUP: + and collective egotism, 606; + and others-group defined, 283, 293-94; + ethnocentrism, 294. + +WILL: + common, 106; + general, 107-8; + general, in relation to law and conscience, 102-8; + individual, 101; + social, 102. + +WISH, the Freudian, 438, 442, 478-80, 482-88, 497. + +WISHES: + _bibliography_, 501; + and attitudes, 442-43; + civilization organized to realize, 958; + as components of attitudes, 439; + and growth of human nature and personality, 442-43; + as libido, 442; + organized into character, 90; + of the person, 388-90; + as psychological unit, 479; + and the psychic censor, 484-88; + and the reflex, 479-82; + repressed, 482-83; + as the social atoms, 478-82; + Thomas' classification of, 438, 442, 488-90, 497; + and values, 442, 488. + +WOMAN'S TEMPERANCE CRUSADE, 898-905. + +WRITING: + as form of communication, 381-84; + pictographic forms, 381; + by symbols, 382-83. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Introduction to the Science of +Sociology, by Robert E. 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